47558 9.226 yanis Varoufakis yanisvaroufakis th 2 Follow ylinister No More! yanisvaroufakis.eu/2015/07/06/min fe Minister No More! The referendum of Sth July vil sta in hist When a small European n: yin history as a unique moment atlon ose up against debt bondage, yanisvaroufakis ey n July 2015, immediately after the Greek government had won a ft vote to reject the harsh terms of anew economic bailout package, the finance minister Yanis Varoufakis announced on Twit- ter that he was resigning, He tweeted, ‘Minister No More!’ On 12 April 2015, Hillary Clinton posted a video on YouTube and released a tweet announcing that, as many predicted, she would be running a presi- dential campaign for the 2016 election. In May 2010, during sensitive Coalition negotiations between the Conservative and Liberal Democrat Parties, the former Conservative leader William Hague tweeted updates on the state of the parties’ discussions. Politicians today are just as likely to use social media to make important announcements as they are to Speak to TV stations, book press conferences or give interviews to print journalists - a small sign of big changes in modern communications. TlToth the immediaey and global reach of online social media and the ability of the audience to comment ancl inte message sencler directly con! with previous media forms. tn 186 the actor Jolnn Wilkes Booth assassinated US President Abraham Lincoln in a Washington theatre. Tetook twelve days before a ship carrying the news reached London. A small boat off the south coastof reland metthe ship carryingthe ‘message fom the United States andthe news was telegraphed to London from Cork, beating the ship by three days. Ths is a singular and rather stark example, but, as we will see inthis chapter, the Internet and nev digital media have already changed the way that people routinely communicate with each other. Inthe twenty-first century, communication technologies enable information tobe shared instantaneously and simultaneously with many miflions of people almost anywhere in the Aor = the transfer \ Cf information from one individual or group {0 another, whether in speech or through the media - is crucial to any society. Today @ wide variety of mass 1oeri> exist including radio, television, newspapers and magazines, film and the Internet. These are referred to as ‘mass’ media hecause they communicate with very large numbers of people. The Canadian media theorist Marshall MeLuhan (1964) famously argued that media forms have distinct effects on society. His dictum is that “the medium és the message’, Thatis societyisinfluenced much more bythe ‘ype of media than by the content or messages which that media conveys. Everyday life is experienced differently in a society in which the Internet and social media communicate instantaneously from one side of the globe to the other, compared fo one that relies on horses, ships or telegraph cables, McLuhan forecast that modern electronic ‘media would lead tothe ereation of a Aine in which a majority of people can ‘witness major events unfolding. In that, he was surely correct. Globalization and infor. mation communications technology (ICT) allow people on all continents to receive ™ the same music, ews, ns an nels epot on tres neal ine, fp in ly o Hong Kong reach way ances, md sports sich il and Serena Wiliams 2 globe ga names. The hun ds ber more negated it singe comm fae. a Ben ity yeats ag, fom fon ton were relatively sel/-contined yy but today they have become ine remarkable degre, Thisis on dese megia convergence, the process tet which apparent snc media forms ne in new ways. Television, radio, near” and telephones have undergone eae transformations 38 a result of adc technology ant the rapid spread ofthe ng” net. Newspapets can be read otln, my stations are accessed on cig tein and smartphones enable Internet acces With the expansion of technologies such voice recognition, broadband, web cag andcabe inks, the Internet may alent ing become the primary conduit in the devon countries for the delivery of information entertainment, advertising and commerce, We start with this relatively recent dg revolution, focusing on the Internet ang worldwide web. We then provide a bit account of selected forms of mass med = film, television, music and newspapers Dpelore considering some ofthe main theo cal approaches to the media and thi le) in society. Media representations of soi groups and the effects of mass medi on the audience follow, and the chapter ends witha discussion of the concentrated axmeship of the global media and emerging alternates and resistance toit er of Media global age For most of human history the main meansol communication