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Edited by Otto F. von Feigenblatt, M.A.
Assistant Editor: Vannapond Suttichujit, M.Ed., M.Ed.
Copyright 2010 by Journal of Alternative Perspectives in the Social Sciences, Inc.
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The papers included in this edited volume were presented at the
International Conference of Alternative Perspectives in the Humanities and the

Social Sciences: Development and Conflict
Kanchanaburi, Thailand (October 1-5, 2010)
Host Organizations:
- The Guild of Independent Scholars
- The Journal of Postcolonial Cultures and Societies
- The Journal of Contemporary Literature
- JAPSS Press
- The Central American Institute of Asia Pacific Studies (CAI-APS)
Topic for the Conference: Conflict and Development: Challenges and Opportunities for Change.
Conveners:
Om Prakash Dwivedi, Ph.D.
Otto F. von Feigenblatt, MA, FRAS
Isiaka Alani Badmus, MA, PhD Candidate
Zahid Shahab Ahmed, MA, FRAS

Alternative Perspectives in
the Humanities and the
Social Sciences
Part of the Conflict and Development Series

Series Editor: Otto F. von Feigenblatt, M.A.
Edited by
Otto F. von Feigenblatt, M.A.
Millenia Atlantic University, Doral, Florida
JAPSS Press, Inc.
Bangkok Houston San Jose Delray Beach

Alternative Perspectives in the Humanities and the Social Sciences
Edited by
Otto F. von Feigenblatt, MA, FRAS
Chapter 1: Peacebuilders in Southeast Asia Describe the Dynamic Interplay Between

Consciousness and Transformation Towards Effective Practice
Al
Fuertes………………………………………………………………………………………………………
…………….………………………….1
Chapter 2: Redefining Christianity as an identity frame for Afrikaners

Erna
Oliver………………………………………………………………………………….……………………
……………………………………13
Chapter 3: An Examination of the Effect of the Tiv-Jukun Conflict of Central Nigeria on

Development
Ukertor Gabriel
Moti…………………………………………………………………………………………………………
…………………..26
Chapter 4: Review Essay: Many Different Things at Once?: Interrogating Multiple Causes
and Disciplinary Boundaries in the Study of Environment, Politics, and Insecurity
Daniel
Clausen……………………………………………………………………………………………………
………………………………….39
Chapter 5: Defining the Concept of Communication Competence in Thai Context

Voranij
Vasuratna…………………………………………………………………………………………………
……………..………………..53
Chapter 6: Impact of Emotional Competence Training upon Emotional Intelligence and

Interpersonal Relationships of Adolescents
Farheen Nasir and Seema
Munaf……………………………………………………………………………..………………………
……76
Chapter 7: A Comparative Study of Private and Public Universities Teachers Job

Satisfaction
Nadia
Ayub………………………………………………………………………………………………………
…………………………………….86
Chapter 8: The Innovative Capacity of Local Society in the Global Economy
Denis
Ushakov……………………………………………………………………………………………………
………………………….………96
Chapter 9: The Hostel, the House, a Qualitative Study of Female Students

Fatemeh Khozaei, Ahmad Sanusi Hassan, Dolapo Amole, and Zahra
Khozaei………………………….…………..110
Chapter 10: The City and Governing of Integrated Management

Mostafa Taleshi and Shapoor
Divsalar…………………………………………………………………………………………………127
Chapter 11: The Role of Cultural Houses and Center in Institutionalization and
Development of Electronic City: By Emphasizing on Location/Spatial Approach
Mostafa Taleshi and Shapoor
Divsalar…………………………………………………………………………………………………152
About the Development and Conflict Series

Otto F. von
Feigenblatt…………………………………………………………………………………………………
…………………165
Chapter 1
Peacebuilders in Southeast Asia Describe the Dynamic Interplay

Between Consciousness and Transformation
Towards Effective Practice 1
Al Fuertes, Ph.D. 2
Abstract: How does one’s consciousness of self and phenomenological realities

shape one’s commitment in bringing about social transformation in terms of
peacebuilding? This article, which is based on my field study highlights the dynamic
interplay between human consciousness and transformation towards effective practice
from the perspective of peacebuilders in conflict-affected areas in Southeast Asia. The
article further emphasizes what peacebuilders describe as turning points or inner
shifts in their personal narratives, that are crucial in their commitment to
peacebuilding.
A strong interdisciplinary literature draws on psychological, sociological,
philosophical, anthropological, legal, communications, religious studies, and political
science approaches to explain what goes wrong in individual and group consciousness
when regions are torn apart by war. We know about the trauma of armed conflict and
its aftermath, the development of enemy images, the development of historical
conflict narratives, social-psychological processes of conflict escalation, the trans-
generational transmission of trauma, and more. But, we know little about the
consciousness and transformation of the people who dedicate themselves to
peacebuilding in their home community. How do they develop in war-torn contexts,
and how do they sustain their work in war zones? While research has documented the
development stories of Gandhi, Martin Luther King, and Nelson Mandela, for
example, we have failed thus far to learn from the many everyday heroes working out
of the limelight in their home communities. What can peacebuilders in local
communities teach us about consciousness and transformation, and how can that
knowledge help us support the development of more and more of them?
This article will explore the dynamic interplay between (human)
consciousness and transformation within the context of peacebuilding practice from
the perspective of field practitioners, particularly in countries like the Philippines,
Thailand, and Indonesia. Peacebuilders include peace activists, community
1 I would like to thank the following for their support and generosity in making my field study
possible: all peacebuilders who participated for their insights and expertise, the Center for
Consciousness and Transformation at George Mason University for the research grant, and Dr. Susan
Allen Nan, my colleague and fellow researcher, who focuses her study in consciousness and
transformation in the Caucasus.
2 Al Fuertes holds a PhD in Conflict Analysis and Resolution from George Mason University and a
Master’s in Peace Studies from the Associated Mennonite Biblical Seminary. He is an assistant
professor of Integrative Studies at New Century College, George Mason University, and works as an
international consultant in conflict transformation, specializing in community-based trauma healing as
a vital component in peacebuilding and post conflict reconstruction (afuertes@gmu.edu).
Chapter 1, Al Fuertes, Ph.D.
development workers, environmental conservationists, grassroots teachers, and

community and religious leaders in settings affected by armed conflict and heavy
militarization. Hence, this article will focus on local peacebuilders who are striving to
build nonviolent, just, and peaceful communities.
The results of the study suggest that consciousness of phenomenological
realities in relation to self and vice versa lead to personal and social transformation.
At the same time, transformation of self and society leads to a deeper level of
consciousness.
The article comprises the following sections: First, it explores what
peacebuilding means according to the participants. Second, it presents descriptions
and definitions of consciousness and its implications to peacebuilding. Third, it
explains what transformation means in light of some metaphors that peacebuilders use
in articulating further their understanding and experience of transformation, and
fourth, it discusses the dynamic interplay between consciousness and transformation
through the lens of the peacebuilders.
Conduct and setting of field study
The study was conducted in December 2009 and January 2010 through a grant
from the Center for Consciousness and Transformation at George Mason University.
Twelve participants were interviewed through my social network representing three
countries, namely: Indonesia, the Philippines, and Thailand. Three were teachers in
higher education, three work with refugees on the Thai-Burmese border, and five
were connected with grassroots and faith-based non-government organizations
working for peace and community development. In addition to the interviews, ten
participants – all Filipinos joined the workshop conducted in Davao City, Mindanao,
Philippines. They represented the tri-people communities of Mindanao, namely
Christians, Muslims, and the Lumad or indigenous peoples - all work with grassroots
organizations focusing on environmental issues, peace and human rights, mass media,
and community organizing and education. According to the participants, the
Consciousness and Transformation workshop was the first of its kind held in
Mindanao as far as they are concerned. The same response given by those
interviewed. The average number of years spent by participants doing peacebuilding
is seven years. I had two documenters who helped facilitate the data gathering and the
transcription.
Throughout this article, I will be referring the participants as peacebuilders.
The questions during both the interviews and the workshop asked the peacebuilders to
describe their peacebuilding work and the possible shifts in their consciousness and its
implications to their practice. As peacebuilders share their narratives, they were
further asked to define consciousness and transformation in relation to self and
community.
All three countries covered in my study are home to refugee populations,
internally displaced persons, ongoing violence and potential further wars in the near
future. The regions have endured border or territorial conflict, arms struggle, ethnic or
religious conflict, and conflicts generated by movements toward national sovereignty,
independence, and autonomy. Most importantly, they are also home to remarkable
local peacebuilders who, despite the wars raging around them, have dedicated their
lives to peace and justice in their home communities.
The conflicts that affect Mindanao-Philippines, southern Thailand and
Indonesia can be seen as system-level structural conflicts that emerge from inequities
2
built into the social (and political) system. These conflicts, as Dugan (1996) puts it are
“institutionalized in a structured way within the social (and political) system.” People
know that the conflicts affecting their local communities are a national level
phenomenon, involving their respective central governments and a plethora of armed
opposition groups existing in their respective countries. Yet, within this context, local
peacebuilders choose to work on the seemingly impossible task of peacebuilding.
Peacebuilding In Their Own Words
Before delving into the actual discussion of consciousness and transformation,

let me first explore what the peacebuilders in my study mean by peacebuilding.
Peacebuilders echo what Rychler (2001) considers as the overall aim of
peacebuilding which is to transform conflicts constructively and to create a
sustainable peace environment. This includes not just fixing the problems, which
threatened the core interests of the conflicting organizations or communities involved
nor simply changing the strategic thinking, and the opportunity structure and the ways
of interacting. In this context, peacebuilding refers to all the efforts required on the
way to the creation of a sustainable peace, such as the establishment of peace zone,
which includes imagining a peaceful future, conducting an overall needs assessment,
developing a coherent peace plan, and designing an effective implementation of the
plan (p.12). For many peacebuilders, the implementation of peacebuilding involves
peace education and dialogues, capacity-building and empowerment trainings,
community organizing and consciousness raising in hopes to increase people’s sense
of socio-political awareness, initiating socio-cultural solidarity programs,
environmental advocacy and working with policy makers to effect social change.
They believe establishing a good relationship among members of local communities
founded on trust, justice, respect, and equity is vital to building peace. As
peacebuilders, they consider themselves agents of change and giving a voice to the
people.
According to the participants their ‘work’ in peacebuilding more so their being
a “peace builder” started when they made a conscious decision given various
phenomenological realities that catalyze and support shifts in their consciousness in
terms of new found passions and commitment. This does not mean they were not
involved in community work before. They made a clear distinction between the time
when they made a commitment to peacebuilding and when they started working in
local communities. Even though the nature of work is the same such as community
organizing, peace advocacy, initiating interreligious dialogues among conflicting
members of the community, back then they did not label such community
involvement as peacebuilding. Joy Zabala from Basilan, Mindanao, for example,
indicated that long before she started working in community peace initiatives, she
was already involved in humanitarian services through her parish in reaching out local
residents displaced by armed conflict. She also became a local government official.
Until she made a conscious effort to continue doing her job, she did not consider
herself a peacebuilder then. Myla Leguro has been conducting justice and peace
education before joining the Catholic Relief Services in Mindanao. She described her
work before as empowering people in local communities who were often victims of
human rights violations. For people like Zabala and Leguro, their early community
involvement was based on a felt need of wanting to do something in light of the
situation. They felt it was the right thing to do. But calling themselves ‘peace
builders’ happened only when they made a conscious commitment to continue
working and expanding further their community engagement complemented by peace

trainings and seminars they attended. Parichart Suwanbubbha, who spearheads
various interfaith dialogues between Muslim, Buddhist, and Christian residents on the
Thai-Malaysian border, has been teaching interreligious dialogue and peace studies
courses at Mahidol University in Salaya, Thailand before finally practicing in the
field what she teaches in school. It was only when colleagues and community leaders
challenged her to work in the field that she realized how much influence she has in
effecting community understanding and enabling people to live in co-existence. Her
new found passion as a peacebuilder, in addition to her being a teacher, gave her a
new sense of identity.
The phenomenological realities that peacebuilders mention serve as ‘turning
points’ in their consciousness of self and peacebuilding initiatives. According to
Mancini and Roberto (2009), the concept of turning points is key to understanding
positive development change. Sometimes highly visible, at other times apparently
innocuous, such moments may prove important in opening up new possibilities, often
in what may otherwise be unpromising circumstances. Resulting change of this kind
requires four conditions to be fulfilled, namely: the opportunity, the readiness of the
person to grasp it, the agency of the person to take active steps to respond to the
opportunity, and a sustaining context which supports the change effort and adherence
to the new pathway (p. 31).
Peacebuilders Discuss Consciousness
Consciousness as articulated by the peacebuilders is very much embedded in

their peace building practice. It was their self awareness and consciousness of socio-
economic and political realities manifested in poverty, armed conflict, and wars that
compelled their commitment to peace building. Consciousness further enhances their
ongoing process of self introspection, self reflection, and critical self analysis. Others
start with a sense of self awareness that made them do something about their situation.
Peacebuilders from Mindanao ascribe consciousness to what they call,
“kahimatngon,’ which implies informed awareness and understanding of social and
personal events, enabling the person or community to take action. The notion of
kahimatngon is akin to the dynamics and processes of conscientization or
consciousness-raising, used especially in Latin America during the 70s until today
against the backdrop of militarization, human rights violations, and poverty.
Kahimatngon is used in the Philippines mostly by community-based organizations in
their educational and capacity-building campaign to empower local communities in
taking constructive action to address economic and political problems.
Peacebuilders identify two major levels of consciousness, namely: lower level
and higher level consciousness. Knowledge about one’s work, place of work, and
possessing general information about the community they work with constitutes the
lower level of consciousness. They refer this consciousness to the time before they
made a wilfull decision to work in peace building, which involved commitment,
courage, and perseverance. Higher level consciousness involves understanding the
reasons behind their decision to work in peacebuilding, the meanings and implications
of their passions and commitment in bringing about social transformation, the bases
of their dreams and aspirations which continue to inspire and challenge them given
risks and difficulties they encounter everyday. The notion of kahimatngon falls under
higher level of consciousness.
4
Definitions of consciousness, according to the peace builders, may be

categorized into five aspects:
1. Consciousness as a process. One view of consciousness that peacebuiders have is

that it is a process of finding connection in our existence in terms of personal life,
including personal history, and our own people. According to Rhodius Noguera,
psychologist and grassroots community organizer, consciousness is a process of re-
awakening of different resources, that is, understanding life in every aspect. For
Noguera, his sense of fulfillment always connects to the community, hence, it is
beyond self-gratification and self-preservation.
2. Consciousness as space. Peacebuilders view consciousness as space in terms of
geographical location where the action takes place, and in terms of personal space that
facilitates transition for reflection, analysis, and decisions in light of social events. For
Leguro this space is where creativity, meaning-making, and individual/collective
processing happen. As Leguro‘s experience of consciousness suggests, it is in this
space where the deepening of her understanding of herself as a peace builder takes
place. It is in this space where she defines herself in terms of vocation, her potentials,
and her dreams and hopes in life. It is also in this space where she establishes that
connection to the outside, creating that point of convergence for inner meaning-
making and self development.
3. Consciousness as interconnectedness. Peacebuilders view consciousness as
something that takes place in relation to others and their surroundings. Consciousness
does not happen in isolation. Context informs consciousness whether people are able
to articulate it or not, they said, which implies there is always that social dimension to
consciousness. The human and social component of consciousness is described by
many as interconnectedness. Understanding consciousness through this lens reflects a
collectivist culture of peace builders, where communal living and the ideas of “we-
ness” and “togetherness” are emphasized.
4. Consciousness as cornerstone. Peacebuilders believe that consciousness of self and
others, including one’s surroundings, is the basis by which their practice of
peacebuilding finds its full expression. Tommy Pangcoga says it well,
Without consciousness, we peacebuilders don’t have the moral ascendancy to

extend ourselves or reach out to others. We need to first have a good grasp of
who you are, what you are, what you can do, what your limitations are, where
you want to go, what you feel, what you are afraid of, what you are prepared
to do. It hinges on that self consciousness. If a person ignores that and just
takes it empassing of face value then he would run the risk of
miscommunicating himself to others and misrepresenting himself, not only
himself but misrepresenting what he represents. That is very risky because
instead of being a connector, one becomes a divider.
Pangcoga’s explanation connects consciousness to what Elizabeth Tisdell

(2003) calls a glimpse of a truer sacred face, grounded in one’s own authenticity
rather than who one was told one should be. These are the moments, according to
Tisdell when one says, “This is who I am… even if it is not who you want me to be.”
(139) Consciousness, which frees our sacred face becomes an ongoing process that
often involves unlearning the ways we have uncritically absorbed what others told us
we should be. As Tisdell explains, Claiming and reclaiming who we are now,
according to our own beliefs and values, is a process of ongoing identity development
that many have described as a spiritual experience or spiritual journey. Confronted by

social realities, Parker Palmer (2000) says that we claim our own ‘face,’ our own
identity, which involves much learning and unlearning in search of our more
“authentic vocation.” (140)
Implications of Consciousness in Peacebuilding
There are, at least, five major implications of consciousness to peacebuilding

that participants identify. They are as follows:
a. While many of them are already self aware of their commitment to peacebuilding,
their consciousness of social realities leads them to self introspection, which they
describe as a way to make sense of their conscious experience of reality. The process
of self introspection facilitates how they continue to define and redefine them selves
in terms of vocation, their potentials, including dreams and hopes in life.
b. As a result, they question and assess their values and priorities in life based on what
they believe they ought to do.
c. Consciousness challenges peace builders to act, to do something based on their
consciousness of self and social realities.
d. Consciousness inspires peace builders to utilize whatever field-based knowledge,
skills, and theories they have established to strengthen and expand their peacebuilding
initiatives.
e. Consciousness defines and redefines people’s identity as peacebuilders and
provides guidance and direction to their peace building work.
Exploring Transformation
The word, ‘transformation” connotes different things to different people. It is

used synonymously with alteration, assimilation, change, conversion, digestion,
metamorphism, metamorphosis, modification, movement, mutation, shift,
transfiguration, translation, transmogrification, transmutation
(http://dictionary.sensagent.com/transformation/en-en/). John Paul Lederach (2003)
uses transformation in addressing the harmful and destructive energies of conflict into
something positive and constructive, including rebuilding of human relationships.
Transformation in this context refers to a comprehensive orientation or framework
that ultimately may require a fundamental change in our way of thinking. From the
perspective of this study, this constitutes what I would call inner shifts in human
consciousness brought about by the influence that social and personal events have on
peace builders.
What, then, are transforming persons? And what do they look like? Murray
Stein (1998) describes transforming persons as persons who are not necessarily ideal
people who elicit our admiration and call for emulation. They are people who are in
the process of transformation and therefore often incomplete, like works in progress.
They are becoming themselves, yet they are also, oddly, becoming what they have not
yet been. Often they are people who transform others and their surrounding cultures.
“It is my personal conviction that only those who have been or are being transformed
can be agents of further transformation,” declares Stein (xxiii-xxiv).
Peacebuilders understand transformation as a by-product of consciousness and
community engagement. They connect transformation to one’s being and doing
within the context of community. Saylar explains, “I am a new Saylar, thinking not
6
anymore for myself but for others and for the common good of all. As an organizer, I
am trying to change people’s mindset or ways of thinking, especially Karen refugees.
I influence people to act.” According to Orson Sargado, transformation is a higher
form or level of change. It goes beyond change of one’s outlook and perspectives in
life. It is living out what you preach, giving congruency to both words and action. For
Noguera (self) transformation is anchored in the community and in the lives of people
he works with.
Peacebuilders also talk about transformation as a process of an ongoing self
discovery and self reflection in light of personal experience. The process, according
to Suwanbubbha, involves mindfulness which she describes as sending her heart,
mind, and sincerity to the people she works with through her presence. As
Suwanbubbha maintains direct contact with the people, she lets them understand
themselves and respect their dignity through peace education, dialogue, and by
establishing relationships with them in the community. By doing so, she is also able to
give people the opportunity to have that direct exploration of themselves for deeper
self awareness and understanding through reflective practice and discussion.
So far the response given suggests that transformation goes hand in hand with
consciousness. However, transformation may be possible even without the person
being aware of the process that is taking place. Maliwan, for example, narrates that
her transformative experience working with fellow refugees on the Thai-Burmese
border happened gradually: “My self transformation happened step by step…
sometimes I did not even know that it was already taking place.” Maliwan started
working out of a need for volunteers. Later on her passion and commitment to work
with fellow refugees grew. She realized the experience is giving her a sense of value
and direction in life. She never felt this way before.
Describing Transformation through Metaphors
Lederach uses head, heart, hands, legs and feet - basically the whole being, in
describing transformation of conflict. In his book, The Little Book of Conflict
Transformation, Lederach used Head to represent the conceptual view of conflict, that
is, how people think about and therefore prepare to approach conflict. In
peacebuilding, head implies two things, namely: the capacity to envision conflict
positively, as a natural phenomenon that creates potential for constructive growth, and
the willingness to respond in ways that maximize this potential for positive change
(14,15). The heart highlights human relationships which represent a web of
connections that form the human eco-system from which particular issues arise and
are given life. It further symbolizes life-giving opportunities that keep relationships
and social structures honest, alive, and dynamically responsive to human needs,
aspirations, and growth (17,18).
Hands, according to Lederach, bring us close to practice. Hands are that part
of the body capable of building things, able to touch, feel and affect the shape that
things take (18). Legs and feet represent the place where we touch the ground, where
all our journeys hit the road. Like the hand, this is a point of action, where thought
and heartbeat translate into response, direction, and momentum. What this implies is
that transformation demands that we be responsive to real-life challenges, needs, and
realities (20). Transformation per se goes beyond the cognitive aspect in addressing
conflict. It involves our entire selves as represented in Lederach’s metaphors using
body parts.
Interestingly, this set of metaphors embodies how peacebuilders also describe

transformation in light of their peacebuilding efforts. One of the revealing activities
that workshop participants did was assigning metaphors to their understanding and
experience of transformation, be it self or social transformation. Defining
transformation by word poses some difficulty for some participants, especially those
who consider themselves visual or hands-on learners. Using metaphor as a
mechanism, however, enables them to articulate it more clearly. It also reflects their
level of consciousness in relation to self and community.
Implications of a metaphor
According to Hocker and Wilmot (1995), when people spontaneously describe

an experience or event as something else, they use a metaphor (6). Metaphor makes us
see one thing by making some literal statement that prompts or inspires the insight or
that which seeks out its “hidden meaning or implication” (D Davidson, 2001).
Metaphor(s) from this perspective may fall under what John Searle considers as
representing a class of linguistic expression that says one thing and means another
(Levin, 1993, 112-113). In this respect, metaphors resemble cases of irony and
indirect speech acts. A characteristic of all such types of linguistic expressions is that
the literal utterance – what in fact is said – is in some sense “defective,” taking the
form of “obvious falsehood, semantic nonsense, violation of the rules of speech acts,
or violations of conversational principles of communication.” The problem posed by
such expressions is therefore to determine where, if not in the utterance itself, one
should look to ascertain what they in fact mean. In this connection, Searle introduces
the distinction between (literal) sentence meaning and (speaker’s) utterance meaning,
and suggests that one should look to the latter for true meaning. In other words, the
sentence may say one thing, but the speaker may intend something else, and the
meaning to be inferred from the sentence must be attributed to and read off that
intention (Levin, 1993).
Metaphor is not just a matter of language or linguistic expression (Lederach,

1995, Ortony, 1993, Lakoff and Johnson, 1980). A metaphor also provides an
alternative linguistic mechanism for expressing ideas (Ortony, 1993) and for trying to
comprehend partially what cannot be comprehended totally such as our feelings,
aesthetic experiences, moral practices, and spiritual awareness, (Lakoff and Johnson,
1980) including elements that a metaphor can convey such as flavor, texture and
sensation (LeBaron, 2002). Peacebuilders’ utterance meanings of metaphors reflect
the rich images they have about their peace initiatives including their understanding
about what things mean; that is, how language, perception, interpretation, and
meaning are constructed around events and interaction in their setting. Metaphor, in
this context, becomes a way for peacebuilders to express and articulate their views of
transformation, reflecting the level of consciousness they have on this matter .
A Constructivist Approach
Understanding the speaker’s utterance meaning in a metaphor requires a

constructivist framework. Constructivism, according to Robson (2002), suggests that
reality is socially constructed or interpretive (27). Peacebuilders demonstrate their
own unique ways of conceptualizing and articulating their experiences of
transformation brought about by their consciousness of socio-cultural and historical
8
context, that is, they have a way of putting meaning into what they experience and
observe around them. Meaning, from this context, refers to what is meaningful and
significant to peacebuilders which, according to Lakoff and Johnson (1980), can be
matters of intuition, imagination, feeling, and individual (as well as collective)
experience (224). These context-based conceptualizations and articulations must be
taken into consideration in understanding what people mean and imply by their
utterances.
A Generative metaphor
The idea of metaphor as central to the task of accounting for our perspectives
on the world such as how we think about things, the way we make sense of reality,
and how we set the problems we later try to solve refers both to a certain kind of
product - a perspective or frame, a way of looking at things – and to a certain kind of
process, that is, a process by which new perspectives on the world come into
existence (Schön, 1993). Schön calls this process generative metaphor. Here people
are involved in a particular concrete situation; at the same time that they are reflecting
on the problem, they are experiencing the phenomena of the problem (158).
Therefore, for people living in problematic situations, like the peacebuilders, the use
of the metaphor becomes not only a way of expressing their transformation, but also
as an interpretive tool for the critical analysis of their transformative experience. As
an interpretive tool, it involves the language of “seeing” rather than “describing”
(142).
Metaphors Peacebuilders Use

1. Lighted Candle
- Imagine yourself in a dark room with no single light available. Most likely you will
not see anything around you except the total darkness. There is no clear vision, and no
sense of direction. Now imagine someone bringing in a lighted candle into the room,
you will begin to notice your surroundings. You see the other person. In this situation,
a single lighted candle is all it takes to make a difference.
The focus of the metaphor is the actual lighted candle. As the candle gives off
light, it slowly burns itself as well, which is part of the whole process of giving off
light so others may benefit. Only by allowing itself to melt down can a candle become
useful. In transformation, peace builders have to let go of the old self to facilitate the
coming in of the new. The transformative process demands a face to face encounter
with personal biases, prejudices, indifference, and sometimes apathy in relation to
local communities that need direct assistance and support. The process of letting go
might be difficult and challenging for some, however their newfound passions and
commitment in bringing about social change in the lives of people they work with
overcomes difficulties and challenges. The social change that peacebuilders envision
for others is strong enough to withstand the challenges and difficulties the process of
letting go brings.
2. Lighter
- Like a lighter that needs fuel and be turned on so flame will come out,
transformation requires events or personal experiences that would serve as turning
points or catalysts in bringing about higher level of change, whether the person is
aware of the process or not. Peacebuilders identify witnessing first hand the
destruction brought about by wars and armed struggles in terms of displacement,
deaths, loss of people’s personal belongings, including means of livelihood, as well as

loss of people’s sense of safety and security. At the same time being a part of post-
conflict reconstruction whether in terms of education, capacity-building,
rehabilitation, trauma healing, relief assistance, and humanitarian services - these
experiences facilitated inner shifts in people’s consciousness leading to self
transformation.
2. A growing seed
- The growing of seeds is called germination. Seeds require soil, sunlight and water to
germinate and then literally grow on their own. Initially there is a radical which grows
into the soil to find nutrition and then there are roots which grow out of this radical. A
stem or plumule grows out of the soil upwards and this is the stalk of the plant.
Leaves grow from this stalk and then the plant takes shape (www.flowersplants.net).
According to peacebuilders, when a person acquires self and social
consciousness, complemented by peace education, trainings, and seminars,
transformation becomes inevitable. The person is no longer the same. New knowledge
and perspectives, including newly acquired skills, begin to make an impact in the
person’s life.
Consciousness and Transformation
I would like to end this article by presenting the dynamic interplay between
consciousness and transformation as articulated by peacebuilders.
Peacebuilders recognize that consciousness and transformation go hand in
hand whether or not the person is able to articulate the process involved.
Consciousness, according to peacebuilders brings constructive change in one’s
thinking, disposition, behavior or action. As peacebuilders continue to immerse
themselves in community-based peace initiatives, listening daily to the stories and
experiences of local residents, and helping them find ways in their attempt to address
socio-economic and political problems, their commitment to peacebuilding deepens
and enhances. As Arthorn “Art” Srikeeratikarn said, “Before, all I was thinking was
money and how to increase my income… as I continue working with the refugees, I
realize that there are more important things in life other than financial resources.
These are the people I work with. My work gives me a sense of meaning. The people
provide me with a sense of fulfillment. We encounter many problems inside the camp
but knowing that we are working together gives me a sense of direction. My love for
my family has also increased. I have now become more appreciative of what I have,
even if it is simple.”
The kind of consciousness that brings about transformation is what
peacebuilders call a high level consciousness. Leguro explains, “Before, I thought of
myself as an open-minded person in terms of having acquired knowledge about the tri
people in Mindanao. I read, I attended human rights and justice trainings and
seminars. It was not until I immersed myself with actual Muslims, Christians, and
indigenous people in rural areas in Mindanao that I realized I had prejudices against
them. This realization opened myself up to a deeper level of self awareness and
understanding about my own environment and upbringing. This made me think of
transformation as an ongoing process.”
In Leguro’s case, the process of transformation was brought about by a
conscious decision to change for the better. Second, conscious of the things in herself
that she needed to change, Leguro, in collaboration with fellow peacebuilders, began
to intentionally create an environment that would further facilitate and promote self
10
transformation. This transformative environment takes the forms of personal and

community rituals, prayers, sharing of visions and aspirations toward peace among
peace builders and community development workers, including faith-based
organizations. They incorporate these new undertakings in the design and
implementation of programs and community projects. Third, the process of
transformation requires honest and genuine recognition of the presence of each person
and the space that they are able to create.
Transformation (and consciousness), Stein explains, leads people to become
more
deeply and completely who they are and have always potentially been.
Transformation
(and consciousness) is realization, revelation, and emergence, not self-
improvement....
The transforming person is someone who realizes the inherent self to the maximum
extent possible and in turn influences others to do the same" (xxiv).
The following are personal statements that peacebuilders came up with in

terms of the dynamic interplay between consciousness and transformation:
- “For someone who attempts to bring a positive change in a society plagued by

armed conflict and extreme poverty, he/she must be mindful of the power or influence
his/her presence brings. As a peacebuilder, I must be aware of the content, the
methodology, and the processes involved in the implementation of my program in
light of the community dynamics.” - Anonymous
- “The connection between consciousness and transformation lies in terms of being

mindful that what you are doing liberates people from self defeating dispositions
toward individual and societal transformation.” - Amy Ramiro
- “My personal transformation is very much influenced and shaped by my sense of

consciousness of my commitment to peacebuilding, my values, and priorities.” -
Orson Sargado
- “There is no transformation without consciousness, only change. But if you have

mindfulness, you can sustain the transformation process.” - Parichart Suwanbubbha
- “Consciousness plays a significant role in transformation. Through transformation,

you gain a better grasp of who you are as a person and what you can give to others as
a person.” - Tommy Pangcoga
While consciousness as explained by peacebuilders facilitates (self) transformation,

living
out this transformed self, in the process, also results to a much deeper level of
consciousness. Hence, the two become an ongoing process, each reinforcing and
enhancing one another.
References
Davidson, Donald. 2001. Inquiries Into Truth and Interpretation. New

York: Oxford University Press Inc.
Dugan, Maire A. 1996. “A Nested Theory of Conflict.” In A leadership

journal: women in leadership-sharing the vision 1 (July): 9-20.
Hocker, Joyce L., William W. Wilmot. 1995. Interpersonal Conflict, 4th ed.,
Dubuque: Iowa: Brown and Benchmark Publishers.
“How do seeds grow?“ http://www.flowersplants.net/Seeds/How-do-

seeds-grow90_AR.aspx. Accessed 12 May 2010
Lakoff, George, Mark Johnson. 1980. Metaphors We Live By. Chicago,

Illinois: The University of Chicago Press.
LeBaron, Michelle. 2002. Bridging Troubled Waters: Conflict Resolution

from the Heart. San Francisco, California: Josseyy-Bass.
Lederach, John Paul. 2003. The Little Book of Conflict Transformation.

