Journal of Research in Personality 64 (2016) 79–89

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Journal of Research in Personality

journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/jrp

Social networking online and personality of self-worth:

A meta-analysis q
Dong Liu a,⇑,1, Roy F. Baumeister b,⇑,1
a
The Center of Internet Plus Social Psychology, Department of Psychology, Renmin University of China, China
b
Department of Psychology, Florida State University, Tallahassee, FL 32306-4301, United States

a r t i c l e i n f o a b s t r a c t

Article history: Social networking sites (SNSs) offer new avenues for interpersonal communication and self-presentation.
Received 29 April 2016 We report a meta-analysis of 80 studies yielding 143 effect sizes on the effect of self-esteem, narcissism,
Revised 22 June 2016 and loneliness on SNS use. Total SNS use was higher among people low in self-esteem, high in narcissism,
Accepted 29 June 2016
and high in loneliness. Further analyses revealed high narcissism to be linked to all SNS activities (status
Available online 06 July 2016
updates, posting photographs, interacting/commenting on others, and total friends). High self-esteem
(not low) was linked to having more online friends but no other activities. Links were stronger in studies
Keywords:
with lower proportions of females and participants from non-Western, non-individualistic countries. We
Social Network Site (SNS)
Self-esteem
speculate that effects are somewhat diluted among females and Western samples by multiple reasons for
Narcissism SNS use, and further that low self-esteem participants constitute the so-called ‘‘lurkers” (i.e., people who
Gender difference browse but do not reveal themselves).
Cultural difference Ó 2016 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

1. Introduction reports a meta-analysis of several personality factors that predict

Communication and social interaction have been keys to human
life throughout evolutionary history, and they remain vitally cen-
tral aspects of human motivation (Baumeister & Leary, 1995;
Dunbar, 1996, 2010; Suddendorf, 2013; Tomasello, 2014). For most
of history, communicative interactions were limited to face-to-face
contacts, generally consisting of one person communicating with
one or two others. Gradually, however, innovations in communica-
tion have opened new possibilities. Writing enabled people to
communicate across great distances, and printing enabled authors
to communicate a single message to many readers. Other advances
such as telephones and television have improved the efficiency,
speed, and reach of communication. In recent years, the scope,
ease, and efficiency of interpersonal communication have
improved due to another technological advance in communicative
media: social networking sites (SNS). The present manuscript
use of SNS.
Many researchers have speculated that communication via SNS
may appeal particularly strongly to certain personality types, espe-
cially self-esteem and narcissism (Fox & Rooney, 2015; Kalpidou,
Costin, & Morris, 2011). Some studies have however failed to find
significant evidence of such links (Hong, Huang, Lin, & Chiu,
2014; McKinney, Kelly, & Duran, 2012). The current meta-
analysis was intended to clarify whether such links are significant
across the literature, and if so, what the direction of the relation-
ship is. Moreover, the simple measure of total SNS use may not
be the best or most informative variable, and so we sought
evidence about how these traits might predict specific forms or
aspects of SNS participation. To clarify the motivational underpin-
nings of the links to narcissism and self-esteem, we also sought
evidence about how loneliness might be linked to SNS use.

1.1. Social networking site as communicative medium

q
This study was supported by grants from the Fundamental Research Funds for The rapid rise of SNS suggests that they have some appeal
the Central Universities and the Research Funds of Renmin University of China beyond traditional means of communication, and these must be
(15XNLF08), China. appreciated in order to understand patterns of usage. First, any
⇑ Corresponding authors.
person can use SNS to communicate information about self effi-
E-mail addresses: bnuliudong@gmail.com (D. Liu), baumeister@psy.fsu.edu
(R.F. Baumeister).
ciently to a potentially large number of other persons. Dunbar
1
Dong Liu and Roy F. Baumeister are co-first authors who contribute equally to this (1996) noted that primates form social bonds by grooming each
work. other, but grooming is highly inefficient, insofar as each grooming

