常用口語字陰平化的例證

Project on Linguistic Analysis
EVIDENCE OF HIGH-FREQUENCY COLLOQUIAL FORMS MOVING TOWARDS THE YIN-PING

TONE / 常用口语字阴平化的例证
Author(s): Chen Chung-yu and 陈重瑜
Source: Journal of Chinese Linguistics, Vol. 22, No. 1 (JANUARY 1994), pp. 1-39
Published by: The Chinese University of Hong Kong Press on behalf of Project on
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EVIDENCE OF HIGH-FREQUENCY COLLOQUIAL FORMS MOVING
TOWARDS THE YIN-PING TONE
Chen Chung-yu
Planning and Organizing Committee for
the National Taipei University
ABSTRACT
Between Middle Chinese and the 1963-85 system of Peking

Mandarin, about 454 characters have been flowing into or towards the
Yin-Ping category and 77 out of the category, forming a ratio of
85.5% to 14.5%. A decided majority of the out-flowing characters can
readily be attributed to an analogy of certain high-frequency characters
that bear obvious graphic similarities. On the other hand, there seems
to be a tendency for high-frequency colloquial forms to change to Yin
Ping. Five types of evidence are submitted to substantiate this claim.
They are found in 1) reduplicates, 2) onomatopoetic forms, 3)
monosyllabic verbs, 4) colloquial (as opposed to literary) vocabulary
of a character, 5) colloquial (as opposed to literary) reading(s) of a
character. A total of 156 examples are cited here.
1. INTRODUCTION
Between the system of Standard National Pronunciation

(Biaozhun Guoyin. hereafter, the 1932 system 1) and its two revisions
as promulgated by Mainland China in 1963 (Pntonghua Yiduci Sanci
Shenyin Zongbiao Chugao> ’ Preliminary Draft of the General Table of
2 JOURNAL OF CHINESE LINGUISTICS, Vol. 22, No. 1
Standard Pronunciation of Words with Variant Readings•，hereafter,

Chupao) and 1985 (Putonghua Yiduci Shenvin Biao. hereafter, Shenv
BiaoV the most conspicuous and prominent difference was the
increase of the lst-Tone characters. In other words, a large number
of characters have changed from other tones into the 1st Tone.
In an earlier study (Chen 1988, version 1), I traced the changes
between Yin-Ping and other categories from Middle Chinese
(hereafter, MC) to modern Peking (hereafter, MP) and found that the
inflow into Yin-Ping overwhelmingly exceeds the outflow from it.
While the total in-flowing characters counted 454, the out-flowing ones
counted only 77 (the statistics here are quoted from an unpublished
1992 version). The two Hgures are in the ratio of 85.5% to 14.5% (Table
1). And if the focus is placed on changes between one reading in Yin
Ping and one reading in a non-Yin-Ping Tone, i.e. excluding (1) changes
that have not been completed by the time of the 1985 system and (2)
changes beginning with two readings in MC, the number of in-flowing
characters is 269 and that of the out-flowing ones is 34, the figures are
then in the ratio of 88.8% to 11.2%.
The statistics in Table 1 came from a comparison between MC and

MP; information on Zhongvuan Yinvun (hereafter, ZYYY), a
prestigious version of Old Mandarin around the year 1324, is given as
a probable time reference. It has been pointed out with illustration
(Chen, 1988) that among the characters which have flowed out of the
Yin-Ping category, a decided majority can readily be attributed to an
analogy of certain high-frequency characters in other tones that
bear obvious graphic similarities.
For the characters that have changed from other tones into Yin
Ping, however, few cases can thus be explained. Instead, after a
scrutiny of all the instances, I recognized a correlation with high
frequency and colloquialism in many cases. In other words, high
frequency colloquial forms have a tendency to change to Yin-Ping. In
FORMS MOVING TOWARDS THE YIN-PING TONE 3
the following discussion, five types of evidence will be subm

substantiate this claim.
2. THE FIVE-TYPES OF EVIDENCE
2.1. REDUPLICATES
In a recent paper of mine (Chen 1989), I pointed out, with a l

number of illustrative examples, that high-frequency reduplicat
especially those in the form of XYY, have a tendency to acquir
lst-Tone reading, and that in a number of cases, the lst-Tonc rea
have taken root and replaced the original tones of those characters.
Tables 2a and 2b present 15 characters which have changed, or
in the process of changing (as evidenced by the existing reading
alternation), into Yin-Ping by way of their readings in reduplication.
Table 2a lists the tonal readings of those characters as recorded (in
isolation) in rime books and dictionaries. Some characters, which
almost always appear in reduplication, have changed into Tone 1 by the

time of the 1963 system, if not earlier. The other characters are now in
a two-reading stage, with the lst-Tonc reading appearing in

reduplicates only. Table 2b shows how the reduplicates change in their
tonal shapes. As stated earlier, there are a large number of characters of
other tones that have changed into the lst-Tone when reduplicated; the
15 examples here are those which have gained an entry in the lst-Tone in
the dictionary, either as the only reading or as an alternative one.
2.2. ONOMATOPOETIC FORMS
Chinese onomatopoetic forms, reduplicated or otherwise, literary

or colloquial, predominantly carry the Yin-Ping Tone (Chen 1989:319
Table 3 presents a list of 23 characters which have changed, or are i
the process of changing, into Yin-Ping through their onomatopoet
usages. These 23 examples come under three types in Table 3:
Under Type 1 are 8 characters; 7 of them having two tonal readings
for two usages or meanings in MC, with the onomatopoetic usage