Intercourse, PA: Good Books.
Levin, Samuel. 1993. Metaphor and Thought, 2nd ed., Ed. Andrew
Ortony. New York: Cambridge University Press.
Mancini, Jay A. & Roberto, Karen A. 2009. Pathways of Human

Development: Explorations of Change. Lanham: Lexington Books.
Ortony, Andrew. 1993. Metaphor and Thought, 2nd ed. Ed. Andrew
Robson, Colin. 2002. Real World Research, A Resource for Social

Scientists and Practitioner-Researchers, 2nd ed., Massachusetts:
Blackwell Publishers Inc.
Rychler, Luc. 2001. “From Conflict to Sustainable Peacebuilding:

Concepts and Analytical Tools.” In Peacebuilding: A Field Guide.
Reychler, Luc, Thania Paffenholz, eds. Boulder, Colorado: Lynne Rienner
Publishers, Inc.
Schön, Donald A. 1993. Metaphor and Thought, 2nd ed. Ed. Andrew
Stein, Murray. 1998. Transformation: Emergence of the Self. College

Station : Texas A&M University Press.
Tisdell, Elizabeth. 2003. Exploring Spirituality and Culture in Adult and

Higher Education. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass,
12
“Transformation” <dictionary.sensagent.com/transformation/en-en/>.
Accessed 5 May 2010.
Chapter 2
Redefining Christianity as an identity frame for Afrikaners
Erna Oliver, DrTh 1
Abstract: The Afrikaners, who are mostly Christians, find themselves in a crisis.
Their dramatically changed role in society had a traumatic influence on their identity
frames. Conflict about the past and the negative perception of their traditional
lifestyle, together with the strains of coping with the current chaotic living conditions
in South Africa are all pressing the Afrikaner nation towards change. One of the
cornerstones of Afrikaner identity is their Christian faith. This identity frame is in
urgent need of restructuring, away from mirroring an image of the deformed, hurting
society to a powerful peacemaking window of opportunity and hope, free from the
organisational and political constrains that kept it hostage for so long. By creating
cognitive dissonance the emotions and influences that frame Afrikaner Christianity
can be identified and analysed. The process of positive structural and personal
change to provide a new self esteem and identity can be initiated through remedial
religion based education. This development process can act as a powerful tool
through which Afrikaners can be motivated into action, positively contributing to
change and responding to challenges in our country.
1 Introduction
The eyes of both the international community and fellow South Africans are
still on every move made by the Afrikaners (who became infamous because of
Apartheid), despite the fact that 16 years have elapsed since the first democratic
elections caused a make-over of our country. Like a child that has outgrown its old
clothes, Afrikaners no longer fit into their traditional identity frames (that were
trapped within church organisations and political structures; mirroring an image of the
deformed, hurting society). The old garments are outdated and too tight, restricting
movement and development. But the Afrikaners find themselves trapped in it as there
is no consensus on how the new outfit should be designed and therefore it is not ready
to be worn and no real transformation can take place.
1 Between 1989 and 2000 she was a fulltime minister of religion in the Dutch Reformed Church. She
worked side by side with her husband Willem who is also a minister of religion. They served in two
congregations. She acted as co-author for more than 30 popular spiritual publications. In 2005 she
completed a doctoral degree in Church History at the University of South Africa and started to work as
a research assistant/lecturer the following year at the Department of Christian Spirituality, Church
History and Missiology of UNISA.
13
Chapter 2, Erna Oliver, DrTh
Afrikaners are not, and never were a unified nation. Among the early settlers were
people from the Netherlands, Sweden, Germany, Scandinavia, Flanders, France and
also from Brittain (Preston 1989:15). These diverse origins resulted in a variety of
appearances and a large array of worldviews with a schismatic tendency (Steyn
2006:674) that often broke through the surface during troublesome times throughout
their short history of about 360 years. It is therefore difficult to provide an inclusive
definition for the Afrikaner nation. They are white people who speak Afrikaans and
most of them live in South Africa. Even this broad definition needs clarification:
There are also other white people living in South Africa (whose home language is not
Afrikaans) and there are also other population groups (like the Coloured community)
who speak Afrikaans. There are large numbers of Afrikaners living outside South
Africa, for example in England, South America, Australia and New Zeeland.
There are no statistics available on the percentage of Christians among the

Afrikaner population, but the 2001 census stated that about 87% of the white
population are Christians (Statistics South Africa 2004:28). The percentage for the
Afrikaners could be about the same or slightly higher.
When focussing on the identity frames of the Afrikaner nation, the spotlight
falls directly on the current critical hotspot. Since 1994 the status of the Afrikaners
within the society changed drastically2 (Giliomee 2009) and so did the status of the
Afrikaner Church as Christianity, for the most people, became a mere label (cf. Froise
2004:7,8) and the church lost its influence on people. These changes as well as the
deteriorating living conditions and the non-existence of efficient religious leadership
are creating an identity crisis amongst the Afrikaners.
This crisis provides opportunities for change and development away from the
traditional organisational and political focus towards positive individual growth.
Societal changes often require structural change that can be brought about by the use
of cognitive dissonance in order to help Afrikaners to adhere to their task and calling
to play a vital role in the reconstruction of the South African society.
Before embarking on this mission, it is necessary to clarify some of the terms

that will be used.
2 Definitions
Identity frames:
2 A new chapter that was added to the book of Hermann Giliomee (The Afrikaners: Biography of a
people, 2009) updates the history of the Afrikaners up to the 2009 general elections. Minority groups,
especially the whites, were ignorant about some key ANC policy documentation and were
consequently shocked and dismayed at the ruling party’s interpretation of the Constitution and the
continuing deconstruction of democracy.
14
A frame is an interpretive device that all people use when making sense of the
world around them (Gardner 2003). The ‘frame’ acts as a device to draw borders
around what is and what is not important. Identity frames are used to ‘crop’
information and perspectives that do not align with, or perhaps contradict features of
an individual’s core identity (Gardner 2003). Because our identity describes who we
are as individuals, we tend to protect those things (beliefs, values, group affiliations)
that help create our sense of self.
When people view themselves as a part of a larger group, position, institution,

or set of values, they wil behave in ways that protect the groups’ markers of identity.
Religion as an identity frame:
Man is incurable religious. It would be a mistake to think that the importance

of religion can be diminished by issues such as globalisation and economisation (Van
Workum). Riesebrodt (2000:2) observes that people were not prepared for the recent
global resurgence of religions as public forces and powerful shapers of habits.
Religion is an important ingredient of the traditional composition of the

Afrikaner nation’s identity. The unique use (and abuse) of religion by the Afrikaner
nation cannot be adequately understood outside of their concrete social historical,
political and economical context (cf. Riesebrodt 2000:23).
Afrikaners generally identify themselves as Calvinists, but they reached their

own conclusions on doctrine, morals and the interpretation of the Biblical message
under influences such as Pietism, Methodism, Neo Calvinism and Liberal theology
(Oliver 2006:1473-5). After the Second Anglo-Boer War (1899-1902), a unique
syncretistic civil religion with a shell of Puritanism and an idealistic concept of
theocracy developed that managed to trap Afrikaner religion for a century to come.
Since religions offer complex repertoires of beliefs and practices they can be
selectively instrumentalize not only for the legitimation of authority and privilege, but
also for their delegitimation and sometimes also for transformation (Riesebrodt
2000:23). Religious revivalism is a useful and powerful tool to provide a new self-
esteem and perspective. However followers must also be motivated to action (Brahm
2005).
Cognitive dissonance:
Cognitive dissonance is a tension experienced by most people when their

behaviour, feelings and beliefs are not in harmony. Festinger (1957) calls the state of
tension that occurs whenever we hold two ‘cognitions’ – ideas, beliefs, opinions – that
contradict each other, cognitive dissonance. The 2008 publication by Travis and
Aronson (Mistakes were made – but not by me - Why we justify foolish beliefs, bad
decisions, and hurtful acts) on Cognitive dissonance could have been written with the
majority of Afrikaners in mind. Cognitive dissonance can be used as the spark that
ignites inner conflict.
15
Conflict:
Conflict is the engine of social learning. It reveals problems and encourages

those problems to be dealt with (Brahm 2005). Cognitive dissonance can pave the
way for constructive confrontation with traditional Afrikaner identity frames, leading
to development and eventually to a paradigm shift.
Development:
Development should be understood as a process, not a product. Societies are

constantly changing and because transitions between paradigms are very difficult,
development assistance must be provided (Olympio).
Next I will provide a few remarks on the traditional Afrikaner identity frames.
Following that, an explanation about the current state of affairs is needed before
moving on to an attempt to redefine Afrikaner Christianity as an identity frame.
3 Traditional Afrikaner identity frames
The identity of a nation has a sense of permanence. It forms a pattern continuing

from one generation to the next (Wilcocks 1945:287). The identity of the Afrikaner
nation has melted into a solid mass, making it nearly impossible to distinguish
between their character, religion and worldview (Erlank 1952:12).
The traditional Afrikaner identity frame can be seen as a triangle. At the top,
and most important, is their Calvinistic religion. The left hand corner, directly derived
from their religion, is their unique perception of history3 and the right hand corner
forms the practical bundle of characteristics that, to a large extent, is suppose to be
flowing from the first two anchors.
Although South Africa was never officially a Christian country, the Christian
religion played a major part in the political, economical and social history and
development of the country. Both private and public life were based upon the
Christian faith (Oliver 2008:305-326). However, like everything else when it comes
to the Afrikaner nation, not even regarding their religion were the Afrikaners united.4
3 South African history writing has been labelled as biased (Denis 1997:86), sacred (Den Boer
1966:33), apologetic (Van Jaarsveld 1953:47,8), schismatic (Giliomee 2003:179), conservative and
narrow-minded (Liebenberg 1966:61), sectarian and imperial (MacCulloch 1978:3,5).
4
Within one country (The Zuid-Afrikaansche Republic that was founded in 1853 after the Great Trek
by Afrikaners to escape from the British occupation of the Cape) and one nation, three different
Churches, all based on the Calvinistic principles, were formed within less than three decades. This
disunity caused many problems in all aspects of life and divided the people into fanatic groups willing
to fight with each other to prove themselves right (cf. Pont 1968:197).
16
Schism and internal power struggles by individuals as well as political and dogmatic
differences severely handicapped the official Afrikaner churches (Schutte 1943:30).
Afrikaners do not distinguish between their worldview and their religion. This
manner of thinking runs like a golden thread through Afrikaner history as it influences
all aspects of life and the perspective on past, present and future of both individuals
and the nation as a whole (Van Jaarsveld 1961:228). Therefore, their writing of and
perspective on history is coloured with religion and apologetic in nature (Oliver
2005:15,43). Afrikaners have a ‘holy’ history. They see themselves as victims and
underdogs who rose from poverty and defeat to establish an independent nation but
who were traumatically forced to return to underdog status again after 1994. They
have chosen traumas and glories (cf. Volkan 1994) which are treasured and observed.5
Just like the difference beween a terrorist and a freedom fighter is in the eyes of
the beholder, the traditional Afrikaner character can be regarded from two different
angles. From a positive point of view Afrikaners were described as unconsciously
religious (Rose 1902:11) but their critics saw them as sectarians (cf. Nieder-Heitmann
sa:185). Their conservativeness (Froude 1886:38) was seen as narrow-mindedness
(Garret-Fisher 1900:35) and their strong-minded individualism as stubbornness
(Wichmann 1941:2). The traditional patriarchal system (Stuart 1854:408) is frowned
upon as male dominance, aggravated by aggressiveness and arrogance (Paterson
1957:279). Afrikaners think of themselves as clever and cunning while outsiders tend
to regard them as dishonest (Giliomee 2003:190; Younghusband 1890:245).
Afrikaners also have a unique sense of humour that others often see as sardonic/black
humour.
These characteristics form the third cornerstones of the traditional Afrikaner

identity frame. The degree in which these characteristics can be detected in
individuals and groups, vary to a great extend.
Often, Afrikaners themselves are not aware of the influence that these three
concepts have on their identity and actions and therefore they cannot be labelled as
identity frames per se – see our definition of identity frames above. The fact that
Afrikaners are not able to clearly identify their own identity frames could be a major
contributing factor to the current chaotic situation that they find themselves in and
therefore it should form the starting point for the transitional process.
4 Current confusion regarding Afrikaner identity frames
Afrikaner religion that, for centuries, formed the backbone of the Afrikaner
identity, is suffering the consequences of functioning as a political ideology during
the 20th century. The dismantling of Apartheid posed questions about integrity and
5 The observation that the Afrikaners ‘still fight the Boer War in their sleep’ (Brown
1966:201) was revived by the festivities and folksongs and way of speech during the
last 10 years.
17
honesty when it comes to the use of Scripture by church leaders as guidelines for life,
while the current debates around issues such as homosexuality, church unity and the
‘Reformed identity’ are making matters worse.
After 1994 the public voice of the Afrikaner churches became silent and their
members like lost sheep. Statistics show a sharp decrease in membership numbers
(more than 1000 members each year from each of the churches) of all the traditional
Afrikaans speaking Churches (Oliver 2006:118).
The influence of postmodernism on the Afrikaner churches is also significant.

Osborn (1999:108-111) notes several changes that can all be traced in the Afrikaans
speaking churches:
• The market driven church has taken the place of the Bible driven church.
• The triumph of secularism has weakened the impact of the church on society.
• There is a sharp increase in Bible illiteracy.
• There is a sharp decline in Biblical preaching and teaching.
• Relevance replaced Biblical mandates.
• Many Christians turned into materialists.
• The academy has helped foster the lack of biblical and theological depth in the
church.
Their changed status in society revived the Afrikaner feeling of being victimised.
They experience a loss of control over their destinies as well as an inability to change
their situations (Rosenberg 2003). Aggression levels especially amongst Afrikaner
men are on the increase. Affirmative action left them feeling worthless. About 117
000 white civil servants left their jobs between 1998 and 2002 after receiving
compensation for leaving early. Most of these were Afrikaner men (Giliomee 2009).
Violence and crime is taking their toll and have the nation bleeding (Nowicki 2004).
Reactive behaviour, shifting the burden, tightening the circle and shrinking of
perspectives (cf Steinke 2000:43) are all negative and counterproductive dead-end
escape routes that Afrikaners are using to cope with the current situation in South
Africa. A quick-fix symptomatic relief option was chosen by thousands of Afrikaners
who formed part of the 15% of the population who emigrated during the last two
decades (Giliomee 2009).
Afrikaners are in urgent need of a redefined identity frame in order to see

themselves in a new light and in a new relationship with God and other people. There
is no use in protecting idolatry or a false account of history, as it results in a
superficial character with inconsistencies between the foundation of faith and
practical actions – exactly where a large number of Afrikaners are at present.
18
5 Using cognitive dissonance to redefine Afrikaner religion
A worldview is the sum total of man’s beliefs, and every worldview is based on
faith. Faith as basis of the Christian worldview is an understanding of everything in
relationship to God (Botha 2008:212). The fact that other Christians are able to label
Afrikaner faith as sectarian or hypocritical must activate intensive self-evaluation and
testing against the Biblical principles.
Religious revivalism is a powerful tool to provide a new self esteem and

Christian identity with an eschatological perspective. Cognitive dissonance could act
as vehicle to activate this process. Afrikaners used to overemphasise the Old
Testament (Schonken 1914:37). The Bible, and more specifically the New
Testament, should be used as guideline for identification of basic Christian
foundations. The Bible does not rank one nation above the other – Jews and Greeks
are equal (Rom 1:16) and therefore Afrikaners and the other people living in South
Africa are all equal. The Bible does not permit children of God to hate other people
and therefore Christian love should be extended to all people, also non-Afrikaners.
The Bible tells us that Christians do not fear (I John 4) but fear is one of the main
driving forces behind the actions of a large number of Afrikaners (Oliver 2010). In
the minds and hearts of a number of Afrikaners, statements like these would create
cognitive dissonance, but to the majority, these words will fail to have any effect for
some time to come. Cooper (2007:74) states that dissonance begins with behaviour.
The more Afrikaners are made attentive to the discrepancies between their faith and
their behaviour, the more likely the possibilities to change would become. Change in
the private convictions of individuals would precede changes in Afrikaner religious
identity. Faith transforms people. Seemingly small changes in people can produce
large and significant changes to the system.
6 Using cognitive dissonance to redefine Afrikaner history
The well-known words of Rosenberg (1996:xviii) also apply to Afrikaners:

‘Nations, like individuals, need to face up to and understand traumatic past events
before they can put them aside and move on to normal life’. But it is a major
challenge to change the convictions of those who wish to believe their own
interpretation of events (MacMillan 2009:87). Traditionally, Afrikaner historians
choose what ought to be remembered and also how it should be remembered. Events
that reveal Afrikaners as perpetrators or villains were simply ignored.
Painting the picture from a different perspective, by adjusting the focus point to
be Christ and not a man-made perspective on events, cognitive dissonance would be
inevitable. This would help to identify emotions that are associated with loss, fear,
anger or shame and influences such as politics, economy and status as possible
deforming elements which need to be eliminated.
19
The historic claim that Afrikaners were formed as a Christian nation (Meyer
1940) could, in the light of a redefined Afrikaner history, act as hammer that can be
used to pin both the anchors of faith and history down as the cornerstones of our
identity.
7 Using cognitive dissonance to redefine Afrikaner character and actions
It has already been stated that cognitive dissonance is activated by making

people attentive to the discrepancies between their beliefs and their actions. The
average Afrikaner Christian resembles his pagan counterparts in nearly every way (cf.
Osborn 1999:108). That is why the current identity frame of Afrikaner Christianity
can be seen as mirroring the deformed and hurting society (cf. Whitley 1969).
However, this can be changed. Afrikaners are able to change and adapt to new and
uncertain conditions. This was proven time and again by their pioneering history and
their invention of practical and sometimes controversial solutions to all kinds of
problems6. Pioneers break free from constrictions. They focus on creating a different,
better future. Cognitive dissonance can be used to make Afrikaners aware of the fact
that they do not act like Christians when they are behind the steering wheels of their
cars, or when they falsify tax returns or lie or cheat other people. If our behaviour
changes to be in line with our faith, we would be forced to take responsibility for our
actions and neglects. Attitudes would change resulting in a change of roles in society
– from critics to co-workers. The Afrikaner nation would change from a reflecting
mirror to an open window of hope for positive change (cf. Whitley 1969).
Moral conversion is an on-going, at times exciting, surprising or painful

process. It involves a reconstruction of several areas: the intellect, emotions,
willpower, relationships and life style and actions (Kretzschmar 2007: 27). The
conversion of life style and actions is dependent on the other conversions. It is the
final test of whether moral formation has indeed occurred (Kretzschmar 2007:35).
8 Empowerment towards development
It is important to remember that development should be seen as a process that

would take time to gain momentum and impact. Transitions between paradigms are
very difficult and need mature, empowered and dynamic leaders to facilitate the
process of transformative learning. This type of learning involves subjective
reframing and it is usually an intensely threatening emotional experience (Dugan
2003).
6 A popular Afrikaans slogan can be translated to: a farmer (read Afrikaner) will always find a way
around a problem, even if he has to invent a solution. Several Afrikaners are famous for their
inventions like Prof Chris Barnard who successfully transplanted a human heart. During the years of
isolation KRYGCOR developed weapons like the Rooivalk helicopter of which the patent was later
sold to an European country.
20
A possible outline of a plan of action to redefine Christianity as an identity frame for

Afrikaners could be formulated as follows:
• First of all, the Afrikaner nation needs to be informed about the traditional
identity frames (based on religion, history and character) and the influence this
frame of reference have on the nation and also on the way other people see
them.
• Secondly, Afrikaners must be convinced that the contents of these three pillars
of their identity need to be changed. Cognitive dissonance can be implemented
to activate the process. Afrikaners must take the responsibility upon
themselves to bring about positive change.
• A fresh vision should be created with which the nation as a whole can identify
and will be willing to promote. This would probably focus on our Christian
faith.
• Next the strong points and weaknesses of the existing contents of each pillar
need to be identified as well as their impact on the Afrikaners and how to use
or change them in order to implement the role that Afrikaners choose to play
in society. It should be realised that both structural and personal changes and
sacrifices would be unavoidable in order to progress.
• A definite structure to implement the plan must be set in order. Informal
religious revival meetings such as the ‘Global day of prayer’ and the ‘Mighty
Men’ Conferences could act as initiating forums. The process by which a
nation is moved towards a new public morality starts when the seedbeds for
moral regeneration are identified7.
• Measures to monitor progress must be implemented.
9 Conclusion
The content of the traditional identity frames of the Afrikaner can no longer be
used for the purpose of identification – too much have changed. However, paradigm
shifts do not happen automatically, or just because there is a need for it. Transition is
a painful process of development that needs time and demands prompt sustained
intentional efforts by dedicated leaders. Resistance to change, fear and hiding in
comfort zones as well as a number of other obstacles will have to be overcome before
positive change would become reality in the development of the Afrikaner nation.
Afrikaners need to be informed that they moved away from their real identity – saved
children of the Almighty God – and gently guided back to become what they are – to
be true to their identity.
7 US Report 1998: US Council of Civil Society published a report identifying twelve seedbeds: Family,
Local community, Faith communities, voluntary civic organisations, Art institutions, local government,
education, Higher education, business labour and economic institutions, media, a shared civic faith and
a common civic purpose and a public moral philosophy (In Meiring 2003:1225). Judging by the
technological advanced environment in which the Afrikaner community is currently living, the media
could certainly be a worthwhile vehicle to bring Afrikaners to cognitive dissonance as the first step
towards positive change and development, but this will need further investigation.
21
Every individual can make a difference and control his/her behaviour by range of
choices. Cognitive dissonance can act as triggering mechanism to get the individual to
seek for alternatives and choices.
By concentrating on what we as Afrikaners share – faith in Christ as saviour,

and a history filled with grace despite our sins, it should be possible to redefine
Afrikaner identity frames and fill it with new content which will in turn shift
Afrikaner character and the day-to-day actions towards positive change and
development.
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Chapter 3, Ukertor Gabriel Moti, Ph.D.
Chapter 3
An Examination of the Effect of the Tiv-Jukun Conflict of Central

Nigeria on Development
Ukertor Gabriel Moti, Ph.D. 1
Abstract: Nigeria has had a plethora of ethnic, religious, communal and

environmentally-induced conflicts. The Tiv-Jukun conflict is one of such. The conflict
has been described as the most violent dispute in central Nigeria since the Nigeria
Civil War. The conflict has been about land, traditional and modern political power
as well as indigeneship. The Tiv and the Jukun have had a history of political and
economic marginalization; however, there has over the years been persistent conflict
between the two ethnic groups who had lived peacefully in the recent past. The paper
using development and conflict theory as a conceptual framework examines the effect
of the conflict focusing on the economic, social and political dimensions.
Anthropologists tell us that the Jukun were the oldest settlers in Wukari. The Tiv
migrated from the Cameroon into the Benue valley and expanded in population and
became more numerous than the Jukun who considered Wukari their home. The Tiv
were considered immigrants, and their agitation for inclusion remains one source of
conflict which has been an extremely violent confrontation. There was massive
burning of houses, business premises, and schools, accompanied by looting of
property. Although not even the governments or the groups involved could give exact
figures of casualties, the methods of killing people were extremely brutal, and
included beheading, setting of victims ablaze, the killing of pregnant women and
children. The consequences of the conflicts have been very severe. The government
failed to assist the victims in rebuilding their property. Although the Jukun had
control of both traditional and modern political power, their economy became
sluggish, as the Jukun had fewer customers for their wares as well as limited sources
of food, which had previously been supplied by Tiv farmers. Schools, churches and
health facilities remained closed for a number of years. Wukari was a desolate place
so also some surrounding Tiv settlements.
Introduction
1 Dr. Ukertor Gabriel Moti holds the Doctor of Philosophy degree in Public Administration. He has
worked in Government in the State of Benue and Political Party Administration at the Federal level in
Nigeria. He taught Public Administration and Political Science courses at the Benue State University.
He is currently a Senior Lecturer in Public Administration at the University of Abuja, Nigeria and also
Deputy Dean of the Faculty of Management Sciences. He has over 25 publications in referred local and
international journals.
26
Nigeria has a population of about 140 million and 250 ethnic groups, making
it Africa’s most populous nation with a multitude of religious, ethnic and political
fault lines that periodically erupt into communal violence. The resulting rise in
communal violence can be attributed to various factors, including: ethnic rivalry,
religious violence, land conflicts, conflicts related to the demarcation of
administrative boundaries and political elections, and conflicts linked to oil
production in the Niger Delta.
While some conflicts may appear to be caused by a single factor, such as
religion or ethnicity, the reality is usually more complex. Tensions caused by other
factors such as pressure on land or unequal access to social services have added a
dynamic dimension to violent conflict in Nigeria. Perhaps the most significant cause
of communal violence in Nigeria is the entrenched divisions throughout the country
between people considered “indigenous” to an area, and those regarded as “settlers”.
In Nigeria, a person’s status as “indigene” or “settler” has an impact to public
services, opportunities and access. Even though “settlers” may have lived in an area
for hundreds of years, they are consistently discriminated against in terms of land
ownership, control of commerce, political opportunities, jobs and education.
Sometimes what appears to be an ethnic or religious conflict is often closely linked to
the “indigene-settler” divide, often related to competition for political and economic
influence.
Only an individual whose ethnic group or ancestor originates from an area is
considered “indigene”. A “settler” might be born where he/she lives but because
his/her ethnic group or ancestor does not originate from that particular area, that
person will always be considered a “settler”. In fact, the “indigene-settler” divide
often coincides with ethnic or religious divisions. In some cases, “ethnic” conflicts are
often not primarily about ethnicity. Different actors tend to use ethnicity to rally
support for their stand in a given dispute, which might in reality be about land, a
chieftain, about access to a large range of economic and or political resources.
North Central Nigeria also referred to as the “Middle Belt” runs west to east
between and separating Nigeria’s north and south. It comprises a variety of minority
ethnic groups and communities. It is made up of six states: Benue, Kwara, Kogi,
Niger, Plateau, Nassarawa, and the Federal Capital Territory (Nigeria’s capital).
Technically, in Nigeria’s geopolitical zoning, Taraba state where the Jukuns are
mainly found is not in Central Nigeria, but borders Benue state (see annex IV).
Violence in this region relates to ethnicity, religion, disputes over land, traditional
rulership, political authority and fears of domination and marginalization. North
Central Nigeria is the theatre of the Tiv/Jukun conflict.
Objectives
The objectives of the paper are to explore the factors responsible for the
Tiv/Jukun conflict and examine the effect of the conflict on development as well as
make recommendations to forestall future occurrence.
Methodology
27
The paper uses development and conflict theory as a conceptual framework in

examining the effect of the conflict focusing on the economic, social and political
dimensions of the conflict. It adopted descriptive and analytical method and relied on
secondary data derived from government records, Global IDP database of the
Norwegian Refugee Council, United Nations Office for the co-ordination of
Humanitarian Affairs (UN-OCHA), United Nations High Commissioner for
Refugees,(UNHCR), U.S. Committee for Refugees (USCR), International Federation
of the Red Cross (IFRC), Integrated Regional Information Networks (IRIN),
newspapers, periodicals, internet sources and the author’s personal knowledge of the
area (the author attended Primary and post – Primary schools in Wukari (1967-1976)
and was Special Assistant to the Governor of Benue State in 1992 during the 1992
conflict and participated in all official meetings aimed at resolving the conflict).
Conceptual Analysis
Conflict
Conflicts necessarily call our attention to the prevalence of severe crisis in the
community, society or the polity in general. Conflicts are costly. There is also an
increasing recognition that the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) will not be
achieved unless more and more is done to prevent and resolve violent conflict. A
severe crisis in this context could mean the threat to use force and the unsystematic
use of force by one group against another, be it ethnic, communal or religious. It must
be emphasised that in this context, conflicts are manifestations of in-built social
dislocations and political imbalances in the polity (Jooji: 2003). In this sense,
therefore, conflicts are not just about disagreements between individuals and groups,
but are deeper manifestations of socio-political crises. Conflict can also be regarded
as the clashing of opposing interests or positional differences around national values
and issues. These issues could be any or a combination of the following: self-
determination, access to, or distribution of domestic power and resources, territory
and borders or independence (Northouse and Northouse: 1998).
Conflicts are therefore a struggle over values and claims to scarce resource
status, power, and resources in which the aims of the opponents are to neutralize,
injure, or eliminate the rivals. The term conflict originally according to Webster
dictionary meant a “fight, battle, or struggle”- that is, a physical confrontation
between parties. But its meaning has grown to include a sharp disagreement or
opposition, as of interests, ideas etc (Rubin, Pruitt and Kim: 1994). The term now
embraces the psychological underpinnings of physical confrontation. We can equally
look at conflict as an antagonistic situation or adversarial process between at least two
individuals or collective actors over means or ends such as: resources, power, status,
values, goals or interests. The range of outcomes varies and it includes victory, defeat,
domination, surrender, neutralization, conversion, coercion, injury, or destruction and
elimination of the opposite party (Jooji: 2003). Alternatively, it could take the form of
the solution, settlement or transformation of the conflict.
Conflict varies greatly in its manifestations. In her power ethnography of
Mozambique, ‘A Different Kind of War Story’, anthropologist Carolyn Nordstrom
asks: ‘Exactly what is violence?
28
• An act, a drive, an emotion, a sensation, a relationship, an intent to harm?
• A thing, an event, a concept, a process, an interaction?
• An intangible threat, a tangible force?
• Something physically felt, something emotionally registered, something

conceptually recognized?
• Something that is over with the end of the act, or something that reconfigures
reality in its very occurrences, making the concept ‘over’ meaningless?
(Nordstrom: 1997).
Jackson (2001) says that many writers on conflict would suggest that forms of
conflict are always present in any society, and that, indeed, certain kinds of conflict
are a necessary and healthy part of any democratic society. Thus, they would argue,
the challenge is not to prevent or resolve conflict, but rather to manage it,
transforming its expression from violent to non-violent forms. Is conflict then always
associated with ‘development’? A number of different theorists have suggested, in
different ways, that the process of development itself is inherently violent. First, Tilly
(1975) and Reyna and Downs (1999) argue that the development of the Western
capitalist nation states itself has always intimately been associated with overt violence
and criminal activity. Dependencistas such as Frank (1996) argue that the
modernisationist path of development pursued by the west explicitly depended upon
the immiseration and systemic underdevelopment of the ‘developing world’.
Writers such as Duffield (1998) and Chabal (1999) have provocatively imagined
that the apparent ‘anarchy’ of states undergoing apparently chronic political instability
(Sudan, Angola, Congo, etc) in fact conceal adaptive forms of predatory political and
economic behaviour by elite which, however repugnant, must also be recognized as a
perverse form of ‘development’. Chabal (1999), suggests similarly that in Africa (and
elsewhere), there is an increasing ‘political instrumentalisation of disorder’: which is
to say that elites create and manipulate a climate of apparent confusion and
administrative ambiguity through which to pursue power and profit. Thus, both
writers point out the paradox that it is the ability of both state and non-state actors to
grow in their ability to manage and make rational use of violence that has come to be
one of the few forms of ‘development’ in many countries around the globe where aid
is still being offered.
Conflict not only creates specific manifestations of poverty, but also affects wider
structures and institutions. At the local level, in areas most directly affected by
conflict like Central Nigeria, there is likely to be:
• A breakdown in the rule of law coupled with a lack of government services.
• Human rights abuses committed by the different parties to the conflict.
• Disruption to economic activity.
• Illicit and unregistered economic activities (circulation of arms, smuggling,

looting, banditry).
• Specific local manifestations of poverty and vulnerability (Toure, 2001).
29
The Tiv/Jukun conflict has witnessed all the above.
Assumptions of conflict
Four basic assumptions of conflict are:
1. Competition: Competition over scarce resources is at the heart of all social
relationships. Competition, rather than consensus is characteristic of human
relationships in all societies to which the theory of conflict is applicable.
Marxian materialists assert that there is no competitive nature; rather, humans
are influenced by their surroundings resulting in competitive propensity.
2. Structural inequality: Inequalities in power and reward are built into all social
structures. Individuals and groups that benefit from any particular structure
strive to see it maintained.
3. Revolution: Change occurs as a result of conflict between competing social
classes rather than through adaptation. Change is often abrupt and
revolutionary rather than evolutionary.
4. War: War is a unifier of the societies involved, as well as possibly ending
whole societies. In modern society, a source of conflict is power: politicians
are competing to enter into a system; they act in their interest, not for the
welfare of the people.
Development
Development, both as a theoretical construct and a strategy for practice is
largely a product of the last 65 years. Despite the argument of some writers, such as
Cowen and Shenton (1996), that its origins lie in the century prior to 1945, the
shaping of development theory and practice, and its institutionalization, has been a
recent phenomenon (Rist, 1997; McMichael, 1996). Yet, although it emerged from
the aftermath of the last great global conflict (Second World War), development has
been pursued against the backdrop of a long catalogue of more or less continuous
political and social conflicts throughout the world (Overton, 2000).
Development was, and is, seen as a national, systemic and planned programme
of intervention and improvement. The concept of development cuts across many
levels. It refers to macro issues (such as patterns of a nation’s growth), as much as it
refers to meso problems or to micro problems (such as local community
development). All three levels- macro, meso, and micro, are interwoven. At all levels,
many different dimensions - economic, cultural, religious and gender- affect and are
affected by development. Development should be understood as a process, not a
product (Barbanti, 2004). Societies are always changing. Some improve, while others
fail. Development theory therefore aims at explaining both processes. In this case, the
aim is to explain the failures of these communities to improve in their relationship.
Development practice intends to provide tools that can be applied to entire
societies or specific communities. Such interventions are intended to move
communities or societies from a situation in which they are believed to be worse off
to a situation in which they are assumed to be better off. Simply put development is
30
progressive change. In addition development has become multi-disciplinary. Such a

multidisciplinary view of development opens an avenue for fresh thinking on the
human dimensions of development. The argument for such a view is that development
is not an end in itself, but rather, a means for achieving better and more equitable
living conditions for human beings (Barbanti, 2004).
Link between Development and Conflict

The current links between development and conflict theory stress the provision
of aid in cases of violent conflict. Peace building interventions after violent conflicts
address the same concerns as development interventions. Clearly, development is at
the core of post-conflict interventions, where the physical and social landscape has
been damaged. In such cases, development assistance is provided.
Societal change most often requires structural change. While this may be true
in any country, it is probably more often true in the developing world. Yet most
development intervention is locally targeted and short-term. It does not try to
implement structural changes across the entire society. Perhaps this lack of structural
changes may be the reason for continuous conflict among communities like the
Tiv/Jukun of central Nigeria. This disconnect creates something of a “Catch-22”- a
vicious cycle in which development leads to conflict, and the lack of conflict
resolution practices interferes with further development as has been the case in this
area. Ignoring structural factors means not only overlooking dimensions that take
place at the macro level, but also not paying enough attention to the micro-level
effects of development and conflict in society (Barbanti, 2004).
In discussing development in conflict, some questions arise: What about
situations where peacekeeping fails and conflict continues? How can development
take place in chaos, where there is intractable conflict, where state and local
institutions are absent and where conflict seems endemic? These are similar questions
that came to mind in the work of Andrews (1999), a United Nations High
Commission for Refugees (UNHCR) worker in Rwanda and eastern Congo who
reflected on his work, the institution he worked for and the context of conflict.
Andrews worked in refugee camps, helping to establish infrastructure and basic
services. As long as international attention focused on the region, resources flowed in
from agencies and the camps functioned adequately to provide the basic requirements
of life. Yet, the prospects for the return of refugees to their former homes were
minimal. This is a similar dilemma in the Tiv/Jukun theatre of conflict.
While some astute scholars of the development process have recently sought
to remind us that “violence and prosperity” (Bates, 2000) essentially go hand in hand,
the prevailing policy wisdom (World Bank, 2003), continues to assert that sustained
conflict in low-income countries is primarily a product of ethnic diversity, acts of
greed or grievance, weak institutions, low social cohesion or simply poverty itself.
Background to and causes of the Tiv/Jukun Conflict