http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jrp.2016.06.024
0092-6566/Ó 2016 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
80 D. Liu, R.F. Baumeister / Journal of Research in Personality 64 (2016) 79–89
episode takes substantial time and can only be done to one inter-
action partner at a time. In contrast, human speech enables infor-
mation to be communicated to several hearers at once, thereby
improving reach and efficiency. By a similar advance, SNS enable
one person to post information online, where it can be read by a
great many other people.
Posting information for delayed consumption by others offers
additional advantages over direct, immediate interaction, espe-
cially for the purposes of presenting information about oneself to
others (cf. Baumeister, 1982; Schlenker, 1980)—which forms the
bulk of SNS activity, as opposed to using SNS to communicate other
sorts of information. A person can consider in leisurely solitude
exactly what he or she wishes to present, can select and edit the
optimal disclosures to make the desired impression, and can com-
municate them without any of the traditional handicaps of self-
presentation. Unlike live interaction, SNS posting avoids such prob-
lems as forgetting to say something or not finding the right conver-
sational opportunity, being nervous while talking, or being
subjected to questions that dispute one’s intended message or take
the conversation in a different direction and preclude one’s ability
to express the desired image of self.
Just as SNS improve the efficient ability to broadcast informa-
tion about oneself, they also enable people to acquire information
about others rapidly, efficiently, and indeed rather surreptitiously.
In contrast to having to seek out and converse with someone in
order to learn that person’s news, one can quickly visit the person’s
personal page and garner whatever information one wants.
The ability to share information despite spatial and temporal
separation thus greatly increases the ability of people to connect
with each other. Lonely or socially isolated people can connect
with others by these means—but whether loneliness can actually
be counteracted without in-person contact remains up for debate.
In one of the few longitudinal investigations on this, Kross et al.
(2013) found that lonely people were more likely than others to
use SNS, but SNS usage also increased loneliness rather than reduc-
ing it.
Moreover, the anonymity of online browsing enables people to
obtain information about other people without revealing them-
selves. This could appeal to people who are interested in other peo-
ple’s lives but may be held back by shyness or social anxiety from
initiating live interactions with others (Schlenker & Leary, 1982).
SNS solve this problem to some extent for them, and indeed the
term ‘‘Facebook stalking” has emerged recently to refer to people
who visit social media sites to find out about other people without
revealing anything about themselves, including their identity
(Facebook is currently the most popular and widely used SNS).
Facebook also offers people the ability to communicate with
others. The simplest form is to indicate that one likes something,
by clicking a ‘‘Like” onscreen button. Up until now there has been
no corresponding ‘‘Dislike” button. Though Facebook released
emotive icons to facilitate convenient communication among its
users early this year, most of them are positive. This asymmetry
may increase the appeal of that site, insofar as positive evaluation
is facilitated. Insecure people eager for praise, including people
with low self-esteem and narcissists, may find the ease of obtain-
ing ‘‘Like” responses especially appealing.
Whereas the anonymity may appeal to people who have anxi-
ety about live interaction, the ability to broadcast personal infor-
mation to supposedly large audiences may appeal to certain
categories of people. Obviously, people who wish to be known to
many others will be most attracted to this feature.
1.2. Relevant behaviors on social media
Before articulating our hypotheses, it is useful to appreciate
what are the main quantifiable aspects of SNS usage. These were
the variables that have been measured in research studies and
hence form the main factors in our meta-analysis. That is, they
are what we sought to predict based on self-esteem, narcissism,
and loneliness.
The first is simply the aggregate total amount of activity on SNS.
This represents the person’s overall use of SNS. It could be mea-
sured with total time spent on such sites, or frequency of visiting
them, or intensity of activity.
Second, status updates refer to verbal disclosures about oneself.
Essentially one posts information to make it available to others to
see. This goes strongly to the self-presentational component of SNS
use.
Third, interactions refer to responses specifically to other peo-
ple’s disclosures or comments. The person thus replies to or com-
ments on something another person has communicated via the
SNS. Interactions engage the individual with a specific other per-
son. The simplest interaction is to click the ‘‘Like” response. Inter-
actions leave visible traces, unlike merely browsing or viewing
someone’s page.
Fourth, SNSs enable people to post photos, which may be of
themselves or of personally meaningful or interesting scenes. The
number of photos on an individual’s site can therefore be counted.
Fifth, and last, Facebook enables users to form ostensible or vir-
tual social bonds by mutually declaring each other to be ‘‘Friends.”
Although a large proportion of SNS friends come from offline, many
of them are only slight acquaintances, in some cases having met
once or even not at all. Thus, these are hardly close friendships
by traditional standards. Nonetheless, people may get a boost from
feeling that they have large numbers of friends and can even begin
to feel famous on that basis. Each person’s tally of such friends is
kept by the SNS, thereby enabling researchers to explore the size
of these friendship networks.
1.3. Narcissism
The simplest and least conflicted hypotheses concerned narcis-
sism. Narcissism is defined as a pervasive pattern of grandiose self-
view, need for admiration, and an excessive preoccupation with
oneself (Campbell, Rudich, & Sedikides, 2002). It is closely tied to
feelings of or quest for superiority over others, and to preoccupa-
tion with others’ appraisals (Raskin, Novacek, & Hogan, 1991). Indi-
viduals relatively high in narcissism (which we henceforth refer to
as ‘‘narcissists,” which is meant to denote relative position on a
continuum rather than a discrete personality type) are generally
egocentric, have a sense of grandiosity, feel dominant over others,
consider themselves entitled to special and preferential treatment,
and perceive themselves as more intelligent and more physically
attractive than other people (Fox & Rooney, 2015). Currently, the
most widely used measure of narcissism is the Narcissistic Person-
ality Inventory (NPI; Raskin & Hall, 1979).
A central feature of narcissism is the wish to be admired by
others (Morf & Rhodewalt, 2001). Narcissists’ interest in being
liked is average, thus neither particularly high nor low, but they
have a strong desire for admiration. Such admiration validates
the highly positive views of self that they seek. Thus, narcissism
is less the fact of thinking well of oneself (which would make it
simply a variation of high self-esteem) than the motivation to
think well of oneself. To be sure, narcissism is positively correlated
with both high self-esteem and instability of self-esteem