read in Ping-sheng with a voiceless initial, and one having two readings
for the onomatopoetic usages, which eventually merged into Yin-Ping,
Under Type 2 are 7 characters which have only an
onomatopoetic usages and have changed from other tones to Yin-Ping.
Type 3 consists of 8 characters which have split from one or tw
non-Yin-Ping tone(s) into two or more readings, with the Yin-Pin
readings appearing in the onomatopoetic usages.
On the evidence of the changes taken or taking place in Type
characters, it is only logical to infer that the two readings of the Type
characters in MC were the results of a split of an oblique tone or, in th
case of two Ping-sheng readings, a change involving devoicing in t
initials. In other words, the tendency for onomatopoetic forms t
change towards Yin-Ping, i.e. Ping-sheng with a voiceless initial, h
already been operating before MC.
At the end of Table 3, two examples are given to illustrate the
correlation between the Yin-Ping tone and the onomatopoetic forms fro
a different angle. These two characters carried the (Yin-)Ping tone
MC; later, they began to move towards other tones, very probably
to an analogy of a high-frequency character that shared similar
graphic compositions. Now they have each split into two tonal readings:
the usages in which the onomatopoetic function is more covert than
overt has moved to another tone, while the usages which are overtly
onomatopoetic still remain in Yin-Ping. Thus, these two examples
reconfirm the association between the Yin-Ping Tone and the
onomatopoeia in the language.
2.3. MONOSYLLABIC VERBS
The third type of evidence to be submitted here concerns the

monosyllabic verbs. In a random sampling, I have examined 79
monosyllabic verbs listed consecutively from p. 252 through p. 291 in
Hanyu Fangvan Cihui (1964, hereafter, Cihui). Among the 79

(i.e. 45.6%) are in the lst-Tone (Table 4a). This is a rath
proportion considering that there are four tones in Peking
Upon a closer look, it is found that only 12 of those 36 char
an (Yin-)Ping (i.e. Ping-sheng with a voiceless initial) ori
(Table 4b).
Of the remaining 24 characters, 18 clearly have come from other

tones; 5 had both an (Yin-)Ping and a non-fYin-JPing readings in
MC. Judging from the tonal development of those 18 characters in this
table, I am inclined to believe that the (Yin-)Ping readings of these 5
characters in MC were the results of a split in the non-fYin-JPing
readings. In other words, the non-fYirt-JPing readings were the original
tones of these 5 characters. One character,摔，is apparently a
recent formation, as it has no traceable origin. Nevertheless, its
phonetic suggests a (Ru->) Qu-sheng origin.
To sum up, the monosyllabic verbs listed in Cihui are very
colloquial in nature and are very frequently used. Of the 36 lst-Tone
verbs under discussion, 24, i.e. two-thirds, of them actually have come
from other tones. This fact conHrms once again that highly colloquial
and (hence) highly frequently used forms are apt to change into the Yin
Ping Tone.
2.4. COLLOQUIAL (AS OPPOSED TO LITERARY) VOCABULARY

The fourth type of evidence emerges in characters which carry
different tones for different sets of vocabulary items. Almost without
exception, in the 52 examples presented in Table 5, the lst-Tone
readings correlate with the colloquial items while the non*lst-Tone
readings correlate with items which are relatively literary. The terms
colloquial and literary, in reference to the different sets of vocabulary
items cited in Table 5, are to be understood in relative, rather than
absolute, values.
For the great majority of the cases under discussion, no

stipulation of literary vs colloquial pronunciation was given in the
dictionary for the different readings. However, after a scrutiny of the
vocabulary items in relation to their tonal readings, I identified a line
separating the colloquial and the literary usages.
The first 7 examples in this table indicate that such a mechanism
had already been in operation before MC. Particularly significant is the
Hrst example, character 正.It was clearly stated in Guangvmi that the
(Yin-)Ping reading as in 正月（meaning ’the first month of the lunar
calendar') had its origin in Qu-sheng (•本音政•)•
Here, the tonal change occurred in 正月 sheds a new light to our
understanding of the term 天干地支.While the latter term is clearly
translated as 'the Heavenly Stems and the Earthly Branches' in
Chinese-English dictionaries, in most Chinese-Chinese ones (such as
those listed in Table 2b), nevertheless，no explicit interpretation of
characters 干 and 支 is given. Often, if not indeed without exception,
天干 is vaguely annotated as "referring to the 10 symbols used as serial
numbers, which, together with the 12 symbols of 地支，designates
years, months, days and hours*1. It is only in larger dictionaries that
clearer annotations on this term can be found. For instance, in
正中形音義綜合大字典(1977:399)，under the entry 干，it is annotated

that some ancient scholars suspected that character 干 was the ancient
form of 竿 and 幹（same as 幹），and character 支 was the same as 枝.
And in 辭源(1968:518),干支 is interpreted as "on the analogy of the
trunk and the branches of a tree1* (”取義於木之幹枝 ”).I believe that
the (Yin-)Ping reading of 轩 has undergone the same kind of change as
in 正；like 正月，the term 天干地支 was also a high-frequency form in
the old days. After its tone was changed, people began to replace it
with character 十，which not only carried the (Yin-)Ping tone but was
graphically much simpler. Probably because of the tonal discrepancies
involved, most Chinese dictionary compilers did not even attempt to
explain the two characters in this term.