Central to the conflict is the constitutional issue of citizenship rights
encapsulated in the explosive dichotomy between “settlers” and “indigenes”. There is
competition for access to resources between those that consider themselves as
“indigenes” (the Jukun) and those that are considered as more recent “settlers” (the
Tiv). The central Nigeria or Middle Belt happens to be one of the last parts of Nigeria
31
to be brought under central governmental control, and one of the last to be offered
modern education and public services. This has made access to resources, be it access
to farmland, employment or political power, fierce in the extreme (NRC, 2005).
The conflict in the Taraba-Benue area, which has been going on for decades,
is primarily between the Tiv, on the one hand, and the Jukun, on the other. The Jukun
form the majority in Taraba, while the Tiv form the majority in Benue. There are also
Tiv minorities in Taraba, Nasarawa and Plateau states, and a small Jukun minority in
Benue. The conflict in Taraba between the Tiv and the Jukun has tended to centre
around competition for land, as well as control over economic resources and political
power. Political battles have been especially intense around the control of Wukari, the
traditional Jukun centre. There have been disputes over the sitting of the boundary
between Benue and Taraba States, respect (or disrespect) for boundary demarcations,
and political control of the border towns and villages.
In broad terms, the Jukun claim to be the original inhabitants of Wukari, or
“indigenes” and consider the Tiv as “settlers”. The Tiv reject this view, on the basis
that they too have been living there for several generations and therefore have equal
rights; they complain of being marginalized and excluded in Taraba. Likewise, the
Jukun minority in Benue also complain of marginalization, lack of employment
opportunities, and insecurity. The Tiv, who are seen as “settlers” are deprived of
many rights given to indigenous groups, such as discrimination in education,
economic opportunities, employment, political representation, etc. The Tiv therefore
say they are fighting for equal rights which they believe they are entitled to as
indigenes of Taraba state.
There has been periodic fighting between these two groups since the late
1950s, with sporadic outbreaks in 1959, 1964, 1976, 1990-1992, and again in 2000-
2001. Over the years, the communities have found increasing difficulty in living
together peaceably. According to Hagher (2002), these two tribes have been at war
and like the Israeli and Palestinians they live with other, depend on each other and
yet, fight each other. Benue is often referred to as the Tiv state, and Taraba as that of
the Jukun. Political polarization has gradually turned into physical segregation too: as
violence has intensified in Taraba, an increasing number of Tiv have fled into Benue.
Tiv have complained of persecution in Taraba and talk of a deliberate campaign of
“ethnic cleansing” primarily by the Jukun and the governmental authorities. The Tiv
have complained that these operations allegedly backed by security agencies are
deliberately timed to ensure that the Jukun have the political advantage in Taraba state
in run-up to scheduled elections (HRW, 2002). The Tiv outnumber the Jukun and
have always used their population advantage to decide electoral contests in Wukari
and Taraba state in general. This has not been acceptable to the Jukun.
Some analysts link the bloodletting between these two groups and north
central Nigeria in general to political problems dating back to the colonial era. During
this period, the British delegated power over this vast region inhabited by many ethnic
minorities to its ally, the Hausa-Fulani Muslim caliphate that held sway in many parts
of northern Nigeria. The Tiv vehemently opposed Hausa-Fulani influence, resulting in
major eruption of violence in the early 1960s that required military intervention to
contain. While the Tiv preferred political alliances with southern political parties, the
Jukun teamed up with the Northern Peoples’ Congress (NPC), controlled by the
Muslim feudal oligarchs of the north (IRIN, 2001). The political dimensions of the
32
conflict are two fold: traditional and modern. The former concerned control of the
Wukari Local Government Council and political appointments and other resources.
The latter centered around the Jukun’s refusal to include any Tiv on the Wukari
Traditional Council where decisions are made that affect them.
Land is another issue which is frequently named as cause of the conflict.
However, while land is frequently mentioned, it is in reality only a vent for political
and other forms of conflict. Although it is often said that the Tiv who are
predominately farmers are encroaching on the farmlands owned by the Jukun, it
turned out that the real issue is that the Tiv are accused of not following the traditional
laws of land administration, which require them to obtain permission from the village
head, ward head, district head, and paramount ruler before starting to farm on a piece
of land. Instead, the Tiv would not accept that they are “settlers” and do not recognize
the Jukun as the original indigenes.
Another factor in the conflict is the high population growth of the Tiv, which
creates a need for more and more farmland and political control. The Tiv are often
accused of inviting relations from neighbouring Benue state, which increases the
demand for land, as well as the numerical strength of the Tiv. The Jukun feel that their
culture, of which they are extremely proud, is being undermined by the influx of Tiv
and have embarked upon a “rejukunisation” process. These various causes, remote
and immediate have led to an extremely violent confrontation between the Tiv and the
Jukun (EPCPT, 1999).
Effect of the conflict
The incessant conflict between the Tiv and the Jukun, the concentration of
poverty and low social development among the mass of the people have caused the
emergence of militia groups. The presence of militias led to the use of Small Arms
and Light Weapons (SALWs) which increased the scale and lethality, the degree of
intensity, casualties, and the extent of livelihood destruction and wider developmental
impacts. These militia groups cause human rights violations, extort money, seize food
and other resources from the people and fuel further conflicts. Many people witnessed
relatives being mutilated and killed, and hundreds of mainly women and girls were
abducted. Some were raped, although this has not been well documented. There is
visible post-traumatic stress syndrome, mistrust and fear among returnees long after
the return of peace.
The conflict had also taken a toll in terms of lost of income due to poor
economic activities and performances. The destruction of infrastructures such as
schools, health facilities, etc, disruption in trading activities, the bottlenecks in the
free movement of goods and services as well as the disruption in the transportation
system forced the economy of the area to perform under potential. Zaki- Biam and
Dan Anacha, Nigeria’s largest yam markets were destroyed and the stores remained
closed for over 6 months in some instances. Jukun towns such as Akwana, Arufu,
Sondi and Kente etc. were badly destroyed by Tiv militia groups. Markets, farms,
schools and health facilities were destroyed and for several months there were no
economic activities. Schools were closed indefinitely for over a year in some affected
areas.
33
The conflict had some effect on cattle trade between the north and the south of
Nigeria. According to a survey by the News Agency of Nigeria (NAN) apart from 40
cattle dealers who lost their lives, the lingering Tiv/Jukun communal crises in Benue
and Taraba States, hampered the age-old north-south cattle trade with the loss of more
than 15 trailer loads of cattle estimated at over N30 Million (about $197 million)
(allafrica.com).
The conflict also took a big toll in terms of human life. Although there is no
accurate statistics of casualties either by government or the communities involved for
fear of inflaming passions, it is estimated that about ten thousand plus people must
have been killed in the crises and over 200,000 people displaced (ACCORD/UNHCR,
2002). Although the situation of the internal displacement in the region may not had
amounted to a very serious “emergency” especially when compared to other conflict-
induced displacements in the West African sub-region (Liberia) and elsewhere in
Africa like the Congo and the Southern Sudan, there is real potential that renewed
violence could cause major population movements with its attendant consequences.
Internally Displaced Persons’ (IDPs), needs for medical treatment, shelter, food, and
water/sanitation were addressed by the Governments of Benue and Taraba States, and
a combination of humanitarian stakeholders, albeit in a rather ad hoc and
uncoordinated fashion. A longer term needs of IDPs for resettlement and
rehabilitation were given scant attention.
Assistance for return and reintegration is often the most pressing need of IDPs.
This includes not only physical rehabilitation of homes, public buildings and
infrastructure, but also support for peace and reconciliation initiatives at the grass-
roots level. There is always a display of lack of the necessary institutional capacity
and expertise to deal effectively with acute situations of internal displacement.
Moreover, the Governments of the two states give little assistance in the rehabilitation
of returnees perhaps as a deterrent action against future conflict.
In reaction to the involvement of government security agencies in giving
support to the Jukun and being responsible for raids on Tiv villages, a Tiv militia
group killed 19 soldiers of the 24th Armoured Brigade sent to intervene and secure the
peace in 2001. In retaliation, a well-planned military operation was carried out in
which the army massacred over 200 people including two women and 22 children and
ransacked the Villages of Gbeji, Vaase, Kyado, Sankera, Tse-Adoor, Anyiin and
Zaki-Biam (ACCORD/UNHCR, 2002).
The region has thus experienced economic underdevelopment, poverty,
damaged assets – health centres, churches, schools, markets, farms – and a reduced
capacity to function effectively. Most villages and farmlands have been deserted.
Business activities in Wukari have declined. The so called “non –indigenes” who lost
their businesses to the crises are unwilling to return to Wukari.
Efforts to resolve the conflict
Several efforts have been made to resolve the conflict including attempts at
boundary adjustments between the two states, peace rallies, and the setting up of
Judicial Commissions of Inquiry (whose recommendations have never been officially
released). However, no effort has been far reaching and sustainable and none has
yielded a lasting solution partly because the agreements were not fully implemented.
For example in the 1992 crisis which has been one of the worst in terms of casualties
34
and destruction of property, the Governments of Benue and Taraba states met with the
former military Vice- President and other stakeholders and the following “10 Point
Peace Plan on the Jukun-Tiv Conflict of 1992”(which the author participated in
drafting) was reached:
• The two traditional rulers, i.e. the Tor Tiv and the Aku Uka have been directed
to do more than what they have being doing to make peace and allow peace to
reign;
• The Aku Uka to invite the Tor Tiv to Wukari for a crusade to talk to both
Jukun and Tiv in Wukari;
• The Governor of Taraba state to make sure that in reconstituting the Wukari
Traditional Council, the representation of the Tiv people is well addressed;
• The Police should prevent arms getting into private hands – starting from
Wukari. The exercise should be carried out in Wukari, Donga, Ibi and Takum
Local Government Areas in Taraba state; and Katsina-Ala and Ukum Local
Government Areas in Benue state. The Police is to make sure that there is no
road block and if there is any, it should be by the Police itself;
• On the issue of boundary between Benue and Taraba States, the Vice-
President is to meet with the two Governors after the report on same is
submitted by the National Boundary Commission;
• The two Governors should jointly tour the crisis area and forward report to the
Vice-President;
• The displaced people are to be appealed to to return home and the Police
should ensure security for the returnees;
• Mischievous tendencies by Taraba Government to discriminate against certain

ethnic groups and tribes should be discouraged;
• Regular reports should continue to be sent to the Vice-President on the crisis;

and
• The Government of Taraba state will be held responsible if the crisis continues
(Yamusa, 1992). Most of these agreements were not implemented and the
crisis erupted again in 2000.
The Wukari Traditional Council for instance has not been reconstituted to
include representation from the Tiv tribe. The Tiv still complain of not been allowed
to contest for political positions in Wukari Local Government Area on the basis that
they are “settlers”. The conflict thus throws up a predicament and also illustrates the
dangerous influence “traditional” authorities have on the political process. Chiefs and
traditional rulers are an important element of the system of government - essentially a
continuation of the colonial “indirect rule”. Although not given constitutional powers,
they play the role of a quasi-government, all residents in a given area are expected to
owe obedience to (and pay tribute to) a traditional ruler, regardless of whether they
are of the same ethnic group. So, one of the fundamental causes of the perennial
conflict between the two communities still remains unresolved. This “indigene-
35
settler” dichotomy is one of the factors responsible for crises such as that of Jos in
Plateau State, north central Nigeria.
Conclusion
The Tiv-Jukun conflict has been protracted partly because of the apparent
incapacity of the Nigerian State to provide security, law and order to its citizens. This
intermittent conflict situation that erupted between the Tiv and Jukun of Central
Nigeria over the last six decades has taken a great toll in terms of human life,
underperformance of economic activities and has led to the overall stagnation of
development in the area. Complex factors such as lack of access to political and
traditional authority, citizenship status, land and population growth have been
responsible for the periodic conflict between these two neighbouring tribes who had
hitherto lived relatively peacefully together. Past efforts to resolve the conflict have
not been sustainable. The return of peace has always been tenuous and as long as the
two state governments of Benue and Taraba and the Federal Government fail to tackle
the fundamental constitutional issue of “indigene-settler” dichotomy and access to
political and other resources, the conflict cycle may not likely end soon. This is
indeed an unfortunate situation.
Recommendations
In view of the above, the following recommendations are made:
Governments of the two states should build upon the existing albeit fragile
peace and reconciliation efforts by promoting awareness campaigns, through radio
and other local media, that focus on communalities rather than differences between
ethnic groups.
Develop an early warning and response mechanism in conjunction with the
relevant security agencies.
The two governments should further aid the reconciliation process by ensuring
that perpetrators of the conflicts are identified, including members of the security
forces, and brought to justice. (Up till now, there has been no single prosecution of
persons accused of igniting and or taking part in the various conflicts).
Foreign governments, international and local Non – Governmental
Organizations (NGOs) should insist that the Authorities of the two states carry out
prosecutions of those responsible for these conflicts (these NGOs get involved in
humanitarian services at the outbreak of each round of crisis).
The two state governments should have the political will to implement
findings of previous Commissions of Inquiry, control ethnic militias and the spread of
Small Arms and Light Weapons (SALWs).
The central government must tackle the constitutional issue of citizenship
rights and abolish in clear terms the “indigene-settler” dichotomy as it is not only at
the root cause of the Tiv/Jukun conflict but many other ethnic conflicts in Nigeria
36
where access to political power and other resources in certain parts of the country are
restricted, denied or allowed on the basis of an individual’s citizenship status as
conventionally narrowly defined in parts of the country. The Nigerian constitution
prohibits ethnic discrimination by the government.
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38
39
Chapter 4
Review Essay: Many Different Things at Once?

Interrogating Multiple Causes and Disciplinary Boundaries in the
Study of Environment, Politics, and Insecurity
Daniel Clausen, Ph.D. Scholar 1
Abstract: Increasingly, it is becoming harder to discuss issues of development and

conflict without addressing issues of environmental scarcity, degradation, and
entitlement. However, the way the environment is treated in relation to conflict differs
drastically depending on the specific research tradition that treats the subject--the so-
called neo-Malthusian school, the neoclassical economic school, or political ecology.
Building on Kahl’s (2006) model of demographic and environmental stress (DES) and
its relationship with political institutions and violence, this essay will survey the
research on environment, political institutions, and insecurity. I argue that while
Kahl’s model is a good foundation for understanding these complex interactions,
there is still a great deal of work that needs to be done. Researchers need to: (1)
create stronger dialogue between approaches that deal with generalized
“independent variables” and critical approaches that take into account context and
spatial heterogeneity (2) continue to build empirical data that relies less on the
“state” as a unit of analysis, and direct data sets towards more salient local units
(Raleigh and Urdal, 2007) (this will allow analysts to pick up on the influences of
smaller degrees of environmental stress); (3) be aware of the feedback loops that
allow political institutions, ideas, and activism to react back on environmental and
demographic “independent variables”—both positively and negatively; and (4) be
more aware of the way local issues of resource scarcity work within larger world
patterns of consumption that may condition local politics. More “critical” modes of
analysis—specifically, the tools of political ecology (a mixture of critical geography,
postdevelopment, world system analysis, and discourse analysis)—provide interesting
avenues for exploring the interactions between materiality and ideas about nature.
Because of the important contributions of multiple research agendas, finding ways of
linking insights from multiple paradigms without falling victim to
“underspecification” (Kahl, 2006) will be an important task for future scholars of
environment and insecurity.
Introduction
Increasingly, it is becoming harder to discuss issues of development and

conflict without also discussing issues of environmental stress. Though problems of
1 Daniel Clausen is an instructor of English at Florida International University as well as a Doctoral

Student in the Department of International Relations. His research has appeared in several peer
reviewed journals and his area of expertise is international security and Japanese foreign policy.
39
Chapter 4, Daniel Clausen, Ph.D. Scholar
environmental stress have been a real concern to communities since the beginning of
time, the advent of “environmental security” as a major disciplinary concern is a
relatively new phenomenon. Though interest in environmental linkages and conflict
began during the 1970s, the idea that environmental scarcity could fuel a future world
of ungovernable spaces was first elaborated in the scholarship of Thomas Homer-
Dixon and then popularized by Robert Kaplan in his famous 1994 article for the
Atlantic Monthly (Homer-Dixon, 1991; Kaplan, 1994; see also, Chalecki, 2010).As
Neumann (2005) has written about the rise of environmental security, because issues
of the environment include climate, air, and water quality, and all other aspects of the
world around us, “we are witnessing literally the securitization of everything” (p.
160).Concerns with environmental security have made their way into distinct agendas
of security—embedding itself in the discourses of national security (an example being
the United States), comprehensive security (an example being Japan), but also as apart
of movements for a more just human security (see for example UN bureaucracies like
the United Nations Development Programme and United National Environmental
Programme). Because of the rising interest in issues of scarcity, there have been new
demands for scholarship on the linkages between environmental stress, political
institutions, and conflict. Though scholarship in the last two decades on these issues
has produced voluminous research, this literature is greatly divided along research
programs.
For the purposes of this review essay, I will explore the linkage between
conflict, politics, and environmental stress in the broadest sense of these terms. As
Chalecki (2010) writes of environmental stress and conflict: “Nations can come into
conflict over natural or physical resources themselves. If a resource is in scarcity,
nations can fight over it directly; if a resource is in abundance, nations or subnational
groups can use it to finance conflicts” (paragraph 5). In addition, if living
environments are degraded, grievance-based violence may occur. Given that many of
the issues within what is called the “environmental security” literature often deal with
grievances, distributional justice, and/or structural violence, some authors have argued
that it is more accurate to describe the enterprise as the study of environmental
insecurity (Barnett, 2000; see also, Peluso and Watts, 2001; Hartmann, 2001). The
disciplinary politics of naming is not without consequence: a focus on “security”
typically involves analysis that sees the environment as an independent variable that
produces aggressors; a focus on “insecurity” brings much needed attention to victims
of environmental injustice (sometimes the very “aggressors” posited in the first type
of analysis).
Building on Kahl’s (2006) model of demographic and environmental stress
(DES) and its relationship to political institutions and violence, this essay will survey
the research on scarcity, political institutions, and security/insecurity. This essay
argues that while Kahl’s model is a good foundation for understanding the
interactions between environmental factors, politics, and conflict, there are several
ways to build on his research: (1) researchers need to create stronger connections
between approaches that interrogate generalized environmental “independent
variables” and approaches that take into account “spatial heterogeneity”(see Watts,
1996); (2) researchers need to continue to build empirical data that relies less on the
“state” as a unit of analysis, and direct data sets towards more salient local units (see
Raleigh and Urdal, 2007); and (3) researchers need to be aware of the feedback loops
that allow political institutions, ideas, and activism to react back on environmental
and demographic “independent variables”—both positively and negatively. In
40
addition, more “critical” modes of analysis—political ecology, discourse analysis,

ecofeminism, to name a few—should provide interesting avenues for exploring the
interactions between materiality and ideas. Because these approaches explicitly deal
with issues of environmental justice they are more likely to point out how instances
where overt conflict does not occur (cases of the dog not barking) may actually show
instances of structural violence. In addition, because some of Kahl’s examples also
point to the importance of understanding cases within larger world structural factors, I
will suggest that scholars should (4) be more aware of the way local issues of resource
scarcity work within larger patterns of world production and consumption that
condition local politics (Barnett, 2000; Dalby, 2002; Neumann, 2005;Watts, 1996).
Because of the important contributions of multiple research agendas, finding
ways of linking insights from multiple paradigms without falling victim to
“underspecification” (Kahl, 2006) or intellectual incoherence will be an important
task for future scholars of environment and conflict. My hope is that this essay makes
a modest step in pointing out directions for future research.
Many Different Things at Once: The Potentials and Hazards of a Many Different
Causes and Analytical Eclecticism Approach
Recently, there has been a new movement in IR that eschews reductionism,
espouses multi-theoretical and methodological pluralism, and privileges depth of
explanation, scope of evidence, and reflexivity as a means of validating knowledge
(Kurki, 2008,p. 166; Katzenstein and Sil, 2004).In her book on the theoretical history
of causation in IR, Kurki (2008) for example, calls for a discipline that is less invested
in examining independent variables and more interested in mapping “causal
complexes.” In addition to the “pushing and pulling” causes that are typically
associated with the positivist tradition in IR, she also calls for the inclusion of
enabling and constraining causes and studies that link structural causes with studies of
political agency. In a similar vein, Katzenstein and Sil (2004) espouse what they call
“analytical eclecticism.” This approach utilizes multiple explanatory frameworks that
are “consciously eclectic in language and substance rather than being driven by the
tenets guiding particular research traditions” (Katzenstein and Sil, 2004,p. 5).
Combining and comparing the “explanatory sketches” that disparate traditions
produce, authors can open up new pathways to knowledge that would otherwise have
been overlooked by scholars. In both the many different causes approach and
analytical eclecticism depth of explanation, the degree of reflection, and the
usefulness of insights for further research is just as important (if not more important)
than establishing patterns of regularity among variables.
As this essay will demonstrate, there is a potential for linking distinct research
disciplines inthe study of environmental stress and conflict. However, there is a
danger that too much conjunction will lead to a greater amount of noise without any
corresponding payoff in understanding. As Katzenstein and Sil (2004) write,
“theoretical multilingualism” may “tax an individual researcher’s stock of knowledge
and array of skills while introducing also more “noise” into the established channels
of [scholarly] communication” (p. 30). In a sense, the political ecology literature—
with its toolbox approach to environment and conflict—does the most to embrace the
project of scholastic pluralism and multi-causal theorizing. As critics often note,
however, these studies sometimes fall victim to “too much noise” or
41
underspecification (Kahl, 2006). For this reason, while I embrace the project of
linking research agendas, I also limit my suggestions for revisions in the field to what
is most immediate and manageable. The theoretical position of this essay, then (and
the bias of its author) is that uniting different research programs will be more
productive and practical if done modestly. Thus, while my essay suggests some
linkages between approaches, it also specifies important points of improvement
within the research agendas.
Slicing the Environmental Security Pie: neo-Malthusianism, neoclassical
economics, and political ecology (and environmental security skepticism)
Although there are different ways of slicing the intellectual pie, Kahl (2006,p.
4-25) suggests three main traditions for dealing with environment, politics, and
conflict: neo-Malthusianism, neoclassical economics, and political ecology. Each of
these three agendas represents a different theoretical tradition, angle of vision, and
political objective. While the neo-Malthusian approach emphasizes the way trends in
demography, the environment, and consumption create acute scarcities, and thus,
engender situations analogous to the security dilemma, neoclassical economics
stresses the adaptability of human systems (especially free market and democratic
systems) in dealing with problems of scarcity. Political ecology approaches—while
more varied and difficult to encapsulate—generally share a critical politics that seeks
to expose structural oppression and help liberate populations. This approach often
points to the strategic alignment of power and knowledge and looks for alternative
narratives that empower subaltern voices. Though these short descriptions are in some
ways reductionist, they also provide a useful function they provide a broad snapshot
of the larger trends within the field while maintaining most of the essence of the
scholarship that fits within the label boundaries. In addition to the three approaches
that Kahl (2006) discusses, I also take up the claims of environmental skeptics as a
fourth “school” for discussion. As my short sketches will demonstrate, each approach
establishes important linkages with the other by overcoming some of the weaknesses
of alternative approaches.
The Neo-Malthusian Approach
Neo-Malthusians generally point to accelerating pressures on natural resources

and planetary life-support systems. Though the notion that population growth itself
puts strains on the planet has long been refuted, this groups often links population
growth with environmental degradation and the failure of political institutions to
manage environmental uses (Kahl, 2006, 6; Homer-Dixon, 1991). These failures can
lead to increased migration, threats to the state, increased state oppression to preempt
threats to the state, and conflict between the state and aggrievedethnic or political
groups. Thus, resource deprivation can lead to situations similar to the “security
dilemma” in international relations within states.
However, critics of the neo-Malthusian approach have focused on how
resource abundance, not scarcity, causes violence (the so-called honey pot theory). In
addition, critics have pointed to neo-Malthusianism’s pension for environmental
determinism. Scholars in this approach have been accused of ignoring both the
42
interactions with political institutions that make conflict more likely and the way
political institutions and ideas help produce scarcity to begin with. Though scholars
such as Barnett (2000) laud the sophistication of case study work done by Homer-
Dixon and others as part of the Project on Environment, Population, and Security,
they still suggest that the “positivist vernacular” (Barnett, 2000, 283) in which much
of the conversation takes place denotes a linear relationship between environmental
stress and conflict—one that has yet to be proven.
Because neo-Malthusians focus on the environment as an independent
variable, they also ignore important social dynamics in civil war onset. As the
literature on civil strife points out (see Goldstone, 1991; Kahl, 2006: 11), revolts are
often difficult to start because of problems of coordination and the free-rider dilemma.
Essentially, the freerider problem in civil wars amounts to this: how does a revolt start
when the risk taken on by the initial organizers is so much greater than the risk taken
on by those who decide to bandwagon later on? Thus, critics of the neo-Malthusian
approach point out that an emphasis on resource scarcity over-predicts the occurrence
of civil strife.
Neoclassical Economics
Inwhat Kahl calls the neoclassical economic approach, much more of an

emphasis is put on the human capacity to cope with environmental change and, in a
rebuttal to neo-Malthusians, resource abundance (not scarcity) is linked with conflict
(see Auty, 2004; de Soysa, 2000, 2002). For scholars in this group, the market
mechanism plays an important role. Market incentives triggered by scarcity lead to
new innovations in technology and management to create coping mechanisms. In a
similar way, representative governments respond to political demands to obviate
critical scarcities that affect their constituencies.In addition, Kahl also places
proponents of the “resource curse” into this group. An abundance of resources
severely stunts the development of sophisticated, variegated market economies by
giving incentives for parties to find and hold valuable resources. The availability of
resources also stunts the development of responsive governments, giving incentives
for groups to be just strong enough to hold valuable territory and live off rents from
its resources.In what is termed the “honey pot” hypothesis, resource abundance
creates incentives for groups to capture resources. Where there is a weak state,
substate groups can compete with the government for control of these resources. As
research by Le Billon (2001) demonstrates,the proximity of these resources to the
center of political power also matters quite a bit. Where resources are located close to
the capital, civil conflict often takes the form of a coup to replace the government;
where resources are located away from the center of government, civil strife is more
likely to take the form of warlordism or secession.This literature tends to emphasize
“greed” (defined as opportunities to wage civil strife) over “grievance” (defined as
human rights abuses and political oppression) as motivation for conflict.
Critics of the neoclassical approach have pointed out that on a local scale the
mechanisms for mediating resource scarcity, in the form of a market mechanism or a
responsive government, are often imperfect or absent in much of the less developed
world. On a global scale, critics point out that—in contrast to past claims of
43
impending demographic doom—current negative trends of population growth,

consumption, and environmental limits are much more embedded and reinforcing
than was ever the case before. As Homer-Dixon argues, these patterns lend
themselves to reinforcement and trigger effects that stress the environment in
irreversible ways (Homer-Dixon,1991; Kahl, 2006,p. 17).
In addition, a great deal of the “honey pot” theories tend to focus more on
nonrenewable resources than renewable resources that have been overstressed.
Forestry, fisheries, and agriculture—resources that are renewable when used in
moderation—tend to contribute to the employment of larger populations. When these
resources are depleted, much larger portions of the population suffer, leading to
grievance-based violence. In addition, this approach ignores the way “resource curse”
explanations can be linked with the neo-Malthusian literature (Kahl, 2006,p. 20): the
availability of resource rents from nonrenewable resources like oil might prevent the
government from undertaking policies to manage renewable resources like fisheries or
agricultural land in ways that benefit the larger population. Over time, this neglect
could lead to clashes among intrastate groups over increasingly scarce resources;
these critical scarcities might also increase the incentive structure to join rebel groups
(the “greed” explanation) to capture valuable nonrenewable resources.
Political Ecology
Though difficult to encapsulate in a thumbnail sketch, political ecology can be

described as a mix of Marxian political economy (including world system and
dependency inspired theory),Foucaultian cultural theory, post-structuralism and
critical theory (ecofeminism and variants of discourse theory would probably also be
lumped into this category), and non-equilibrium ecology (see Neumann, 2005). While
this captures some of the essence of the approach, another way to characterize this
literature is in terms of the distinction made by Cox (1986) between a “critical
theory”as opposed to a “problem-solving theory.” Rather than seeking to “solve”
problems withinthe existing political framework, political ecology approaches seek to
expose the injustices of the existing framework and to establish counter-narratives to
expose its hidden assumptions. Thus, as the title of Peet and Watt’s (2004) book
Liberation Ecologies suggests, a key theme in political ecology is creating a
scholarship that can help foster the liberation of marginalized people. This literature
then often demonstrates how simple linkages between, for instance, poverty and land
degradation masks larger structures of production that make people poor in the first
place (Peet and Watts, 2004,p. 12). Another key contribution of political ecology is
the linkages it finds between power and knowledge. Institutions such as the World
Bank and the International Monetary Fund are criticized for framing problems
(creating “discernable fields”) is such a way that they are amenable to the solutions at
hand; these solutions typically obfuscate larger structural issues that require
redistributions of property and wealth(Escobar, 1995; Goldman, 2004; Li, 2007).
As critics of political ecology have pointed out, the approach tends to privilege
“discursive reconstructions” of the environment over the materiality of the
environment itself (a criticism that applies more to some studies than to others). In
some cases, political ecology approaches deride scholarship in other research agendas
44
as part of dominant narratives that constitute materiality as primary, and thus, render
regimes of exploitation invisible. For political ecologists, resource scarcity is a
political artifact of regimes of knowledge. This perspective, for some, misses just how
much materiality matters.Kahl (2006), for example, criticizes political ecologists for
downplaying the role of environmental stress in conflict; instead, he highlights the
way the material fact of demographic stress conspires with systems of inequality to
cause conflict (p. 115). In addition, political ecology often suffers from a high degree
of indeterminacy or underspecification (Kahl, 2006, p. 25). Key concepts such as
“regimes of accumulation, production, labor, culture, and discourse typically go
undefined” (Kahl, 2006,p. 25) as do the causal mechanism that tie them together.
Kahl’s point is an important one: because political ecology puts so much stress on the
deconstruction of regimes of knowledge, researchers working within this approach
miss just how productive their critical approach can be for creating more rigorous
inclusive regimes of scientific knowledge.
Environmental Security Skepticism
Finally, it should be noted that there is also a strain of literaturethat questions

the salience of the environment-conflict linkage. In a sense, this is a continuation of
the skepticism found in the neoclassical and political ecology approaches. This
literature, however, is important enough to include in its own section because it
questions the very merit of the explosion of interest in “environmental security.”
Benjaminsen (2008), for example, criticizes the environmental scarcity literature
(including Kahl) for using desertification and environmental degradation in the Sahel
as an example of supply-induced scarcity leading to conflict. For Benjaminsen,
environmental security literature that uses the Sahel as an example works off of an
impoverished notion of the environment and the way humans and environments
interact; while much of the literature describes the Sahel as in the process of a
demographically induced desertification, he explains that climate fluctuations are
mostly responsible for the change in the environment.
In addition, Raleigh and Urdal (2007) note that the empirical literature is
mixed on the association between resource scarcity and violence (see also, Urdal,
2005). While the State Failure Task Force Report (Esty et al., 1998)found that soil
degradation, deforestation, and freshwater scarcitywere notdirectly linked to conflict,
Hauge and Ellington (1998)found that the same factors with high population density
was highly associated with civil war—but also, that these factors were secondary to
political factors (see also, Raleigh and Urdal, 2007,p. 680). Theisen (2008), however,
is unable to replicate the results of Hauge and Ellington in his statistical study; he
concludes that because the Hauge and Ellington study is so frequently the sole
statistical study cited in the environmental security literature, and because these
results are not subject to replication, the relationship between scarcity and conflict has
very little support in the large N study research (p. 813).
In addition, criticisms of the environmental security literature have also come
from the political ecology camp. Environmental security models that rely on
understandings of the environment as an “independent variable” often simplify
complex processes that reflect the issue of resourcedistribution and discourses that
45
drive these distribution patterns. As Benjaminsen (2008) argues, reading the neo-
Malthusian literature one “often gets the impression that degradation is something
measurable” when the idea of degradation is always subject to “conflicting views
regarding how the land should be used and what the landscape ought to look like”(p.
821).In addition, the environmental security literature tends to treat “conflicts as
internal to ‘groups’ or ‘societies’ with little or no analysis of interactions with the
international political economy” (Neumann, 2005,p. 160; also see Dalby, 2002, p. 89-
90). This approach, then, leaves larger issues of global environmental justice
unexplored.
As will be discussed below, Kahl partially solves the problem of simplistic
notions of scarcity by including a political variable in his notion of scarcity—scarcity
can be produced in populations by themaldistribution of resources. In addition, by
making the political pathways to violence explicit, Kahl’s model is better able to
account for instances of where violence does not occur.
Kahl’s model: From DES to State Failure/ State Exploitation to Civil Strife
Thus far, Kahl’s (2006) attempt to build a model that links environmental,
political, and agential variables is the best example I have found of an attempt to
embrace Kurki’s notion of a “many different causes” approach to environmental
security.
The independent variable in the model—demographic and environmental
stress (DES) is a composite variable that encompasses (1) rapid population growth (2)
the degradation of renewable resources and (3) the maldistribution of renewable
resources. It should be noted that the third variable assumes that political-economic
processes have an important impact on the way scarcity is produced in populations (a
concession to political ecology). A resource may be in ready supply, yet nevertheless,
felt as a scarce resource by local populations because the resource is so poorly
distributed.
The author contends that there are two main pathways through which DES can
cause violence—state failure and state exploitation. The state failure pathway creates
incentives for “social groups to engage in violence via the logic of the security
dilemma” (p. 26); while the state exploitation pathway provides state elites with
incentives tooppress groups in order to protect their own narrow self-interests (p. 26).
In addition, Kahl argues that groupness (the degree to which people align with an
ethnic, religious, or class group over the state) and institutional inclusivity (the degree
to which important government institutions allow diverse groups to influence policy
through legitimate processes) are important for understanding whether DES leads to
conflict (p. 27). In the case of groupness, strong cleavages in group affiliations and
the absence of cross-cutting loyalties and identifications helps to overcome the
collective action problem early in revolts (the freerider problem identified in the civil
strife literature noted above); by contrast, an ethnically homogenous state, a unified
national identity, or cross-cutting identifications can help neutralize conflict (see
Kahl, 2006, p. 52 for a visual illustration of this concept). Similarly, an inclusive
46
government with legitimate processes for protesting policies can also help neutralize
conflict, while an exclusive government will fuel the logic of the security dilemma.
The strength of the state to deter violence plays a significant role in
determining the pathways of violence. When elites are unified against a weaker
minority, higher levels of DES will be needed to push minority groups toward violent
revolt. In this case, state exploitation is the most likely pathway. In cases where the
minority is especially weak and state capacities for oppression extremely advanced,
violence may not register because they are deeply submerged in state structures of
human rights abuses. In the case of state weakness, groups will find it easier to garner
support among their in-group and challenge the state for ever scarcer resources, thus
leading to greater challenges to state authority (for a complete visual of this
theoretical design see Kahl, 2006, p. 59).
By taking into account the importance of demographic and environmental
stresses as an independent variable, Kahl work addresses the neo-Malthusian
“independent variable”; however, by acknowledging the way distribution systems
create scarcity, he also acknowledges some of the concerns of political ecology.
Finally, by demonstrating how dysfunctional coping methods are the pathways toward
conflict, Kahl represents also the insights of the neoclassical economics approach. In
the verbiage of Kurki’s many different causes approach, Kahl has substituted mono-
causal reductionism for a mapping of a “causal complex,” making important linkages
between efficient (environmental, demographic, and distributional stress) and formal
causes (the political-institutional pathways).
The Limitations of the DES model
Though Kahl’s model is a significant achievement there are nevertheless

several important gaps in the work.
First, along the lines of political ecology, the model fails to take into account
the complex ways that DES is a product of the deep structural process of power
within the world system (along the lines of for example of world-system and
dependency theory approaches). Though DES assumes maldistribution as a key mode
which produces scarcity in disadvantaged populations, the model leaves the global
narratives of capitalism and the global economic processes that often help to create
scarcities un-(or under)-theorized (for an alternative diagram model, taking into
account these processes see Watts and Peet, 2004,p. 30). For example, Kahl’s
modelfails to take into account how much the measured “stress” in the independent
variable is due to the combination of oil shocks, rising interest rates, falling
commodity prices, and the structural adjustment programs during theperiod of
conflict(though a discussion of these factors does appear in Kahl’s discussion
section). Maldistribution, in other words, may be the condition of a larger story that
includes more than just relations between civil society and local government.
Second, along the lines of neo-classical economics, the model fails to take into
account the processes of productive institutions and mechanisms that can reflect back
on DES to alleviate these problems to begin with. In other words, Kahl never closes
47
the circle. As the neo-classical economic position notes, market mechanisms and
democratic institutions can not only relax mechanisms of civil strife, but also help
alleviate the problem of DES through adaptive processes. These adaptive processes
should not be limited to so-called rational management approaches to the environment
either; there is a wealth of scholarship, for example, that points to effective
indigenous methods for land management. This problem remains unresolved because
Kahl’s concern is civil strife, not processes of environmental management.
My third critique regards the positioning of DES as an important independent
variable. As my review of the “skeptics” above notes (Theisen, 2008; Raleigh and
Urdal, 2007), there is only a weak association between environmental degradation and
conflict in the large N study literature. While demographic stress and the grievance of
the population make this independent variable more significant, lumping the three
together into a composite variable misses just how different each of these variables
are in their relationship to the onset of violence. Thus, one could imagine the model
drawn much differently.Theisen’s(2008) conclusion that political dysfunction and
poverty have much more explanatory power than resource scarcity (p. 801), for
example, suggests that political issues and poverty should be positioned as the
independent variable, with the environmental factors positioned as intervening
variables.
A fourth criticism can be directed at Kahl’s methodological approach.
BecauseKahl relies heavily on two case studies to elucidate his claims (particularly
the Philippines and Kenya), his study is limited to a thick description of DES and the
intervening variables of groupness and institutional inclusivity to demonstrate the
utility of his model. As he states, one of the reasons he decides to take this route is
because much of the data he needs is not easily quantifiable; in addition, Kahl (2006)
claims that statistical approaches are not very effective at answering “how” questions
(p. 60). But because he does not clearly code his data in a uniform way, and because
the reader cannot see variations along a large number of case studies, it is difficult to
evaluate how differences in the degree of DES and the intervening variables influence
civil strife.
Conclusion: Towards Greater Conjunction in the Study of the Environment,