(Campbell et al., 2002; Rhodewalt, Madrian, & Cheney, 1998).
In any case, we predicted that narcissism would be positively
correlated with all facets of SNS use. SNSs offer great opportunities
that may appeal to narcissists as ways of garnering the admiration
they seek (Bergman, Fearrington, Davenport, & Bergman, 2011;
Buffardi & Campbell, 2008). They can easily and efficiently share
information about themselves with many other people, and they
 D. Liu, R.F. Baumeister / Journal of Research in Personality 64 (2016) 79–89
can carefully manage the image they present to the world, so as to
present themselves in a maximally positive, flattering light. For
example, Buffardi and Campbell’s study (2008) showed that narcis-
sists among college student Facebook users tended to reveal more
self-promoting information and engage in higher levels of social
activity in the online community, as compared to those scoring
low on narcissism.
Other features of SNS may further increase the appeal to narcis-
sists. Users can carefully choose the content, timing, and wording
of their presentation (Buffardi & Campbell, 2008; Mehdizadeh,
2010). Even after having posted the status update or selfie (i.e.,
photograph of oneself), it is possible to remove it if one changes
one’s mind. One can also censor unflattering comments, a fact that
confers much more control than one has in most forms of commu-
nication. Accumulating a large number of ostensible friends would
feed the narcissistic wish to feel widely admired if not downright
famous. If any aspect of SNS use would potentially lack particular
appeal to narcissists, it would be responding to other people’s
posts (interactions).
The norms of such sites also seem well designed for narcissists.
The norms encourage mainly positive views, as noted above (i.e.,
‘‘Like” but no ‘‘Dislike” response option). Hence narcissists can dis-
play themselves with the confident expectation of garnering
mostly favorable responses. Likewise, they can collect large tallies
of friends, especially because SNS norms favor accepting offers of
friendship, even from strangers.
In short, SNS seems well suited to deliver what narcissists want
from social interaction, namely admiration and validation of their
supposedly superior traits.
1.4. Self-esteem
Self-esteem refers to global evaluation of self. It is most fre-
quently measured with Rosenberg’s (1965) scale. Given that nar-
cissism and self-esteem are positively correlated, one might
expect them to have the same patterns. However, there are con-
ceptual differences, which may be exacerbated by features of the
two dominant measurement scales. The Rosenberg scale items
mainly ask whether the person regards self to be as good as other
people or not. It is thus well suited to detect feelings of inadequacy,
but it may be less effective at detecting feelings of superiority.
When feelings of superiority are decisive, narcissism as measured
by the NPI may yield strong effects even when those of self-
esteem are weak or negligible, such as has been found with aggres-
sion (Bushman & Baumeister, 1998). Moreover, self-esteem is gen-
erally understood as the evaluative appraisal of how good one is,
whereas narcissism may be much more linked to the motivation
(i.e., the desire to be regarded favorably) than the actual self-
regard. It is therefore possible to score high on narcissism but
low on self-esteem.
Self-esteem is linked to self-presentational styles (Baumeister,
Tice, & Hutton, 1989), such that people with low self-esteem favor
protecting themselves against loss of face whereas people with
high self-esteem seek self-enhancement (e.g., Tice, 1992). Low
self-esteem has been widely linked to social anxiety, shyness,
and similar factors (Crozier, 1981; Leary, 1990). As noted above,
SNS offers people the chance to connect without many of the
threatening aspects of social interaction, such as embarrassing
oneself or being rejected. People with low self-esteem may there-
fore be drawn to appearing on social media.
Indeed, it was possible that people with low self-esteem would
participate in SNS in a non-self-enhancing manner. Whereas peo-
ple with high self-esteem might like to show off many positive
aspects of themselves, people with low self-esteem might favor
SNS interactions—or indeed they might simply enjoy the luxury
of being able to get information about other people without having
81
to reveal anything about themselves. There is even a term for peo-
ple who browse social media to see what is there without disclos-
ing or interacting much: lurkers.
In sum, we began with competing predictions regarding self-
esteem. One set assumed that patterns would be similar as with
narcissism, such that people with high self-esteem would show
more SNS use and engage in more self-presentation. Another set
focused on the appeal of getting social contact without anxiety
or fear of rejection, so low self-esteem would be linked to SNS
use—but perhaps especially in the form of lurking rather than post-
ing status updates, photos, and the like.
1.5. Loneliness
On purely theoretical grounds, one could make opposite predic-
tions about loneliness. Lonely people would presumably be drawn
to SNSs as a way to interact with others and thereby possibly
assuage their feelings of social isolation. That would predict a pos-
itive correlation between loneliness and SNS use. However, if SNS
participation does in fact satisfy needs for social contact, then more
SNS use would lead to less loneliness. Then again, it is possible that
SNS use offers a false hope of social connection and hence remains
ultimately unsatisfying, in which case more SNS use would possi-
bly intensify loneliness, especially perhaps insofar as it replaces
actual in-person human contact. As noted above, Kross et al.
(2013) found evidence for a vicious circle, in which loneliness led
to more SNS use and more SNS use led to more loneliness.
In terms of specific behaviors, if loneliness motivates SNS use,
then presumably the underlying desire is to connect with others
rather than enhance one’s self-presentation. Lonely people might
therefore favor interactions rather than posting status updates
and photos. They might seek to accumulate large numbers of
friends in order to furnish themselves with a superficial sense of
having a rich social network. Alternatively, insofar as shyness
underlies loneliness, they might remain at the level of lurkers, like
people with low self-esteem.
2. Method
2.1. Literature search
Four methods were used to search for relevant studies. First, we
retrieved articles through a detailed search of PsycINFO, PsycArti-
cles, EBSCO—ERIC, Medline, Communication and Mass Media Com-
plete (CMMC), Google Scholar, and ProQuest Dissertations &
Theses. The following key words were used: self-esteem, self-
worth, narcissism, loneliness personality, Facebook, Myspace, Social
Network Sites, social media, selfies, photo posting, online interaction,
comments, likes, status update, number of friends. Second, we con-
ducted systematic searches using Chinese, Japanese and French
translation of the key words in Google Scholar, CNKI and CiNii.
Third, we searched the in-press or online-first articles. Finally, we
searched the conference database: International Communication
Association Conference (ACM), International Conference on Web
and Social Media (ICWSM), Annual SIGCHI Conference, ACM digital
library. We contacted authors of relevant posters or presentations
at these conferences to ask for information about their studies. We
did not place any limitations on age, geography, SNS types, or other
sample characteristics in our search. The literature search encom-