was speech, an face-to-face ‘communication was the nom, tn such oa!How many people in the world would not know who these people are? cultures, information, ideas and knowledge are transmitted across generations by word of mouth, and the kind of repositories of useful knowledge we are used to - such as books, libraries and archives - just did not exist. Onew speech could be written down and stored, initially on stone, the first writing cultures emerged, initially in China around 3,000 years ago. Religions have played a major part in the development of communication by finding ways of producing manuscripts and texts for study and transportation, literally to ‘spread the word’ An important precursor to the modern mass media was the invention in the mid- fifteenth century of the Gutenberg movable ‘ype printing press, which enabled texts to be reproduced. Gutenberg made use of existing technologies - paper and woodblock print- ing - which originated in Asia much earlier. Although technological advances and new uses of older technologies played a crucial part in the development of mass media, the influ- ence of social, cultural and economic factors must be taken into account. For instance, mass forms of printed media could develop only in Societies where access was relatively cheap and an educated population was able to take advantage of them. wa ‘The Media 4m the late twentieth century, digital tech- nology facilitated such as the mobile and smartpho video games, digital television and the Internet which enable inter- activity and user participation, We will look first at this ‘digital revolution’ before exam: ining ways in which digitization impacts on older forms such as film, television, music and newspapers, For more on the Internet and mobile Phones, see chapter 4, ‘Globaliza- tion and Social Change’ ae 1 revolution The digitization of information or data is widely seen as revolutionizing modern communications. Digitization is at the origin of the development of multimedia: what used to be different media need- ing different technologies (such as visuals and sound) is now combined on a single medium (such as DVDs and PCs). The Processing power of computers has increased continuously and Internet speeds have become faster, making it possible to stream or download music, movies and live sport. Digitization also permits the development of interactive media such as blogs and social media in which people actively participate in or structure what they see or hear (Negro- ponte 1995), One fundamental aspect of media is the infrastructure through which information is communicated and exchanged, Some impor- tant technological advances over the second half of the twentieth century completely trans- formed the face of '-1209 ~the communication of information, sounds or images at a distance. For example, ICT stands behind profound changes in the world’ money systems and stock markets. Money is no longer physical cheques or cash in your pocket. Money has become electronic, ‘stored’ in computers in the world’s banks. The value of whatever cash you do have is determined by the activities of traders on electronically a sTHE MDDIA fe Lnptopnetbook ® Desktop com Government processas Buying things Watching TY pest one Banking online ‘Surting/ browsing the internet Looking at news webstes/ apps Social media Figure 18.1 Device used most often for specific internet activities Source: Ofcom (2018: 74) linked money markets, and these markets are the product of the last few decades, a marriage between computers and satellite communication. ur technological trends have led to such developments: first, the constant improve- mentin the capabilities of computers, together with declining costs; second, the digitization of data, making possible the integration of computer and telecommunications tech- nologies; third, satellite communications; and, fourth, fibre optics, which allow many different messages to travel down a single cable. The dramatic communications explo- sion of recent years shows no sign of slowing down. Indeed, since our 6th edition in 2008, there has been a rapid take-up of the (then) new smartphones and tablet PCs, made possible by the spread of wireless technolo, (Wi-Fi), which enables Internet access almost anywhere. Smartphones (such as the iPhone, HTC and Blackberry) ~ which integrate the functions of computers into small, hand-held devices ~ have become widespread and are used for an ever wider range of activities. In 2007, smartphone sales overtook laptop PCs for the first time, though laptops and netbooks remain the device of choice for most 754 mTablot ® Smantphone * Gamon consola/piayey online activities with