Politics, and Insecurity
My criticisms of Kahl’s model are purposely unfair: they ask the model to
provide answers to questions and to perform tasks it was never intended to do. If all of
these considerations had been taken into account, Kahl’s model wouldlikely have
been too bloated to provide a meaningful framework for understanding. Yet these
criticism point to important avenues of further research, facilitated by future
conjunctions between research agendas. As I argued in my introduction, while future
research should not try to include everything, it should attempt to make important
connections between currently disparate approaches—for example, that between
qualitative case study research and large quantitative statistical studies, or that
between the neo-Malthusian/ neoclassical economics approaches and political
ecology.
48
As my criticisms above demonstrate, there are important avenues for

expanding on Kahl’s work. For brevity’s sake, I’ll limit myself to two of these
avenues before moving on to my larger prescriptions for the future study of
environment, politics, and conflict:
z One, future researchers can code data in ways that make Kahl’s model testable
across a large number of cases.
z Two, future researchers can recast the model to take into account the ways
relationships with the environment are produced and reproduced. In other words,
researchers can investigate models where the independent variables of political
competition (violent or not), political institutions, and/or prior structures of
distribution impact the dependant variable of environmental management
practices.
As this essay has shown, greater efforts to link different kinds of causal
influences can greatly improve our understanding of an issue. However, the risk in
creating these linkages, especially across disparate research programs, is that too
many conjunctions will lead to incoherence. Kahl’s DES model is a good example of
an engagement with complexity that combines theoretical multilingualism while
maintaining intellectual coherence. By incorporating both environmental/
demographic issues and issues of distribution, Kahl avoids the either or tradeoff
between the two that is assumed in other approaches. As my criticisms have shown,
however, his approach is far from perfect. Still, there are good reasons why
researchers should stray away from research program orthodoxy.
As my review of the literature suggests, while some avenues for improving the
state of the knowledge on environment, politics, and conflict deal with creating
broader linkages, other recommendations deal with basic issues within individual
research programs. My suggestions for improving the field are:
(1) researchers need to create stronger connections between approaches that
interrogate generalized environmental “independent variables” and approaches that
take into account “spatial heterogeneity”; along the lines of Benjaminsen’s (2008)
criticisms, I also recommend that scholars engage more with political ecology
literature, especially studies that explore the way discourses frame what is regarded as
“scarcity”by populations. This literature should create room for reflection on the part
of social scientists exploring regularities among a large number of cases.Thus, this
recommendation should work within a larger framework thatprivileges tradeoffs
between large statistical studies and insights generated from case studies.
(2) researchers need to continue to build empirical data that relies less on the state as a
unit of analysis, and direct data sets towards more salient local units (Raleigh and
Urdal, 2007). While Raleigh and Urdal’s study focuses on small geographical units
(100 km x 100 km), future studies should also examine the linkages between scarcity
and conflict by looking at small political subunits (for example, the provincial level).
In addition, as a way of addressing some of the literature from environmental security
skeptics, researchers could investigate the degree to which instances where conflict
does not register are actually instances where populations are suffering from forms of
structural violence equivalent to or greater than “conflict” as registered by the typical
49
(and perhaps arbitrary) statistical marker of twenty-five battle deaths (see Le Billon,
2008, p. 347).
(3) researchers need to be aware of the feedback loops that allow political institutions,
ideas, and activism to react back on environmental and demographic “independent
variables”—both positively and negatively. This may mean thoughtful engagement
with the environmental management literature. The implication is that understanding
which state capacities are best at obviating conflict in situations of environmental
stress is just as important as understanding how environmental stresses cause conflict;
and,
(4) researchers need to be more aware of the way local issues of resource scarcity
work within larger world patterns of consumption that may help condition local
politics. Researchers in what has been described as both the neo-Malthusian and neo-
classical economics camp will both benefit from a more robust treatment of the larger
structural forces that help determine local practices of environmental management and
politics. By doing so, these approaches will help liberate themselves from their own
theoretical confines.
While these steps may seem somewhat modest, especially for those in critical
theory camps interested in liberation, they nonetheless pose some of the best
opportunities toward sustained long term development of a field of study that is both
substantively broad and intellectually deep.
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52
Chapter 5
Defining the Concept of Communication Competence

in the Thai Context
Voranij Vasuratna, Ph.D. Candidate 1
Abstract: In a world of globalization, job applicants to Thai organizations might not

be sure which behaviors should be exhibited in an employment interview. Should an
applicant to a company with international interests communicate in a manner that
reflects Western practices or that demonstrates Thai sensibilities? This research
offers recommendations concerning communication competence that can be
incorporated in Thai textbooks, raising awareness of the elements of communication
competence relevant to the Thai employment situation. Thai students will become
more competitive by learning about communication competence in the workplace in
the world of globalization. Although employment interviews have been a focus for
research since the1970s, most interview studies have focused on how the
communication styles/behaviors affect interviewers’ hiring decisions (Carl, 1980;
Fletcher, 1990; Gallois, Callan, & Palmer, 1992; Gifford & Wilkinson, 1985;
Hollandsworth, Kazelskis, Stevens, & Dressel, 1979). I have been unable to find any
published research which directly questions what communication competence is from
the interviewer’s point of view. This study examined the concept of communication
competence in the contest of non-governmental Thai organizations involved with the
banking and financial sector. Twenty-eightrecruiters from that sector from 14
organizations were interviewed using a narrative approach. This study reveals that
the concept of communication competence is typically defined by Thai values and
beliefs. In order to be a competent communicator, one not only needs to have
knowledge and skills but a great moral center. Overall, 4 components of
communication competence (cognitive, behavioral, psychological, and moral)
emerged, revealing a difference when compared to Western scholars such as Cooley
& Roach, Hymes, McCroskey, and Spitzberg.
Introduction
In 2009, as part of a news broadcast, U.S. National Public Radio reported that
aRussian applicant who possessed the advertized qualifications failed in seventeen job
interviews because she did not know the appropriate behavior for American
interviews (Herships, 2009). The following is part of the story that was broadcast
1 Voranij Vasuratna is currently a Ph.D. candidate in the Bangkok University-Ohio University program
in organizational communication. He graduated from Bangkok University International College

(BUIC), majoring in Business English. Mr. Vasuratna pursued my master’s degree in Linguistics at
Ohio University. His research interests are communication, language and cultures. His goal is to be
able to transfer my knowledge to other people as a teacher.
53
Chapter 5, Voranij Vasuratna, Ph.D. Candidate
which included an interview conducted with a university professor (Andrew

Molinsky, Brandeis University International Business School) who has developed a
training program targeted at assisting individuals such as the Russian job applicant:
Molinsky: They don't know the script; they don't know the rules.
Reporter: That's Andrew Molinsky, the professor who created the
Brandeis program. Molinsky says even when workers are
qualified, if they don't know what the norms are, they can end
up looking socially incompetent, like a Russian engineer he
worked with. She had 17 unsuccessful job interviews.
Molinsky says she was extremely qualified.
Molinsky: But she kept failing on the interview and she would get
feedback that she wasn't a great fit.
Reporter: The rules for appropriate behavior, says Molinsky, in a
traditional Russian interview, are to be honest, modest and
serious. The engineer told him smiling was inappropriate.
Molinsky: All this silly, friendly behavior, if you smile in my culture like
this, you look like a fool.
Reporter: But in our culture, it gets you a job.
Molinsky: That's right, or at least it gives you a chance.
This story reveals that employing an inappropriate communication style can

have a great impact on hiring decisions. What might be competent in some cultures
might be considered incompetent in other cultures.
Communication competence has been studied by a variety of scholars for
many decades. The concept of communication competence has been applied to
different contexts, such as health, education, and organizations (Cegala, Coleman
Thoesen, & Warisse Turner, 1998; Kerssen-Griep, 2001; McCroskey, 1982).
However, in the area of organizational communication, few communication
competence studies have investigated the employment interview situation. The
selection interview is part of organizational anticipatory socialization, the first stage
of the “organizational assimilation process” (Jablin, 2001), that is, the process by
which an individual comes to understand and fit it with the norms/expectations of
his/her employing organization. Jablin indentified three stages to the assimilation
process: “organizational entry”, “assimilation”, and “disengagement/exit.” Most
organizational communication scholars research the middle stage, after the employees
have already entered the company. By comparison, there is a paucity of research on
the pre-entry stage.
Given that communication skill is listed as an important criterion used by
interviewers when making hiring decisions, followed by grade point average, work
experience, and academic accomplishments (Tschirgi, 1973), studying
communication is essential. Maes, Weldy, and Icenogle (1997) focused on verbal
communication as an important criterion for interviewers to use in the employment
decision-making process. Thus, it is very important to study communication
competence in job interviews. Although various studies have attempted to investigate
the impact of communication skills on employment decisions in order to show how
important it is to be a competent communicator during an interview, no research has
directly studied interviewers’ perspectives concerning communication competence. In
particular, the concept of communication competence is absent from research
concerning interviews in the Thai context.
54
Aim/ Justification
In this study, I explore the concept of communication competence within the
context of employment interviews conducted in the Thai financial and banking
industry. In the world of globalization, one cannot be sure which behaviors should be
used when communicating with counterparts. As our world is now changing and
becoming smaller, people from different countries can easily influence one another.
People communicate not only with members of their own cultural group, but also
people from other cultural groups. Asian people in this new generation might have
learned about Western cultures through the media and overseas travel. As a result, it
has become even harder for people in the same ethnic group to share the same culture.
One cannot assume that a Thai will have only the Thai culture as a reference point. As
a product of the influence of the media and overseas education, any Thai might
exhibit a mixture of Thai and Western cultural values.
Literature Review
Within the discipline of communication, there are a wide variety of definitions
for communication competence, resulting ina “lack of definitional and theoretical
consistency” (Wiemann & Backlund, 1980, p. 186). Communication competence or
communicative competence is usually defined based on one of two points of view:
cognitive and behavioral. According to the cognitive perspective, competence is
viewed as “a mental phenomenon distinct and separated from behavior, as
characterized by linguistic distinction between competence and performance”
(Wiemann & Backlund, 1980, p.187). In the linguistics field, the concept of
communication competence is separated from performance. There is “linguistic
competence,” and then there is “linguistic performance” (Hymes, 2001, p. 54).
According to Hymes, “Linguistic competence is understood as concerned with the
tacit knowledge of language structure, that is, knowledge that is commonly not
conscious or available for spontaneous report but necessary implicit in what the
(ideal) of speaker-listener can say” (p. 54).
The idea of linguistic competence was developed by Chomsky (1965). He
believed in the concept of “universal grammar.” He argued that there is a language
device in the human brain which helps to produce language in grammatical structure
(Chomsky, 1973). For Chomsky (1965), competence is “the speaker-hearer’s
knowledge of his language” (p. 4). In Chomsky’s (1965) point of view, the speaker-
hearer is ideal:
In a completely homogeneous speech community, [the speaker-hearer] who
knows [that community’s] language perfectly and is unaffected by such
grammatically irrelevant conditions as memory limitations, distractions, shifts
of attention and interest, and errors (random or characteristic) in applying his
[sic] knowledge of the language in actual performance [is considered to be
competent]. (p. 3)
However, behaviorists view communication competence differently. As
Wiemann and Backlund (1980) observed, “behaviorists use a wide range of terms to
indicate possession [of communication competence], including knowledge, skill,
ability, awareness, use, and performance” (p.189).According to Larson, Backlund,
Redmond and Barbour (1978), communication competence is “the ability to
demonstrate knowledge of the communicative behavior socially appropriate in a given
situation” (p. 24). Spitzberg and Cupach (1984) and Wiemann (1977) proposed a
55
similar view of communication competence: the former identified competence as “the

ability to adapt messages appropriately to the interaction context” (p.63). The latter
definedcompetence as the ability to choose “communicative behaviors” (p. 188). Both
stress that good communicators are sensitive to the context or situation. However,
Wiemann (1977) pointed out that “interpersonal goals” (p.198) and the concerns of
face between the interactants influence perceptions of competence. Wiseman (2002)
agreed with this idea. He stated “competentcommunication consists of behaviors that
are regarded as effectiveand appropriate” (p. 209).
Regardless of whether one adopts a cognitive or a behavioral point of view,

most communication competence scholars place emphasis on goal orientation and
effectivenessideologies (Jablin & Sias, 2001). Parks (1985) acknowledged the
importance of goal orientation and asserted that communication competence is “the
degree to which individuals perceive they have satisfied their goals in a given
situation without jeopardizing their ability or opportunity to pursue their other
subjectively more important goals” (p. 175). Most scholars agree with this
idea.O'Hair, Friedrich, Wiemann and Wiemann (1997)also stated that goal orientation
is a part of communication competence. They defined communication competence as
“the ability of two or more people jointly to create and maintain a mutually satisfying
relationship by constructing appropriate and effective messages” (pp. 20).However,
not every scholar agrees with the above idea.McCroskey (1982), who operates from a
cognitive point of view, argued against this definition for two reasons. First, he
disagreed with the idea of goal-oriented competence. He theorized that,even when one
cannot accomplish the goal, one can still be competent. According to McCroskey
(1982), “one may be effective without being competent and one may be competent
without being effective” (p.3). This means that the concept of communication
competence does not consider the outcome.
Similar to the distinction made by Chomsky, McCroskey viewed competence
and performance as two separate concepts. The fact that one can perform well does
not imply that one has competence. McCroskey (1982) pointed out that some people
possess knowledge competence with respect to communication, but they cannot
perform that knowledge. For instance, some individuals know languages they are not
able to speak. Instead, he suggested a broader definition of communication
competence as an “adequate ability to pass along or give information; the ability to
make known by talking or writing” (McCroskey & McCroskey, 1988, p. 109). In
summary, communication competence is viewed by two contrasting ideas—
behavioral and cognitive. The former considers the outcome, and the latter does not.
The former viewpoint is appropriate for the job interview setting. One needs to
have both behavioral and cognitive communication competence because of the goal
orientations in organizational communication, especially in a job interview. A job
interview context tends to require both cognitive and behavioral competence.
Interviewees have to be aware of appropriate behaviors and also be able to carry out
appropriate behaviors. Interviewers tend to look at the performance, which requires
both cognitive and behavior competence. This is especially true of those candidates
who apply for positions that require them to use their communication skills to interact
with clients.
The concept of intercultural communication competence has been viewed by
scholars as much the same as interpersonal communication competence. The ideas of
appropriateness and effectiveness are typically mentioned. However, there is a greater
focus on “contextual factors” (Chen & Starosta, 2008, pp. 219). Intercultural
56
communication competence has been defined as “the ability to negotiate cultural

meanings and to execute appropriately effective communication behaviors that
recognize the interactants’ multiple identities in a specific environment” (Chen &
Starosta, 2008, pp. 219). According to Chen and Starosta (2008), the competent
communicator “must know not only how to interact effectively and appropriately with
people and environment, but also how to fulfill their own communication goals by
respecting and affirming the multilevel cultural identities of those with whom they
interact” (pp. 219). Intercultural communication competence studies agree that
“competence is a social judgment, which requires an evaluation by one’s relational
partners of one’s communication performance” (Koester, Wiseman & Sanders, 1993,
p. 7). Wiseman’s (2002) ideas follow the arguments of Hymes. Wiseman (2002)
stated that “ICC (intercultural communication competence) involves the knowledge,
motivation, and skills to interact effectively and appropriately with members of
different cultures” (p. 208).
Research Questions
RQ 1:What is the concept of communication competence in Thai job
interview?
RQ 2: What are the components of communication competence in the context
of Thai employment interviews?
Methodology
Qualitative approaches to research offer many advantages. Internal thoughts,

emotions, and prior behaviors are not observable (Patton, 2002). However, an
interview is a great instrument to gain an understanding of a “social actor’s
experience and perspective” (Lindlof & Taylor, 2002, p. 173) and “the meaning they
make of that experience” (Seidman, 1991, p. 3). As Lindlof and Taylor (2002)
explained, “the qualitative interview is an event in which one person [the interviewer]
encourages others to freely articulate their interests and experiences” (p. 170).
Moreover, Spitzberg and Cupach (1984) advised that how competent one is can be
assessed by either interactant (in this case, the recruiting interviewer or the applicant).
Although communication competence can be assessed by the interviewer(s), the
interviewee(s), and the observer(s), the interviewer or interviewee should be the one
who rates the competence instead of the third-party observer (a researcher). Spitzberg
and Cupach argued that the “interactant is the only person who knows whether his or
her conversational objectives were achieved, and the conversational partner is in the
best position to know whether such goals were obtained via appropriate interaction”
(p. 94). Thus, in order to be able to answer my research questions, I chose to use this
interview method to uncover the concept and dimensions of communication
competence from the job interviewers’ perspectives.
For this research, 28 recruiters from entry, mid- and high-level positions were
interviewed.They have worked from one to ten years with14 organizations in
Bangkok. There were 11 female and 17 male recruiters among the interviewees, all of
whomwork for banking and financial organizations. Most of the organizations (10 out
of 14) are Thai organizations that have foreign shareholders. With respect to the
remaining four organizations, two are Japanese organizations and one is a
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Singaporean firm. Only one organization included in this research operated

exclusively in Thailand. Most participants in the research (26) are Thai. Only two are
foreigners (a Singaporean and a Japanese recruiter).
I chose this group of people because I sought to uncover hiring interviewers’
perceptions of the communication competence needed to perform white collar work in
financial industry fields. I was particularly interested in the communication skills
sought in individuals who would fill positions in sales, marketing, banking, finance,
and IT-support. These kinds of positions require certain communication skills in order
to deal with clients, whereas blue collar employees might not need advanced
communication skills as their positions focus more on physical tasks.
With respect to the issue of sample size, Patton (2002) stated that “there are no
rules for sample size in qualitative inquiry” (p. 244).However, Creswell (1998)
suggested that ten people would be a great sample size for phenomenological
research. My sample size of 28 more than satisfied Creswell’s recommendation and, I
believe, lends credibility to the research.
Results
The concept of communication competence was defined slightly differently by

each of my twenty-eight interviewees. Five themes emerged across their responses:
content, confidence, corporation, control, andcharacter. For the financial service
industries in Thailand, candidates are considered to be high in communication
competence if they display these five Cs.
Twenty-four of my interviewees noted paying a lot of attention to the content
of an interviewee’s answers. Most of the interviewers (26) commented that they focus
on both knowledge and skills. Candidates are not only expected to know the answer
but to also be able to perform. In order to be considered competent, an interviewee is
also expected to answer in a certain way. Over half of the recruiters (12 out of 20) and
most of the human resources recruiters (6 out of 8) stated that communicatively
competent interviewees are those who are able to speak in a certain way.
Candidates’ speeches (i.e., their responses to questions) have to be concise and
to the point. Almost fifty percent of line managers (9 out of 20) preferred to hire
someone who speaks directly to the point. Khun Nopakaow (pseudonym) who has
experience as an employment interviewer for more than ten years, said “Straight to
the point. Not flowery or watery. That kind of thing.Because only smart people will
speak short and precise and understandable.”She provided an example of someone
who applies fora stock broker position: “it is very important [for him or her] to speak
loud and clear and not soft speaker. My telephone is a very expensive one. So, the
other side should be able to hear you. If someone called you and asked [for
information], you should be able to say ‘today is 90 baht’. How much do you want?”
As she spoke, Khun Nopakaow stressed every word loudly and clearly. She explained
that, for her, precise speech indicates how smart an interviewee is:
“Sometimes I can even tell that this guy is smart or not because these people
sometimes cannot summarize. Particularly new generation, they just talk and
talk. They cannot focus on the main point or bullet point. But, bright ones will
be able to organize their answers. Just getting them to talk about themselves
can tell a lot.”
Another interviewer with 10 years experience who works in an IT department,
Khun Pong, said “when we are talking, we can understand one another. They can tell
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their experience. Their answer goes to the point. They do not go around the bush.”
Khun Pong told me that some candidates memorize their résumé. They will present
only about three minutes to him.He told me that he does not like a candidate to
present him/herself in that way: “This is like they are reading the power point for me.
They do not give me more clarifications. In each bullet point, they do not tell their
outstanding qualities.”
Khun Tookta, who has 20 years of experience as a human resources recruiter,
described similar preferences. She stated that “how they answer the questions—it has
to be clear and direct to the point. When I meet [candidates with] sales [backgrounds],
they are used to selling things. They will present their qualities for so many. But, their
answer is not direct and to the point.”
Not only do the interviewers expect interviewees to respond to questions in
short and precise answers, the candidates are also expected to be able to narrate their
story. Concreteness of words is one thing in particular for which some interviewers
(4) look. When a candidate provides reasons for answering a question in a particular
way, those reasons should be logical and have support. Khun Sree, who is a senior
vice president, said “if it [the topic we are talking about] is deeper, they must have
support in numbers. For example, if I give them a case, like if I want them to manage
this department, they should be able to tell me about the cash flow. The numbers that
they use must have reliable support. Not just saying it out of nowhere.” On the other
hand, Khun Somkid, who is a first vice president of human resources, said “for a good
communicator, there must be good logical thinking because how to make people
understand what you say. You have to understand the logic. If you can have that, your
answers can be concise, clear, to the point.”
There were some recruiters (10) who focused more on understanding. For
these recruiters, communication competence was evident in the interview if the
interviewer and the interviewee understood one another. For example, one recruiter
explained that a competent interviewee is
“someone [who] makes sense when speaking. For example, if I asked whether
you have eaten, you can answer that you have or have not. That is all I want.
They do not have to make an answer to be so perfect. They have to give
answers that match my questions. But there is a person who cannot answer.
They do not understand. I want something simple and want them to answer
directly and to the point.”
Similar to foreign supervisors, both the Japanese and the Singaporean
managers put an emphasis on language. As one of these managers told me, if he
cannot understand a candidate or he/shecannot understand him when they are
speaking on the telephone, then the interview is finished.Mr. Peter, a Singaporean
supervisor, said “they have to able to understand what I am saying [in English]
because our company s operates on a multinational level, like doing business in
London….” In addition, a Thai recruiter who works in Japanese company said
“… another thing is language. If they can communicate well and the boss
understands, they will be impressed. Talking. When you have experience in
talking, you will know. If one cannot express how they feel in words--
language is a medium that allows us to communicate with one another.
Otherwise, if you do not understand, when the boss tells you to do something,
you might give him something else. That can create damage. For Japanese
organizations, when someone makes a mistake, there is a report, either orally
or in writing. Thus, clear communication is important.”
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One human resources recruiter explained that a sequence is used to assess

whether an applicant is good or not. An interviewee who does not tell a story in a
chronological order is considered as a poor interviewee. She explained that
“sometimes I ask them something, and they give an answer that does not
match with the question I asked. When they explain something, it is not in
sequence. I have to ask follow-up questions so that I can understand [their
story]. Like what did you do? Sometime it is confusing.”
Both inexperienced and experienced candidates are expected to have
knowledge of the field. The content of their answers will show whether or not they
have that knowledge. Line managers, in particular, expect job applicants to know
technical terms. Moreover, some of the interviewer participants in this research (6)
expect interviewees to have knowledge of the company.
Organizations that deal with foreign customers expect job applicants to know
English. A Singaporean boss said “Language is a key—your ability to present your
ideas, the ability to differentiate yourself.” He also said that an applicant does not
have to have good English, but he/she should be able to communicate: “They have to
be able to analyze and discuss in English. They also have to be able to give their
opinions.” The Thai recruiters also noted being conscious of an applicant’s English
accent:
“When I interview employees for an international job, it is important to
understand them--whether they have a good accent or not. Because, you know,
when you are a stock broker, you have to talk on the phone a lot and count
numbers. So, [I look at] their accent or the clarity of the words.”
Heavily accented speech can contribute to misunderstandings. However, accent is a
point for attention for another reason. As one human resources manager explained,
accent can represent the image of the company: “If the applicant knows the content of
the job but the way is doing is not appropriate [then there is a problem]. If he does not
speak clear Thai but he can speak English, but like someone who is born in China, I
will not be sure if he would fit with my image or my culture.”
Confidence is important for the applicants. Confidence involves how they
present themselves and how they answer questions. Twenty-one interviewers
expressed preferences for their candidates to be confident. Khun Manee, a human
resources recruiter said:
“this new generation, I think they are very confident. I feel that they are
excellent. They are good in a variety of ways. When I ask them a question,
then they will ask me questions back. These youngsters are attentive. They
have a lot of knowledge. Some people graduated from finance or economics
programs; they have a lot of knowledge in that area. And most of them have
honor.”
Khun Paitoon, a recruiter with four years experience at the entry level, expressed a
similar point of view: “The more you have is good. But you have to know how to
communicate in a soft way because we are in a Thai culture.” Khun Paitoon explained
that “soft way” means expressing yourself in a polite and respectful manner. The
interviewee should present himself to be soft on the outside but strong on the inside.
There were some interviewers (7) who did not express a preference for
confidence; one even noted that interviewees who lack confidence can still be seen as
competent. Khun Sunee, who has ten years experience as a recruiter and who works in
a Japanese owned bank, said “I might choose both of them. One who is not confident,
I will use her in the company. For the one who is confident and pretty, I will send
them to deal with customers.” Moreover, Khun Sunee mentioned
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“Now the world has changed. We have to give them a chance. If they are
confident, I have to adjust myself. Although, in the past, I went to [my own]
interview with an air of humility, for today’s world, they still need to give me
respect. But, I have to adjust myself and listen to them because the world has
changed. We have to use a middle way.”
That said, a shy person is not preferred. Khun Nopakaow, amiddle level
recruiter, explained that
“Being shy, too shy. It is not ok. If they are too shy, they won’t ask their boss
questions, and then, it is very difficult for shy people to make progress. They
do not ask questions. And even though they do not understand, they will still
continue doing a job which is bad. And I think it is not a good attribute. And if
this person is too shy, they cannot do the manager job.”
Khun Nopakaow told me that candidates should have a good balance. They
should not be too shy or too confident. It is not good to be too confident and boast
about one’s accomplishments or abilities, but it is also not good to be too shy and not
look people in the eye:
“Being honest because, when you are doing an interview, you have to look at
the interviewer, and people who do not look into the eyes of others does not
mean that they are timid. Or if they are, they have to change their personality.
Otherwise, they would not get a job.”
In Thai organizations, there is a limitation to the level of confidence that is ideal in a
job applicant.Khun Napat, a recruiter with fifteen years experience, said
“too confident—that is aggressive. Confidence is knowing who you are, what
you want. Knowing your topic so you can answer intelligently. It means that
you are prepared. You do not have to worry. Am I going to say the right thing
or the wrong thing? But overconfidence means you are bragging. You are
showing off. You put them [the listeners] not at ease.”
Khun Napat also explained the meaning of aggressiveness:
“when you are too pushy. You make people uncomfortable. If you are able to
read the other person…you know. What is their style? What are they able to
accept, you know? If you say things or behave in such a way that you make
the other person feel uncomfortable, then that is not it [i.e., not competent].”
Most interviewers have views similar to those of Khun Napat. Confidence
involves letting the interviewer know that you are knowledgeable but not showing off.
Khun Sree, a recruiter for middle level positions, also agreed with this idea, but he
added that one who is confident should respect others, especially those who are older.
Khun Sree said
“it is a good thing to have a point of view. It is a positive thing. But one should
be flexible. One should be able to listen. Being confident is a good thing. One
should have their own thoughts. It is great thing to have leadership. But, it is
bad thing if one does not listen to anyone. One should be flexible, especially in
a meeting. One should not be too confident. One should know their position:
who they are? There is a hierarchy in this company. The young should listen
to the adults.”
There were recruiters who expressed the view that an overly confident person
is someone who has a high ego. Most interviewers viewed this as a negative behavior
and as a behavior that would result in them not choosing a particular applicant. That
said, one recruiter did admit that she might take such an applicant into consideration if
there seemed to be a good reason for this person’s high ego: “If he has high ego but he
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has a reason. I might consider that. But if he is irrational and he thinks that he is the
best, [I would not].”
One IT recruiter expressed regret that he had chosen an overly confident
candidate for a position. He confessed that this mistake created difficulties. He had
learned from this experience and would not choose this kind of person again. He
stated that:
“In my opinion, it is hard to work with this kind of person because he/she has
a high ego. They will have a problem with their coworkers. They cannot get
along with their colleagues. If, in their position, they have to work with
members of their team and other teams, I would not… I want someone who is
confident, but they should be open. Some people think that their answer is
always correct. For example, 1+1=2 but there is another way like 3-1=2 too. If
they defend themselves on something that is not important, it is a waste of
time. We have to be careful.”
However, there were research participants (4) who expressed preferences for
candidates who demonstrate a level of aggressiveness. A 30-something year old high
level position recruiter stated that candidates should be confident and aggressive. He
explained that aggressive is not gawraow. Aggressive is
“They answer more than you want. They want to come out to do something. I
do not want someone who calls customers only once a week. Aggressive
people are not waiting. That person should be someone who calls the
customers every day. Like I show them what do I want.”
Another middle age male human resources recruiter said,
“There is a different definition for the word aggressive. There is aggressive
that means gawraow and aggressive that is active. For gawraow, that is
dysfunctional aggressive which is not good. But for functional aggressive, like
active, that is okay. During an interview, I [typically] do not see much
[aggressiveness]. But we will see after, like marriage, you will see when you
live together for a while.”
The foregoing statements reveal that entry and middle level position interviewers
prefer someone who is confident but still cares for others, as demonstrated by
listening to others’ opinions.
As a third theme, in their comments most of the participants (20) focused on
cooperation. Not only must an applicant have the characteristics that fit the position
and the organization, they must be able to work well with others.Candidates have to
be able to work with their team. One of recruiter said
“I also look at the teamwork—if he can get along with others. If he shows that
he cannot get along with people, then it will be difficult. At the end, when you
are working, it is all team work. You cannot run this [business] alone. We
might test him if he believes in teamwork or not, or if he is a one man show. I
don’t believe in the one man show thing.”
The fourth criterion that the interviewers noted looking at is control. A
candidate should demonstrate emotional control and work control. Some recruiters
(12) voiced the expectation that interviewees should demonstrate emotional
control.They want someone who is stable. Moreover, a competent interviewee is
someone who demonstrates emotional balance. He/she should not be too serious or
too relaxed.
“…Some person looks lively when they are speaking. Some person looks so
serious. He is telling a joke, but he looks very serious… If you have to
negotiate with the customers but you do not take things seriously, you look
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everything as funny [that is not good]. Some people have a habit like saying
things in a funny way. It is galatesa. [You have to know people, place and
time].”
One high level position recruiter stated that he does not look at IQ but, instead, at EQ
(i.e., emotional quotient).
With respect to work control, the degree of control needed varies according to
position. One head of human resources said that
“For senior [hires], we accept someone who is going to control the team and
create someone for us. For junior [hires], I expect someone to work for us and
then grow. What we are lacking in the market right now is someone who
works well but cannot manage people. They can’t create [mentor or nurture]
people. For the high level, if they can come and manage and create people,
[that applicant] has high values. He does not have to be so good at work, but if
he can create people, that is good.”
In order to predict employee performance, the interviewer might ask about an
applicant’s previous work experience.For example, for upper management candidates,
an executive vice president explained that he was interested in:
“How many subordinates does he have in his previous work? For these four to
five people who work under me, they each have different numbers of
subordinates. Some have 100 workers, others 300 workers or 40 to 50 people.
If I have to hire someone, first, he has to have experience. Second, how many
subordinates has he managed—like 300, okay. If he manages only 40-20, it is
not okay. I consider this as a major issue [in hiring decision making].”
This response shows that, for a high level position, to be successful, an applicant has
to be able to manage the team.
For middle level managers, the candidates have to show that they can work
independently. As one participant explained,
“I want someone who can make a decision. I do not like someone who relies
on others, like ‘up to you’. How can they make a decision when they do the
job? In this kind of job, when you are dealing with the customers, you have to
decide what to do on your own.”
Oftentimes, work control is measured during a three to four months probation
period. One recruiter explained that: “One should be patient. Some people during the
four months probation, I told them what to do. It is a lot of work. Some candidates did
what I told. But, some complained that it is too much. Some was quiet, did not say a
thing. But they submitted their work late. I prefer someone who works hard. They
should be patient.”
In addition to knowledge and performance of the work, competence was
defined by the participants in this research as involving morality and ethics. Five
interviewers mentioned that the candidate should not only be good at work but also be
a good person. Four other interviewers focused on integrity. Thus, competence in
Thailand involves at least two kinds of performances: work performance and the kind
of performance that suggests personal integrity. One of high level recruiter noted that
he is a Buddhist. He likes to hear that Buddhist principals are very important” “Maybe
not the five [precepts] specifically, you know. I do not mind if they drink at a party,
but [I do mind if they] steal cheat and lie. That is ethics. They have an affair, I don’t
care. They drink, I do not care. But not too much.”
Another mid-level interviewer agreed with this idea. She tries to ask questions
to discover whether or not her candidates have ethics. She told me that she would set
a situation for them. For example, she might ask: “‘if you know one client, but he is
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your friend’s client, what would you do?’ If he said ‘open another account for a
volume.’ I think this is stealing.” Even a “white lie” is not good. Another entry level
recruiter said
“When communicating with people, oftentimes, one wants to hear good/nice
things. It can impress another person when they are working together.
Sometimes saying things nicely but it is a lie is not good. It would not show
the truth like a mirror that can reflect him/her. But we should know how to say
something so that he can see his drawbacks and he can improve himself. You
have to know the way to talk to him/her in a positive way. And make him feels
good.”
From this, one can deduce that telling the truth is an important moral principle that
Thai job candidates should have.
The last “c” identifying a theme uncovered in this research stands for
“character.” Twenty-three of the recruiters interviewed as part of this project noted
paying attention to character. The candidates must have the kind of character that fits
the position. In banking and the financial industry, there are various departments.
Data analysis suggested dividing comments into two groups: comments focusing on
hires who will have to deal with customers directly, often called “front”; and
comments focusing on hires who will not have to deal with customers, e.g., support
staff involved with IT, analysis, researcher. One middle level position recruiter
pointed out
“There is a front office mentality. There is a back office mentality. There is
someone who will be suited as a research analyst. And there is somebody else
who can sell to customers. So, it is a personality thing... [For front desk
employees],you have to be outgoing. Something like extrovert. Less modest.
But not full of air--hot air. If a person comes in and does not look you in the
eye, is very shy about what he or she wants to say, can that person get a
message across? They can’t express themselves. Then, that person is suited to
something behind the computer. Less client facing…[for] analyst. Something
in the background. Meticulous to detail and a bit of a pessimist. The kind of
person that is maybe suited to managing the company's risk. On the other
hand, guys who are verbally expressive, very confident, almost cocky. You
might want those people to try their hands as salesmen. You sell whatever the
product is to people. Or even better, you have your own idea. You have your
own instinct. A gut feeling. That is very important in this business.”
Another Thai recruiter for a Japanese organization agreed with the above statement.
“For a credit analyst, they are from accounting. Thus, they have their own
character. Someone wholikes working with computers, they have to do the
input… For marketing, they will have another kind of character. Like I said
earlier, for your future, if you want to work, you have to be able to present
yourself like what you have for selling us....”
Yet another Thai recruiter who works for another Japanese organization said
“Personality should not be weird. For example, for a guy who has pierce earring and tattoo [is
weird].”
For this recruiter (as well as some others), appearance is defined as a reliable
indicator of personality. If an applicant for a position presents a physical appearance (in terms
of jewelry, tattooing, or, conceivably, clothing) that is not “traditional,” then the applicant’s
personality probably follows suit and is different from what is normatively
expected.Interviewers first judge the appearance of an interviewee. Most financial
industry recruiters prefer a professional business look. The way an applicant dresses
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not only conveys information aboutthe applicant’s character but also shows how
much respecta candidate has for his/her interviewer and for the interview process.
One of the middle level recruiters explained:
“The way they [applicants] dress [is important] as well, but not the expensive
stuff. They have to dress [professionally]. We think that the way that they
dress for an interview can tell how much respect they have for the
interviewers…
Another human resources recruiter commented on the specific look that his
organization wants: “In here, the look is important. The candidates have to be clean.
The shirts have to be inside their pans. They cannot wear flip-flop. Their hair, not
colors like blond color. They have to be neat and clean for this bank.”
What an applicant is wearing can be interpreted as indicating how well other
organization members can work with the candidate in the future. If it seems that it is
hard to change a candidate’s dress style, she would not hire that person. One human
resource recruiter stated that
“There is a difference in each company. For an advertising company, they
want a conservative. They might want a creative style. But for servicing, like
Banking, for us, we are a big bank. We have a uniform. We expect our
employees to look good. Look trustworthy. Thus, when a candidate comes
through the door, I will assess how well they can accept the company’s
culture. If a lady came, and she was wearing a fitted shirt and shorts, I would
tell her that it is not polite.”
Not only should most candidates display a conservative appearance, almost
all of the recruiters (24 out of 28) interviewed as part of this research also expressed a
preference for candidates who behave in a conservative or traditional manner, such as
showing polite and respectful manners. This is important because an employee’s
manners represent the company image. One executive vice president said “First of all,
they walk in. Their physical appearance has to be appropriate. No shorts or sandals for
positions in banking. Smile and greet you. Do not sit down before you do. It is
important because they represent you. First impression is important.”
However, there are some front-line workers whose appearance is of less
concern, such as call center workers:
“In some jobs, like the call center, I don’t look at how they look. I look at how
they talk. I do not want someone who talks fast and has an accent [which
deviates from Thai standard pronunciation]. They have to talk at a slow pace.
Sometimes I close my eyes to listen. Their mood has to be calm. For the
counter, they have to be polite. There are different people coming to the bank
from ordinary citizens to the seniors.”
From data analysis, both men and women are expected to present the same
appearance and engage in similar behaviors. Few participants identified any different
expectations. However, there were two participants who stated that women are more
aggressive. I asked them how they feel about that. Both of them said it was good, i.e.,
that there was nothing wrong with women being more aggressive. Another human
resources recruiter said that men do not talk much. If an applicant wants to work in a
position where he/she will have to deal with customers, that person will have to be
able to talk. A quiet person would not be suited for this position. However, there was
one case that revealed the recruiter wanted female candidates to wear skirts. There
was one candidate who came to her interview wearing pants. Although she did not do
what her interviewers expected, in this instance, the hiring decision was not affected
because she fulfilled other criteria, such as experience and educational background.
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For high level positions, over half of recruiters (5 out of 8) involved in such
hires prefer that a candidate present evidence of leadership. Khun Krit, who is the
executive vice president in a Thai bank, stated that communication skill is important
for leadership.
“He has to have good communication skill. He has to be able to communicate.
He has to be able to explain the job and have knowledge about the work. He
must have the skill that he can teach the subordinates—he can communicate
with them. He does not have to have communication skills similar to those
needed for sales because that is not his position. He has to only communicate
with people in the organization. But he must have the skill to convince a
subordinate to finish the work project within a certain period of time. Or if the
subordinates are not good, he must be able to see what are the things that the
subordinates are lacking. He has to be able to tell what is lacking, and if he
wants cooperation, how he should be able to help or communicate with them.
[He should know] how to use pradej and prakhun. He should not just dictate
without listening to the subordinates. If you are too bossy, the subordinates
might not cooperate. You have to havepradej and prakhun. When you want
them to do something, you should be a part of doing it. For example, this
march, I have involved in approval the loan. My subordinates have to work
overtime. From morning to 9 pm, they have to work Saturday and Sunday as
well. We have overtime compensation. It is not enough because some people
want to be with their family. They might not cooperate. Thus, I have to say
that ‘please help’. They come and help. Thus, you have to use many skills in
communication such as negotiating and convincing or persuading to have the
same agreement and work with us overtime during weekends.”
This statement demonstrates that communication skill is very important. For a
Thai leader, there is a distinctive style. The supervisor has to be concerned with how
subordinates might feel. He/she has to put him/herself in the subordinate’s position
and talk in a way that is not a command. Khun Krit told me that he tried to come into
the office on the weekendsin order to demonstrate to his subordinates that he cares for
them. In order to create pradej and prakhun, one should not only tell their
subordinates what to do butshould engage in actions that show concern and be a part
of their work.
Leadership tends to be a characteristic of a high level position. However, a
recruiter for one organization indicated that his organization looked at leadership skill
at all levels. Experienced human resources recruiter Khun Tiparat told me that, for a
new graduate, she can measure his/her leadership during the trial. After interviewing,
she will give a project to the candidates to do in groups:
“For example, in a group assessment, some persons like to show that they
have leadership ability. But, no one should dominate the team. Each should be
open for other colleagues to be able to discuss. Each should open for others.
No candidate should consider only his or her own opinions. That is too much.
Thus, if we hire him, he would not listen to others because he does not listen
to others. He is too aggressive. That is negative.”
Overall, character is looked at slightly differently in different job positions.
For junior positions (entry level), employees are expected to do their job and work
with others. For higher positions, employees are expected to be able to manage the
team. The results reveal that one who has to deal with customers is expected to exhibit
different characteristics during the interview than someone who will not be dealing
with customers.
66
Although there are different characteristics in each position, most applicants