passed articles published up to April 01, 2016.
2.2. Inclusion and exclusion criteria
Our search resulted in 7692 records for screening to identify
eligible studies. After examining the titles and abstracts of all the
82 D. Liu, R.F. Baumeister / Journal of Research in Personality 64 (2016) 79–89
references and discarding obviously irrelevant ones, 107 articles
were identified as relevant. The 107 articles were included in or
excluded from our meta-analysis based on the following criteria:
(a) the studies needed to be empirical and quantitative (i.e., review,
theoretical, and qualitative studies were excluded); (b) self-
esteem, narcissism, and loneliness were measured by scales with
promising reliability (a > 0.70); (c) global measures of media usage
(e.g., intensity, duration, or visiting frequency) or specific SNS use
were provided; (d) Pearson correlation coefficients were provided;
otherwise, sufficient information from which an effect size could
be derived needed to be available; (e) studies examining collective
self-esteem were excluded; (f) SNS addiction studies were
excluded; (g) studies violating the assumption of independent
samples were excluded. If a study utilized the same data as any
previously coded studies, it was considered a violation of indepen-
dent samples. In the cases where the results of a specific data set
were re-used or otherwise duplicated in more than one publica-
tion, we chose the publication that contained most information
or was published in the journal with the highest impact factor.
At the end, 80 studies met the criteria for inclusion, which pro-
duced 33 effect sizes for self-esteem and general SNS use, 19 effect
sizes for narcissism and global SNS use, 23 effect sizes for loneli-
ness and general SNS use, and 62 effect sizes for narcissism, self-
esteem and specific SNS activities, see Appendix.
2.3. Coding
Studies that met the inclusion criteria were coded for sample
characteristics (country, proportion of female, average age, and
sample size) and information needed for the publication bias test
(i.e., publication status and publication year). The authors devel-
oped a coding manual that specified the coding categories and pos-
sible codes to be used for each study. Following the coding manual,
the authors coded all information contained in the 80 articles.
Ninety-five percent of the two coders’ coding reached an agree-
ment. All disagreements were resolved through discussion among
the coders.
Coded country served as an indicator of culture. The 33 samples
of self-esteem included data collected from 13 countries (or
regions): The U.S., Canada, Poland, Taiwan, Malaysia, United King-
dom, Republic of Korea, India, Sweden, Philippine, Australia, Ire-
land, and South Africa. The 19 samples of narcissism included
data collected from 6 countries (or regions): the U.S., Chile, Malay-
sia, Australia, Hong Kong and Ireland. This provided cross-cultural
variability that enabled us to test the hypothesized moderation
effect. Coded country served as an indicator of culture. Guided by
Suh, Diener, Oishi, and Triandis (1998) coding, we coded studies
conducted in China, Hong Kong, Singapore, Korea, and Taiwan as
the collectivist culture, and countries in West Europe and North
America as the individualistic culture. Compared with people in
more individualistic countries (e.g., the United States and Western
Europe), people living in countries that are more collectivist (e.g.,
many Asian countries) are generally more oriented toward their
social context and more inclined to conform to social norms and
social influences (Johnson, Kulesa, Cho, & Shavitt, 2005).
2.4. Multiple dependent results from a single study
When a study included multiple independent effect sizes (e.g.,
correlation coefficients from separate independent samples), each
effect size was coded separately. When a study reported multiple
dependent effect sizes, however, simultaneously including them
in a single meta-analysis can pose calculation problems of lower
error variance estimate and inflating significance tests (Cooper,
Hedges, & Valentine, 2009). To isolate independent findings for
use in each meta-analysis, the following procedures were
conducted: (a) we conducted separate meta-analyses for different
types of SNS activities. If one study reported two effects from one
sample, such as if narcissism correlated with SNS general use and
SNS photo posting, the two effects were assigned to two different
meta-analyses. So there are no problems of dependence; (b) if a
study reported one correlation for multiple times, for instance
Halpern, Valenzuela, and Katz (2016), we aggregated them into a
single effect with within-study aggregation functions from MAc
package in R (Del Re & Hoyt, 2010).
2.5. Computation of effect sizes
Firstly correlation coefficients (r) for the relationships between
and use of SNS and personality of self-worth were recorded. Then,
we used the meta-analytic procedures of Schmidt and Hunter
(2014) to correct observed correlations for measurement error in
both the predictor and the criterion scores. Correlations were cor-
rected individually with internal reliability. The large majority of
studies reported the reliability needed for the correction. For the
few cases in which reliability was not provided, we used the aver-
age value across other studies to complete the correction. Finally,
the meta-analyses were conducted using effect sizes that were
transformed to Fisher’s Z, using study weights with x = n 3
(Lipsey & Wilson, 2001). Effect sizes were then transformed back
into correlations when reporting the results of the analyses for ease
of interpretation. Random-effects models were used for all analy-
ses. All analyses were completed in Comprehensive Meta-
Analysis version 3 (Borenstein, Hedges, Higgins, & Rothstein,
2014).
2.6. Publication bias analysis
Following the standard practice for testing publication bias in
meta-analysis, we applied four methods: (a) calculating fail-safe
N, which is the number of null effect sizes that would have to be
added to the sample to bring down the average effect sizes to
become nonsignificant (Rosenthal, 1991); (b) visually examining
funnel plots of effect size standard errors to check possible bias;
(c) calculating moderation effect of publication.
3. Results
3.1. Sample description
The data set included 33 independent effect sizes between SNS
use and self-esteem from 10,627 participants; 19 independent
effect sizes between SNS use and narcissism from 7271 partici-
pants; 23 independent effect sizes between SNS use and loneliness
from 7397 participants. The average age of the self-esteem samples
ranged from 13.66 to 58.22. The average age of the narcissism
samples ranged from 18.8 to 37. The average age of the loneliness
samples ranged from 13.66 to 42.64. The female proportion of the
three meta-analyzed samples ranged from 0 to 1. The self-esteem
analysis sample sizes ranged from 35 to 1819 participants; the
narcissism sample sizes ranged from 86 to 1248 participants; the
loneliness sample sizes ranged from 82 to 880 participants.
3.2. Effect sizes of self-esteem, narcissism, loneliness and SNS use
The Q statistics were significant in our sample and all I2 were all
over 75%, suggesting that the high levels of heterogeneity were due
to real differences among the selected samples as opposed to sam-
pling error (Higgins, Thompson, Deeks, & Altman, 2003), which
warranted the use of random effect model. For the 33 independent
samples between SNS use and self-esteem, the average effect size
 D. Liu, R.F. Baumeister / Journal of Research in Personality 64 (2016) 79–89 83