the exception of yay media (figure 18.1), Ofcom (2015: 8-9), the UK communica regulator, reports that 68 per cence used smartphones both inside and oun the home and 39 per cent used a table poss Internet access. Among those aged tweny hn to thirty-four, 88 per cent reported having, smartphone (ibid. 28). In 2011, Ofeom fouse that 37 per cent of adult users and 60 percent of teenagers said they were ‘highly addicted to their smartphone, with 81 per cent ofall usr leaving them switched on for twenty-four hours every day (Ofcom 2011), ‘The remarkably rapid take-up of sma phones and tablets shows just how fa computing has come. The first computing era began with large mainframe machine “The second era sav taking up entire roon the personal computer become a fix it workplaces and homes. The current mini turization of the computer takes us into the third era of ‘ubiquitous computing’ In which computers are mobile and part of alm every social environment (Maier 2011: 13) As the Ofcom research shows, digital techno? ogy is quickly becoming normalized, and 2° social norms are evolving both online 2vironments where th yet ate u piyamental to all of these changes isthe ran nee Fannie ORITICRLLY conduct paticipan observation (easel pene twee oe oer pating how poeple usa thors sree places, Whatsifany, soci) (piblorem tis ecceptable vas in pbc spacer? Intemet and worldwide web In the early 1990s, it became clear that the fanure lay not with personal computers (PCs) put with global system of interconnected computers - the Int Although many computer users may not have realized itat the time, the PC was becoming little more than a point of access to a network stretching across the planet that is not owned by any individual cor company. ‘The potential of the Internet for the growth of international political activism is explored in chapter 21, ‘Politics, Government and Social Movements". ‘The Internet was created during the Cold ‘War period, developed from a system used in the Pentagon, headquarters of the American military, from 1969. This system was named the ARPA net, after the Pentagon's Advanced Research Projects Agency. ARPA sought to enable scientists working on military projects in different parts of the USA to pool their resources and share expensive equipment. Almost as an afterthought, its originators thought of a way to send messages, and electronic mail ~ ‘email’ - was born. Univer- sities began using the system for their own purposes, and by 1987 the Internet had 28,000 host computers in universities and research labs. By 1994, business companies overtook Universities as the main users of the develop: ing network The Media ‘The best-known use of the Internet fs the worldwide web - in effect, a global multimedia brary. 1 was invented by a British software engineer, Tim Berners-Lee, at a Swiss phystes {ab in 1990, Users conventionally navigate the Web with a ‘web browser’, but the increasing Popularity of ‘apps’ - software applications for use mainly with smartphones - removes the need for a browser altogether. Websites have grown in sophistication, and many now integrate graphics and photographs, videoand audio files, and the web is also the main inter- face for ‘e-commerce’ - business transactions conducted online. Internet use continues to grow as more People have smartphones and other mobile devices. The UK Office for National Statis- tics estimates that 60 per cent of UK adults accessed the Internet every day in 2010, double the 2006 figure (ONS 201 1a). Some 73 per cent ofall households (19.2 million) had their own Internet connection. Increasing numbers of people were shopping online, with 62 per cent of all adults (31 million) having bought goods and services online in the previous twelve ‘months. Social networking is growing rapidly, and social media were most popular among the sixteen. to 24-year-old age group. There is also a trend towards watching television and listening to radio over the Internet, with 17.4 million adults doing so in 2010, compared with just 6.4 million in 2006. This survey suggests. that more people are accessing and using the Internet and doing so for a wider variety of activities, Online social networks and social media are also discussed in chapter 8, ‘Social Interaction and Daily Lif However, ONS data also reveal that Inter net access and use is marked by inequalities, known today as digital divides (Andreas- son 2015; Ragnedda and Muschert 2013) Nationally, around 8.7 million people (17.5 per cent) had never used the Internet. Ofthese, 5.1 million were women, 3.6 million were men, two-thirds were aged sixty-five or over, 735HP MEDIA etn Amarin nusteain Germnia Evrae Latin Americ ‘carbbean haat East Wortd. Avo Asia Atica a er 4% «50% «60% «70% «BO agg Penetration Rate Figure 16,2 World internet penetration rates by geographic reson 2014 Note: Ponetration ates are based on a world population of 7.264,623,799 and 3,079,329.887 ‘estimated internet users on 31 December 2014 ‘Source: Internet World Stats (2018) and almost half (48.3 per cent) were disabled. Indeed, just over one-third of disabled people had never been online compared with just 11.9 per cent of people with no disability. There were ificant regional differences. Over one-fifth of the populations of Northern. Ireland, Merseyside, south-west Scotland and Northumberland and Tyne and Wear had never been online, but in the wealthier counties of Berkshire, Buckinghamshire and Oxfordshire this figure was only 10.2 per cent (ONS 20110). How many people are connected to the Internet globally is not known with any certainty, but in 2015 the best estimate was just over 3 billion (Internet World Stats 2015). Access remains geographically uneven, ing global inequalities. Around 27.5 per cent of the population of Africa and 34.8 per cent in Asia were Internet users in 2014 compared with 85.9 per cent in North America and 70 per cent in Europe (see figure 756 18.2). One development which may lead toa faster spread of the Internet is the advent of . In essence, this enables computing to be delivered to end users as a service rather than as a product, eliminat- ing the need for every individual to have the same platforms and software installed on their devices. This may not appear particularly significant, but many experts insist that ‘cloud computing is revolutionary, even if the tech- nology itis built on is evolutionary’ (Sosins\y 2011: 3). ‘The revolutionary aspect is that cloud computing makes potentially unlimited computing resources universally and conti uously available. Applications, programs, file storage and operating systems are bed in large datacentres whose locations unknown to end users and made avaiable uistally on a pay-as-you-go basis. inside als can access the services they need ©? whatever device they have, such 4s @ laptoP:et, notebook oF smartphone, again with: tall installing software on each device. There ot qiso issues Of privacy, confidentiality and are secur: 88 MOFe information travels sevoss wireless connections and material is med in datacentres, users cede control to Sjoud providers. Nonetheless, we may be ving towards an ‘interclou ~ an intercon. ected, global ‘cloud of clouds’ (Rothenberg 2910). This may sound fanciful but, ifpay-as- ‘ou-go, utility computing takes off globally, dhe intercloud may become as normal as the Internet. eimpact of the Internet ‘Many see the Internet as exemplifying an ‘emerging, networked, global society (Castells 2006). Interactions on the Internet take place in the virtual world of cyberspace, Cyiyer ace means the space of interaction formed by the global network of computers that make up the Internet. In cyberspace, we cannot know with any certainty the details of people's identity, whether they are male ot female, or where in the world they are. Indeed, cyber- space often feels rather like an alternative form of reality and a type of medium which gives users more control than in earlier media forms. Kolker (2009: 253) argues that: In our relationship with traditional media, we are always aware that what we read, hear, and see has some kind of authorship behind it: someone writing and editing the newspaper column; producing, directing, and distributing a recording, a radio or TV show, ora movie. Advertising reminds us continuously that someone wants something from us. . .Butat the keyboard and online, ‘we seem to be in control and in intimate connection with something or someone, ina world both internal and external simultaneously Opinions on the effects of the Internet fall into two broad categories. Some see the online world as fostering electronic relationships that either enhance or supple- ent existing face-to-face interactions, For example, while travelling or working abroad, people use the Internet to communicate with ‘The Media Mlends and relatives back home, making stance and separation more tolerable. ‘the Internet also allows the form, types of relatio online user ation of new ship, such as ‘anonymous ts who meet on social networks, chatrooms and blog sites to discuss topies of ‘mutual interest, Many Internet users become Part of lively online communities that are qualitatively different from those they inhabit in the physical world. Scholars who see the Internet as a positive addition to human life argue that it expands and entiches our social networks, On the other hand, some