must exhibit characteristics that fit the organization’s culture. From the data analysis,
I have found that a successful candidate must exhibit politeness and respectfulness
while interviewing. These are the characteristics that one should have.One human
resources recruiter said,
“it[respectfulness] is a basic etiquette. You do not have to be humble in all
cases, but you should not show your power. You should not show your ego.
Or show up your superior all the time because what you get is a reflection
from others. But, if you are humble at all time, they might respect you less.
You should have some balance, but at the beginning, when you first come, you
should not show you’re superior.”
One interviewer complained that, “in the new generation, Thais don’t have
hanseng(ending words which show politeness) when they ask you what do you think.
You say kruborka. But some people now, they just cut it short which is no krub and
ka. That is not nice.”
For most middle level position interviewers (11 out of 13), candidates should
show respect.
“We would look for someone who has samakarawa(respectfulness). For line
[a line manager], if you think that you are excellent and you look at line like
he/she is stupid, you do not have samakarawa to the boss. The boss [without
samakarawa] cannot manage as well. This is what we need to look at. Attitude,
for example, you have a doctoral degree but your boss has a bachelor degree.
How do you look at him if he tells you what to do? Will you be obedient?
Nowadays there are a lot of people who has a master’s or doctoral degree but
they are so proud. I am a doctor. Who are you? You are just a bachelor’s
degree. I will not listen to you. But you know what? They have more
experience than you do.”
High level positions require respectfulness. Most high level position
interviewers (6 out of 8) want applicants to display confident and also respect them
(the interviewer) at the same time. A high level position recruiter said
“But when you are working with the boss you have to give him respect. Some
people have high qualifications but he will have to work with the boss who
does not speak English clearly and graduates in the country. But he graduated
from an ivy league school. But these people have a lot of experience. He
should not look down at them. I have to teach him. When I meet him during
the interview, I will ask ‘what if your boss is a woman, can you accept that?’
Some people said that they do not like or they never work with woman before.
Some, I see that he has high confidence. [ I asked] what if you get refused,
how do you feel? But I would not say that too much confidence, I would not
say that I cannot accept that. But when they are working in the organization
for a while, he sees the environments and the organization and if he has that
high confident and he cannot accept that. At the end, he will leave the
organization. He has to change himself. He cannot focus on himself only. He
has to live with others.”
My research did reveal that some recruiters (7) prefer candidates to give
different opinions or to disagree, but in a respectful way. As one middle level recruiter
explained:
“Age does not matter. I give them the freedom to think. They can tell/suggest
me if I did something that it is not good from their point of view but I have to
be able to them too. We have to meet half way…”
67
Another high level recruiter said,

“But if you have too much [aggressiveness], Thai culture says that is not good.
The seniority, the one who has the high level, is always right. That is not right.
It is a mixture of both. It is an art. The way of communicating—how to talk to
the senior when you know that he is not right. But how are you are going to
talk to him to make him understand. You have to slowly convince him. Or you
go and say directly that he is wrong. It has to be like this. This is a style. Most
Thais do not like aggressive.”
Not only should a person’s characteristics fit the position, some organizations
search for specific characteristics or personal values that match the organization’s
values. Most interviewees will look at the candidate specifically and, then, look back
at the team to see if this person can work with the organization. For example, a human
resources interviewer with 20 years of experience said “if she is too humble, for
example, if she said ‘[I will do] whatever you said’. I have to use my imagination like
how can this person be with my team or organization. Does he fit with our
organization?”
Some line managers(7 out of 20) look at the whole organizational culture as
well. For example, Khun Korn, a recruiter for a Japanese organization, said “Japanese
people are loyal. They work in a group. They do not like conflict. They like to work in
a group as a team.” Thus, he tries to find candidates who have those values.Another
recruiter who has worked for a Japanese company since he was a staff member and
who is now the head of a department wants someone who will work for them for a
long period of time because of the culture of organization.
“The more we stay longer, the more they [Japanese] trust us. Thus, there is a
good thing in Japanese people. After they trust (wangjai), they will let us do
the job (waijai). Therefore, they want the applicant who is going to come and
work with us to have this kind of attitude. It is not a job hopping. They are not
a job hopper. Like they just want to try and see what Japanese company like.
Is working with Japanese people like what they dream of?”
However, from the analysis, I found that most line managers look at how a
person fits the job and the team more than looking at the organization. For example, a
recruiter who searches for high level position employees will ask if they are able to
have female boss.
To answer research question 2, Ilooked at the interview transcripts in an effort
to identify common statements. These statements were highlighted and written on
notecards. Each statement was then classified according to whether it spoke to
cognitive, behavioral, psychological, and morality aspects of competence(see Table
4.1);
Table 4.1: Communication Competence Components

Competence Components Item
Cognitive component: The 1. The candidate knows the products or
knowledge the market and answer right away.
2. The candidate has a great knowledge on
his job or the field such as technical
terms.
3. The candidate knows about the
company.
4. The candidate has a clear reason why
they choose this company.
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5. The candidate can understand what the

interviewers say.
6. The candidate has their objective.
Behavioral Component:
Responding to the questions (e.g., 7. The candidate has a good response
confident, politeness, when interviewing such as asking me
respectfulness) questions.
8. The candidate is very confident in a
way that can get along with others.
9. The candidate is confident when they
are talking.
10. The candidate is not bragging.
11. The candidate speaks politely such as
ending with ka or krub.
12. The candidate does not sit too
comfortable.
13. The candidate shows that he/she is
superior.
14. The candidate does not speak in a time
sequence.
15. The candidate can present him/herself
well.
16. The candidate can communicate in a
way that make I understand.
17. The candidate appears to be fast in
doing things.
18. The candidate is a fast thinker.
19. The candidate shows his/her
determination and interest.
20. The candidate has a reliable support in
an argument.
21. The candidate does not show hesitation
while answering to the questions.
22. The candidate has a good accent.
Conservative looks 23. The candidate speaks softly.
24. The candidate is self center and cares
for others.
25. The candidate wear flip flop and have
their hair blond.
Low context 26. The candidate dresses formally in a
conservative style for an interview.
27. The candidate does not have a tattoo
and one earring.
28. The candidate speaks clearly and
directly to the point.
29. The candidate is not too talkative
30. The candidate does give too many
details.
69
Psychological Component:
Emotional Control 31. The candidate is stable
Attitude 32. The candidate does have a negative
attitude.
33. The candidate has good attitude toward
work such as “can do” attitude.
34. The candidate can control their
emotion.
Morality 35. The candidate is honest.
36. The candidate has integrity.
Discussion
The results reveal that, within the context of employment interviews conducted for
organizations located in Thailand, interviewers lean toward an understanding of
communication competence that is in line with the ideas espoused by Hymes (1979),
Spitzberg (1983), and Cooley and Roach (1984) as opposed to the position advocated
by Chomsky (1965) and McCroskey (1982). As was noted in Chapter 2, one of the
debates surrounding the concept of communication competence concerns whether the
concept is based on knowledge only or is best understood using a combination of both
knowledge and skills/performance. Hymes (1979), Spitzberg (1983), and Cooley and
Roach (1984) are among those scholars who believe that communication competence
should be defined by knowledge and the ability to use that knowledge (cognitive and
behavioral components), while Chomsky (1965) and McCroskey (1982) advocate a
different view. They argued that competence can/should be described by in terms of
knowledge only. The results of this research reveal that, at least within the context of
employment interviews conducted within organizations located in Thailand, the
definition of the concept is more closelyaligned with what the more complex reading
of achieved when both knowledge and skills/performance are considered. In essence,
the recruiters who participated in this research tend to look at an applicant’s
knowledge and performance within the interview, including whether the interviewee
speaks in a clear and concise way.
The definition of the communication competence in this study matches most
closely with the perspective advocated by Dell Hymes (1979). Competence, according
to Hymes, should be viewed as “the abilities of individuals” (p.41).Hymes (1972)
explained:
I should take competence as the general term for the capability of a person…
Competence is dependent on both (tacit) knowledgeand (ability for) use. …
The specification of ability for use as part of competence allows for the role of
noncognitive factors, such as motivation, as partly determining competence. In
speaking of competence, it is especially important not to separate cognitive
from affective and volitive factors.... (p. 282-283)
The results of this research indicate that, within the context of employment
interviews, to be considered communicatively competent, an interviewee has to
demonstratethe abilityto perform appropriately. In order to perform well, that person
needs to be knowledgeable about the job and alert to the culture of organization.
This idea fits well with Cooley and Roach (1984). They defined
communication competence as “the knowledge of appropriate communication
patterns in a given situation and the ability to use [that] knowledge” (p. 25). Job
70
candidates have to use appropriate behaviors in various situations, such as during the
interview and, if hired, during the probationary period. However, one human
resources recruiter acknowledged that it is impossible to be sure that someone is
competent even after the probationary period. Each day brings the possibility of new
situations and new challenges. Employees have to use appropriate behaviors in all
situations.
Communicatively competent interviewees are not measured only by
knowledge but also by outcome. Recruiters use their questions to try to determine an
applicant’s knowledge level. They ask applicants about their work experience. They
also look at the way an applicant presents him/herself. Does the applicant demonstrate
any hesitation when talking? In this respect, the findings of this research raise
questions about McCroskey’s (1982) distinction between knowledge competence and
performance competence. McCroskey pointed out that some people possess
knowledge competence in communication, but they cannot perform that knowledge.
For instance, some individuals know languages, butthey arenot able to speak those
languages in a comprehensible manner. According to McCroskey (1982), “one may
be effective without being competent and one may be competent without being
effective” (p.3). This means that, when one cannot accomplish the goal, one can still
be competent. Admittedly, one can certainly imagine an applicant who possesses job
competence but who is not a capable communicator within the hiring interview
process. Unfortunately for this individual, it is unlikely that he/she will receive a job
offer, and thus, he/she will not be provided the opportunity to demonstrate his/her job
competence.
Overall, the results show that the concept of communication competence,
within the context of financial sector organizations, echoes the ideas articulated by
Hymes (1979), Spitzberg (1983), and Cooley and Roach (1984). However, from this
study, it appears that, in order to be communicatively competent, both the
relationships and task outcomes must be taken into consideration. Values such as
social harmony, respectfulness, and modesty still have an impact on the concept of
communication competence. Thai people tend to control the expression of words and
emotions.
The nature of a person’s position in his/her organization and that person’s
educational background might have a great impact on the concept of communication
competence. From the demographic questionnaire, most line managers have been
educated abroad in a country such as the UK and the US. This will have influenced
their confidence to speak out in a variety of situations. Moreover, the nature of some
positions can influence the position holder to be direct. Work in the financial industry
has to be accomplished quickly. Most of the line managers that I interviewed did not
have the time to speak with me at length, as compared to the human resources
recruiters. My conversations with the line managers were short, direct, and to the
point. These participants in my research appeared to not have time for casual
conversation and were much more task oriented in their demeanor.
Four components of communication competencewere found in this study.
Clearly, both behavioral and cognitive components emerged, similar to Western
scholars(Cooley & Roach, 1984; Hymes, 1979; Spitzberg, 1983). However, two more
components (psychological and moral) emerged. Thai people put a value on emotions
or feelings. According toLight (2003), feelings are part of the psychosocial factor. In
the case of this research, the important issue is the ability to control one’s emotions.
According to Miike (2007), for Asian people, “communication is a process in which
we moralize and harmonize [with] the universe” (p. 276). This research reveals that,
71
in order to be competent, one has to have a great EQ and IQ (i.e., emotional quotient),
and that person has to also be a good person.
Conclusion
In conclusion, the concept of communication competence in Thailand is

influenced by cultural constructions of the organizations. Moreover, Thai specific
values and beliefs and the hierarchical structures of societies tend to influence the
concept of communication competence. Most of the participants in this research
expressed a preference for interviewees who exhibit emotional control and
respectfulness. A slight difference between Thais and Western perspectives of
communication competence was found. In order to be considered communicatively
competent, one has to be able to perform well both in establishing/maintaining
relationships and on the tasks to which one is assigned. As a result, a competent
communicator is someone whose knowledge and performance meets the recruiter’s
expectations. There are expectations associated with any organizational position and
that emerge from the need to hire individuals who will fit in the culture of the
organization. Not only knowledge and performance, morality is an important for
defining the concept for Thai people.
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Chapter 6, Farheen Nasir, Ph.D. Student, and Seema Munaf, Ph.D.
Chapter 6
Impact of Emotional Competence Training upon Emotional

Intelligence and Interpersonal Relationships of Adolescents
Farheen Nasir, Ph.D. Student 1

Seema Munaf, Ph.D. 2
Abstract: The objective of the present study was to enhance Emotional Intelligence
(EI) and to improve Interpersonal Relationships (IR) of adolescents with the help of
Emotional Competence Workshop (ECW). It was hypothesized that 1) after the
training of emotional competence there would be an increase in the emotional
intelligence scores of adolescents, and 2) after the training of emotional competence
there would be an increase in the interpersonal relationship scores of adolescents.
Participants included one hundred and eighty eight adolescents of grades 9th and 10th
of different schools of Karachi, Pakistan. With the permission of the principals,
adolescents were approached in group settings. After introduction to participants they
were requested to sign the informed consent form, followed by the administration of
demographic information form, Emotional Quotient Inventory Youth Version (EQ-
i:YV, Bar-On & Parker, 2000) and Clinical Assessment of Interpersonal
Relationships (CAIR, Bracken, 2006). The training workshop of Emotional
Competence was conducted for 21 adolescents with EQ scores falling in the markedly
low, very low, and low range. After a gap of one week EQ-i: YV and CAIR were re-
administered. The tests were scored according to the standard procedures and in
order to determine the effect of pre and post training workshop on emotional
intelligence and interpersonal relations of the adolescents t correlated was applied.
The result indicate that there was a significant increase in the emotional intelligence
scores after the emotional competence training workshop (t = -2.85, df = 20, p<.01)
but there was no significant increase in the interpersonal relationship scores (t = -
.102, df = 20, p>.05) of adolescents. ECW enhanced the EI of adolescents but their IR
was not improved, therefore it is recommended that ECW may be introduced for the
progress of EI in schools for adolescents with the help of school counselors, clinical
psychologists and social workers. Separate workshop can also be arranged in school
settings for the betterment of interpersonal relationships.
Introduction
The research aims to highlights the impact of emotional competence training
upon enhancement of emotional intelligence and interpersonal relations.
In 1990 Salovey and Mayer had given the concept of emotional intelligence
as, “the ability to monitor one’s own and others’ feelings and emotions, to
discriminate among them and to use this information to guide one’s thinking and
actions,” which became popular in 1995 with the publication of Goleman's book
1 Doctoral Student, Institute of Clinical Psychology, University of Karachi, Pakistan

2 Professor, Institute of Clinical Psychology, University of Karachi, Pakistan
76
"Emotional intelligence why it can matter more than IQ?" Since then emotional
intelligence has received a lot of attention in predicting one's performance at work, at
school, at home etc.
One aspect of emotional intelligence is based on interpersonal relationships.
This capacity deals with being aware about one’s own as well as that of others
feelings and act accordingly. The importance of the development of interpersonal
relations in children can be deciphered from the fact that it begins by interpreting
emotional cues as young as in 3years of age. Those who are unable to interpret the
emotional cues do not attract their age mates to them and develops social deficits
(Denham, Blair, Schmidt, & DeMulder, 2002).
In the contexts of sociology the concept of interpersonal relationships involves
social associations, connections, or affiliation between two or more people. Such
persons may interact overtly, covertly, face-to-face; or may remain effectively
unknown to each other. Meaningfulness of interpersonal relationships can result, most
significantly in the developmental stage of life when one interacts with peers, parents
and teachers.
Interpersonal relationships have been viewed as a principal means through
which people build up identity and positive self-image throughout the life-span
(Youniss, 1980). Concept of interpersonal relationship from the perspective of
attachment begins in infancy with attachment to primary caregivers (Bowlby, 1982).
It has been found out that a sense of security with an attachment figure can encourage
the positive self-image in which a person feels good about him/herself in a variety of
adjustment areas including body image, vocational/educational goals, and social
relationships (Offer, Ostrov, Howard, & Dolan, 1992).
A connection appears to be between emotional competence and social
behaviour outcomes into adolescents and early adulthood. A research had been
conducted among male college students, lower emotional intelligence corresponds
with problematic relationships with friends, deviant social behaviours (e.g. Physical
fights), and alcohol consumption (Brackett, Mayer, & Warner, 2004).
Decades of research show that coping strategies are important in determining
an individual’s physical and psychological well-being in response to stressful and
negative life events. Coping literature shows two types of coping styles i.e., active
coping and avoidant coping. In as much as “stress and emotion depend on the
relational meaning that an individual person constructs from the person-environment
relationship” (Lazarus, 2000).It may be that emotional intelligence mediates choice of
coping strategy by helping interpret appropriately situational context and thus
improves interpersonal relations.
Emotional Competence (EC) is defined as “A learned capability based on
emotional intelligence that results in outstanding performance at work. Our emotional
intelligence determines our potential for learning the practical skills based on five
elements: self-awareness, motivation, self-regulation, empathy and adeptness in
relationships. Our emotional competence shows how much of that potential we have
translated into on-the-capabilities.” (Goleman, 2000). EC gives an awareness
regarding variety of feelings. It enhances emotional vocabulary and expression.
Display of positive emotions has a crucial role in forming and maintaining social
interactions. The display of positive emotion is associated with perception of
likeability and friendliness (Denham, Blair, DeMulder, Levitas, Sawyer, Auerbach, et
al. 2003).
77
Training Program
Bar-On (2002) believes that EI develops with time and that it can be improved
through training, programming, and therapy. He also pointed that lack of success and
presence of emotional problems can be associated with dearth in emotional
intelligence.
For thirty years, there has been a consistent and growing research base that
points to the need and value of incorporating personal skills and emotional
intelligence into academic and student development programs (Nelson and Low, n.d.).
Yale-New Haven social competence promotion program by Weissberg and
Elias (1990) revealed improved problem solving skills, more involvement with peers,
better impulse control, improved behaviour, improved interpersonal effectiveness and
popularity, enhanced coping skills, more skills in handling interpersonal problems,
better coping with anxiety, less delinquent behaviours and better conflict resolution
skills.
Involvement of youth in skill development programs related to various aspects
of life can benefit them in learning skills to deal effectively. Astroth (1996) found that
4-H clubs (based on youth development program) could be effective in helping youth
develop critical life skills, such as decision-making, responsibility, interpersonal
skills, an ethic of service, and how to get along with others
Zeidner, Roberts and Mathews (2002) make suggestions for schools
attempting to teach EI in their curriculum, which include the following: base EI
intervention programs on a solid conceptual framework (e.g., choose a trait of ability
frame work), carefully specify program goals and behavioural outcomes; identify the
educational, sociocultural, and developmental context for program implementation
(e.g., appropriate for the developmental levels and culture of college students), fully
integrate the EI program into the school educational and instructional curriculum,
provide out-of-class opportunities to practice EI skills, ensure professional
development of program personnel, and use robust experimental psychometrically
sound designs for assessing program effectiveness.
From above literature it appears that Emotional intelligence can also be
enhanced through training programs. Such training is highly vital for adolescents, as
adolescence is an intermediary state where children get ready to enter young
adulthood and if they are not properly trained with emotionally and socially intelligent
behaviours than there is a prospect to see a rise in mental health dilemmas.
Humphrey, Curran, Morris, Farrell, and Woods (2007) suggests that if training has to
be given of EI than the goal must be to change the people’s perception of
remuneration from one of self-serving and self-seeking gratification to one where
reward is gained through taking into account the emotional needs of others as well as
their own.
The purpose of the present research therefore is to analyze the implications of
ETW on emotional intelligence and interpersonal relationships of Pakistani
adolescents. So far no such rigorous research has been conducted on Pakistani youth,
concerning various aspects of emotional intelligence. The present research would be
beneficial in the way that on the basis of the result it would be possible to give
recommendations to student counselors, clinical psychologists, and social workers for
enhancement of emotional intelligence of adolescents. Further teachers and parents
can also be guided to act as supportive agents for the overall improvement of their
youth.
78
Methodology
Participants:
The sample included one hundred and eighty eight adolescents; 105 males and
83 females. Their age range was from 14-16 years. They were all the students of
grade 9th and 10th of different secondary schools of Karachi.
Measures:
• Introduction to Participants and Informed Consent Form. This form was used
to introduce the participants with the research. They were also informed about
confidentiality and that collected data would be used for research purpose
only. Further they were requested to give their consent for voluntarily
participation in the study if they were interested in it.
• Demographic Information Form. This form included basic information related

to the participants like name, date of birth, age, sex, grade level and academic
percentage.
• Emotional Quotient Inventory, youth version (EQ-i: YV, BarOn & Parker,
2000)
is 60-items inventory, which measures 5 components including Intrapersonal,
Interpersonal, Adaptability, Stress Management and General Mood. It assesses
emotionally and socially intelligent behavior of children and adolescents. It has
a four
point rating scale ranging from “very seldom true of me” to “very often true of
me”.
Cronbach’s alpha was used to measure the internal reliability of BarOn EQ-i:
YV. This included all the subscales except for positive impression scale and
inconsistency index and the result was highly satisfactory, showing the items
measure what they are supposed to measure. In order to have construct validation
the factor structure of the 40 items from the Intrapersonal, Interpersonal, Stress
Management and Adaptability scales were examined using exploratory factor
analysis with the normative sample of 9172. The four empirical factors that
emerged closely matched the four BarOn EQ-i: YV scales that were developed to
measure emotional intelligence. Correlation between the congruent scales of
BarOn EQ-i: YV and BarOn EQ-i is moderate to very high (Bar-On & Parker,
2000).
• Clinical Assessment of Interpersonal Relationships (CAIR, Bracken, 2006) is

composed of 35 items, all of which appear on each of five scales (mother,
father, male peers, female peers and teachers). It identifies emotional
disturbance and assesses youth’s relationship difficulties. It is measured on a
four point rating scale ranging from “strongly agree” to “strongly disagree”.
CAIR reliability estimates are above .90 at each grade level (Bracken, 1987), the
Total Relationship Index (TRI) coefficient alpha are .96 as well as for the over all
79
standardized sample of 2,501. This suggests that examinees’ item responses will be
consistent within the scales which can help in important decision making about their
interpersonal relationships. The factor analysis conducted by Bracken and Newman
(1994) yielded strong support for the differentiated CAIR scales, with all of the scale
items loading significantly on their respective scales, except two items on the teachers
scale that had non-significant but primary loading on the mother scale.
Operational definitions of various variables.
• Emotional Intelligence is defined as a collection of emotional, personal, and

interpersonal abilities influencing mutually satisfying interpersonal
relationships.
• Interpersonal relationship is defined as relations between two or more people

in the situation of social, family, and academics; relating to properties that
result from such interactions.
Procedure:
With the consent of the principals of the schools, adolescents were approached
in group settings. The entire procedure was divided in three sessions.
In session one, students were given introduction about the research and were
requested to sign up the Introduction to Participants and Informed Consent Form,
which was followed by the administration of Demographic Information Form,
Emotional Quotient Inventory Youth Version (BarOn-i:YV) and Clinical Assessment
of Interpersonal Relationships (CAIR). The last two questionnaires were scored
according to the standard procedures and adolescents who were falling in the
markedly low, very low and low range of EQ scores were selected for the Emotional
Competence Workshop.
In session two, training workshop was conducted after two weeks of the first
administration of the two questionnaires on 8 male and 13 female students. The
workshop was conducted for two days for the duration of 3 hours per day. It was done
in a group setting for mixed gender. Initially the students were briefed about the
concept behind the workshop and how it would help them to deal with their emotional
issues, which in turn can improve their interpersonal dealings and adjustment. The
workshop comprised of the elements of the Bar-On EQ-i:YV which are a)
intrapersonal, b) interpersonal, c) stress management, d) adaptability and e) general
mood. Intrapersonal element was based on self-awareness, personal decision making
and managing feelings. Interpersonal element was based on empathy, communication,
and conflict resolution. Stress management element was based on handling stress.
Adaptability element was based on self-disclosure, insight, group dynamics, and self-
acceptance. General mood element was based on personal-responsibility and
assertiveness.
In session three, following one week gap after the training workshop, the two
questionnaires (EQ-i: YV & CAIR) were re-administered.
Both the questionnaires were scored according to the standard procedure and t-
correlated was applied in order to find the effect of the emotional competence
workshop on emotional intelligence and interpersonal relationships of the adolescents.
80
Results
Table 1
Difference between the pre and post test scores of emotional intelligence of
adolescents
EQ scores N Mean SD t df Level of Sig. p
Pre-test 21 45.19 5.134
____________________________________
Post-test 21 49.33 7.095 -2.85 20 .010

<.01
Table 2
Difference between the pre and post test scores of interpersonal relationships of
adolescents
Total R Index N Mean SD t df Level of Sig.

p
Pre-test 21 509.48 48.856
______________________________________
Post-test 21 510.48 45.707 -.102 20 .920

>.05
Discussion
Table 1, shows that our first hypothesis that, “after the training of emotional
competence there would be an increase in the emotional intelligence scores of the
adolescents” was proved. The results shows a significant difference (t = -2.85, df =
20, p<.01) of mean score of EI pre-workshop (X = 45.19) and post-workshop session
(X = 49.33). It implies that if training is given on the basic elements of the EI than its
improved effect appears on the overall EQ score. Hence ECW is beneficial in
improving EQ of adolescents. Through training workshop they become more capable
to effectively understanding themselves, turn into more competent in relating to
people and manage different problems related to school, family and work life in an
81
intelligent way without becoming anxious. Similarly in a research pre and post
measures related to EI were taken and the result revealed that the training resulted into
increased EI with improved health and well being (Slaski & Cartwright, 2003). A
2002 self-science (based on cognitive and emotional components) pilot study used the
EQ-i: YV to examine children’s EI behaviour before and after their exposure to the
self-science curriculum which was a training opportunity for EI enhancement. Later a
comparison of their pre and post assessment revealed significant improvement in self-
awareness and self-expression, social expression and interaction, and emotional
management (BarOn 2003; Freedman 2003).
Table 2 is based on the hypothesis that “after the training of emotional
competence there would be an increase in the interpersonal relationship scores of
adolescents.” However result shows insignificant difference in interpersonal
relationships scores (t = -.102, df = 20, p>.05). The pre-workshop interpersonal
relationships mean (X = 509.48) does not seem to significantly differ from post-
workshop mean (X = 510.48).Therefore we can conclude that ECW do not seem to
play important role in improving interpersonal relations of adolescents. Hence our
second hypothesis is not proved.
There could be two possible reasons for the insignificant result; one could be
due to the fact that the training was based on emotional competence rather than social
competence, although interpersonal aspect is part of ECW but exclusive training with
a focus on interpersonal relationship element could have been more effective, as a
research conducted by Hennessey (2007) on a training program exclusively based on
social competence revealed that fourth graders showed improvements in both social
skills and problem behaviours. Secondly, at times effect of any workshop is not seen
immediately especially where the trainee has to go out in his/her environment to deal
with others and then to experience and feel that change in order to report it and in this
research adolescents were reevaluated just after 1 week, this time period could have
been short for analysis, understanding and implementation of most of the concepts of
the workshop. A research has been done to evaluate the impact of a training program
designed to target the emotional intelligence abilities of project managers, it was
revealed that positive effects were found after 6 months of the training rather than in
those who were evaluated after only 1 month (Clarke, 2009).
Conclusion
The present results have positive implications as it focus the need to give
recommendations to school counselors, clinical psychologists, social workers, parents
and teachers to increase emotional intelligence of adolescents through training
workshop of emotional competence. Similarly social competence workshops can also
be arranged for the enhancement of interpersonal relations of adolescents.
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85
Chapter 7, Nadia Ayub, Institute of Business Management.
A Comparative Study of Private and Public Universities Teachers