was 0.09 for the random-effects with the 95% C.V. from 0.14 to
0.03; for the 19 independent samples between SNS use and nar-
cissism, the average effect size was 0.13 for the random-effects
with the 95% C.V. from 0.06 to 0.20; for the 23 independent sam-
ples between SNS use and loneliness, the average effect size was
0.17 for the random-effects with the 95% C.V. from 0.09 to 0.24.
We conducted separate meta-analyses for specific relationships
between SNS activities and self-esteem. For the 11 independent
samples between the number of SNS friends and self-esteem, the
average effect size was 0.07 for the random-effects with the 95%
C.V. from 0.01 to 0.14; for the 3 independent samples between
SNS interaction and self-esteem, the average effect size was non-
significant, point estimate was 0.11 with the 95% C.V. from 0.09
to 0.31; the 8 independent samples between SNS photo posting
and self-esteem also produced a non-significant estimate, 0.01
with the 95% C.V. from 0.13 to 0.10; for the 4 independent sam-
ples between SNS status update and self-esteem, the average effect
size was 0.02 for the random-effect with the 95% C.V. from 0.10
to 0.07, see Table 1. Only the effect size between number of SNS
friends and self-esteem was significant.
We conducted separate meta-analyses for specific relationships
between SNS activities and narcissism. For the 10 independent
samples between number of SNS friends and narcissism, the aver-
age effect size was 0.18 for the random-effects with the 95% C.V.
from 0.05 to 0.30; for the 6 independent samples between SNS
interaction and narcissism, the average effect size was 0.42 for
the random-effects with the 95% C.V. from 0.17 to 0.62; for the
17 independent samples between SNS photo posting and narcis-
sism, the average effect size was 0.26 for the random-effect with
the 95% C.V. from 0.18 to 0.33; for the 9 independent samples
between SNS status update and narcissism, the average effect size
was 0.14 for the random-effect with the 95% C.V. from 0.03 to 0.25,
see Table 2. According to Cohen (1992), these effect sizes were
small to moderate.
3.3. Moderation analyses
In meta-analysis, moderation effects are tested when there are
sufficient samples (k > 5) and when the Q statistic is significant.
Following these rules, we conducted separate moderation analyses
for self-esteem and narcissism. We conducted random-regression
analyses to test the moderation effects. All these moderators were
considered continuous. For the random regression model, all mod-
els were not significant.
3.3.1. Gender difference
We examined whether the effect sizes between general SNSs
use and self-esteem or narcissism varied as a function of the pro-
portion of females in the sample. The findings showed that the
studies with a greater proportion of women had marginally signif-
icant smaller effect sizes of general SNS use with narcissism,
B = 0.34, p = 0.10, R2 = 0.02, k = 18.
3.3.2. Cultural difference
We examined whether the effect sizes between general SNS use
and self-esteem or narcissism varied as a function of culture. The
studies conducted under Western culture had smaller effect sizes
of general SNS use with self-esteem, Qbetween = 5.34, p < 0.05, and
smaller effect sizes of SNS interaction with self-esteem
Qbetween = 5.81, p < 0.05. Our findings also showed that the studies
conducted under Western culture had marginally significant smal-
ler effect sizes of SNS photo posting with narcissism,
Qbetween = 2.85, p = 0.10 (see Table 3).
3.4. Publication bias analysis
The source of publication was not found to be a significant mod-
erator of average effect size for any of the meta-analyses (All
Qbetween < 3, p > 0.05). File drawer calculations also indicate similar
results. For studies of self-esteem and general SNS use, k0 = 394,
indicating that 394 studies with an effect size of zero would need
to be added to the meta-analysis in order for the average weighted
effect size to be nonsignificant. For studies of narcissism and gen-
eral SNS use, k0 = 596. Finally, studies of loneliness and general SNS
use, k0 = 971. These file drawer calculations indicated that there
were no publication biases present in the meta-analyses examin-
ing general SNS use, self-esteem and narcissism. We also checked
the funnel plots of narcissism and self-esteem, please check Figs. 1
and 2, and found a negative publication bias for general SNS use
and narcissism. We adjusted the publication bias and obtained
the unbiased estimate, 0.15, with 95% C.V. from 0.08 to 0.22,
Q = 177.56.

Table 1
Meta-analysis of SNS use and self-esteem.

Activities k N Effect size Lower 95% C.V. Upper 95% C.V. s2 Q I2

*** ***
Friends 11 3035 0.07 0.01 0.14 0.01 32.43 69.16
Interaction 3 969 0.11 0.10 0.31 0.03 18.88*** 89.41
Photos 8 1964 0.01 0.13 0.10 0.02 46.48*** 84.94
Status 4 685 0.02 0.10 0.07 0.00 3.68 18.67
Global 33 10,627 0.09** 0.14 0.03 0.02 226.08*** 85.46

N refers to the total sample size; k refers to number of studies included; C.V. refers to Credibility Interval; s2 refers to the random-effects variance.
**
Refers to p < 0.01.
***
Refers to p < 0.001.

Table 2
Meta-analysis of SNS use and narcissism.

Activities k N Effect size Lower 95% C.V. Upper 95% C.V. s2 Q I2

Friends 10 3398 0.18** 0.05 0.30 0.04 136.79*** 92.42
Interaction 6 1457 0.42** 0.17 0.62 0.11 127.58*** 96.08
Photos 17 5048 0.26*** 0.18 0.33 0.02 118.35*** 86.48
Status 9 3700 0.14⁄ 0.03 0.25 0.02 49.00*** 83.68
Global 19 7271 0.13*** 0.06 0.20 0.02 154.22*** 88.32

N refers to the total sample size; k refers to number of studies included; C.V. refers to Credibility Interval; s2 refers to the random-effects variance.
**
Refers to p < 0.01.
***
Refers to p < 0.001.
84 D. Liu, R.F. Baumeister / Journal of Research in Personality 64 (2016) 79–89

Table 3
Subgroup analysis of culture.

Western Eastern Contrast

k N r s 2
95% C. V. k N r s2
95% C. V. Qbetween
Self-Esteem & SNS 29 9287 0.11*** 0.02 [ 0.17, 0.05] 2 521 0.01 0 [ 0.07, 0.10] 5.34*
Self-Esteem & friends 9 2684 0.06+ 0.01 [ 0.01, 0.13] 2 351 0.16 0.05 [ 0.17, 0.46] 0.30
Self-Esteem & interaction 2 704 0.01 0.02 [ 0.22, 0.23] 1 265 0.31*** 0 [0.20, 0.42] 5.81*
Self-Esteem & photos 7 1699 0.03 0.03 [ 0.16, 0.10] 1 265 0.08 0 [ 0.40, 0.20] 1.43
Self-Esteem & status 3 510 0.05 0 [ 0.16, 0.07] 1 175 0.30 0 [ 0.09, 0.15] 0.87
Narcissism & SNS 15 5639 0.10* 0.02 [0.02, 0.17] 2 1027 0.29 0.06 [ 0.05, 0.57] 1.19
Narcissism & friends 8 2904 0.15+ 0.05 [ 0.01, 0.30] 2 796 0.28*** 0 [0.21, 0.34] 2.17
Narcissism & interaction 3 892 0.47* 0.19 [0.01, 0.76] 1 315 0.10+ 0 [ 0.01, 0.21] 2.49
Narcissism & photos 11 3054 0.20*** 0.01 [0.13, 0.28] 4 1607 0.37*** 0.05 [0.16, 0.54] 2.85+
Narcissism & status 7 1722 0.12+ 0.03 [ 0.02, 0.25] 2 275 0.23*** 0 [0.11, 0.34] 1.65

Note. N refers to the total sample size; k refers to number of studies included; C.V. refers to Credibility Interval; s2 refers to the random-effects variance.
**
Refers to p < 0.01.
+
Refers to p < 0.10.
*
Refers to p < 0.05.
***
Refers to p < 0.001.

Funnel Plot of Standard Error by Fisher's Z

0.00

0.05
Standard Error

0.10

0.15

0.20

-2.0 -1.5 -1.0 -0.5 0.0 0.5 1.0 1.5 2.0

Fisher's Z

Fig. 1. Funnel plot of the effect sizes between general SNS use and self-esteem.

Funnel Plot of Standard Error by Fisher's Z

0.00

0.05
Standard Error

0.10

0.15

0.20

-2.0 -1.5 -1.0 -0.5 0.0 0.5 1.0 1.5 2.0

Fisher's Z

Fig. 2. Funnel plot of the effect sizes between general SNS use and narcissism.

3.5. Summaries of the relationship between SNS use and narcissism
sub-dimensions
Narcissism is a multifaceted construct (e.g., Back et al., 2013;
Pincus & Lukowitsky, 2010). Readers may be interested in how
the SNS behavioral outcomes are associated with the NPI facet
level. A thorough search of the studies reporting facet-level find-
ings yielded Table 4—a summary of the relationship between SNS
behaviors and narcissism sub-dimensions. Photo postings were
found to correlate with nearly all NPI facets: Leadership/Authority,
Grandiose Exhibitionism, and Entitlement/Exploitativeness
(Panek, Nardis, & Konrath, 2013; Weiser, 2015). Besides, Barry,
 D. Liu, R.F. Baumeister / Journal of Research in Personality 64 (2016) 79–89 85

Table 4
Summary of main findings on the relationship between SNS use and narcissism.