A more recent change of the same nature can be found in
terms,大盡 and 小盡（i.e. same as 大建 and 小建；meaning a lunar
month of 30/29 days). The statement in the Chugao that the Beijing
pronunciation of the character 盡 in the lst-Tone in these two terms
was not to be taken as the standard is itself an indication that another
change has taken place in MP.
2.5. COLLOQUIAL (AS OPPOSED TO LITERARY) READINGS

The fifth type of evidence is found in characters which have, or
previously had, two tonal readings specified (in the dictionary) as
colloquial and literary pronunciations.
Out of the 29 characters in Table 6, 28 (Type 1) have their colloquial
pronunciations in the lst-Tone and the literary ones in other tones.
The first 4 characters of these 28 had two or more readings in MC.
Judging from the modes of development of the latter 24 characters, I am
inclined to infer that the MC readings of the 4 characters were the
results of a split from a non-(Yin)Ping tone. In other words, the (Yin
JPing readings were the new pronunciations in MC.
Character 攜，which was given as %xie2 (coll.) and xil (lit.)1 in
the 1932 system, appears to be an exception. However, I am rather
skeptical about its 2nd-Tone reading being designated as the colloquial
pronunciation because: (1) In Concise Dictionary of Spoken Chinese
(i.e.國語字典.1947, by Chao and Yang), which has been regarded as
representing the actual speech in Peking before 1947, only the lst-Tone
reading was recorded. (2) In Taiwan, where the Mandarin largely follows
the 1932 system, it is only the lst-Tone reading that has been in use to
date. Hence, it is highly probable that before 1947, the lst-Tone reading
of this character was indeed its colloquial pronunciation and the 2nd
Tone reading, its literary pronunciation.
Listed for reference at the bottom of the table is a rather special
case. Here is a character moving in the opposite direction. As

meaning、ridicule; deride•，character 嘲 has changed from (Yin-)Ping
in MC and ZYYY to the 2nd-Tone in the 1963-85 system. In the 1932
system，a lst-Tonc reading, zhaol, was given as its literary
pronunciation and chao2 was given as the colloquial. This is very likely
a case involving an analogy of a graphically similar character 潮，wmch
has always been in the (Yang-)Ping Tone. Hence, involved here is a
totally different mechanism.
The two apparent exceptions,攜 and 糊，having been explained
away, it is clear that when a lst-Tone is involved in a tonal difference
designated as the colloquial versus the literary pronunciations, the
lst-Tone reading is always the colloquial pronunciation.
Underlying this phenomenon is a process in which frequently used
characters or words have been gradually changing into the lst-Tonc.
As is common with most types of sound changes, there is a transitional
period of over-lapping of the old and the new readings. The lst-Tone
readings discussed in this section are the new pronunciations taking place
in the actual speech (hence, labeled "the colloquial pronunciations'); the
other readings are the old pronunciations which are (becoming) less
common in actual speech (hence, labeled 'the literary pronunciations').
3. CASES OF SOUND CHANGES RESULTING IN ETYMOLOGICAL
CONFUSION
Tonal changes usually will not be a cause of etymological

confusion. However, in some vocabulary items, a change in the tone has
given rise to a misidentiftcation of the characters involved. A few
examples, in which the characters concerned have gone through a

period of ’ identity crisis’，so to speak, are given below:
In the dictionaries of the 1932 system, there wfcre two vocabulary
items til ji3 and tal shi2 written as 梯己 and 榻賁，respectively. At
the same time, characters 體 and 踏 were annotated with only one
reading, ti3 and ta4, respectively. In the 1963-85 system, howev

two items are revised to 體己 and 踏！!，and the two chara
question are given an additional entry in the lst-Tone in the dic
This is a clear indication that the speakers of a language are
slow in recognizing a sound change which has taken place in their
speech. This may in turn result in a misidentification of the forms
involved.
One form which apparently is still struggling for its recognition

is a reduplicate, tongl tongl，meaning、all; completely.. This form
has four written representations in dictionaries of the 1932 system:
通通，通統，統統，and 統通.In dictionaries of the 1963 system, the
last one has been removed, leaving three representations. While
the dictionaries have been listing three or four tonal readings, viz., 11，
13，33, and 31, in actual speech, only 11 has been in use. This, I
believe, is a case of the reduplicate 統統 having changed into Yin
Ping. This change, however, has not been (fully) recognized, hence, a
lst-Tone character 通 has been dragged in. (Moreover, I believe 統統
is a borrowing from the Wu dialect, wherein both syllables of this
reduplicate carry a high-level pitch.)
4. CLOSING WORDS
While there may have been a number of causes for the steady
increase in Yin-Ping characters in Peking Mandarin, the most
prominent one is that high-frequency colloquial forms have a tendency
to change into the Yin-Ping Tone. Of the 5 types of evidence submitted
here, reduplicates, onomatopoeic words and monosyllabic verbs are
clearly more colloquial than literary in nature. Between the two sets of
vocabulary items of each of the characters in Table 5, the set of items
carrying the lst-Tone are decidedly of a more colloquial nature when
compared with item in the other set. In the case of characters
having different readings annotated as the colloquial versus the
literary (where a lst-Tone reading is involved), nearly all the examples