Job Satisfaction
Nadia Ayub, Institute of Business Management 1
Abstract: This paper explores the difference in job satisfaction between private and
public sector university teachers of Karachi, Pakistan. Based on detailed literature
review, following hypothesis had formulated; Private University teachers are more
satisfied with their jobs in comparison to Public University teachers. The sample of
the study comprises of 160 teachers, 80 public (40 males; 40 females) university
teachers and 80 private (40 males; 40 females) university teachers of Karachi,
Pakistan. Age range was from 24 to 65 and average age was 38.92(SD 8.353). A Job
Satisfaction Survey (Spector, 1997) was administered to measure job satisfaction. For
statistical analysis, independent “t” test was performed to obtain the difference
between private and public university teachers on job satisfaction. A result suggests a
significant difference was found between Private and Public University teachers.
Furthermore, private university teachers were more satisfied with their job as in
comparison to public university teachers.
Keywords: Public, Private, Teachers, University, Job satisfaction
Job satisfaction is an important aspect of employees’ work life. Different

researches have been conducted on employees involved in various occupations,
resulting in raised awareness about issues concerning employees and factors that
influence employees’ job satisfaction. Therefore, a better insight of management of
factors associated with job satisfaction can improve the quality of worker
performance. According to the findings of Bowran and Todd (1999), “job satisfaction
and job performance are positively correlated”. Job’s satisfaction does not only
improve performance of the workers, it also affects other areas of a person’s life.
Hackman & Oldman (1980) found that a higher job satisfaction is associated with an
increased productivity, lower absenteeism and lower employee turnover.
Education is one of the fundamental needs of societies; it not only gives a
feeling of accomplishment and fulfillment to the ones imparting education but also
lays foundation for a new generation to find its right values and academic expertise
for the future. Therefore, education is a profession that needs special attention and
care by society. The educationists, thus, are the people who need to be satisfied with
their jobs for other sectors to receive future employees. Higher education, in fact, is
1 Nadia Ayub is a Doctoral Fellow in Psychology, University of Karachi, Pakistan. She is Lecturer of Psychology
in the department of Business Psychology at Institute of Business Management. Her research focuses on social
problems, adolescents, organizational issues, personality, family and marriages, and Psychometrics. She has
worked on research project on Community Health Sciences at the Aga Khan University and Hospital. She has
published ten research papers in national and international repute journals. She presented her research papers in
various national and international conferences. She is working on different researches and recently her research
papers are accepted for oral presentation in Fifth Interdisciplinary Conference on Social Sciences, Murray Edwards
College (Previously New Hall), University of Cambridge, UK
86
the breeding ground for the professional of the highest caliber in a society. It
channelizes young; peoples’ ambitions and aspirations and turns them into effective
workers for diverse employment sectors. For these educationists, job satisfaction in
the form of a good remuneration package, healthy work environment that is positive
and learning oriented can lead to maximization of their potential as leaders,
visionaries and role models.
Robins (2005) defined job satisfaction as a collection of feelings that an
individual holds towards his or her job. In other words, “Job satisfaction can be
defined as the degree to which individuals feel positively or negatively about their
jobs (Schermerhorn. Jr, et al., 2005)”
There is an imperative role of higher education in the success of any nation. In
higher education, its faculty plays a vital role. Only when the faculty members are
satisfied with their job, they can enhance the intellectual and academic potential of
students. Job’s satisfaction of faculty members is based on a variety of factors like
personal factors, social support systems, and health or fitness of faculty and
administrators moderate the negative relationships between job strain, health, life
satisfaction, and job satisfaction (Blackbum, Horowitz, Edington, and Klos, 1986). A
study by Sorcinelli and Near (1989) found that the job satisfaction of university
faculty is independent of gender and positively correlated with academic rank. They
also suggest that job satisfaction is positively related to faculty’s life satisfaction and
their non-work satisfaction.
Another important element that affects job satisfaction of faculty members is
the sector from which they belong i.e. public or private university. The government or
public sector has some encouraging incentives like grade based salaries and job
security. Private sector teachers have other optimistic rewards, which include a higher
salaries, good work conditions, challenging work tasks, etc. There are different factors
in Private and Public University that can influence the performance of the faculty, for
example, job security, pay, working condition, contingent reward, relationship with
co-workers, promotion, supervision, fringe benefits, communication with other
colleagues, and nature of work.
Pay overall effects the degree of job satisfaction. A study of the university
academic staff by Pearson and Seiler (1983) found, “academics have high levels of
dissatisfaction with compensation-related elements of the job (e.g., fringe benefits,
pay, and performance criteria)”. Various researches findings show that pay level of
public and private sector employees is one of the sources of dissatisfaction. A study of
Voydanoff, (1980) findings shown that, “monetary compensation is one of the most
significant variables in explaining job satisfaction”. In their study of public sector
managers, Taylor and West (1992) found that pay levels affect job satisfaction,
reporting that those public employees that compared their salaries with those of
private sector employees experienced lower levels of job satisfaction. Another
research conduct by Boone and Kuntz (1992) suggest that, offering employees fair
and reasonable compensation, which relates to the input the employee offers the
organization, should be the main objective of any compensation system. Included in
the category of compensation are such items as medical aid schemes, pension
schemes, bonuses, paid leave and travel allowances.
A promotion opportunity improves motivation of employees. According to the
research, “An employee’s opportunities for promotion are also likely to exert an
influence on job satisfaction (Landy, 1989; Larwood, 1984; Moorhead & Griffen,
1992; Vecchio, 1988)”. In addition, Robbins (1998) maintains that, “promotions
provide opportunities for personal growth, increased responsibility, and increased
87
social status.” Not only promotion opportunities but also merit-base promotion gives
satisfaction to its employees. Witt and Nye found that (1992), “Individuals, who
perceive that promotion decisions are made in a fair and just manner, are likely to
experience satisfaction from their jobs”. A study by Moses conducted on academic
staff (1986) supports the view that, “faculty was dissatisfied with the undervaluing of
teaching excellence in promotion decisions.” She concluded, “… tenured and well-
paid employment provides satisfaction of the lower-order needs, whereas prestigious
and autonomous work enables academic staff to satisfy to a greater degree higher-
order needs than is possible for the general population (e.g., esteem needs the need for
self-actualization)”.
Employees are likely to have high levels of job satisfaction if supervisors
provide them with support and co-operation in completing their tasks (Ting, 1997).
Results of another study show that the, “quality of the supervisor-subordinate
relationship will have a significant, positive influence on the employee’s overall level
of job satisfaction (Aamodt, 1999)”. Employees also feel more satisfaction if the
supervisors take an opinion from them in their decisions. Moreover, as described by
Chieffo (1991), “supervisors who allow their employees to participate in decisions
that affect their own jobs will, in doing so, stimulate higher levels of employee
satisfaction”.
The Relationship with co-workers in any organization plays a significant role
on the worker’s satisfaction. Kalleberg found that (1977), “good work relations with
co-workers can raise job satisfaction”. A study conducted by Manger and Eikeland
(1990) found that, “relations with colleagues were the largest predictor of intention to
leave the university”. Communication is an important vehicle at workplace and high-
quality interaction between co-workers increase job satisfaction. According to Avtgis
(2000), “people who reported increased communication and high reward in
communication also reported greater relational satisfaction and greater perceived
organizational influence”.
Working condition is another significant feature of job that motivates
employees to stay in their job. According to Flowers & Hughes (1973), “the
relationship between job satisfaction and environmental factors, particularly in
accounting for reasons that employees stay in their jobs”. According to Luthans
(1998), if people work in a clean, friendly environment, they will find it easier to
come to work. If the opposite happens, they will find it difficult to accomplish tasks.
Vorster (1992) maintains that working conditions are only likely to have a significant
impact on job satisfaction when, for example, the working conditions are either
extremely good or extremely poor. Moreover, employee complaints regarding
working conditions are frequently related to manifestations of underlying problems
(Luthans, 1992; Visser, 1990; Vorster, 1992). Nature of work is also one reason,
which can satisfy or dissatisfy employees. According to Ninomiya and Okato (1990;
cited in Mwamwenda, 1995), “job satisfaction among teachers was associated with
freedom to do their work as they saw fit, a sufficient supply of learning material and
equipment, a good salary, a reasonable class size as well as the support and
cooperation of colleagues”.
The review of literature showed there are different elements, which contribute
to job satisfaction of the employees among teachers of Public and Private
Universities. Among these factors are pay, promotion, contingent reward, nature of
work, working condition, nature of work, fringe benefits, supervision, and
communication. Therefore, in designing a study to explore a difference in job
88
satisfaction between Private and Public University teachers, it is crucial to reflect on

these factors.
The objective of this study is to find out a difference in job satisfaction
between Private and Public University teachers in addition to what are the different
factors that affect the satisfaction level of the teachers towards his/her job. The
following hypothesis was formulated based on previous literature: Private Sector
University teachers are more satisfied with their jobs as in comparison to Public
Sector University teachers.
2. Methodology
A sample comprises of 160 teachers, 80 public (40 males; 40 females)
university teachers, and 80 (40 males; 40 females) private university teachers of
Karachi, Pakistan. Age range was from 24 to 65 and average age was 38.92 (SD
8.353). Education level was Masters 80.5%, MPhil 9.5%, and PhD 3.8%. Duration of
the service ranged from1 to 32 years, and the average duration was 8.76 years (SD
7.049). The job positions of the participants were lecturers (32.5%), assistant
professors (41.25%), associate professors (18.75%), and professors (7.5%). All
respondents were permanent faculty members who worked in public and private
universities.
A demographic form was used, consisting of several questions about gender,
age, academic qualification, job status, marital status, organization type, and length of
service.
The Job Satisfaction Survey (JSS; Spector, 1997) JSS is a nine-subscale
measure of employee job satisfaction. The nine facets are 1) pay, 2) promotion, 3)
supervision, 4) fringe benefits, 5) contingent rewards, 6) operating conditions, 7) co-
workers, 8) nature of work, and 9) communication. The JSS consists of 36 items to be
rated by participants on a 6-point likert format response scale (i.e., disagrees very
much, disagree moderately, disagree slightly, agree slightly, agree moderately, and
agree very much). In the present study, JSS found to be internally consistent at the
level of = .822.
The university’s teachers were approached from different departments such as
faculty departments, then the purpose of present research was explained to them, and
they were requested to participate in the present study (written consent was taken).
Many of them rejected to participate, and those who agreed to participate were further
preceded in the study. The rapport was established by introducing self and then by
telling about the objective of the study. They were ensured about confidentiality that
they are provided information would be used only for research purpose and their
named will not be mentioned in this study, they were also informed that their
participation will be on a voluntary basis, and they can leave the study at any stage.
After establishing rapport and trust, participants were provided with demographic
form to obtain their personal information. After taking demographic information, Job
Satisfaction Survey (JSS; Paul E Spector, 1994) was administered in order to assess
Job’s satisfaction of the (employees) participants. After completion of measures,
participants were thanked for being participation in this research and for their precious
time. After completion of data, demographic form was analyzed and Job Satisfaction
Survey was scored according to the instructions given in the manual.
89
3. Results
In order to analyze data in terms of statistics, firstly, data was tabulated on
Microsoft excel sheet. Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS), version 16.0
was used for all statistical analyses. Descriptive statistics for demographic
information and t-test was performed in order to find out the difference on job
satisfaction between private university teachers and public universities teachers.
Table 1 shows respondent’s demographic information
Percentage% Percentage %
Age Organization Type

41.6%
24-34 48.3% Public University 50%
35-45 8.33% Private University 50%
46-56 1.66%
57-above
Job Status
Gender
Lecturer 32.5%
50%
Male Asst Professors 41.25%
50%
Female Associate Professors 18.75%
Professors 7.5%
Marital Status Length of Service
68.5%
Married 1-5
31.5% 35.5%
Unmarried 6-10 25.25%
11-15 27.25%
Academic 16-more 13%
Qualification
Masters 80.5%
M Phil 9.5%
Ph D 10%
Note. shows demographic information of the participants
90
Table 2. The mean difference in Job Satisfaction between Public and Private
University Teachers
Sig
Variable Sector N Mean Std t df (2- tailed)
Dev
Pay Public 80 2.84 .962
-3.138 286 .002
Private 80 3.19 .952
Promotion Public 80 3.51 .963

-2.174 286 .031
Private 80 3.74 .864
Supervision Public 80 3.32 .836

-.595 286 .552
Private 80 3.38 .809
Fringe Benefit Public 80 3.48 .749

-2.554 286 .011
Private 80 3.69 .672
Contingent Public 80 2.73 1.049

Rewards 3.823 286 .000
Private 80 3.20 1.045
Operating Public 80 3.20 .908

Condition -2.247 285 .025
Private 80 3.38 1.048
Co-Workers Public 80 3.31 .989

-.878 286 .381
Private 80 3.42 1.058
Nature of Work Public 80 3.01 .904

-2.482 286 .014
Private 80 3.28 .933
Communication Public 80 3.26 1.019

.315 286 .753
Private 80 3.22 1.031
Note. Shows difference in satisfaction with Private and Public University teachers job
satisfaction
The result of the study suggests that significant difference was found between
Public and Private University teachers on the variable of Pay (t=-3.138, p <.05);
Promotion (t=-2.174, p <.05); Fringe Benefits (t=-2.554, p <.05); Contingent Rewards
(t= 3.823, p <.05); Operating Conditions (t= -2.247, p <.05); and Nature of Work (t=-
91
2.482, p <.05). However, no difference was found on the variable of Communication

(t=.315, p >.05); Co- Workers (t= -.878, p> .05); and Supervision (t=-.595, p >.05).
4. Discussion
The result of the study shows that there is a significant difference in job
satisfaction between Private and Public university teachers. According to the findings
of the study on the variable of pay, promotion, fringe benefit, contingent reward, and
working condition, a significant difference in job satisfaction of private and public
university teachers was found. Additionally, an insignificant difference was found
between private and public university teachers on the variable of communication,
supervision, and co-workers.
A bivariate analysis of the results depicts that there is a difference in job
satisfaction between public and private university teachers. Literature also suggests
that differences between public and private sector employees exist (Goulet & Frank,
2002; Perry, 2000; Perry & Rainey, 1988; Wright, 2001). Furthermore, employees
choose to work for public sector organizations based on other expectations and
promises, and thus they support the idea that public sector employees are motivated
by different aspects than public sector employees (Borzaga & Tortia, 2006; Burgess
& Ratto, 2003; Perry & Wise, 1990).
As private university provides various facilities to their teachers, for example,
competitive salary packages, satisfactory working environment, promotions, as
compare public universities. The results of the study showed that private university
teachers are more satisfied with their pay as compare to public university teachers.
According to Volkwein & Parmley, (2004) Public sector organizations are financially
rewarding their employees somewhat less than private sector organizations and are
offering fewer career development opportunities. In addition, on the variable of
contingent reward and fringe benefits significant difference was found between
private and public university teachers. Literature also suggests that Burgess and Ratto
(2003) pay is not the best incentive for public sector workers because public sector
employees are motivated by other incentives than private sector workers. The possible
explanation of this finding is that fringe benefits include health insurance, retirement
benefits, pension plan, life insurance, and health insurance, and private universities in
Pakistan offering high-quality plans to their teacher as compare to public sector
universities.
According to the results of the study on the variable of nature of work private
university teachers were more satisfied than public university teachers. Aryee (1992)
reports that public sector employees perceive a lower quality of job content and are
less motivated. A recent study of Lyons, Duxbury and Higgins (2006) reveals
differences in work-related values, especially in the values: contribution of the job to
society, opportunities for advancement, challenging work and prestigious work.
Along with nature work operating condition is also contributing a key role in job
satisfaction. Private universities in Pakistan providing a well-equipped work
environment, which includes: computers, internet facilities, digital libraries with latest
books, rooms for faculties that will motivate employees and increase their job
satisfaction.
However, the results on the variable of co-workers and communication
suggest no difference in private and public university teacher. In both sector teacher’s
communication and relationship with a worker is not varying because its human need
to be affiliated with each other no matter from which culture or sector they belong.
This finding is in line with Gabris & Simo (1995) that public sector and private sector
92
employees do not differ on the need for affiliation. In the light of the findings of this
study no difference was found between public and private university teachers on the
variable of supervision. Both sector university teachers are satisfied with their
supervision.
The findings support the difference in job satisfaction between private and
public University teachers. The results have implications for the policy makers and
the government that dissatisfied teachers in the university cannot satisfy students
need. Furthermore, it will give rise to turnover, absenteeism and low motivation in
their work. Gaining a thorough understanding of job satisfaction has implications for
improving the working life of faculty members via providing insights to
administrators responsible for designing and implementing staff development
strategies and interventions within the higher education context.
There are some limitations of the present study. First, the study depended on
self-reported data. There is always a risk of being biased and selective recall when
using such data (Smith & Glass, 1987). Second, the afore-mentioned findings derived
from an aimed convenience sampling process; therefore, the generalizability of the
findings is limited. Finally, this study covers Public and private university teachers
from Karachi. Expansion on the present study would allow greater knowledge into the
predictors of job satisfaction in the teaching profession.
5. Conclusion
To conclude, findings of the study illustrate that job satisfaction improves
performance of the teachers. These findings suggest that when teachers are satisfied
with their job, they can enhance the academic potential of the students. In addition;
there is a difference in job satisfaction between public and private university teachers
in job satisfaction.
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95
Chapter 8, Denis S. Ushakov, Doctor of Economics
Chapter 8
The Innovative Capacity of Local Society in the Global Economy
Denis S. Ushakov, Doctor of Economics1
Abstract: Innovative modernization, as a global trend of world economic

development, is essential to improve the external competitiveness of countries and
communities, determines it’s positioning in the international division of labor, role in
global social and economical processes; it is a most important factor in determining
the degree of society’s self-esteem, material well-being and prospects for development
and progress.
Asynchrony of the innovative modernization’s rates in the different countries
defined by different terms of local communities connecting with this global trend. The
modern role of the local society in the promotion of innovative progress depends on
many factors, including cultural, social, religious, economic, political.
Development of methodology for assessing the local society’s capacity for
generation and commercialization of innovations will improve the efficiency of public
institutions, local business, public administration. The introduction of the innovative
potential’s evaluation in the definition of strategic benchmarks of local community’s
progress will increase its stability in an unstable global markets, will qualitatively
change the structure and content of social interactions.
Introduction
Innovative modernization of modern societies is an important factor,

determining the development trajectory of national economic systems. However, the
rate of innovative renewal of local communities depends on their parameters,
quantifiable and qualitative evaluation. Communities were involved in the innovation
process of modernization, being at different levels of their socio-economic
development. It determines the asynchrony rate of innovative development of social
and economic systems.
In some societies, the process of innovative modernization occurred
simultaneously with the transformation of economic relations. In other societies,
innovative processes have been artificially stimulated from the outside, under the
influence of transnational companies. Thirdly - innovations were initiated by the
governments, which regarded them as the only chance for a fast modernization of
economy.
1 Denis S. Ushakov is a professor of International Economy faculty at Northern Caucasus Academy of
Public Administration. His research has appeared in several peer reviewed journals and his area of
expertise is Government regulation of economy, countries and societies innovative modernization.
96
Types of social systems, depending on their positioning in the global process of

innovative modernization
Innovative modernization of modern societies is an important factor,
determining the development trajectory of national economic systems. However, the
rate of innovative renewal of local communities depends on their parameters,
quantifiable and qualitative evaluation. Communities were involved in the innovation
process of modernization, being at different levels of their socio-economic
development. It determines the asynchrony rate of innovative development of social
and economic systems.
In some societies, the process of innovative modernization occurred
simultaneously with the transformation of economic relations. In other societies,
innovative processes have been artificially stimulated from the outside, under the
influence of transnational companies. Thirdly - innovations were initiated by the
governments, which regarded them as the only chance for a fast modernization of
economy.
Analysis of static and dynamic parameters of the process of innovative
modernization, existing in different regions of the world, for the last 15-20 years
allows to distinguish four types of local societies, differing according to the criteria of
innovativeness of their development, the technology role in the national economy.
The first group of leaders contains societies in which processes of innovative
modernization based on economic growth. As a result, introduced technologies have
been adapted to the specifics of social relations, commercial interests of business,
taking into account the strategic priorities of the state. The rate asynchrony in
economic development and innovative modernization didn’t exist earlier, and
therefore barriers didn’t happen to this process. Advantages of information progress
have been quickly commerced. They had extensive sales, primarily in the domestic
market. This fact pushed up the pace of progress through innovations.
The second group consists of societies, possessing a high innovative potential
and rapid development stimulated by the authorities. On the first stage it provided due
to administrative and financial resources of governments. Having specific resources
(natural resources, cheap labor force, geographical location), the societies corrected
the industrial direction of their economic development, starting an active import of the
information product and introducing it in the current economic system. Often these
processes require high costs according to the lack of scale effect (because of the
weakness in domestic consumption of innovative product) and implementation of
major infrastructural projects.
The third group is passive societies whose development does not attach much
importance of innovation processes of modernization, because of the large number of
unsolved socio-economic problems, low degree of integration into the global
information space, the lack of domestic demand for innovative product, resource or
the administrative capacity of the authorities.
Finally, the fourth group of societies is so-called outsiders. Now they are
characterized by finding out the innovative process of modernization because of close
of their social systems, internal instability, the presence of unresolved domestic social
and economic problems (poverty, hunger, unemployment, lack of economic growth
97
and investment resources). Within the boundaries of social systems, barriers to entry
for innovative upgrading high due to lack of infrastructure, domestic demand (lack of
economies of scale), a number of political and ideological constraints.
Comparative analysis of all selected social systems types, depend on their
positioning in the global innovative process of modernization, is in Table 1.
Table 1 - Types of social systems, depending on their positioning in the global

process of innovative modernization
Indexes Social system types
Leaders Pursuers Passive Outsiders
1 The level of High High Medium / Low Low

innovative
modernization of
economic
relations
2 Public access to High High / Medium Low Low

innovative
product
3 Expenditures on High High / Too high Medium / Low Low

research and
development
4 The role in the The development Monitoring of Purchase of Acquisition of

global trend of of innovation, foreign patents on aging obsolete
innovation their global innovations and technology, technology,
modernization distribution, their involvement of reception of
economic modernization, technology “simple”
expansion attempt to develop through the production
own innovative MNCs presence
product in the export-
oriented
industries
5 External Conservation the Becoming a Facilitating to Dictated by

development innovation Leader by the transfer of transnational
priorities leadership by facilitating to the tech industries, companies
monitoring the brain-building copying and meet their
global innovation flows, creating a technology, initiatives
process, "brain modern cheap products
gain", infrastructure and producing and
outsourcing, own innovative distribution
protecting productions
intellectual
property rights
6 Innovative Depends on High, is Medium, is Low

modernization economical stimulated by stimulated by
dynamic development Government and MNC activities
dynamic business and by export
industry
98
7 Innovative Intense. Transfer Extensively. Extensively Not expressed

modernization into the virtual Dissemination of
strategies space of an technologies to as
increasing many people.
number of
procedures and
operations
8 Innovations New technologies after their debut on Brain potential Not expressed
export the domestic market, accumulation of
new competitive advantages
9 Innovations Know-how, The latest Commercialized innovations

import highskilled labor technology
know-how, skilled
labor
10 Examples USA, Japan, UAE, Malaysia, Egypt, Tunis, Albania,

France, UK, China, India, Philippines, Niger, Congo,
Sweden, Finland Russia, Thailand Morocco, Venezuela,
Ukraine, Turkey Burma
The factors, determining the society innovative potential

Positioning of modern social systems in the global economy, determining the
sources of their competitiveness, without taking into account their degree of
innovation, is not possible in modern conditions.
Innovative social economy stimulates the formation of a cluster of globally
competitive industries, has a sustained impact on the formation and implementation of
national economic policy. Analysis of indicators of innovation society creates a set of
additional capabilities for predicting the future development of the social system,
determining its options in the context of global trends and conditions of the global
scientific and technological progress. Under article offers a method of determining the
innovation society, based on the comparison of results of its innovative capacity and
demand for innovation in the social and economic structure.
The factor, determining the innovative potential of a society under modern
conditions, is primarily the state educational system: number of schools, public
funding of education, access to education, the quality of the educational process, the
degree of its modernity and adaptability to the needs of the global scientific and
technological progress. Besides integration of the most population in the global
information environment: the number of output of scientific literature, specialized
publications, access to modern information and communication technologies, the state
of international scientific exchanges and so on.
Finally, the ability of the local community to innovations is determined by
social and cultural characteristics of its representatives. Despite of the obvious
difficulty of determining the socio-cultural predisposition of society to innovation and
creativity, some scientists have researched and formed global ratings of local
communities, including of this criterion.
Thus evaluating of the national creativity and innovativeness, Richard Florida
used its own methodology, based on the combination of such indicators as talent,
99
technology, patience (the model of the "Three T"), reflecting the cultural, religious,
social and technological aspects of construction "creative class" in the local
community (Florida, 2004, p.180-190).
Basing on a comparison of objective indicators reflecting the social conditions
of innovative capacity, as well as the assessment of creativity of local communities
the following data were received (Table 2).
Table 2 - Innovative potential index of modern societies, 2008
№ Country № Country
society innovation potential
society innovation potential

Society's ability to develop
Society's ability to develop

Conditions for innovation
Conditions for innovation

Synthetic indicator of
Synthetic indicator of
potential of society
potential of society
development2
development
innovations3
innovations
1 USA 100 82,42 91,21 21 Italy 41,75 41,45 41,6
2 Sweden 59,74 100 79,87 22 Czech 28,85 47,27 38,06
3 Finland 68,19 84,65 76,42 23 Malaysia 18,84 55,93 37,39
4 Norway 72,15 73,63 72,89 24 Spain 29,42 45,17 37,29
5 Denmark 67,03 75,86 71,44 25 Greece 26,45 45,91 36,18
6 Netherlands 67,22 75,61 71,42 26 Hungary 28,29 34,9 31,59
7 Japan 45,15 94,8 69,97 27 Portugal 33,53 28,95 31,27
8 Switzerland 60,07 78,83 69,45 28 Slovenia 26,5 35,76 31,13
9 Singapore 42,11 92,8 67,46 29 Russia 18,08 41,95 30,01
10 Australia 56,12 65,34 60,73 30 Slovakia 23,65 36,01 29,83
11 Belgium 48,98 65,09 57,04 31 Lithuania 24,59 32,42 28,51
12 Germany 39,03 71,4 55,22 32 Poland 26,43 29,57 28
13 France 52,69 57,17 54,93 33 Latvia 22,64 32,42 27,53
14 Israel 42,68 64,97 53,82 34 Bulgaria 17,99 34,03 26,01
15 Canada 38,72 67,05 52,89 35 Argentina 19,86 24,62 22,24
16 New Zealand 48,78 56,8 52,79 36 China 15,51 28,46 21,98
17 Austria 49,78 54,2 51,99 37 Chili 19,85 22,89 21,37
18 UK 39,81 63,98 51,90 38 Mexico 20,84 20,29 20,57
19 Ireland 37,01 51,23 44,12 39 Brazil 18,23 19,67 18,95
20 S. Korea 26,03 57,54 41,79 40 Thailand 18,79 16,7 17,749
Outsiders
48 India 11,78 21,9 16,84 61 Algeria 12,54 0,49 6,51
49 UAE 27,59 5,18 13,79 62 Zimbabwe 12,55 0,37 6,46
50 Philippines 13,12 12,12 12,62 63 Kenya 11,6 0,37 5,98
51 Indonesia 10,81 12,25 11,53 65 Cameroon 10,67 0,12 5,39
52 Morocco 12,96 1,52 7,245 66 Bangladesh 10,29 0,12 5,2
53 Egypt 12,94 1,37 7,15 68 Pakistan 10,22 0,12 5,17
60 Nigeria 12,87 0,8 6,84 70 C. d’Ivoire 10,09 0,12 5,1
2
Calculated by the author on the basis of comparative assessment of educational, cultural,
transportation, communication, market and social infrastructure of society. The World Bank data were
used. The maximum value of this index (for USA) is equal 100.
3
Calculated by the method of "3T" by R. Florida. The maximum value of this index (for Sweden) is
equal 100.
100
This investigation of the innovative potential of the states demonstrates a clear

leadership of such societies as the USA, the countries of Northern and Western
Europe, Israel and Japan.
Among the first forty countries are also rapidly modernizing its own social
systems countries of Eastern Europe, a number of states, implementing the strategy
of iminovations (Thailand, Malaysia, Brazil) and of innovations reception (China,
Mexico, Argentina, Chile).
As noted above, for the innovative development of modern societies, only one
innovative capacity is not enough. Ability to work out of innovations must be
matched by opportunities of their commercialization, deployment to productive
activity. In this case, innovations are transforming into a productive factor, the system
of motivation for the development of new knowledge is forming, the living conditions
of local populations are qualitatively changing.
The real rates of innovation introduction are driven by a rational model of
behavior of economic actors, choosing some optimal in these conditions (in terms of
economic profitability and the need to address strategic goals) the rate of innovative
updates.
On the demand indicator for innovation in societies are influenced by many
factors, including the transparency of process of innovation projects admission,
selection, the level of intellectual property rights protection, the incentives provided to
innovative enterprises, the government R & D spending, the number of granted and
valid patents.
In this investigation were used indicators, which reflect the effectiveness of the
innovation commercialization process of the local society - labor productivity in
export-oriented sectors of the innovation economy and external competitiveness of the
national innovation production.
Labor productivity in the export-oriented innovative industries is determined
by quantitative indicators of development (for example, the share of this field in the
customer value creating, the national export and employment), and reflects its quality
characteristics, opportunities for global distribution, the level of competitive
advantages in the world markets (Table 3).
Obviously, the leaders in labor productivity in export-oriented innovative
industries are the states of Western Europe, the USA, Japan, Australia, the BRIC and
SEA countries. The relatively low values of labor productivity in export-oriented
innovative sectors of a number of European countries (eg Belgium, Greece) are
explained due to the fact, that in these countries the most of produced innovative
products is not exported, but is intended for domestic consumption (because of high-
capacity internal demand).
Due to the strong export dependence of economy of such states as Thailand or
Mexico (where a large proportion of innovative products is for export), the rate of
these countries in many times increases the same criteria of more economically
developed Western countries.
Based on a comparison of labor productivity in export-oriented sectors of the
world in 1992 and 2008, we can reflect the dynamics of it’s change (Table 4).
101
Table 3 - Employment and labor productivity in innovative

industries4 in the world5 (2008)6
thousands of people.
Innovative products
Unemployment, %
innovation sector,
Employed in the
Population, mln
oriented sectors
productivity in
of innovative
export, bln $
thousands $
the export-
industries,
Labor
№ Country
1 USA 294 5,5 449,7408 8890,56 396,97

2 Japan 128 4,7 155,3328 3415,552 133,95
3 China 1296 4,2 197,064 37247,04 63,556
4 UK 60 4,6 127,44 1373,76 49,684
5 Germany 83 11 175,3244 1255,79 48,864
6 France 60 9,9 101,1218 1027,14 39,839
7 Southern Korea 48 3,7 98,736 1525,392 19,635
8 Mexico 104 2,5 42,588 2129,4 17,331
9 Netherlands 16 4,3 109,1415 444,048 16,6
10 Italy 58 8,7 36,2448 423,632 14,723
11 Canada 32 7,2 52,0296 415,744 12,541
12 Australia 20 5,6 16,0524 264,32 8,204
13 India 1080 4,3 6,5645 5167,8 7,661
14 Switzerland 7 4,3 34,6544 147,378 7,657
15 Spain 43 11 18,928 267,89 7,553
16 Thailand 64 1,5 40,257 2206,4 7,452
17 Brazil 184 9,7 13,0464 1993,824 6,373
18 Russia 144 7,8 21,4515 1194,912 6,025
19 Singapore 4 5,4 111,7401 223,256 5,573
20 Ireland 4 4,4 49,504 130,016 5,513
4
Based on the number of jobs, directly and indirectly related not only to the development of new
technologies and innovations process, but also to the production of tech products, its sales and
marketing
5
Were analyzed only countries, which absolute indicator of innovative products export is more than
0,5 bln $
6
Calculated by experimental methods, based on the ratio of real employment in the service and
industry sectors with the value, created in these sectors and products percentage in the national export.
These empirical data for selected countries (USA, Russia, France, Japan, UK and China) are broadly
consistent with the official statistics (the error is not more than 6%). It allows to continue the using of
the proposed method in the study.
102
Table 4 – The dynamics of the labor productivity in

export-oriented innovative industries in the world, 1992-2008
export-oriented innovative
export-oriented innovative
Labor productivity in
Labor productivity in
industries, 1992,
industries, 2008,
thousands $
thousands $
Change, %
№ Country
1 UAE 0,02 1,03 5038,8

2 Hungary 0,09 3,36 3276,6
3 Slovakia 0,008 0,24 2662,3
4 China 2,35 63,55 2604,1
5 Vietnam 0,01 0,42 2092,3
6 Indonesia 0,106 1,97 1754,6
7 Greece 0,165 2,54 1440,3
8 Lithuania 0,008 0,12 1357,1
9 Morocco 0,0722 0,83 1061,3
10 Egypt 0,043 0,322 650,4
11 Mexico 2,321 17,1 637,9
12 India 1,130 7,66 577,8
13 KSA 0,150 1,0 569,3
14 Portugal 0,309 1,92 521,1
15 Latvia 0,015 0,086 470,31
16 Israel 0,31 1,75 463,3
17 S. Korea 3,638 19,63 439,6
18 Czech 0,281 1,46 419,3
19 Pakistan 0,058 0,30 419,1
20 Poland 0,187 0,87 368,7
57 France 18,752 39,83 112,4

58 Canada 5,96 12,5 110
59 Japan 64,11 133,9 108,9
60 Sweden 2,66 5,5 106,7
61 Italy 7,714 14,72 90,87
62 Kenya 0,045 0,07 54,2
63 Argentina 0,708 0,847 19,5
64 Russia 5,82 6,02 3,3
Analysis of Table 4 suggests doing a conclusion, that the productivity grows

more rapidly in export-oriented innovative sectors of the pursuers, which implement
the following steps:
- to modernize their economic system, introducing both own and
borrowed innovations (South Korea, India, Indonesia, Israel);
- to have strong financial resources in consequence of the presence in
the economy of powerful extractive industries (KSA, UAE);
- to pursue an active public policies whose effectiveness is based on the
administrative resource (China, Vietnam);
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- to develop comprehensive contacts with technologically more

advanced West, including encouraging and transfer to their territory
foreign corporations high-tech industries (Mexico, Eastern Europe).
Countries - leaders in labor productivity in innovative industries (USA, Japan,

the West-European countries) show a steady, but low growth rates. Nevertheless, a
significant gap in absolute terms, the innovation modernization will provide the
leadership in the near future.
It’s impossible to ignore the fact, that rapid innovatization of pursuers
economies is going due the active participation of Western technological corporations
(thanks to internationalization of information, telecommunication sectors), which do
not allow us to assert the ability of countries catching up to the independent
innovative modernization.
The second indicator in the assessment of demand for innovation in societies
is the external competitiveness of their innovative sectors. It determines the national
export of innovative product attractiveness, compared to other export items. This
indicator is calculated as the ratio of a country share of innovative products in the
world export to the country share in world export in the total (Table 5).
Table 5 - The index of innovation areas external competitiveness of the world

in 2008
competitiveness,
competitiveness,
innovation areas
innovation areas
The index of
The index of
external
external
2008
2008
1 Singapore 2,770802 21 France 0,892292

2 Malta 2,723839 22 Norway 0,845329
3 Malaysia 2,066361 23 Germany 0,798367
4 Costa-Rica 1,737622 24 Sweden 0,798367
5 Thailand 1,643696 25 Indonesia 0,751404
6 Ireland 1,596733 26 UAE 0,657478
7 Southern Korea 1,549771 27 New Zealand 0,657478
8 Hon-Kong 1,502808 28 Estonia 0,657478
9 USA 1,502808 29 Australia 0,657478
10 China 1,408882 30 Canada 0,657478
11 Hungary 1,36192 31 Czech 0,610516
12 Netherlands 1,36192 32 Croatia 0,610516
13 Japan 1,314957 33 Luxemburg 0,563553
14 UK 1,127106 34 Austria 0,563553
15 Cyprus 1,03318 35 Brazil 0,563553
16 Switzerland 1,03318 36 Greece 0,51659
17 Mexico 0,986218 37 Morocco 0,51659
18 Finland 0,986218 38 Portugal 0,422667
19 Denmark 0,939255 39 Belgium 0,422666
20 Israel 0,892292 40 Russia 0,422665
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As shown in Table 5, USA, Northern and Western Europe, having the highest
rate of advantages in innovative modernization, in the ranking index of external
innovative sectors competitiveness took place only in the second ten, followed the
newly industrialized countries of South-East Asia. It can be explained by recent
economic restructuring in the innovative modernization direction. It occurs the
transfer of innovations, involving intangible intellectual assets of MNC, the reception
of technological industries (for example, the transfer of substantially all Japanese
automobile industry to Thailand and China, computer assembling of the largest
American companies - to Malaysia), which led to increased export orientation of the
newly created innovative sectors.
More attractive innovative companies terms in the SEA and Caribbean
countries caused a reduction in the technological products production in the leading
countries, that, in general, have reduced external competitiveness of their innovation
sector.
Estimation of external competitiveness of innovative industries in the world
demonstrates the dynamics of its rapid growth in countries-pursuers (table 6).
Table 6 - Evolution of the innovation areas external competitiveness of the

world, 1992-2008
competitiveness, %
competitiveness, %
innovative areas
innovative areas
Change of the
Change of the
indexes of
indexes of
external
external
1 Indonesia 1115,407 11 Egypt 203,8517

2 UAE 963,4809 12 Vietnam 127,8888
3 Hungary 450,7312 13 Nicaragua 127,8888
4 Ecuador 431,7405 14 Bahrain 127,8888
5 Paraguay 431,7405 15 KSA 127,8888
6 Greece 317,7961 16 Iran 127,8888
7 Morocco 317,7961 17 Cyprus 108,898
8 China 279,8146 18 Mexico 99,40267
9 Slovakia 279,8146 19 Turkey 51,92585
10 Lithuania 279,8146 20 Syria 51,92585
64 USA -28,5055 71 Kenya -43,0278

65 SAR -34,8889 72 Jordan -45,7408
66 Ireland -37,0064 73 Iceland -54,4222
67 Costa – Rica -37,5416 74 Oman -62,0185
68 Salvador -39,2297 75 Russia -64,0176
69 Poland -43,0278 76 Azerbaijan -69,6148
70 Venezuela -43,0278 77 Kazakhstan -81,0093
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The potential of innovative modernization of social systems largely depends

on the activities and initiatives of transnational corporations, the export of created
products organization by them to the West. As a result, the leading countries are states
with the most liberal regime of international innovative companies with an efficient
transport infrastructure, either geographically located close to consumer markets of
U.S., Japan and the Western Europe.
In this rare exception (UAE, Eastern European countries) domestic
consumption remains at a minimal level. Typical of the industrialism era capital
pursuit for the most comfortable conditions (in the form of cheap labor force, access
to resources, preferential tax jurisdiction) remains in the high-technological
production.
Based on the average labor productivity in export-oriented innovative sectors
and the external competitiveness of innovative production, we can compile a states
rating. Indicators of the innovations demand and the innovative potential of society
are given in Table 7.
Table 7 - Indicators of the innovations demand and the innovative

potential of society, 2008
innovations demand
innovations demand
innovative potential
innovative potential
Indicator of society
Indicator of society
Indicator of
Indicator of
1 USA 78,73 91,21 16 Italy 19,6 41,6