Author(s), Year Participants/ N Sample description Findings

Country
Sorokowski et al. Undergraduate 748 355 women and 393 men, aged between The results showed only admiration demand was
(2015) students, Poland 17 and 47 years (M = 21.64; SD = 3.41) significantly correlated with SNS photo posting
Panek et al. (2013) Midwest 486 76% female, median age was 19 (M = 18.8, Subscale scores – vanity, Exploitativeness, exhibitionism,
undergraduates, US SD = 0.85) superiority and authority moderately and positively
correlated with Twitter and Facebook posting, and Facebook
checking. Twitter checking didn’t correlate with any of the
subscale score. Facebook posting also positively correlated
with self-sufficiency
Leung (2013) U.S. adults 596 51% females, median age was 35–39. 46.8% were The results showed that only Exhibitionism score has a
high school students or graduates, and 50.2% small correlation effect with Facebook use
attended, or had graduated from university
Barry et al. (2015) Southwestern US. 128 19 males and 109 females, age from 18 to 43 Vulnerable narcissism was positively associated with a
Undergraduate (M = 20.46, SD = 3.59) higher proportion of posts that were physical appearance
students selfies, grandiose narcissism was negatively associated with
affiliation selfies, and non-pathological narcissism was
positively correlated with the proportion of selfie collages
Huling (2011) Undergraduate and 381 57% females, Midwest university Vulnerable narcissism weakly correlated with Facebook use.
graduate students, Grandiose narcissism and Facebook correlations was not
US Significant
Weiser (2015) U.S. residents 1204 White (75%) and female (65%), average age of 32.81 Leadership/Authority, Grandiose Exhibitionism, and
recruited from (range = 16–74, SD = 11.56) Entitlement/Exploitativeness were all positively correlated
Amazon’s with selfies and other photos posting
Mechanical Turk