are less enthu- siastic. As people spend more time commu- nicating online and performing daily tasks in cyberspace, they spend less time interacting in the physical world, Some sociologists fear that the spread of Internet technology will lead to increasing social isolation. They argue that one effect of increasing Internet access in households is that people are spending less “quality time’ with their families and friends. The Internet is encroaching on domestic life as the lines between work and home are blurred: many employees continue to work at home after hours - checking email or finish- ing tasks that they were unable to complete during the day. Personal relationships suffer, traditional forms of entertainment such as theatre and books fall by the wayside, and the fabric of social life is weakened. Very similar fears were expressed in relation to television. In The Lonely Crowd (1961), David Riesman and his colleagues expressed concern about the impact of TV on family and community life. And while some of their fears were well founded, television has enriched the social World in many ways too, In The Virtual Community (2000), Howard Rheingold acknowledges the positive poten- tial of computer-mediated communication while accepting that its darker side cannot be wished away. Rheingold (2000: 5) is particu- larly interested in virt ties, which he defines as ‘social aggregations that emerge from the Net when enough people carry on .... public discussions long enough, with sufficient human feeling, to form webs 157ane fist movte te shown to paying custom Me ein 1895 in Paris, ance, where the or Arriva ofthe Train tn La ata Strion caused viewersto feel scat sercen slot filled with an oncom we brothers je th team engine heading towards them. ai a aSea at cee verdes, film and cinema arrived much faster ape ft cinema in the UK opened in 1896 and sata there were more than 500 in London ve, Cinema tickets could be afforded bya aires, and the decline sn working hours and een unemployment in the late 1920s meant a goerssoon formed amass audience in the developed countries, fy 1925, the vast majority of commercially successful films were American in origin, aha they stil are (table 18.1), Cinemas were Around | billion more tickets per year ar blockbusters, Yet US films are better 12 sold for Indian Bollywood films ths known around the The Meatia Increasingly controlled by Ameriean studios which owned the distribution rights to Blms The studios could oblige cinemas to bitk-bnay future productions, octively freezing aut competitors. As with the print media, owner ship became concenteated! among a few large corporations. The obvious dominance of American film production, partly the result of its large domestic market, raises questions about cultural imperialisin’ as American values, products and culture are promoted through the worldwide distribution of film, There ate different ways to assess the globalization of cinema, One is to consider where films ate produced and the sources of financing that support them. By such criteria, there has unquestionably been a process of globalization in the cinema industry. Accord ing to studies by the United Nations Educa tional, Scientific and Cultural Organization for Hollywood jyorld and generate more revenue = 4Tn MPA ALO Rnguet 2018 1 2 a 4 Tho Avenger 5 Pastand Punious? 6 d 6 6 ‘Tho Avengers Ago of Utron Harry Potter and the Deathly Hallowe Part 2 Frozen {ron Man3 10 The Lord of the Rings: Return of the King Stuy Tho tuner (010) (UNESCO), many nations possess the eapacity to produce films, However, only a handful ‘of countries ~ the United States, India, Nige- ria and Hong Kong ~ dominate global film production (UNESCO 2009). Another criterion used to assess globaliza- tion is the extent to which nationally produced films are exported to other countries. In the 1920s, Hollywood made four-fifths of al films screened in the world. But in 2006, India, with its growing Bollywood film productions, produced more films than any other country (1,091); Nigeria's ‘Nollywood’ was in second place (872) and the United States third (485) (UNESCO 2009b). Bur many Indian and Nige- rian films are not shown internationally and, though governments do provide subsidies for their own film industries, the USA continues to be the largest exporter. Astable 18.1 shows, the top-grossing films ofall ime worldwide ae all ‘American produced, Hollywood studios generate well over half of their revenues from the overseas distribu: tion of films. In an effort to increase the size of foreign audiences further, the studios are involved in building multiplex cinemas around the world, Global box-office revenues 