found have their lst-Tone readings labeled as the colloquial
readings. Such annotations of colloquial pronunciations in the
Yin-Ping Tone and the literary pronunciations in other tones
constitute a confirmation of the inferences drawn from the four types
of evidence discussed earlier. A total of 156 examples have been cited
for the five categories of evidence of the tendency for high-frequency
colloquial forms to change towards the Yin-Ping tone.
Before ending the discussion, it may be worthwhile to say a few
words about the frequent revisions carried out by Mainland China.
The 1963 Chugao version was actually the result of three revisions
carried out in 1957, 1959 and 1962. During that period, the
Committee for Standard Pronunciation fixed the pronunciation of
more than 1800 words and 170 geographical names (Zhou 1986:4).
Among the several principles or guidelines for the revisions, as set by
the Committee in 1956, there was one very relevant to the increase of
Yin-Ping characters in the language. That is, with MC voiceless-initial
Ru-sheng characters having Yin-Ping as one of the multiple readings
in MP, the Yin-Ping readings, in general, were to be chosen as the
standard pronunciation. Apparently, the Yin-Ping readings of those
MC Ru-sheng characters were the most prevalent among the several
alternative readings in most cases. According to my unpublished 1992
version of statistics (Cf. Chen 1988), between 1932 NS 1963, a total
of 69 MC Ru-sheng characters have moved towards Yin-Ping•，16
changing from two readings into Yin-Pin only (e.g.前，粥，拍，etc.), 45
changing from another tone to Yin-Ping (e.g.突，跌，息，etc.), and 5
splitting from another tone into two readings (e.g.踏，摑，抹，etc.).
Another principle, which was indeed a premise for the revisions,
was that pronunciations which were prevalent in Beijing as well as
other Northern areas should be taken as the standard, even if they
constituted violations to the general phonological rules for the
development from MC to MP. And like the case of the MC Ru-sheng

characters, a total of 73 non-Ru-sheng characters have moved closer to
Yin-Ping in the three modes described above (e.g.,期，帆麿，etc.;危，
播，綜，etc.; and 體，悄，麻，etc.).
In 1982， the Committee for Standard Pronunciation was re
organized, the revision work was restored; and the results, the 1985
version of pronunciation, i.e. the Shenyin Biao. Judging from the
prefacing remarks in the Shenyin Biao‘ I would say that there was a shift
in focus in terms of the recognition of the norms. There, it was stated
that a guideline to the revision was to conform to the phonological rules
of the development of Putonghua and the object was to facilitate the
learning of the language by the masses. And that, I reckon, was a very
wise move. As I have stated earlier (Chen 1989:122), the Peking
pronunciation should only be a starting point for the national language,
but not an eternal track. Any change or innovation deserves
recognition only after it has prevailed at least in many major cities.
Changes taking place in Beijing alone are merely localisms; and hence
should not be a concern of the standard speech.
Summing up this part of the discussion, the tendency for high
frequency colloquial words to change into the Yin-Ping Tone has been in
existence since MC, if not earlier. Judged from the differences between
the 1932 system and the 1963-85 system, this tendency was particularly
conspicuous in the Beijing area (as compared to the speech in, for
instance, Taipei). While the tendency is obviously natural and
inevitable in standard Northern Mandarin (i.e. from MC to the
present), the Peking elements should not be imposed onto Standard
Mandarin in haste.
12 JOURNAL OF CHINESE LINGUISTICS, Vol. 22, No.
3
o
m io
co
»o m
oo
CO
o CO
Eh CO
c co
<N OS
CO r- •<*
(N co co
IC
00
o
CO
CO 00 ID lO
C5 00
(N (N
CO 00 CO CO
co co U3 IQ CO
lO <N
O
<N CO (M <N
6 CO •<*
7 bo
cti 0>
2 °8 •>
Q ., a
outofYin-PingatDif erntTimes*.
Ul>
.a
i IC a,t >> bp o
.9 £-"
a o S? o
E-t >» -9 £
~ ft. u
" "3
00
-a 0- ^ • - ' 0)
g
<y>
A 0) 0) O ~a C
rH o
A .9 5
.9 -3 o
>< O
Table1.NumbersofCharctersFlowing toand Q>

_a
°<3 a) as
bo
c o
o a
?S oi
CO «°
•a .9 1 Oh >s jo)nsaJou5^W9s(I){>aMOU©>eaぶ^3S9PBJIioSJ^qumofiw •SJmay0)5.soTdsoxn-SUasicjobis0}q) ^9IOBCIaQlpでub
V
> o —* 0)
•9 £
i
^ 01
s P» O ££
b °
Table 2a. Examples of Characters in Reduplicates

Flowing towards Yin-Ping: Readings in
the Reduplicates. (P. 1/2)
1932 1936 1932 1963

Form B| Reduplicate A B C D Annotation
4, 1 11 11 11 4 § : SI •
mm ii ii ii Z®, M
2 rr 22 22
1 : Xfg
jfe ~ ~ » B£~~>
4, 1 11 11 11
mm® ii 11 B:I1M (1 1 )
'IBII
3, 1
m 10
®m 11 11 " £4 ~ ~ !
22
nnmm 11
mm 22 SI LU
33 A, B: 'Ita*!' m
'ttMM (11)' »
33 ~ ~ A o
ilA, — —
Dm Oft Dtfj 44 44 11 m, #s~~.
aa~~,
ife fife fife 44 44 11 & B .
JOURNAL OF CHINESE LINGUISTICS, Vol. 22, No.
Table 2a. (P. 2/2)
1932 1936 1932 1963

Form A B C D Reduplicate A B C D Annotation
2 2, 1 MM -
11 11
-
11 11 VV AA
3 3, 1 ft HI til 33 33 11 11
m 33 33 11 11
3 3
1:<^T> P£ [V> - -
11 11
44 44 11
41 44 11
4 11
4
1 00 00
44 44 44 44 KH, —*
a o
3, 1 3 ^ ^—.1. 11 11 33 33
€ 11 11 33 33
«|JC, ~~S
jr 4, 1 4 JIRIiR 11 11 - -
la , in M. o
O: the Neut ral Tone.
* The readings her

e remain unchanged in the 1985 revision, unless
specified.
1932 system, A : (Blfftftl (1947)
B : « 1 0 Sg » (1981)
1963 system, C : (1979)
E : (1978)
Table 2b. Examples of Characters in Reduplicate