Doucette, Loflin, Rivera-Hudson, and Herrington (2015) and Huling
(2011) also found vulnerable narcissism to be negatively correlated
with the SNS postings and positively correlated with overall use, a
similar SNS use pattern to individuals of low self-esteem. This is
not surprising, given vulnerable narcissists’ fragile self-esteem
and frequent experience of helplessness, anxiety, and depression
when people don’t treat them as they desire.
4. Discussion
Social networking sites have quickly become a prominent fea-
ture of human social life. A recent news article reported that the
most popular SNS, Facebook, has 1.6 billion users, including about
a billion of whom use it for an average of 20 min every day
(‘‘Imperial ambitions,” 2016). Many people use SNSs as vehicles
for self-presentation and to gain social information by browsing
the profiles of others. Indeed, many devote considerable time and
effort to maintaining and updating their personal SNS profiles
and to staying in contact with a large number of ostensible
‘‘friends.” The present meta-analysis established what sorts of peo-
ple use SNS most frequently and linked several specific patterns of
use to personality traits.
4.1. Narcissism
Across multiple studies, narcissism was consistently associated
with SNS use. People scoring high on narcissism put more time and
effort than other people into SNS activities. Narcissists accumu-
lated larger tallies of friends, which may bolster their sense of
importance and popularity. They interacted more with other peo-
ple on SNSs, reflecting presumably their comfort with the medium
and their interest in commenting on what other people are doing
and saying online. Narcissists posted significantly more photos
(typically ‘‘selfies,” that is, photographs of themselves)
(Sorokowski et al., 2015; Weiser, 2015) and more status updates
than other people. The effect was larger for photos than for status
updates, possibly because photos grab attention and elicit more
positive comments and reactions from others, thus gratifying the
narcissistic desire to be admired. These patterns reflect the narcis-
sistic assumption that other people will be eager to learn about the
lives of the narcissists, presumably because narcissists think their
lives are fascinating and important.
These findings fit the hypothesis that SNS presents attractive
opportunities for narcissists to pursue their goals of self-
enhancement, seeking attention, and being admired. Perhaps sur-
prisingly, the strongest effect was for interacting. Thus, although
narcissists use SNSs to broadcast information about themselves
to others, what really sets them apart is their use of SNSs to com-
ment on and respond to other people’s posts. Thus, they use SNSs
not just to disseminate information about their own lives but also
to express their views of other people’s lives. Possibly non-
narcissists are somewhat inhibited about offering opinions for
what other people are doing, saying, and feeling: ‘‘Why should they
care what I think?” Such reservations may not deter narcissists and
possibly not even occur to them.
4.2. Self-esteem
The self-esteem results may seem puzzling at first. Narcissism is
conceptually and empirically linked to high self-esteem, but our
self-esteem findings did not simply mimic those of narcissism.
On the main measure of total SNS activity, it was low rather than
high self-esteem persons who scored highest. The effect was not
large, possibly because the (opposite) narcissism effect weakened
it. SNSs apparently appeal to people with low self-esteem a bit
more than others.
The conclusions became more complicated when we examined
specific SNS activities. On these, in general, the effects of self-
esteem failed to reach significance. Moreover, the only significant
finding was in the opposite direction to total SNS activity: People
with high self-esteem had more SNS friends than those with low
self-esteem. Thus, on the accumulation of friends, high self-
esteem resembled narcissism, though the narcissism effect was
stronger.
We offer a speculative and largely post hoc explanation of these
patterns, which future research may test and modify (or replace).
Prior work has established that people with low self-esteem have
largely the same wishes and goals as those with high self-
esteem, but they are less confident of reaching them (e.g.,
Baumeister, 1993; McFarlin & Blascovich, 1981), so that, for exam-
86 D. Liu, R.F. Baumeister / Journal of Research in Personality 64 (2016) 79–89
ple, they are less prone to initiate direct social contacts and rela-
tionships (Buhrmester, Furman, Wittenberg, & Reis, 1988). They
are perhaps slightly more drawn to SNSs than people with high
self-esteem because they have the same desire to connect socially
but do not have as many real friends and interaction partners.
(Even online, people with high self-esteem have more friends.)
Hence they spend much time online, keeping track of other people
but not posting or interacting any more. The difference between
spending time online and actively posting or interacting is labeled
‘‘lurking” in the SNS community. Hence we suggest that people
with low self-esteem may be more prone than others to become
lurkers. This conclusion should not be overstated, because we did
not find that low self-esteem led to a significant reduction in active
online participation—it is merely the discrepancy between spend-
ing more time online on SNS but not posting more information
online on SNS that pointed to greater lurking.
4.3. Loneliness
To gain further insight into what motivations and satisfactions
might account for the differential appeal of SNS, we examined
loneliness. We found that loneliness was positively linked to total
SNS use, indeed more strongly than self-esteem or narcissism was.
Evidence about specific activities was scant, however, and there-
fore inadequate for meta-analysis. One study found that loneliness
was unrelated to posting photos and status updates (Mahajan,
2013). Two studies found that loneliness was significantly related
to number of friends—but the findings were in opposite directions,
thus contradicting each other (LaRose, Wohn, Ellison, & Steinfield,
2011; Skues, Williams, & Wise, 2012).
Thus, perhaps all one can conclude is that lonely people spend
more time than other people on SNS. Still, this may be useful for
reconciling the apparent discrepancy between the self-esteem
and narcissism findings. Narcissists form relationships quickly
and easily, but these tend to be unstable, partly perhaps because
the high entitlement and other character flaws associated with
narcissism soon become unpleasant to relationship partners, and
partly because narcissists grow dissatisfied with partners when
they think they can find better ones (Campbell et al., 2002;
Paulhus, 1998). Hence narcissists may be lonely at times, in which
case turning to SNSs and building large networks of ostensible
friends may seem to hold the promise of escaping from loneliness
(even if that promise is not generally fulfilled in the long run).
Meanwhile, low self-esteem is linked to lack of interpersonal
appeal and connection, and indeed the sociometer theory of low
self-esteem is based on the idea that low self-esteem reflects a per-
ceived deficit in one’s social appeal (Leary & Baumeister, 2000).
Loneliness is correlated with low self-esteem and social rejection
(Leary, 1990; Leary, Tambor, Terdal, & Downs, 1995; Vanhalst,
Luyckx, Scholte, Engels, & Goossens, 2013).
People who have non-narcissistic high self-esteem are the
exceptions. They may not suffer much from loneliness. They seem
fine with seeking social connection via SNS but are perhaps less
motivated to do so. They are willing to post information about
themselves and to interact with others, but they do so efficiently
and at about average rates.
4.4. Moderators
We searched for factors that could moderate the links between
personality and SNS use. Two were significant. One was that sam-
ples with more women showed weaker links between SNS use and
narcissism. It is possible that women use SNSs for multiple reasons
and motives, whereas male use is more centered on narcissistic
motives. Past work has indicated that women are more widely
interested than men in simply collecting information about other
people, such as through gossip (e.g., Benenson, 2014; Leaper &
Holliday, 1995; Levin & Arluke, 1985; Nevo, Nevo, Zehavi, &
Milton, 1993; Watson, 2012), and a recent investigation found that
women reported ‘‘Facebook stalking” (i.e., surreptitiously following
someone’s SNS profile to know about that person’s life) more than
men (Reynolds & Baumeister, 2016/unpublished). The fact that
women generally spend more time than men on SNSs (Muise,
Christofides, & Desmarais, 2009) is consistent with the conclusion
that women have multiple motives and reasons for SNS use. Nar-
cissism may itself be a similar motive for both genders, but the
effect could be diluted among women insofar as women have other
motives, such as curiosity about other people, or merely staying in
touch.
The other moderator was culture. We compared Western
(North America and Western Europe) against East Asian countries.
Narcissism is more prevalent in Western, individualistic countries,
partly because the narcissistic fascination with one’s individual self
fits better into a culture that prizes individual selves than into a
culture that emphasizes the collective above individuality. Prior
work has confirmed that narcissism is positively correlated with
individualistic traits and negatively correlated with collectivistic
traits (Campbell et al., 2002) and that it is on average higher in
the United States than among residents of Asia and the Middle East
(Foster, Campbell, & Twenge, 2003). For that reason, we speculated
that narcissism would predict SNS use more in Western and indi-
vidualistic countries.
However, the meta-analysis yielded the opposite conclusion:
The links between narcissism and SNS use were stronger in the
Asian and collectivistic countries. As this was contrary to our intu-
itive hypothesis, any explanation remains post hoc and specula-
tive. The simplest plausible explanation may be parallel to what
we suggested for gender: SNS use in Western, individualistic cul-
tures may be so widespread that people do it for multiple reasons
and goals other than narcissistic ones, whereas the alternative
motives are less central among members in Eastern, collectivistic
cultures.
4.5. Limitations and future directions
As with any meta-analysis, our findings and conclusions are
limited by what is available in the literature. More work is needed,
especially to illuminate different aspects of SNS use, and to explore
the implications for loneliness.
The findings are mostly correlational, so causal inference is lar-
gely speculative. We have followed the standard procedure of
assuming that personality traits are predisposing causes and
behavior is the result, but the opposite direction cannot be ruled
out. If SNS participation is the cause of changes in personality,
our results should generate some concern, insofar as the changes
would seem to be for the worse: In that interpretation, high use
of SNSs causes narcissism, low self-esteem, and loneliness. The
one longitudinal study we found concluded that the causal rela-
tionship between SNS participation and loneliness was bidirec-
tional, thus suggesting a somewhat vicious circle.
4.6. Concluding remarks
Much remains to be learned about the dispositional and psy-
chological factors that predispose people to spend considerable
time and effort on SNSs. Our data show significant relationships
to narcissism, self-esteem, and loneliness. Of these, loneliness
had the strongest relationship, though the least studied. Moreover,
it is disturbing that the less desirable end of each trait spectrum
was associated with greater SNS use: high narcissism, low self-
esteem, and high loneliness.
 D. Liu, R.F. Baumeister / Journal of Research in Personality 64 (2016) 79–89 87

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