2 Singapore 50,73 67,46 17 Finland 18,3 76,42
3 Japan 41,14 69,97 18 Denmark 17,56 71,44
4 Malaysia 37,85 37,39 19 Norway 15,72 72,89
5 China 33,69 21,98 20 Spain 15,24 37,29
6 Thailand 30,63 17,749 21 Sweden 15,12 79,87
7 Southern Korea 30,52 41,79 22 Indonesia 13,81 11,53
8 Ireland 29,53 44,12 23 Canada 13,49 52,89
9 UK 26,8 51,9 24 Australia 12,93 60,73
10 Netherlands 26,74 71,42 25 New Zealand 12,03 52,79
11 Hungary 25,01 31,59 26 UAE 12,0 13,79
12 France 21,28 54,93 27 Czech 11,2 38,06
13 Germany 20,76 55,22 28 Brazil 11 18,95
14 Mexico 20,05 20,57 29 Austria 10,63 51,99
15 Switzerland 19,64 69,45 30 Russia 8,41 30,01
Paying attention to the methodology for identifying the indicators of

innovative capacity and innovations demand, we can construct a diagram:
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Thailand Indonesia
China
Mexico
UAE
Malaysia Hungary
Italy
S. Korea Ireland
Greece
UK
Spain Singapore France
Japan
USA
Germany
Czech Russia
Portuga
Austria
Switzerland
N. Zealand
Denmark Belgium
Finland
Australia
Canada
Swede
The left side of the chart includes countries, in which the possibilities of
innovation realization greatly exceed the innovative potential of society. As we can
see, these are rapidly modernizing societies of South-East Asia, China, the South
Korea, some European states. They created an excellent infrastructure, innovative
production, but its own population has an average or low potential for innovative
development. Currently, the innovative progress of such countries is more dependent
on innovations imports, rather than on developing their own ones. Further
development of these societies is associated only with a substantial increase of
innovative capacity by using of socio-economic practices and measures of state
regulation.
On the right side of the diagram are the states, whose innovative potential is
high, but slightly engaged in farming, in essence, it is not used. These are societies of
Northern and Central Europe, Australia, New Zealand and Russia, where there is an
imbalance between supply and demand for innovations.
These societies development strategy is an improvement of the national
infrastructure of innovation commercialization, or intensification of technological
imports.
Balanced countries, in which the innovative potential, in general, coincides
with the capabilities of their economic using, are located inside the central circle
(USA, Japan and Western Europe). They have excellent conditions for the generation
and commercialization of innovations. These societies, in fact, can develop in less
dependence on the world innovation market, relying on domestic production and
consumption, and hence they are more stable in the dynamic global environment.
However, it is worth noting that countries - the world underdogs in innovative
progress - will be positioned in the dotted zone to. Because of the difference between
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the low innovations potential and the capabilities of its economic using will also tend
to zero.
Conclusion.
Thus, existing societies innovative potential indicators do not reflect the actual
capabilities of its participation in international trade, innovations transfer, impact on
the global trend of scientific and technological progress. In this connection, it is
necessary to supplement the methodology for determining the innovativeness of the
local community by indicator of the innovation demand, opportunities for their
commercialization inside the national economic infrastructure.
Application of the synthetic innovative index demonstrates the presence in the
global world of societies, which innovative potential and the possibility of innovations
commercialization are significantly imbalanced. It requires an adjustment of state
social and economic policies.
There are three groups of societies:
- in the first innovative potential is significantly lower then innovation
demand,
- in the second - the reverse situation,
- in the third - there is a relative internal balance between the
development potential and possibilities for new knowledge
commercialization.
The problem of the first type of societies is in their unclaimed innovative
potential. The country loses the development capacity and gradually sinks into the
backyard of a dynamic world. Its results are in the inevitable degradation of
innovative capacity.
Similar events were observed in the recent history of Russia, for example,
when during the period 1990-1999 the number of Russian scientists declined from
1533000 to 837000 people. The rapid development of technology export only veils
the problem of domestic imbalances. Active innovations transfer to the foreign
countries creates the possibility of their modernization, exacerbating the situation with
the new knowledge commercialization, reducing the financial incentives of local
community innovative class.
In addition to, too high indicators of the demand for innovation are inefficient.
A high level indicates that the generation of technology change, failing to realize the
potential inherent in their economic impact. Something similar occurs in situations
where the unfolding kind of "innovation race", where innovation is not so much to
gain extra profit - " technology quasi-rent”, how to ensure the basic survival of
enterprises in a competitive setting.
Similarly, import of innovations in the second type societies, can stimulate the
processes of innovative capacity stabilization at a certain level. The availability of
technologies import reduces the motivation for the national innovations elaboration,
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the growth gap between the innovative potential and capabilities of its implementation
in the economic practice. In the future, a sharp reduction in the innovative enterprises
effectiveness, the elimination of all, with such difficulty taking advantages of the
programming innovations, can happen.
One should mention that the international transfer of innovations, the lack of
international infrastructure of intellectual property protection, differences in the cost
of factors of innovative production in the world promote an imbalance between the
innovative potential and capabilities to commercialize the innovations. It creates an
effect of "foreign availability of new knowledge”, or the possibility of transferring
technological industries in developing countries. Both were eventually able to stop the
innovative society development, throw it on the periphery of the global trend of
innovative development.
References
Florida R. (2004). The flight of the creative class. – NY. Harper Business.
Nambisan S., Sawhney M. (2008). The Global brain. – New Jersey. Wharton School
Publishing.
Tapscott D., Williams A. (2006). Wikinomics: how mass collaboration changes

everything. – London. Penguin Books.
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Chapter 9, Khozaei, Hassan, Amole, and Khozaei
Chapter 9
The Hostel, the House, a Qualitative Study of Female Students
Fatemeh Khozaei 1
Ahmad Sanusi Hassan 2
Dolapo Amole 3
Zahra Khozaei 4
Abstract: University students’ housing has received a good deal of emphasis in previous
research. Much of this early research focused on the relationship between the environment,
facilities, residence hall layout and students’ satisfaction. The current study tried to view
students’ housing from a different perspective. It hypothesized that when students perceive the
attributes of the home in the university (which we call sense of similarity to the home) residence
hall their satisfaction with residence is improved. The current paper is based on the premise that
the home is a multidimensional construct. It examined whether the residence hall is also
multidimensional in the way it is described by the students. The study also aimed to understand
the students’ perception of the attributes which make the residence hall similar to the home. This
paper which reported the results of a pilot study on postgraduate female students was a
qualitative study which employed an inductive approach. Eighteen (18) individual unstructured
interviews were conducted with female postgraduate students who were living in a university
residence hall March to May 2010. Twenty (20) open ended questionnaires were distributed
among students of this residence hall who were not willing to be interviewed. The selected
residence were occupied by postgraduate (both national and international) students and had
single rooms with a shared bath room for each pair of rooms. Participants were, selected
according to their university year, age, cultural background and nationality. The analysis
carried out revealed that there were 4 major themes: Physical facilities and Comfort; Security;
Privacy; and Warmth and Friendly Environment. These themes revealed the students’
perceptions of the attributes which make the residence hall comparable to the home
environment. It was found that when students were asked to talk about a residence hall in terms
1 Fatemeh Khozaei, PhD candidate school of Housing Building and Planning, Universiti Sains Malaysia
2
Associate professor Ahmad Sanusi Hassan, school of Housing Building and Planning, Universiti Sains Malaysia
3
Associate professor , Department of Architecture, Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife, Nigeria
4
Zahra Khozaei, School of Humanities, Universiti Sains Malaysia
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of a home, they usually compared the present residence hall with their own home. The results
also revealed that their comparisons of home and the residence hall were highly dependent on
their background and previous experiences and were indicative of satisfaction with their current
accommodation.
Introduction
What the home means to people and what makes the house become a home is a complex
notion that has been a subject of discourse for some decades till now (Tognoli, 1987, Gifford,
1997: 194-197). The essence of a home is a complex notion which is hard to describe. However,
home has been described as the intersection of different domains: from the public to the private;
and from the physical to the psychological and the social. It is more than just a dwelling; it is a
composite commodity that contains the stories of our lives, the memory of our struggles,
happiness and sadness which we share with our family members. The literature (Hayward, 1975,
Dovey, 1985) has shown that there are six dimensions along which a home may be described.
These are haven, order, identity, connectedness, warmth and physical suitability. Some of the
key issues in all these dimensions are that the home is a place where we have privacy, security,
feel connected to people and the setting and where the physical aspects meet our needs.
Leaving the home behind and residing in students’ housing, for a long period of time, is a
different experience for most young students. This new life style provides an opportunity to learn
how to live independently, compromise with other students, roommates and share space and
facilities. If the home is so central to our lives because it is meets most of our physical, social
and psychological needs, then, this raises the question as to whether the residence hall is similar
to the home. Given the central focus of this study on the residence hall environment, it is
assumed that a similarity of residence hall to the home which we call “sense of similarity to the
home” is a multi dimensional construct that plays a moderating role between residence hall
design and students’ satisfaction. The more the residence hall provides a higher sense of
similarity to the home, the more satisfaction the students will have with their residence. In this
sense, this research aims to understand the students’ perception of the factors which make the
residence hall comparable (sense of similarity or dissimilarity) to the home.
Literature review
The benefits and disadvantages of living on-campus and off-campus is a common theme
in many previous studies. Generally, the benefit of living on-campus has been a research topic
that seems to have less rigour. Several studies have indicated that living on-campus has been tied
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to students’ educational outcome, development and success (Araujo & Murray 2010, Velez
1985, Bozick, 2007). Studies support the notion that living on-campus is often anecdotally
associated with gains in students' academic development. There are many authors who assert that
residing on-campus leads to better classroom performance (Astin 1973) and even higher
academic performance (Thompson et al 1993). Research shows that living learning centers
which are under the umbrella of on-campus accommodation have a positive influence on a
student's academic development (Inkelas et al 2007). In addition it is found that in comparison
to students living off-campus, those who dwell on-campus tend to be more engaged on students’
organizations (Winston and Anchors 1993) more socially adjusted and often participate more in
campus activities (Lundgren & Schwab, 1979). Similarly Moos and Lee (1979) in their study
established that “the students in residence halls participated more in religious activities, were
more active in student organizations, and were less likely to consume alcohol or use medications.
They had higher educational aspirations and were less likely to be on academic probation”
(Moos and Lee, 1979:212). Though a lot of factors seem to contribute to student’s level of
satisfaction, majority of them would stay in residence halls if they were provided with decent
housing and adequate facilities at a cheaper rate. Close distance to campus classes, access to food
stalls and the opportunity to meet new people are other benefits of living on-campus.
However there are students who prefer the off campus accommodation to on-campus.
Lack of privacy, noise and shortage of space can be considered as stressful stimuli which drive
students from on-campus to off-campus accommodation. Sometimes, when these stressful
stimuli exceed the students’ tolerance level, they move to off-campus if it be possible. The
economic situation also can affect students’ choice to live on-campus or off-campus. It might
make students live in on-campus accommodation even when they don’t want to, because,
generally, residing in on-campus is cheaper than living off-campus. According to Rapoport
(1985), the major theorist in environment-behavior studies, "The main effect of environment on
people is through choice or habitat selection: given an opportunity, people avoid or leave some
environments and seek out others" (p.257). When there is a profound difference between current
and preferred housing, people are more likely to move. As Heaton (1979) asserted “People who
prefer to live in communities which have different sizes or locational characteristics from their
present residence are five times more likely to intend to move than those who have attained their
preferred type of residence” P 565.
The institutional kind of setting that exists in dormitories is one of the main causes which
lead students to seek off-campus accommodation. Robinson (2004) in her PhD dissertation
discussed about “institutionality” or “home-likeness” characteristics of buildings. By applying
different methods she tried to show how different designs can affect the feeling of
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institutionality. For example she mentioned that a home-like living room seats five of less people
while institutional living room seats more than five people. Living room chairs in home-like
living rooms are in varying styles, while in institutional living rooms all are of one style. The
Robinson’s study is very close to the current study. This study tries to examine the similarity
between the residence hall and the home from students’ perspectives.
It has become widely accepted that students prefer to live off-campus, as it offers them more
independence (Phillips & Carswell, 2007). In relation to this, Moos and Lee (1979, p. 217) who
developed a 10 item scale to measure the social environment of off-campus accommodations
found that “students who live off-campus established social environments that were more
oriented toward achievement, independence, and intellectuality, that is, toward personal and
academic growth”. Another reason why students may prefer off-campus accommodation may be
that this accommodation offers them similar experiences to the home. Studies show that students
might be interested in living within the campus if it can meet their various needs. A case in point
is a study aimed at evaluating the housing situation at colleges and universities across United
States. This report (Housing : issues of concern to students, National Association of College and
University Residence halls, Pennsylvania State University, 1971) found that two-thirds of the
students who had moved off-campus expressed a desire to return to the campus if the campus
would satisfy their unmet needs. They believed that the on-campus accommodations must offer
the following:
1) A variety of living options from which to choose
2) A chance for small groups to establish a feeling of closeness through shared interests
3) Privacy, meaning and control over one’s environment and an absence of rules and
regulations
4) The option of renting rooms without board.
(cited in student housing, a report from Educational Facilities Laboratories, 1972: 12 )
The needs and requirements of current students differ from students of two or three
decades ago. Today, students mostly consider access to high internet service and cable TV as
important aspects in their decision-making process. Distance from university, retail centers,
public transportation, crowdedness are also other factors which might affect their decision about
their off-campus accommodation location. According to Phillips & Carswell (2007) the demands
of students in off-campus accommodation are mainly related to better and more amenities.
Currently the demand for “fully furnished units with washers and dryers, microwave ovens and
entertainment centers are becoming more common” (Phillips & Carswell, 2007 p 170,171).
Balogh et al. (2005) presented an interesting result addressing the recent trends in housing
construction and renovation of educational institutes. The participants of their study were chief
housing offices. Two hundred eighty four (284) participants completed the online survey. They
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found that “Construction and renovation focused mainly on building apartments and suites rather
than traditional residence halls” (p55). More focus on these types of buildings (off-campus
accommodation) reveals a greater students’ demand for privacy and the institutions’ strive of to
meet this need.
In this study, we attempt to explore the students’ perceptions of residence hall attributes
which make it similar or dissimilar to the home and which may also play a major part in
students’ choice of accommodation during their varsity years. The rationale is that this would
provide the necessary basis for improving the design, policies and management of residence
halls. Thomsen’s study (2007) have come quite close to the concept of this study . In her study
she discusses about the influence of student housing architecture on their “residential
satisfaction” and “feeling of a home” (p. 577). She conducted some semi-structured interviews
with 12 students residing in selected housing projects. She found that perceived institutional
character of accommodation is associated with feeling of home. In fact this institutional character
reduces students’ feeling of on-campus accommodation as home-like. Similarly the current study
sought to understand the factors which improve the students’ “sense of similarity to the house”.
Method
There are many studies which have used the quantitative method in understanding
students’ housing (Khozaei et al 2010 (a), Khozaei et al, 2010 (b), Amole 2009, Cross et al
2009). In this study the qualitative research method is adopted because it permitted a more
focused research effort in comparison with the quantitative method. This research sought to
describe a range of views about the similarities between the residence hall and the home rather
than test specific hypotheses. In this study, generalization to wider populations was not as
important as identifying the various perceptions of the students; hence, the purposive sample
method was most appropriate.
Post graduate female students were selected as there is a dearth of research that focuses
on this group; the majority of previous studies on students’ housing have concentrated on
undergraduate students.
Eighteen (18) individual unstructured interviews were conducted with post graduate
students. Students were purposively selected for this study. Other criteria used in the sampling
process were their willingness to participate in the study, university year, age, education and
occupational background and nationality. For those who were not willing to be interviewed,
numbering 20 respondents, questionnaires with open-ended questions were distributed to them.
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Participants were contacted directly to schedule an interview time and location. The students
were interviewed at a date, time, and location of their choice. The actual appointment was
scheduled for an hour to allow for ample time for the interview. The interviews were held most
of the time either in the students’ room, the residence hall’s meeting room or at a university food
outlet. The researcher provided each participant with the informed consent form and reviewed
the form with the participant before each interview. The researcher explained that she would be
taking field notes throughout the study, in addition to using an audio recorder. The interviews
started with the question “do you agree that you are more satisfied with a residence hall which is
more similar to the home? Students who agreed to the proposition were then asked, “In your
opinion, in what ways the residence hall is similar or dissimilar to the home and how can the
residence hall be made similar to the home? On average, the length of each interview varied
from 16 to 47 minutes. Participants who were interested in the result of the study were promised
that they will be provided with a final report.
Data analysis
The content analysis was used for data analysis (Mayring, 2000 ). The transcripts of the
interviews and answers to the open ended questionnaires were read several times to obtain a
general sense of their opinions. Subsequently, the texts were analyzed using codes. The codes
were grouped into categories depending on their similarities.
Findings
The results presented subsequently discuss the various dimensions or factors along which
the residence hall and the home may be compared (similarities and differences). These
discussions were based on the variety of responses given by the respondents. When the responses
were coded and categorized, four themes emerged. These were Physical facilities and Comfort;
Security; Privacy; and Warmth and Friendly Environment. The following sections deal with
these themes. Fictitious names are used whenever direct quotes are used to maintain respondent
confidentiality.
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Physical facilities, and Comfort
The majority of students mentioned that a residence hall is like home when it is comfortable.
According to them, being equipped with facilities like air conditioning system, good internet
connection, adequate room size, adequate storage space, water tub in the room, private bath and
toilet, were the indicators of a comfortable residence hall. They mentioned that they felt they are
living at home, when a proper range of facilities are offered by the residence hall management.
Somehow, if these facilities were not adequate within the residence hall, the students said that
they would opt to use off-campus facilities instead of the residence hall ones. For example,
Grace stated that:
I do not use the inside residence hall laundry, the reason is that every floor doesn’t have
laundry and the only laundry is located in the ground floor. It takes about two hours for me
to wash my cloths inside the residence hall and sometimes I need to queue. Also there are not
many differences between the money that I have to pay to here and outside residence hall
laundries. To save my time, I prefer to wash my cloths in outside residence hall laundries.
Well, however I have a car and I can carry my cloths to outside residence hall laundries. For
students who don’t have cars it looks impossible (Grace)
The majority of the students also believed that kitchen and cooking facilities are important
attributes which make the residence hall more comfortable. The ability to cook the traditional
foods, saving money with cooking instead of buying foods, difficulties in adapting with local
foods were mentioned as some of the reasons for expecting cooking facilities to be provided in
the residence hall.
“Due to the rules of residence hall cooking is not allowed in the room, and kitchen and
cooking facilities also are not provided, of course there is a food stall near here but
sometimes I want to cook the traditional food. In addition I don’t use to hot food. I have
allergy to hot foods, then I have difficulties in provision of food.” (Nahid)
In terms of room size, students had different ideas: while some students said that the current
room size is good enough for one person the others described their room as “house of rat”,
“cage” and “box”. These statements reveal that these students perceived their room as very
small. Students mentioned they would be more satisfied if the size of the room was double the
current size.
In the residence hall, every two students shared a toilet and bath. This type of sharing was
perceived as both satisfactory and unsatisfactory by the students. Some students were totally
satisfied with the idea of sharing bath room and toilet facilities. Others lamented that sharing
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brought about some problems. For example, they found it inconvenient when there were guests,
or when the other student had a habit of using the bath for a long time. However, everyone
agreed that twin-sharing basis was much better than having to share a common public toilet with
a group of students.
“I am satisfied with sharing of my toilet with only one person. It is harder to live in a
residence hall which group of people have to use a public toilets” (Bintra)
Once my friend had two guests, they stayed with her for four days, they used to take a bath
early in the morning, I remember I was in a hurry, I had a flight and I needed to use the
toilet, but it was occupied for about two hour continuously finally I decided to leave the room
to use my friend’s toilet. (Azita)
When you are sharing a toilet and bath with only one person, it is very important that both of
you have a similar background. For example I hate to keep the dirty cloths inside the bath, or
I really can not stand to see dirty bath. Before this I had a bath mate which we mostly
couldn’t compromise, and finally I changed my room.
Some students mentioned that having less responsibility makes the residence hall more
similar to the home. Obviously this is highly related to students’ background, life style and their
home condition. Somehow living in a residence hall with lower responsibilities made them to
perceive the residence hall as similarity to home.
“when I was a bachelor student, I didn’t have much responsibilities in the house. My mother
asked me to study only. I didn’t know how much is the bill for water, electricity so on. Here
in the residence hall the monthly fee covers other amounts like water, electricity etc. It is
absolutely good, and when my room needs some repairmen I just call the in charge staffs
they quickly solve the problem. Honestly I am not interested to rent an apartment outside
campus, because I will have lots of extra responsibilities” (Rosa)
In line with this idea, one of students mentioned that living in single room of a residence hall
was better than sharing an apartment with a group of people.
When you are sharing a house with some other students, you must highly compromise with
others. Cleanness of common spaces like kitchen, sitting room and toilets are very important. In
comparison to residence halls which some maids have the responsibility of cleaning these
spaces, in the house students must take the responsibility of house chores. One of my friends
always complains about his house mates. They always make a mass in the kitchen and sitting
room, and he cannot do anything! (Josephine)
Modern and flexible furniture were also mentioned as contributing to a comfortable
residence hall setting.
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According to some of Muslim students, recreational facilities for female students have to be
designed properly so that there is a greater level of visual privacy. For instance, they requested
for an enclosed swimming pool with a ceiling, located nearby the residence hall, for female
students. They mentioned that they cannot use the swimming pools with men.
Security
Security was mentioned as one of the factors that could create the feeling like that of a
home. One of the students explained about her experience of living with an undergraduate
student when she was a Masters student.
“when I was a master student, I was living in a foreign country far away from home. The
majority of students who were living in my residence hall were local undergraduate students.
Everybody knew that at the weekend almost all students leave the residence hall to visit their
family. Living almost alone for two days was a frightening experience, I always were worried to
be attacked even though it never happened there”. (Iqbal)
This lack of security can be explained by the locus of control. When this student felt less
control over space she were more worried and dissatisfied with the security of residence hall.
Surprisingly one of other students also had a similar experience. She was residing in a residence
hall outside of the university campus when she was a master student.
“My residence hall was about 4 kilometer far from my university which I was studying. It was
located at the middle of a large garden and was enclosed with fence. From the beginning I was
worried that why the fences are too short, because it was easy for strangers to come inside the
residence hall yard. But other students said there never have been a rubbery or any other types
of crime. I remember I was sharing my room with a local undergraduate student . At night I
preferred to not go out of room, I was scared of using toilet at night but my roommate didn’t
have the same feeling. Finally I changed my residence hall and moved to a residence hall inside
campus“(Melika)
This experience might suggest that perception of security differs among people with
different backgrounds. This finding also supports the notion that living outside campus decreases
the level of perceived security. The presence of other students in the residence hall was also
mentioned as a factor which increased the feeling of security. This can be explained by models
of mobility decision making. According to Wolpert (1965) “If the place utility of the present
location is at or above the expected level of utility, the individual is not likely to consider a
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change of residence; if it is below the expected utility, the individual is likely to initiate a search
for alternatives” Cited in (Landale & Guest 1985: 200).
Let me see why the house is good because: you feel comfortable and feel secure in house. You do
not feel scary. When you enter the house you know that somebody is inside the house and you are
not alone. It is very important. You feel some body is there, like your father, your mother. Your
mother is cooking in the kitchen, and you are in your own room, but you know she is there, and
you know you are not alone (Sarah)
Privacy and Social Interaction
The most frequently mentioned attribute of residence hall that indicated a sense of
similarity to home among students was privacy. The majority of students mentioned that they
preferred to stay in single shared room even if the room was small. In response to the question
why they preferred private rooms, they felt that lots of compromise was needed if they had to
share rooms. This was particularly so because they believed that postgraduate research students
did not have a specific study time. They needed the privacy to concentrate on their thesis writing.
I never want to live in a bigger room with double sharing because the privacy is very important
among postgraduate research students. Imagine somebody else is in the room and she is going
to listen to the music. Or her friends are going to come to our room and they are going to talk to
each other. I can live in a smaller room than this but I don’t prefer to share my room with
somebody else. Sometimes I am studying until 4 AM, if I have a roommate in a specific time I
have to switch off the lights. Postgraduate students by research don’t have any specific study
time. Imagine that about 10 pm I find a good article that is much related to your study, and you
are going to finish it by 3 AM, but my roommate is going to sleep. Or sometimes I am tired and I
am going to sleep but my roommate is going to study. It is hard to compromise and adopt with
this situation. You might consume much of your energy to adopt yourself with your roommate.
(Atika)
There are many studies which support the importance of privacy in student’s residence
hall (Baron et al 1976, Amole 2005, Walden et al 1981) and this finding is in line with these
previous studies. To buttress this finding, some students mentioned that sometimes they needed
to be alone and could not accept the presence of others in their room.
Some times that I am very busy with my works I really feel I need to be alone especially when I
am under pressure for my dissertation. I cannot bear anybody else there. I wasn’t like this, but
over time I have changed. May be it is because I am a research student. I need to organize
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myself…. before I moved here I was sharing my room with one roommate in another residence
hall. She used to stay at room even in weekends! She didn’t want to go outside and sometimes
she wanted to talk to me for hours! I couldn’t bear it, I moved here and now I feel totally better.
(Adeline)
Some Muslim students also emphasized the importance of visual privacy in their room as
well as public areas like corridors. One of students who was living on the ground floor said that
there was less privacy achieved on the ground floor in comparison to the upper floors.
“I am staying in ground floor and my room is near to the main entrance, when ever that I am
going to leave my room I have to wear Hijab, even when I am walking in the corridor or I am
going to go to my friends’ rooms. (zeinab)
Some similar responses were also made by other Muslim students. They felt that a central
community space (where students could gather together; hidden from eye of men ) with a high
level of privacy was necessary to bring about a home-like similarity to the residence hall
environment.
I wish there was a big round central space at the center of residence hall, where we could have
interaction with other international and local students…... we could see each other. We could
take our cookies and sit there. At the moment, if I and my friends want to go and drink a cup of
tea we must go to a near food court which belongs to another residence hall or any restaurant.
But if we had such an introverted space here I could poor tea and take the tray of tea there. And
we could drink it together without changing our informal clothes. Just like home” (Leila)
This remark reveals a very important notion that should be incorporated in the design of
residence halls. The residence hall under study, like many others, had facilities such as a TV
room, a meeting room and a study room where students gathered. But Leila’s point of view leads
us to think about a different type of space. In many residence halls or residence halls, students
used the food court as a community and chatting space. But the expression “informal clothes”
means that the food court was not a very proper place for a student like Leila. She was
demanding a space which had the attributes of “informality”, “visual privacy”, “introversion”
and “large”. All of these expressions imply that the designer should think again about the needs
and requirements of female Muslim students. It is, thus, recommended that the same study be
conducted for male students to find out their views for privacy in community spaces.
Not surprisingly another student from the Middle East mentioned the same need:
“If you want to make the residence hall like the home it must has a big courtyard that students
can socialize in this area. We must feel it belongs to this residence hall and it is not a public
yard. We could see the residence hall students there. There we could have small parties and
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drink tea. I and my family live in an apartment [in her country]. The apartment has a common
yard which ladies use to talk to each other and children play there. I missed this very much.
Some time we had parties or even we were celebrating a birth day in that friendly yard. We were
a part of community. I guess if we had a courtyard which was only belonged to this residence
hall it was totally better. “ (Amani)
One of students explained the disadvantages of sharing an off-campus apartment and
emphasized the lack of privacy in those places.
When I share my apartment with some others first of all I have less privacy than if I am staying
in a single sharing room. There also I cannot easily invite my friends or my family members,
because it might trouble the others. I might have some problems with the others in cleaning the
common spaces like living room and kitchen. I need to highly compromise with others. But here
in the residence hall I have my own privacy and beside I have good relationship with others.
(Salma)
Some students believed that the residence hall must provide proper community spaces to
make it similar to the home. They described home as a place with different types of spaces.
“I need my privacy, and I prefer to stay in single sharing room, but sometimes I need to talk to
my friends. I wish there was a common space between some of rooms, may be three or four like a
common balcony or a sitting room. I wish when I was sitting in the balcony I could see the others
also or in a sitting room where we could talk to each other whenever we needed and whenever
we felt we need to go back to our own room we could.( Jane)
The students did not think communal spaces were important for its own sake but because
they felt that to be like a home, a residence hall had to provide the opportunity to be part of a
community, family or group of friends. The students expressed the need for social interaction as
evident in the last two responses and in the response which follows. The claim is that the
similarity between a home and a residence hall can only be achieved by the existence of family
members and as it wasn’t possible in the university residence halls.
The residence hall never can be like a home because you don’t have your parents and siblings
here. I never have feeling of living in my house when I am in residence hall. For me the most
important factor which makes the residence hall be similar to the home is the existence of my
family members but you never can give it to me! (Atika)
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Warm and Friendly environment
Another theme that emerged from the data was “friendly environment”. The students
believed a friendly environment would increase their sense of similarity to home. The colorful
walls, the opportunity to personalize their rooms by painting the rooms and the walls in their
favorite colors were mentioned as signs of a friendly environment.
The residence hall is like home when it has a friendly environment. I love colors, and these days
I love orange. The residence hall must be full of colors….. I wish I could paint my own room. I
wanted to paint it with orange color. Where the rooms wall have only one color, white, this
homogeneity makes me to feel I am living in residence hall. It is very formal you know. When I
compare it with my own house, my room was full of colors. There is something in the white color
of residence hall which tells me you are stranger here! Or don’t touch the walls! I don’t know
why! May be it is my first experience of living in residence hall. (Yani)
Some students tried to create a friendlier environment by placing family pictures, hanging
posters on the wall, and using colorful pillows.
Discussion
Without doubt, the students compared the residence hall with the home very aptly and
along many dimensions. They considered the residence hall as a dwelling and evaluated it along
the dimensions of home. This implies that the home was a worthwhile basis of comparison. The
students’ expectations of the residence hall were based on their experiences of home. The
emerging themes discussed in the last section are the evidence of this assertion. The themes
which emerged were very similar to the themes by which the home has been described in the
literature. The concepts of privacy, social interaction, security, warmth and physical facilities are
some of the concepts used to describe home environments. They have also been the components
of the home that have been well studied by researchers. For example the idea of privacy has been
very central to the home (Tomohiro et al, 2005) and the results of this study showed that privacy
is a very important phenomenon for the students. Just as in the literature, the students did not
construe privacy as solitude only but as the control of social interaction. They expressed the need
for the control of individual and group privacy as well as social interaction with others. Many
other researchers have also shown the significance of safety and security in the home (Welsh et
al, 2009) and this has also emerged as an important reason why students chose the hall of
residence on the campus. All these suggest that when students evaluate their residences, they use
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the “lens” of the home. In addition, the results indicate that the residence hall is a dwelling which
should be as closely related as possible to the home.
Other components usually associated with the home in the literature did not appear to
have emerged as strongly as the identified four themes. These are the components of attachment
(connectedness), order and identity. The reason for this may be the institutional nature of the
residence hall. In addition, the temporary and transient nature of the students’ as users of the
halls may account for why the students do not expect to be connected or attached to the halls of
residence.
The results of the study also show the multifaceted and interrelated nature of the concepts
which describe the hall of residence. It was difficult to place some of the students’ responses into
themes. Many of the responses fitted into more than one theme. Indeed, the evaluation of the
residence hall or hall of residence is just as multifaceted as the evaluation of the home. In this
way, the home and the residence hall are quite similar.
Specific ways in which the students found their halls of residence similar to the home
were identified. For example, their experiences in sharing facilities and the security of living in
campus residence halls were mentioned as some of the aspects of their current living conditions
which were similar to their home experiences. It was apparent that these aspects gave them
satisfaction. However, with many more of the other aspects of the residence hall such as facilities
for cooking, laundry, privacy, opportunities for social interaction and personalization the
students experiences were not similar to their experiences in their homes and it was apparent too
that these dimensions were sources of dissatisfaction for the students. The indication therefore is
that aspects of the residence hall in which the experiences of the students fell short of their
experiences at home were sources of dissatisfaction and that those which were similar to the
home were sources of satisfaction. What this implies is that designing and formulation polices
for student residences need to attempt to recreate the home experience as much as possible to
increase the satisfaction of the users.
Another significant finding from these results was that differences arising from the
students’ background characteristics were evident in their responses. This supports a lot of
previous research (Gifford, 1997) which show that the characteristics of users are very important;
however, it was not the goal of the study to identify which characteristics influenced the
responses of the users. Since this was a qualitative study, the diversity of responses was more
important. Nevertheless it is important to note that the students’ background and previous
experiences in the home is a significant issue. In this respect, a finding which emerged in the
study was that there seemed to be conflicts between students because they did not have similar
background characteristics. Consequently, similarity of background characteristics and
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experiences would be a useful basis for grouping the students into residence halls or bedrooms. It
is expected that this would improve the social interaction amongst the students as social
interaction was an important issue in privacy and sharing of the facilities.
In conclusion, the study has shown that, the residence hall and the home are quite
comparable along some dimensions namely privacy and social interaction, security, physical
facilities, comfortable environment, warmth and friendly environment. The presence or absence
of these dimensions also suggests whether the users will be satisfied or dissatisfied with their
residence halls.
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Chapter 10
The Third City and Governing of Integrated Management
Mostafa Taleshi1
Shapoor Divsalar 2
Abstract: The main subject of this article is that the Third City should be considered the better
city in an integrated management. The cities in transforming stages from agriculture to industry
were faced a many different changes which resulted to the creation of industrial cities with
especial functions of modern civilization. The city of industrial revolution or in another word the
second city was changed by modern industry and became a historical concept. However, the
second city based on technology and industry created a city with new characteristics and
concepts. In this regard, a new civilization will be progressing in most developing countries by
emphasizing on electronic achievements that according to the writers means Third City or
electronic city. This situation has been engaged the human societies around the world to move in
this direction.
This article tries to identify the current relationships of new civilization based on documentary
study and analyzing the transforming stages of the city. The outcomes of these study and analysis
are provided us the model of better city integrated management. The creation of better city is
possible and should be planed and designed. Therefore, the great challenges of the next decade
in architecture and urbanism are how to meet this subject. The ultimate result of this target is the
ideal city that humankind have been tried to reach it for a several years, have been invented
different sciences and learned different techniques and created different technologies .
Key words: Third city, city - electronic, integrated management, better city
1
Assistant professor of Payam Noor university , taleshi_mo@yahoo.com
2 Ph.D. Student geography and urban planning of Payam Noor university Sh_divsalar@yahoo.com
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Chapter 10, Mostafa Taleshi and Shapoor Divsalar
Introduction
The recent age is the time of quick, innovative and fundamental changes in people’s social
and private life. A new civilization is forming and previous civilizations are demolishing
(tafler, 1993, page 3).This new civilization is a reality which has caused the dynamics and
movement in different communities so that the extension of development in this communities
depends on their understanding of recent process. This great change is the key of
understanding the events that we will face in future. The terms and statements that were used
to describe this process could not reveal its true power and scope. Some talk about the
emersion of “Space Age”, “Information Age”, “Electronic Age” or “World Village” (Tafler
1993, page 56). None of these concepts even shows a small portion of that power and
dynamic change or even its contrast. However the new age is forming by any name and tries
to disarrange all previous regulation in different fields especially in civilized societies . The
world is faced with Quantum jump, the deepest social rising, and the most innovative
creativity which human society has been ever seen. This movement, although, is raised from
two main and historical evolutions means industrial and agricultural civilizations but it
creates some situations which are completely against previous periods. While the human
society passed these two great changes that each of them has eliminated somehow the
previous civilization and cultures and replaced them with some new methods, which were
unpredictable.
Agricultural revolution and industrial civilization have been lasted for a long time until
they change the societies and provide some new social and economical structure for societies.
Now a days the most important thing is that the improving aspects of civilization not only
are new but also they are completely in conflict with previous civilizations especially
industrial civilization and you could see this in all aspects of social patterns especially in
cities (tafler 1991 , page 125). In city, the result of all these conflicts is forming a city with
new characteristics that is called here “Third City. Third City and its system are completely
influenced by main changes and events as we described earlier. The Third City is resulted
from great conflicts of new system with old structure of industrial cities. The spatial and
physical structure of third city compromise the new concepts and expressions and its
regulations are totally different and more completed than previous period of city life. This
context tries to indicate the new principles and regulation of Third City by recognition of the
industrial age’s regulation and principals. These structures inevitably were replaced the old
principles by development in different scientific and technological aspects and little by little
would demolish them.
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The industrial society is based on six basic principles which all society phenomena
especially “city” follow them. The new civilization has tried to establish a new system and
provide a new concept of “city” by collapsing and demolishing these principles. These two
systems will be studied briefly based on six principles.
So this article tries through the examination of the transformation of industrial city to
ultra-industrial here means the Third City (city-electronic) explain the demolishing of those
civilizations. Also it tries to show the image of the better city. Therefore, a model of Third
City will be presented which has better characteristics than two previous cities of agricultural
and industrial. The main concept of this article will be examined and provided in two related
conceptual spaces:
First conceptual space: refers to creation of third city , criticizing industrial society , it’s
origin, the model and structure of a better city
Second conceptual space: presenting a integrated management pattern of the Third City
Structure breaking
The structure of industrial society is based on six principles, which all the phenonema in
the society especially “city” follow those structures. The new civilization is trying to
establish a new system and introduce a new concept of “city”.
1. Standardization (equalization)
One of the most familiar principles of industrial city is standardization and equalization,
(tafler, 1991 page 64). The architectural and urbanism activities and measurements in
industrialized city are standardized to some extent (tafler , 1991 , page 64). One of the
obvious achievements of this principle is standardized apartments, towers, streets and other
similar urban symbols. As mass production needed to standardize the machines and
productions, the market also needed to standardize money and even prices. In this field, the
idea that the standardization increases the proficiency became popular. Inside the city, with
emerging of gas stations, billboards, standardized house etc all different regions of country
become more and more similar to each other. In totality, the industry made it possible that
all values, weighs, distances, volumes, time and money and even productions and prices
became similar and equivalent. However, nowadays, ordered products in compare with
standardized products produce with lower cost. From employment view the number of
workers with similar job has been reduced by increasing job’s diversity. The salaries will
increase more and more. Also the workers themselves differentiated from each other and its
reflection could be seen in market. The transformation from traditional mass production to no
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mass productions has created more choices for citizens. The standardized prices of industrial
age gradually become different because ordered products should have their own especial
prices(tafler , 1991 , page 64).
2. Specialization
By increasing the job distribution, the specialist and workers who were well skilled in
single field were replaced the rural jack of all trades workers who worked all the time. Also,
along with the industrial development market intervened between specialists and customers
and divided them to two groups of producers and consumers. All believed that specialization
is “motivated power”. Totally, the industrial city put their specialists and experts in a highest
position by this slogan “be an expert until you’ll succeed” (tafler 1991, page 66).
But, by removing and changing of power to knowledge-based, a big main development
happened in the view of specialists and experts. The power of specialist decreased by
citizen’s partnership and intervenes of them in decision making and giving ideas in general
and private domain of city. So in Third City we will see political and social partnership in all
parts of social life.
3. Synchronization
In industrial civilization, synchronization made human mostly dependence on machines
and limited the whole social life to a common framework (tafler, 1991, page 67). Punctuality
became a popular concept. Late arrival of a worker and clerk could cause a disorder in a
factory or an office. So there was a cultural pressure on punctuality. Synchronization had
direct influence on transportation, urban traffic and also environment. Emphasizing on
inflexible works hours lead to rush hour heavy traffic. But today buoyant time and reduction
of work hours has mentioned.
Reduction of work hours distributes traffic both in time and place. Now, the society has
changed from general punctuality to voluntary or situational punctuality. The old mechanical
synchronization which had destroyed joy and happiness and has been considered as the real
image of industrial age now is collapsing.
4. Concentration
Market presence creates another principle of civilization that is concentration. Industrial
cities are totally dependent on fossil fuels reserves (oil, gas …). Unlike the previous period
which used outspread energy source, the industry concentrated the population like energy. It
collects people from villages and habituated them in big cities. It also concentrated the work.
whereas in agricultural societies , work was done in all places like house , village and farms.
In industrial cities usually work is done in factory, a place where they gather group of people
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together (tafler , 1991, page72). Investment also concentrated so that industrial civilization
has created big stock companies and more important the trusts and monopolistic companies.
Today, a reversed process is starting and we face the geographical distribution of the
population. The Third City is not even more dependent on concentrated reserves and fossil
fuels, but also it apply different patterns and divers energy. We saw many experiments which
their goal is to find the best methods of “non concentration” in schools, hospitals and other
city spaces.
5. Maximization
Separation of production from consumption in industrial societies creates a “temptation of
ambition”, and increases the metropolitan areas , factories, big companies , highways and big
horrible physical elements in city spaces.
Increasing the scales and totally “enlarging” considered as a synonym for “efficiency”.
Cities and countries competed with each other for constructing highest skyscrapers, big dams
… (tafler , 1991 , page 74).
In Third City the idea of the smaller, the more beautiful is more common used than the
bigger, the better. Companies are looking for methods to decrease the work capacity of their
unit. Both new technology and transformation of activities from industry to services
decrease work scale. The proper scale and wise combination of the big and small is
considered as the Third City principle, meanwhile maximization as one of industrial city
principal is eliminating little by little and replace its position with a proper scale in third city.
6. The last principle which industrial city is based on is centralization. Centralization
is formed in all current structures of society especially political and economical structures,
which are the foundation of a society. While all the societies need both centralization and
decentralization, the urban community of industrial age tends to centralization (tafler , 1991 ,
page 78).
But nowadays there is a quick rotation to opposite side, which the all centralized systems
rapidly move to de centralization. In Third City the tendency is toward the decentralization
and small local authorities tend to fulfill the locals power. The growing of groups and parties
and also foundations and elective local councils are the identical signs of this policy. In this
way, the number of practical groups and challengers in local areas are increasing day to day.
The philosophy of de centralization has been advocated in architecture and planning schools
from Yeel and Beckly in U.S to architectural association in London. It tries to provide the
down to up regional planning system in urban management. Totally, the urban economical
system is becoming decentralized.
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The discussion about the future development of cities are expanded in different forms and
bases .
In continue we briefly refer to two main dimension means “society” and “citizen” and
their characteristics in third city .
a) Society in third city
The formed society in third city is based on home. In progressing toward a new
production system, there will be a converted potent ional capacity for social changes which
has scary prospective that a few people actually tend to face it. Because there is not much
time to change even our houses internal spaces (tafler 1991, page 96). The new production
system not only could minimize the production decentralize and take the production process
away from the city, but also could change the real characteristics of work and release
millions people from factory and offices prisons like industrial age and returne them to their
main space (home) which they belong to.
b) citizens in third city
By moving toward the other side of industrial civilization, what will happen is not just a
transformation from energy system to other systems or from of technological base to others.
There will be a revolution inside human themselves. So, there will be more complete and
moderate citizens in social spaces (tafler 1991 ,page 107). These citizens compared with
previous citizens will have clear changes and will be distinguish from many aspects. Most of
them probably will be grow rapidly and will be responsible in young ages and will have more
adaptation and compatibility power and become more individual. These people probably
questioned the power models of society more than their parents. There will be more balance
in their life, a balance between work and pleasure, between work and pleasure, between
production and consumption, mental work and handwork and between objectivity and
subjectivity.
When third city reach to its perfection, there won’t be an ideal citizens who will be higher
and better than the others. But by using wisdom between all levels and groups of society,
easy accessibility of facilities and opportunities all citizens have equal and balance situations.
Pattern or structure of third city
The structure of third city will be mainly formed based on electronic and technical
development and relations. This structure involves some aspect of citizen life, especial
organizations, government. The integrity of this pattern is exposure by constructing
electronic infrastructure.
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The third city