Flowing towards Yin-Ping: Readings as of the Sing
Characters (P. 1/2)
MC 601 ZYYY 1932 1963

Form 1324 Annotations
Tone Initial A B C D
TS : ,
m T4 ts' P#T 4, 1 4 S 4 4 £14-,

4TIE$.
(Sc. SttSftiti
m T dz' PIT 1 3i. )
A, B! 1§, □ f§
& T m PIT 2, 1 1 X*.
(ft, 1 s
4 1 4 4, 1 IS. )
m — — —
3, 1 IS: Jl
(ft: g#fifttb
m T ng PIT 2 1 3E. )
a, Bi •ftjaa' n
M ± k ± 3 1 'ti M #| dS)'.
(ft, HT«fig
A t —
4 1 iB 31 'o )
(ft, ^TtfJisa
& A k* —
4 1 tH 3!,. )
C, D : IS, <4 >

T m PIT 2 2, 1
Table 2b. (P. 2/2)
MC 601 ZYYY 1932 1963

Tone Initial A B C D
C, Ds IS,
± ts' ± 3 3, 1
m
(3is )
C, D s is,
wy ± ts' —
3 3, 1 <4>.
■
D: 1 S& '44
A 1 4 4 4*
&
1 *1985
A, B; IS,
Jt t
± 3, 1 3 3 S,
A, B:.l S, £
m
( 1
4 1 4 4, 1 4 ^ ~ O
* The readings e remain unchangedher

in the 1985 revision, unless
specified.
1932 system, A (1947)
B (1981)
1963 system, C (1979)
D (1978)
Table 3. Examples of Onomatopoetic Forms Flowing

into Yin-Ping. (P. 1/4)
MC 601 ZYYY Peking

Type Form 1324 Annotations
Tone Initial 1932 1963-85
1 ¥ X tl!if i Eh ft ft
#F 4 Si 4: So
4 y
¥ 44¥s
i£i
X ± 1 4,1 ±! ~#o
6®U
± ttiK : Kt,
1*4, #154.
X 44vf: 4S
tl ¥ 1 4, Xtto
Y ils
44^ -Iff,
¥ X 3flnf£S4;
4 1 4 s a
Pa
4 Y 1932 s , O
fESi a
44¥s 1ftSi
¥ 4 s ~
? 1 1
£ 4 4: XH 1981,
mi.)
ts 1 4 4 IS ft 3K (jian):
± , ?ft7,KS j
± ts' 3 (qian): ~ ^ „
Table 3. (P. 2/4)
MC 601 ZYYY Peking

P 1 2 44rlr-4, tK®
& ¥ —
fiob'-),
. b' 2
44r|S£#iS.
¥ 1 xu : xiu0 1932,
m
X 1 3S: m~t
± 1 1 S : — —'
(S4f£ l S).
2
¥ ng ©¥,4 SIS, SflnftS
m 1
"til I 1932 ft: xia„ )
s ¥ d' 1 SSo'
US, /Jn£
4 9 —
1 i£SgS. (*41$
dfc^^W±SIS,
§ lb, o )
m 4 X —
1 "f s.
& A s —
4 1 ~ o
m A t —
2 1
1932, 2: , ^
2 S, 9&S, 'hs»
Dgp A ts ± 1 1: p£ps, ~pfi,
1 -PfPllfio
Table 3. (P. 3/4)
MC 601 ZYYY Peking

3 2 2: 5n" ^ o
IP ¥ <D
1 1:
3 J§3lH;
mt 4 4
Y
1 1: ~£,
1 1: f J® 3 o
A k
i
2 2: — ~ 3}? ,
-«5c*o
1:»S.
1
¥ b'
2 2: ttt&o
3 3:
% ± s ±
1 —
1: $*3.
± -q 4 2 4: 3jE~, 2:
A 1
fj
4 -4> 1 1: fESta.
4 4 -<}>
4 4: $f~, ~§io
ts' 4
*>j
A ± -q 1 1:
1 1: 3 (1932 |g
ft 2 3).
m ¥ 1 PiT" 2
2 2:
Table 3. (P. 4/4)
MC 601 ZYYY Peking

CF: 1. Examples of Yin-Ping characters moving towards a non-Yin-Ping

tone under pressure exerted by a high-frequency character that
shares similar graphic compositions.
2. Even though under such apressure, the Yin-Ping reading for

an
onomatopoetic usage remains unchanged.
2 2: Of- „
Mlfk
¥ X PIT <*i ®Tism±.)
<B) 1 1: ~|®|©„
2: tg* 2 ch6o: ~ 0 zhao:~

T t P£T «jg. *1932,
1: IB* 1 (il s .d'-)
Table 4a. Tonal Distribution in Randomly Sampled

Monosyllabic Verbs,
Tone Tone 1 Tone 2 Tone 3 Tone 4 Total
No. of
36 14 18 11 79
words
% 45.6% 17.7% 22.8% 13.9% 100%
79 monosyllabic verbs listed consecutively on pages 252-291 in Hanyu Fangyan Cihui.
§g
» -M
eh ~ ■$)
^ - £ it
^ £4 - X
^ fr -ffl
c
o
*o * \ eh®
G 00
05
<
•gl i+i •§] •
s -W ttn X
4n
n « PK -u
t S 8t S -W11^
"® « « eh!
4a W 4a U
^ -fi- 4M -6-®
00
r? (N
P-» co
Cm
Pekinese. (P. 1/3) (h

CM
co ^ It- eh 48 «
■W
13
us m
O
Sod ~W~
* * 4M
o
H
B
t£
SgggSS
* *
4ffi
Table4.Sourcesofthe36*MonsylabicVerbsCaryingthe1sTonei <«*
$>M
22 JOURNAL OF CHINESE LINGUISTICS, Vol. 22’ No. 1
•53
4a ft
«
ft
i J o
c o
o
•»
o
ft
71 •*
G
£
4a ft ft
<
ft I &
ft ft 3£
H^ift m? ,„ ft W
*
m ft *"ft SK 4H
«: ft 4a 4a
Tm ft ft
*o
oo Q
s ■if
Ci
■S
Oh
Table 4b. (P. 2/3) ■>J<

*
at
(N
CO ft ft
Jl
m
SE m
©
©
o
Soc
o
E->
ft ft ft
UJ
8SK
S
»-.
o
•kh 48?
px-i
o
c
cO
>»
O)
#9 •*
JSS
a I to
o
& <p
-pK a)
o ss . X
a «w
a
-<
< wis 4a
<35
CM
QR
\Qi
» •fi
i
CM
CO
XS iff I IQ
00 to CM
o>
rH #n »
be
w •JS
43 tf* 3 cd
N P.
■Hi fe a
■fi
»§ o
T3 >>
0>
>
4^
fi
o
o
■s A
Oh T3
si O
Table 4b. (P. 3/3) 0)

>
■W
O m ^ Sg m 1
o
CO
<w fi
o
o
2
05
-< $
0)
•*->
s
o
fi
o
o m M m a>
Oh
s
eg
«
tin X ^
Sfi
3 o St
B *3 JJP -H it ^
I H4 3S « * *
§ 445 tf- ' £ #E 445 6h
< 4a 4a 4a 4a
fr l-fi- l-B
r^
C
o K
«K 4£
CO i Y
3
$ I ~ I
¥ SI I S 6 33f
i J « * . ! I
us
I m; * £ i i i
« I i i I tf *
oo
s
05
•ai in
e* §
FlowingtowardsYin-Ping.(P 1/ 0)
I 4W445 S, 4«
§ « \S
o
I 445 Bh 4W Bh ft- 4{5 ft
Table5.ExamplesofCloquia(sOposedtLieray)Vocabulry
&H
O 0
•51
$0 >g Ife
m
-V -5) SB
■c] w
» X t
*
&
CO
£
jm|- c<®
■51 &
.. .. OR
O
<-f
Stf *&
#• $■ .. .. tt
o
mm m
£ 4W «- 4s
£
4a4a~ 4a 4a • E
<
°3
-&- ■§: -B
£
O
«ft « BP
ft •m I i «
i * ■g) 441
•x
tja
« HR
J
* * * D
? I ft s< h-» & m i £
X r-r» x x «-=» r~\
J i C i
10
00
Table 5. (P. 2/10)

IS
^ s X
s Ph
*■ ^ H
I
CO 4M
o
so 5
0
£
h 4M Bh -< -<
u
&
O
laj r
*
a
o
U5
00
o
c
S*
ifccP
a ipsr
<
TT
=3 CD
4n #n
a
o m HE
I
/V
4tfcU
W
>H K
i ■W
m
tjl If" BE
SI £
i i
I {g
10) i I i
s -B S 4S <N
CO
x? OS
l I i *£ XU
Table 5. (P. 3/10)

•a ♦ten
Oh
as
(N
co ■H ■H 4M ■W
o Vq
CD
o
2
"< ■< "<
o &
-£1
«
-H
*
&
o
tt
•»
ti
£ H
< eh
•M
4a
C -ft
O
■$1
Y
2 is
\
*
«• S < £
sS \ i I I
31 I TV R I «
?
Wa I J
Table 5. (P. 4/10)
■m
eh eh
-■*<
<N •»
CO -H B
S
&h eh eh -H
O
$ #n
g
o
o
g S
G
< #1
PK
G
ft I l» t 5
O
jii. B3 ^ sg!
U, ^8 nO
Jfc i & £ - £ 2 I
i T I s * ^ 7 ® 1
; - * ^ * I
a I ffl 5n al ^ jp I 3&
T S I l K- & v » I
o
oo
A
•fc
G V
Table 5. (P. 5/10) 2
o
On
i ^ Bh
<N
! co ■H
-M 4M
mw
© be
CO c
O
SoG
O
E
-H Bh -H -H 4M
O &
fo
i
e
«
£
O
<^
E BS
O
£ II
£ * &
<
£ K %
o3
li
•>
« £
•s
£ ffl?
O
><
e i I
s
•v
«
% {Ik •*
|i»{ SS
4 mJ
4k *? {IK t
ur>
I . N-> i tun
a.
-SI 4W A
*
i; 1
Q
v
Table 5. (P. 6/10)

•a
cu
4M ■W ■W ■W -W
o
eo
O
S
m ■w ■W
o
& Snr
fc
£
o
a
c £
<
m
=8
i *1
a
o
fi£
3h
UK i
«
»> m «
iip| » $ i i
I * i
•v aK
« S
(JgBl
52 s jig IS
I i 7 i I J
05
Table 5. (P. 7/10) OS