model city
electronic
the third city(Electronic city) model

Electronic Electronic Electronic Electronic
Government Organization Life Structure
Electronic Electronic Electronic Rules and

state Trading Training regulations
Electronic Electronic Electronic Human

Management measurement Pleasure resource
Planning
Culture and
Electronic system Electronic
Social
Government Of human Relations
situation
source
Technological
Management
International Electronic Substructure
Of customers
Challenges transaction Relations and
Relationships
information
The third city and integrated management fulfillment

One of the main problems of urban management is the disparate of urban management in
decision making, planning, and guidance and monitoring. The city is a open system that each
system has its own especial function. These functions and actions are in changing time and
location/spatial cohesion and reproduction (shoay , 1996 , page 120). But it should be noticed
133
that the whole urban system are more than their elements, structures, function and activities,
it means that if all structure and functions of a city could be separated and analyzed , their
composition never have the same characteristics (tafler ,1991 , page 200).
In other word, the city is a dynamic system which its functions are interrelated
continuously with each other. The organizing and sustaining of this system needs a
cooperation and integrity in urban management. We couldn’t give the responsibility of
different function to a separated and irrelative management and expect improvement (habibi,
2004, page 35). Based on deep and clear studies on urban management, there is no escape
from widespread urbanism and this lead to un-sustainability which it’s environmental,
economical and physical dimension are very concerning.
Out observations emphasize these unorganized and incoherence functions of the city.
With this regard, it is predictable that resulted problems of urbanism in future will replace the
current concerns government managers and will get governing roles. Then, apart from the
growing role of urbanism, a solution should be found for obscured and reductive effects of
this kind of settlement.
Up to 1970, it was emphasized to find hardware solution based on up to down, economic
and physical methods. The final result was not responsive to the urban problems. Now the
consensus is on new urban management methods and promotes the quality of urban
management methods. All the world scientific are recognized that the importance of
management and human source’s proportion in development is higher than the other
production factors.
The pattern of “urban sustainability is based on the change of urban management
approach”, a desired urban management has different and varieties of parameters like
efficiency, clearance, cooperation, polling right, justice, knowledge-based ….. . Although
one of the most important factors of urban management to achieve sustainable city is
coherent policy-making, decision-making, performance and monitoring, which it will be
done by third city or electronic city (Jalali, 2005, page 23).
So the ultimate pattern will introduce based on integrated urban management by using
technologic development and infrastructures like electronic databases (electronic city). By
applying the integrated management, the concepts like speed, nobility, unlimited,
inexhaustible, un voided, not wasted, up to date, be on line, punctual, make opportunities,
hegemony, absolute sovereignty, be full time, be precise in one word absolute governing will
be gained.
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The pattern of integrated urban management

Electronic database
Natural or environmental systems
Economical systems
Social and population systems
Cultural systems
Politic systems
Improved integrated urban management
The characteristics of exalted integrated management

inherent characteristics of pattern
• Collecting current data of systems separately
• Data gathering
• Quick and exact processing
• Regressive analysis of the main and secondary variant and their relation with other systems
in composite process
• Information
• Information analysis
• Urban knowledge
• Exalted integrated management
City characteristics of Pattern
• It seems that the integrated urban management reach to highest degree
• Usual weaknesses of traditional models will be resolved
• Facilities and electronic equipments and technological developments can be helpful for
management in both hardware and software criteria
• This process works well to increase the management capacity
• This scope has high power and intelligence
• Elements combination and complicated system devices can be done simply and by intelligence.
• urban planning and identifying urban problems and also choosing the best solutions is
possible
135
• The wishes of management come to real

• The systematic conflicts will be present
• The result of “the third city is in human scale” come true
• This city is aware of all human’s needs; it can identify their problems fulltime, up to date, on
line and has a solution for them
• The aim is achieving to an ideal city which human have been desired for many years, create
different science, learned different techniques and created many techniques.
With regard to all listed characteristics, we can find that management in third city has a
special situation because of integrated and having great precise and time.
Conclusion
The third city is a clear image of innovative, fundamental and real changes in social and
private life. We couldn’t call it a ideal city and also it is not an unti-ideal city. The third city
is a pragmatic ideal city which is not the best or the worst, but also it is a reachable. This city
couldn’t stop, couldn’t be regressive and is not going to try to change itself like a previous
model. This city will not be a dictatorial cruel society and a war seeking in nature. In third
city, citizens are not isotope and unidentified people; briefly in this city we can see racial,
cultural, religious diversity instead of repression. The third city is not static but also it is
always dynamic, but it is also able to provide sustainable area for those who wants relative
stability or need it. In third city the market is not the main point and basically artistic
creativities are important.
The third city is a city on human scale and people who are compatible with their
environment (Divsalar 2002). If the first city is considered coincidence with agricultural
revolution, this city will form till 1650 which indicated shear's concepts. There is no
difference and contrast between city and village. Urbanity is governing culture. The
relationships are face to face. In the second city which is formed from 1650 and was
encountered with industrial revolution, all relations were changed and urban governed over
rural area. The contrast between the city and village was observable and characteristics of
industrial system emerged. The second city is a place of violence. City symbols and spaces
are similar and are far from diversity. The third city is informed with great electronic
progresses in recent decades; it is harmonized with economical and social systems which
passed industrial period and are transforming to ultra industry society (devsalar 2002). The
city is not a place for violence and humanitarian will become popular. Cultural civilization
would be governed and replace urbanity. We have cultural symbiosis in third cities and there
will be a city far away any borders and conventional limitations. The third city is going
136
toward decentralization and somehow returns to the concept of “The urbanism”. The
structure of architecture has been changed from mass construction and standardized houses
of industrial age to diversity in architecture. The city is a place for leisure time, handy crafts
and mental works, so the changes which started from the mid last century reveals a city with
higher and humanitarian place (Divsalar 2002).
With these listed characteristics, it seems that no longer can manage the cities with
traditional methods. The management of third city is possible by emphasizing on high
technology and information. The conceptual space which is called here integrated
management. Applying the power of electronic structures provide oppurtunities in
management of the city. The establishment of such a space in structure and planning system
of developing countries especially in Iran should be considered. The comprehensive strategy
of country should be based on strengthening and development of electronic infrastructure and
consequently establishment of electronic city.
References:
Elvin Tafler, (1993), future shock, translated by kamrani.
Elvin Tafler, (1991), third movement translated by kharazmi printed by Aseman.
Elvin Tafler, (1991), transition in power first volume (economic) translated by kharazmi,
printed by Rokh.
Elvin Tafler (1991) translation in power second voulme (policy) translated by kharazmi.
Fransco shoay (1996) real and imaginary city plannig translated by Habibi, Tehran
university.
Mohsen Habiby (2004) city tehran university.
Mohsen Habiby (2006) thinks about architecture and city planning in Iran.
Jallali Ali Akbar (2005) Electronic city, science and indusrty university, Iran.
Jallali, Ali Akbar, Electronic village, science and industry university, Iran.
. Divsalar, shapoor (2002) third city, acity with humanitatian measurement, Hamshahri.
The intelicities elerning platform knowledge management system and digital library.
www. Unicttf- arab. Org/doc/mopc. ppt.
. KEONICS: Electronics city first of its kind in india. www. Indygov. Com.
137
Information technology depatment electronic mail policy. www.

Unpan.org/egoverment.asp
. Electronic and mobile paticipation in city plannig and management www. Citad.
Org/resources/ electronic goverbment. htm.
138
Chapter 11
The Role of Cultural Houses and Centers in Institutionalization and
Development of the Cultural of Electronic City
By emphasizing on location / spatial approach
Mostafa Taleshi1
Shapoor Divsalar 2
Abstract: The institutionalization and development of the culture of electronic city with regard
to the basic requirements in metropolitan area needs central location. The cultural houses and
centers in the city of Tehran as a location bases have many useful capabilities. For equipping
and organizing of this, the location / spatial approach while organizes it as a ideal place, also
guarantees its function to expand the development and culture in local and regional spaces. The
survey shows that the cultural centers spatially have not a balanced distribution in the regions.
This unbalanced distribution makes challenges for centers to provide services. To exit this
situation, the issue of making electronic the centers and designing the cultural activities and
services in the virtual space has been put forward.
Presenting electronic model city with cultural requirements is the other main issue in this article.
For this reason, at first, the electronic services for citizens in Tehran have identified and then
presented in a list. The role of cultural centers has indicated as accessible bases in the regions
for presenting services and performing urban activities that have designed in virtual spaces. The
educational activities of cultural centers are so expanded, varied and well known. Therefore,
training of citizens for fulfilling the aim of electronic citizen is one of the serious and important
matters of this article. The gained results show that with regard to function of cultural centers
1
Assistant professor of Payam Noor university , taleshi_mo@yahoo.com
2
Ph.D. Student geography and urban planning of Payam Noor university Sh_divsalar@yahoo.com
152
and houses especially in the field of training and strengthening citizens, the role of these centers
in completing electronic city model and improving cultural bases are highly important.
Based on these results, in order to fulfill the necessary spaces for presenting the culture of
electronic cities, some strategies with the aim of achieving practical patterns in order to make
changes in current approach of cultural centers have provided here.
Key words: Electronic city, cultural center, spatial-physical balance, electronic services,
training, cultural development of electronic city.
Introduction
The present age is the time of quick, fundamental and innovative change in different arenas
and forms of social and private life. A new civilization is forming and current relationships of
previous civilizations are collapsing. Each of agricultural revolution and industrial
civilization lasted long time to change the societies and injected some new economical and
social structures. However, today the important point is that the aspects of developing
civilization not only are innovative, but it is completely against the previous civilization
especially industries civilization and you can find them in all forms of social life. (Toffler
1991, 125). By moving toward industrial civilization and reaching to the ultra industrial,
what is going to happen is not simply a transition from energy system to other systems or a
technological foundation to other, but there is a revolution inside the human. So great
changes are going to occur and a new city is creating. This new city has some relationship
that has some new requirements (Toffler, 1991, 5). The full governing over these new spaces
needs to prepare the social and culture fields.
In this article at first, the model of current developing city in other word electronic city has
presented. to provide considered city model, the fundamental and compromising variants that
have cultural aspect mentioned. This discussion will indicate how electronic city be
established based of cultural principles. The conceptual assumption of this article is such
cultural centers models could have a effective role in developing these cities. With this
reheard put a strong attention from one hand on the role of these centers to develop the public
culture and on the other hand their effects on creating cultural place to achieve to an
electronic city.
The pattern of electronic city by emphasizing on cultural variants
153
The electronics city is composed of different components and parts that their conscious
cooperation leads to virtual environment to live. The lack of each of these components that
each of them in own part compose the electronics city, faced this city with lots of problems.
In a general model, the main bases of an electronics city are four great variants: electronics
life, electronics organization, electronics government, electronics infrastructure. Each of
these great variants is dependent of other indexes, which each of them has higher and more
important coefficient in fulfilling the electronic city. Electronic training, electronics
entertainment, electronics relations and electronics compaction are indexes that will organize
electronics life. to shape the electronic city on the basis of electronic origination, indexes like
electronic trade, electronic preparation, human resource planning and management of
customer’s relationship have key roles. Indexes like electronics government and international
challenges has great proportion for designing other bases of electronics city means electronic
government. Finally, rules and regulations, work force, culture and social situation and
substructures of technology of communication and information are the key factors which
form the electronics city infrastructures. (Jallali, 2005, 63) The total pattern of electronics
city is shown below:
Electronics Electronics Electronics
Electronics Infrastructure
The pattern of electronics city
With this regard, electronics city cannot fulfill unless each of these variants, factors and
indexes work properly. The important point in this analysis is that social - cultural indicators
not only are an important and independence indicator but also seems the sustaining the city
depends on them completely. For this reason, electronic structure has an important and
effective role in creating an electronics city. The following picture shows a pattern of an
electronics city which emphasizing on cultural and social infrastructure.
The pattern an electronics city
154
Work force Information and relations Rules and regulations
Electronics substructure
Culture and social
the culture of Computer
Technology
As shown in above pattern, the substructure is the main and necessary role in expansion of
information technology. Creating an electronics city without suitable substructure will cope
with different problems. Many of cities around the world develop their substructures in the
first stage of electronizing. This substructure composed of four parts: rules and regulation,
work force, informational and communication technology, cultural and social conditions.
(Jallali , 2005 , 72)
With regard to widespread of the subject of information and communication technology and
its development in societies, the complete use of these depends on the social and cultural
condition on that country. Without these suitable substructures, any actions will face
problems. The cultural and social condition has three characteristics: (Jallali, 2005, 72)
• Extend of using computer and Internet between people
• Culture of using information technology
• The acceptance percentage of information technology between people
Therefore, the culture of electronic city will not expand only if the cultural substructures of a
society improve. Cultural institutes should do strengthening these variants in society. The
cultural centers in Tehran municipality are considered as one of effective places in this field.
These centers by providing electronics services and training the citizens provide an effective
role for cultural strengthening of electronics city. For indicating these roles exactly, their
limitations are examined and analyzed in the light of coefficient of having in city regions and
their physical establishment with location/ spaces approaches. Then, the exit way of these
155
limitations and the effectiveness of cultural centers in developing of electronic city are
considered.
Unbalanced location distribution of centers as a threat
Cultural centers as a places for presenting cultural and educational services to citizens have
special characteristics in spatial-physical dimensions which identify actually the type and
function of these centers (Ahmadi, 1995, 25). The development of electronics culture in
Tehran has direct or indirect relations with cultural centers and related activities and citizens
and impressed by them. The approach of these reciprocal effects in strengthening and
promotion of behavior by creating changes in population structure, cultural role of city and
… and presence of urban norms and abnormality of spaces is observable and predictable.
The physical structure of cultural elements and placement of them in city has important role
in personalization of activities and cultural functions and presence a suitable cultural image.
The cultural activities characteristics means the needed speed in cooperation and exchange
and make it an obligation that applying of parts and elements, the physical structure of
cultural centers and also their spatial distribution are done in a way to ease the
communicational processes(Ahmadi, 1968,25). The spatial distribution of physical elements
and activities ideally should be done in away to be responsive for all future needs based on
social - economical relations and their changes (williams, 2005, 138).
So the cultural centers and promotion of citizenship culture in the field of information
technology are related to each other in their expansion process, in other word there is a strong
structural connection between them. The cultural centers by themselves could not play a role
in organizing the cultural activities. So the cultural organization is an urban activity and
depend on it, this dependence acts on different local and regional levels and since the
magnetic square of cultural centers weaken in edge of area borders the cultural activities and
consequently their functions get weak or disappear.
One could say the cultural centers are not independent functional systems, but they are
shaped by social, economical and natural networks and reinforced by reciprocal actions. The
existence of cultural centers has been always under influence of this process and structural
interactions, and they present their cultural roles in different levels (Ahmadi 1374:27). In
other words, cultural centers and city meet each other in a network of social interactions,
businesses, services, productions and performance of cultural activities, which actually
formed the city’s identity and cultural centers. This identity will be defined in accordance
with their spatial-physical communications of cultural centers and the city of Teheran. It is
obvious that the wrong definition of communications and designing of cultural spaces
without notification to the physical characteristics of city and its function presents a
156
dissonant image of the these centers and it makes their functions vague (Divsalar,1980:48). It
is tried while make a distinction between the communications lines in city (citizen behavior)
and its effectiveness with spatial distribution system of cultural centers, the current
incompatibilities in planning and designing the centers will be introduced, also how to exit
from these limitations.
Spatial integrating of spaces and cultural centers has been rised from physical relationships
and the communicational networks of natural and human. The accessing ways to the centers
and the distant or closeness of users can limit the time and decrease the commuting costs and
therefore increases the number of people. The current weakness in optimal distribution of
cultural centers cause spatial and functional blockage that it can be clearly observed in their
performance. In other words, the increase in centers performance at first depends completely
on their relation with regions and neighborhoods and their communicational capacities.
Therefore, due to the weak physical relationship and inadequacy of transportation
system(public transportation) providing services to citizenships equally will encounter with
some problem and finally their role as a motivator center will decrees which this act has
negative influence in cultural role and place especially in culture promotion and information
technology (Divsalar 2001, 49).
If we consider each of culture centers in Tehran regions as a cultural advantage, the existence
of more centers means higher beneficiary of cultural facilities and in consequence cultural
development and athwart. To better understand of existing situation of the regions form
having or not the total information is presented here in chart (1) (kosari, 2008, 183).
157
Chart 1: the numbers of neighborhoods, population and cultural centers in Tehran 2006
neighborhood cultural center
prosperous Popu
gion population total cultural cultural
number percent coefficient perca
total percent house center
276700 1 1.1 22 8.1 0 1 -21 27670
548500 1 3.4 30 3 2 1 -27 18283
260900 3 4.5 11 6 1 3 -7 65225
767100 4 4.5 22 8 2 2 -18 19177
601100 4 7.9 29 5 5 2 -22 8587
230140 7 5.6 18 5.1 2 3 -13 46028
318720 5 4.5 19 3.5 3 1 -15 79680
359560 4 6.7 13 2.1 5 1 -7 59927
173860 6 3.4 8 3 2 1 -5 57953
0 294460 3 4.5 10 4.6 3 1 -6 73615
1 243800 1 5.6 17 3.5 3 2 -12 48760
2 20960 5 7.9 13 3.5 6 1 -6 28994
3 226700 7 4.5 13 6.8 3 1 -9 56675
4 450660 6 6.7 25 5.1 5 1 -19 75110
5 649370 4 4.5 19 2.1 3 1 -15 16233
6 303410 5 5.6 8 6 4 1 -3 60682
7 264300 2 2.2 22 3.7 1 1 -20 13215
8 298600 2 2.2 14 3.2 1 1 -12 14960
9 239800 3 3.4 21 5.6 3 0 -9 79933
0 379750 5 2.2 15 4 4 1 -16 75950
1 216970 3 3.4 8 2.1 3 0 -12 72323
2 67230 2 2.2 8 2.1 1 1 -6 33615
7374590 89 100 369 100 62 27 - 20954
Source: Iran Census center, Population Census 1385 and Performance Report of Tehran
Cultural and Art organization.
• Comparing the number of cultural center with neighborhoods, in twentieth region of Tehran.
• Number of neighborhoods in each region
• Number of cultural centers in each
As the above charts and maps and other index and related variant about the establishment of
cultural centers in Tehran have shown, these realities could be seen about the disadvantage of
the cultural centers’ distribution:
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• The unbalanced density of cultural centers in some regions

• The prosperous coefficient(proportion of neighborhood to region) of centers in all regions is
negative
• The coverage of cultural houses is very weak because they act locally and mainly defined as
the neighborhood cultural centers.
• The prosperous portion of cultural centers in regions is not equal and their distribution are
unfair
• Distributing and transmittal of these centers are also unfair in region levels. If we consider
the border of region as a pointer it is clear that except some regions that distribution is fair
and there is a center (culture house or center) per each district, in some region we may see
the density of them in one district or the absence of the centers entirely.
• The population per capita is very high and each of centers should provide services for large
number of people.
• The function of cultural houses is locally, while, if we choose boundaries and area of
neighborhood as a distribution index, we face to an unfair and unbalanced situation. As it
seems there are many neighborhoods in regions which doesn’t have cultural facilities and
opportunities.
This subject is discussable from other point of view. Really, there is a direct relationship
between function and dominance of each cultural center that can be assessed by the title of
radius of function. There are usually two ways for measuring the radius of function or
dominance rate of one center. One of them studies the absorption power of the center and the
other analyzes the current processes (Netherland Consulting Engeenders, 1992). In radius of
function approach, the information is based on the findings of second approach means
analyzing processes. This research focuses on some activities like receiving educational
services, accessing to library and etc in regions levels in segregation of each centers. The
functional space and centers dominance has a special characteristic that reveals that
(Divsalar, 2001, 57):
• First: cultural centers in some regions act improperly
• Second: in some places analyzing is impossible.
• Third: The definition of cultural centers area is not limited to local but also to regions
whereas their function does not exceed the neighborhood boundaries.
159
So, we can say that the only way to change the traditional methods for providing services is
replacing those methods with proper electronic technology on one hand and focuses on
electronics city function on the other hand.
The role of cultural centers and housed in development of the cultural of electronic city
Based on the researches, there are 62 cultural houses and 27 cultural centers in Tehran. The
researches show that the development of public cultural is the main goal of these centers. For
achieving the goals, these cultural centers mainly use cultural and arts methods and form that
have a great influence on shifting and improving the citizen behavior. The educational
sectors of these centers have some advantages in cultural transaction. These advantages are
effective if they are used to strengthen and facilitate the basis for electronic city and to train
the electronic citizens. The other activities and functions of cultural centers especially by
inaugurating the training and consulting workshops could create great capacity in this field.
On one hand, the cooperation of these centers with institutes, organizations and the public
society could increase the public confidence to these centers and on another hand, could
make an increase public partnership to achieve electronic city. Therefore, the role of cultural
houses and centers to develop the culture of electronics city can be possible in three ways:
1. Organizing electronic services
The cultural houses and centers may provide some parts of electronic services for other
departments (institutes and ministries) with some sort of equipment on hardware and
infrastructure. The lists of their services are:
Post services: pursuit of the fuel card and the bills, paying the bills, weather forecasting,
receipt of the university registration documents, providing the list of schools and banks in a
region, identifying the postal code.
Stock exchange services: providing the last business information, financial data of the stock
exchange, and the last data of indices, the list of index of purchasing and selling lines in
stock exchange.
Tourist services: to provide the list of the travel agencies, air plane companies and museum,
the information of trains traveling (the time table, paths and selling tickets), the list and
address of embassies in Tehran, tourist attraction places, the department of the Tourist and
Heritage Organization of Iran, airports, the map of roads, weather reports, hotels (list , price ,
reservation in Iran and abroad - the network hotels reservation in Iran ,purchasing ticket by
Internet)
University services: registration, receipt of test book, the list of universities, the rules and
regulation in universities, carrying out the electronics projects of students.
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Bank services: Pasargad Bank, Maskan, Bank, Parsian Bank, kar Afarin Bank, Eghtesad No
Bank, Samar Bank, Melat Bank, Mali and Etebari Mehr Institute Post Bank, Saderat Bank,
Toseh saderat Iran Bank, Gharzol Hasaneh Mehr Bank.
History, culture and art: culture house, archeology, architecture, literature, history,
painting, portrayal art, artistic districts of provinces, Institution and cultural complexes, holy
defenses
Children and teenagers: children’s rights, preschool centers and kinder greatens training
centers, children publishing.
Employments and job opportunities: registration of workers and employers, register of
employment centers, searching resumes, searching job, the statistics of all guilds, searching
the registered representations of foreign companies.
Book and reading books: publications (book stores and selling books on line), shelf
(downloading farsi books), articles (scientific - university)
health and cure services: training and informing, hospitals, clinics, laboratories, medical
science universities, Medical Service Organizations, medical association, nursery, health
centers, veterinary, drug stores and pharmacy, research centers, medical magazines and
newspapers.
Insurance services: centers, branches and representations, carrier insurance, fire insurance,
engineering insurance, travel insurance.
Governmental organizations: Ministries, governmental organizations, direct relation of
people with governmental organization.
News and multi media: news services, news sites, weekly papers, Radio and TV,
newspapers, groups and populations,
2. The Citizens Training
Moreover, the cultural centers and houses could hold different kinds of training programs in
different fields related to subjects like computer and information technology. Some of these
courses which are considered as some especial courses for the training of electronic citizens
are described as:
• acquaintance with seven basic and standard function of computer: bases and concepts, IT,
Windows, Access, Excel, Word, Power Point and Internet
• Advanced ICDL: completely acquaintance with Microsoft office to carry out advanced
activities with Microsoft office including power point, Access, Excel, Word.
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• E- citizen: familiarizing with computer, windows and completely use of Internet (minimal
required knowledge of computer and Internet for all and each age) for using electronics
governmental services and cities in IT.
• E-kids: electronic course for children in elementary school.
• ICDL web starter: familiarizing with designing and websites construction.
• ICDL CASD: familiarizing with two dimensional and professional designing.
• ICDL CTP: certified training Professional.
• Equal Skills: an easy start in using Internet and computer make the students move to
advanced program and finally a complete cooperation in electronics society.
3. Other cultural program
Performing different programs with cultural transition in proper artistic forms for citizens in
different cultural and social subjects are some of effective factors of cultural centers and
houses in electronics city.
Conclusion
This articled tries to show that in spite of some disadvantages and problems of cultural
houses and centers, they can have main and effective roles in training the citizens and
providing different cultural programs to develop the culture of electronics city. On the other
hands, the policies of Tehran Municipality confirm this assumption. With this regard, based
on the article No.111 of Five Years Plan Tehran municipality Bill, the municipality has been
obligated to provide social justice according to balanced distribution of city services. It tries
to provide minimum of 3 square meter per capita in local and regions level to reach to their
goals of that is 5 square meter per capita for all the areas. In another way, based on article
No.136 of this bill, in order to achieve to complete information and institutionalization
culture of electronics city, Tehran municipality is charged to provide designing of 100
services for electronics city until the end of first year program make it operational and until
the end of second year program. So, the results show that, in spite of physical and spatial
problems especially in the establishment of cultural houses and centers, if they adopt below
strategies, social and cultural movements will be happen to develop the culture of electronic
city. The reviewing the establishment of these centers with regard to location/ spatial
approaches increase their effectiveness under these situations:
• Definition of cultural centers and houses situation in national electronic government’s plan
and identifying their proportion in its development.
162
• Participation of organizations, foundations and centers related with IT and information

technology
• Improvement of the cultural centers and houses infrastructures especially in hardware fields
• Making electronics there should and information technology in cultural centers and houses.
• Making metaphorical cultural centers and improve them.
• Presenting electronics services for devices and ministries in cultural centers and houses based
on regulated agreement.
• The definition of different training courses in cultural centers and houses in order to increase
the awareness of citizens.
• creating website in cultural centers
• creating some digital cultural centers
• providing electronic services for other departments based on the agreements
• providing the training courses to increase the knowledge of the citizens
• providing related training courses with electronics citizen
Operation of these methods will get these results:
• Establishment of integrated urban management in cultural domain and finally the
development of the culture of electronic city
• Removing the weaknesses of traditional patterns especially deficiency of cultural centers in
providing services
• Increasing the cultural management capacity in cultural planning and its monitoring
• Giving the high power and intelligence to them
• Decreasing the costs especially construction of cultural spaces
• Cultural planning and identification of cultural subjects according to citizen request
• Fulfillment of imagination of cultural management from facts to real
References:
163
Ahmad, Hassan (1995), planning method in culture center publication of management

organization and planing of country.
Elvin Tafler (1991), third wave, translated by kharazmi shahin dokht, printed Aseman.
Jallali, Ali Akbar (2005), electronics city, Iran’s science and industry university.
Jallali, Ali Akbar (2006), electronics village, Iran’s science and industry university.
Kati, williams, Elizabeth, Nerton (2004) achieving to stable form of city, translated
varazmoradi Masihi, Tehran, processing company and city planning.
kosari, Massod, seyed Mahmood, Nejati Hosseini, Imani Jajermi, Hossein (2008) Tehran
cultural expansion, The cultural and artistic studies center of Tehran.
Netherland consultant engioneers (1992), guides for villages planning, translated: seyed
Javad mir and others, researches center of Jahad organization.
Divsalar, shapoor (2006) The research plan of cultural Justice, cultural and artistic
organization of Tehran.
Statistic center of Iran, (1996) general and finacial census.
cultural and artistic organization of tehran, planning and expansion (2008) the report of
yearly function.
Tehran’s Municipality (2007), five years bill program of Tehran Municipality.
Eelctronic and mobile participation in city planning and management.
The intelcities elerning plat from knowledge management system and digital library.
Kenics: Electronics city first of its kind in India.
164
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About the Conflict and Development Series

Otto F. von Feigenblatt, Series Editor
The Conflict and Development Series is published by the

Journal of Alternative Perspectives in the Social Sciences with the
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Part of the Conflict and Development Series

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Chapter 1: Peacebuilders in Southeast Asia Describe the Dynamic Interplay Between

Chapter 2: Redefining Christianity as an identity frame for Afrikaners

Chapter 3: An Examination of the Effect of the Tiv-Jukun Conflict of Central Nigeria on

Chapter 5: Defining the Concept of Communication Competence in Thai Context

Chapter 6: Impact of Emotional Competence Training upon Emotional Intelligence and

Chapter 7: A Comparative Study of Private and Public Universities Teachers Job

Chapter 9: The Hostel, the House, a Qualitative Study of Female Students

Chapter 10: The City and Governing of Integrated Management

About the Development and Conflict Series

Peacebuilders in Southeast Asia Describe the Dynamic Interplay

Abstract: How does one’s consciousness of self and phenomenological realities

development workers, environmental conservationists, grassroots teachers, and

Conduct and setting of field study

Peacebuilding In Their Own Words

Before delving into the actual discussion of consciousness and transformation,

working and expanding further their community engagement complemented by peace

Peacebuilders Discuss Consciousness

Consciousness as articulated by the peacebuilders is very much embedded in

Definitions of consciousness, according to the peace builders, may be

1. Consciousness as a process. One view of consciousness that peacebuiders have is

Without consciousness, we peacebuilders don’t have the moral ascendancy to

Pangcoga’s explanation connects consciousness to what Elizabeth Tisdell

that many have described as a spiritual experience or spiritual journey. Confronted by

Implications of Consciousness in Peacebuilding

There are, at least, five major implications of consciousness to peacebuilding

The word, ‘transformation” connotes different things to different people. It is

Describing Transformation through Metaphors

Interestingly, this set of metaphors embodies how peacebuilders also describe

According to Hocker and Wilmot (1995), when people spontaneously describe

Metaphor is not just a matter of language or linguistic expression (Lederach,

Understanding the speaker’s utterance meaning in a metaphor requires a

Metaphors Peacebuilders Use

deaths, loss of people’s personal belongings, including means of livelihood, as well as

Consciousness and Transformation