■s
On
■M
to
IM
05
s
Ef ■w
o
so
O
S
8 * * ■W
o
On NK
&
I
SB
o
a >o
c s
<
HP ci
o3 CO
a nR
05 rO Iff. u
o >2 #
13 lO
oo
* s
•
ca
So
CO
03 it SB f? it
* II * *
in ■m I
CO
& OS
»—H
•B
>«-✓
A J I ■m
A
I nJ I iR «
>c IS
V
S s I & V J
V
3
a
Table 5. (P. 8/10)
'%
cu
P5
■W ■M
ffl
o
CO J3 Oh
O
s
-< "< -M -« •<
O
fa « £ 1*
o
J
£
£ __
El
< N iS
<3 tP rgf
aSi
■m
g ~ &R IS EE
-5] *£ i
IS! 3 oo
•N
| ® +< MC
as ifenf
IKX
® I ~ i * J
« t # r <
*
& «
- « 1 ? R K I
M I
^ ^ ,§
< X
s<y
-£
ta5
M J &
lO
oo
Table 5. (P. 9/10)

^ <N
| F
* s <*
ci
(N
co
a
4M -W -H ■H
o
CD
O
IS °
| ■ -w -w ■< a ■H
(2 3& ¥S 3: tt?
s»
IS sg"■
A_J
E;*ti" l.rir
An
Kg
G ITS'
O
C"»
§ t® ss °
•»
c m tt
5 4®? *
4a
fr« «
S I «•
SI
a« *4? H
«• «
I £ H< - J
I I i N- «f
la * Wr 4JJ - N*
? * J 4K I «n K- IS
^ I tt 1 I I 1 i i J
m
so
Table 5. (P. 10/10) "si <M

£ 3 cc
S
-H •M
$
s « s (T3
o
S g
| -H ■< ■< -M ■<
£ m m a K
Table 6. Examples of Colloquial (as Opposed to

Literary Readings Flowing towards Yin-Ping. (P. 1/3)
MC 601 ZYYY Pekinese

4 4 4: |g*
ts' 1 T4T : -~"Af
¥ 1 4 : 3t£ ~ o
*IS«JLT~S,
4 4 4: IS* T4T1
¥ pit 1 1 4 : ~ S «
—
Jt ± 3: IS + -ar = il*ll«ife.
4 P' 1
m
¥ mw 1: II
4 4 T4T: «fci
m ¥ P
—
1: If 1 4; ffitife, #lk.
2: IS
® ¥ 1 PIT 1: If 1
2
MM ¥ m PIT i: m 1
2: »
¥ d' PIT 1: If 1 tf: dTo
si ¥ m —
1« 1
Jl _t k ± 1: If 1
4: IS*
•fedt
*& 4 ts' —
1 1
&» (1981) 1 s —IS,
4: IS
A P ± 1 1 po : pai0
Table 6. (P. 2/3)

4: »
m A X ± 1 1
4: M 1932, xue : xiao

A s ± 1 1
iij (#•« 5).
1963-85, xue : xiao.
4: m su:su5„ 1963-85 , 4 B IS
m A s ± 1: Si 1
4
t zhu : zhou.
A ts 1: 1
2
zhe : zhai.
m A T ± 1: S§ 1
2:
p^o : bSb0
m — — —
1: Si 1
($s*ft '«F'f
2: 8««. )
m A t —
1. 0: Si 0 0: es.
2: M 2:
m ¥ dz* 1: Si 1 dun : cun.
*1963-85, 1 S jig
2 ~!iS, ~ffio
m ¥ n 1* 1 <«» ft
ISM. )
b'fc: bai. 1 BIS 4" ft

4: IS* ft *»' .
* A P ± 1 1
* «PSi?ft» (1947)
ft 18*.
Table 6. (P. 3/3)

4 4
* sin: zhe„ *1963-85, zhe
m A s —
1: 1*
ISflfA (ft
(zhe), 7§~(zh&))„
4 4: * chuai (~ ft) :
m £ ts' — 1. *E
a* no 1: □
zuo (~ SI}).
4 4
que : qiao : qiao,
m A ts ± 3: XK 3
*1
1:«* ~£5
2
1932: pS (tgg), ba
1&M ¥ b' 1: IS 2
(XtS). pa(IS«).
2: *1 SISPfJLT
w 1 P§¥ 1: 2* ~w,~aa.
4: tfi left, jgft-ft,

A 1 £ 1: & 4* £ dk £ ft 4 3 0
(#*a 5).
xie: xTo * < S 1® ?

2: «• ft > (1947) tt 1
M ¥ Y 1 2*
g-fS.
ww ig;fg±.
cf: Example of an Yin-Ping character changing toward a no

tone motivated by analogy.
zhao : chfoo i5
1: IS
SB « -ff-.
w 1 P£¥ 9- 4E
PO
* 2
1932-85 lg
IS, ~°«t, ISfi.
NOTES
1 A system of standard pronunciation first appeared with the

publication of the official book Gnovin Zidian in 1920 in Shanghai. In
1923, at the Fifth Assembly of the Dnvin Tongvi Hni (Committee for the
Unification of Pronunciation), it was decided that the Peiping
pronunciation should be taken as the standard national pronunciation.
After that, an official dictionary, Guovin Changvong Zihui was published
in 1932 in Shanghai, which superseded Gnovin Zidian. A more
accessible form of the said Zihui is found in an appendix to the dictionary
Cihai. Shanghai, 1937 (Mathews* 1971:IX). The major dictionaries
published in Taiwan, such 攻$ those referred to in this study, basically
follow closely to the 1932 system.
REFERENCES
CHEN, Chung-yii陳重播.1988.北京音系裡陰平字增加的驅
勢.中央硏究院歷史語言研究所集刊第59本第一分.
173-209.
• 1989. "Lexical Diffusion of a Tonal Change in Reduplicates and

Its Implications." Journal of Chinese Linguistics 17.1.96-127.
LI, Kai李愷.1985.北京俗讚音調査錄.第一屆國摩漢語敎
學研討會論文.北京.
Mathews' Chinese-English Dictionary. 1971. Revised American Edition.
Harvard University Press. Cambridge.
STIMSON, Hugh M. 1966. The Jongyuan In Yunn. New Haven. (Conn.).
ZHOU, Youguang周有光.1986.中國語文的現代化.新華軎局.
上海.
辭源（正續合編修訂大字本>.1968.商務印書館.台北.
重編國語辭典.1981.初版.商務印書館.台北.
廣韶聲系.1969.沈兼士編.中華書局.台北.
國音常用字匯.1932.上海•（參看：辭海（附錄).1937.上海.
國音字典.1929.上海.
國語辭典.1947.(棚簡本.漢語詞典簡本.1957).商務印軎館.
上海.
國語字典.(Concise Dictionary of Spoken Chinese). 1947.趙元任，榻
聯升合編.
漢英詞典.1979.香港第一版.商務印書館.香港.
漢語方言詞睡.1964.北京大學中國語言文學系•北京.
普通話異讚詞審音表.1985.文字改革出版社.北京.
現代漢語詞典.1978.商務印書館.北京.
正中形苷義綜合大字典（增訂本1977.正中書局.台北.
常用口語字陰平化的例證
陳重瑜
國立台北大學籌備處
從中古音到1 96 3 —85之間，大約有454個字流入或流向
陰平調，而流出的字數大約是7 7個字；二者成85, 5%
與14, 5%之比。流出的字例絕大多數顯示出受到常用近形字讀
音的影響•而流入陰平的字例卻甚少有明顯的近形字讀音的影響
•作者認爲髙頻率的口語詞〔字〕有變向陰平的傾向•本文舉
出五種類型的字例以證明這一黏：1〕重叠詞，2〕象聲詞，3
〕単音節動詞，4〕一個字在ロ語詞條與文言詞條裡的不同讀
音，5〕一個字的語音與讀音的差異•本文一共列舉156個
字例•

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Project on Linguistic Analysis

EVIDENCE OF HIGH-FREQUENCY COLLOQUIAL FORMS MOVING TOWARDS THE YIN-PING

Between Middle Chinese and the 1963-85 system of Peking

Between the system of Standard National Pronunciation

Standard Pronunciation of Words with Variant Readings•，hereafter,

The statistics in Table 1 came from a comparison between MC and

the following discussion, five types of evidence will be subm

2. THE FIVE-TYPES OF EVIDENCE

In a recent paper of mine (Chen 1989), I pointed out, with a l

almost always appear in reduplication, have changed into Tone 1 by the

a two-reading stage, with the lst-Tonc reading appearing in

2.2. ONOMATOPOETIC FORMS

Chinese onomatopoetic forms, reduplicated or otherwise, literary

for two usages or meanings in MC, with the onomatopoetic usage

2.3. MONOSYLLABIC VERBS

The third type of evidence to be submitted here concerns the

Hanyu Fangvan Cihui (1964, hereafter, Cihui). Among the 79

Of the remaining 24 characters, 18 clearly have come from other

2.4. COLLOQUIAL (AS OPPOSED TO LITERARY) VOCABULARY

For the great majority of the cases under discussion, no

正中形音義綜合大字典(1977:399)，under the entry 干，it is annotated

explain the two characters in this term.

change has taken place in MP.

2.5. COLLOQUIAL (AS OPPOSED TO LITERARY) READINGS

case. Here is a character moving in the opposite direction. As

3. CASES OF SOUND CHANGES RESULTING IN ETYMOLOGICAL

Tonal changes usually will not be a cause of etymological

examples, in which the characters concerned have gone through a

reading, ti3 and ta4, respectively. In the 1963-85 system, howev

One form which apparently is still struggling for its recognition

having different readings annotated as the colloquial versus the

literary (where a lst-Tone reading is involved), nearly all the examples

development from MC to MP. And like the case of the MC Ru-sheng

Table1.NumbersofCharctersFlowing toand Q>

Table 2a. Examples of Characters in Reduplicates

1932 1936 1932 1963

Table 2a. (P. 2/2)

1932 1936 1932 1963

O: the Neut ral Tone.

* The readings her

Table 2b. Examples of Characters in Reduplicate

MC 601 ZYYY 1932 1963

m T4 ts' P#T 4, 1 4 S 4 4 £14-,

C, D : IS, <4 >

Table 2b. (P. 2/2)

MC 601 ZYYY 1932 1963

* The readings e remain unchangedher

Table 3. Examples of Onomatopoetic Forms Flowing

MC 601 ZYYY Peking

Table 3. (P. 2/4)

MC 601 ZYYY Peking

Table 3. (P. 3/4)

MC 601 ZYYY Peking

Table 3. (P. 4/4)

MC 601 ZYYY Peking

CF: 1. Examples of Yin-Ping characters moving towards a non-Yin-Ping

2. Even though under such apressure, the Yin-Ping reading for

2: tg* 2 ch6o: ~ 0 zhao:~