760 Righert grossing Alms of alltime by worldwide hex othe at Ina, Yea! County Thal gos rene ‘oferigin (ust) ry 7 003 279K 107 VBA 2.207.018 ena 7018 USA 1.6865,1228 zoe USA. nta.aTasey 2018 USA 113.900 2018 USA 1.898.442.228 201 USA 1SAL,SL ang ala USA 1.274, 234.98) 21s USA —L215,392,272 7003 «USA LIL408867 rosein 2010 t0 $31.8 ilion, neatly double ihe 1995 total, a8 audiences increased (Bloom erg 2011), The spread of video, DVD payer, and video-on-demand has aso inereased ihe number of people who ate able regula watch film “The digital revolution is rapidly transfor, ing the filmmaking and distribution proces, Conventionally, movies were produced bythe analogue recording of images and associied sound onto celluloid film strips which could then be cut and spliced in an editing suite produce the final version. Today, mor fms are recorded in digital files that can easly be ‘manipulated and changed, but films are aso leaked or stolen and widely circulated over the Internet, Cinema theatres are converting to digital projection, which will eventualy finish offthe previous age of celluloid. Thin director George Lucas pointed out that fortis Star Wars movie The Revenge of the Sith 203), some 95 per cent was computer designed and animated (Kolker 2009: 249). ‘As digital technology advances, filmmak- ing is becoming possible for more amateus, Who are able to create their own movies edt them and make them available online vt‘ Hours viewed — = 2006 rigere 18.3, Average hours of telewson viewing per source: Ofcom (2010: 160) fie-sharing websites such as YouTube. Cites may question the quality of this ‘do-it-yourself’ Sutput. However, in accord with the ongoing {igial revolution in other media forms, the technology enables people who might previ. ously have remained passive consumers to pecome active producers and consumers ‘prosumers' (Bruns 2009) ~ something that ‘would have been unthinkable just twenty-five years ago. Television The interaction between television and the audience is different to that between the cinema and its audience. Television enters the household in a way that the cinema cannot, and it doesn’t demand the same level of focused attention. Television also has an immediacy which film does not, since it can feport events as they happen from almost anywhere in the world to a mass audience. ‘The number of television sets in the devel- ped countries and the amount of time that People spend viewing increased dramatically fom the 1950s onwards. If current trends in TV watching continue, the average child bom today will have spent more time watch- ing television by the age of eighteen than in any other pursuit except sleep. Virtually every household now possesses a TV set. In the UK, ‘Most people watch some television every day, > 2007 “Tho Media All Indivieh Children 1-15, — Adults 16-24 Adults 25-34 Adults 35-44 Adults 45-54 2009 2008 ay.by age, al UK homes, 2004-8 and the average setis switched on for between three and six hours per day (figure 18.3). Television and social life Television is ingrained in the routines of daily ‘if; we watch TY, talk about it with friends and family, and build TV viewing into the routines of our daily lives, The ‘box in the corner’ is switched on while we get on with other things and appears to provide an essential backdrop. {to our lives. As Silverstone (1994: 3) explai Television accompanies us as we wake up, a5 we breakfast, as we have our tea and as we drink in bars. Itcomforts us when we are alone. Ithelps us sleep. It gives us pleasure, itbores us and sometimes it challenges us. lt provides us with opportunities to be both sociable and solitary. Although, of course, it \was not always so and although we have had toleam howto incorporate the medium into ourlives we now take television entirely for granted. Televisioncontributesto people'semotional and cognitive well-being and helps them design their routines and habits. As a result it creates a stronger sense of ‘ontological security’ ~ feelings or order and continuity in daily life - which helps to explain its persistent popularity. However, this does not mean that the dominant position of TV is inevitable or unassailable, The technological dimension of 781felovision does not determine its soctal and Cultural reception, As "Using your soctologt cal imagination 11 shows, young peaple’s everday routines and habits today may well be significantly different from those af their parents, with significant consequences for the future of television Several media theorists have been highly ctitical about the seemingly ever-increasing dict of television, Neil Postman’s (1931-2003) tellingly titled Amusing Ourselves to Deatlt (4986) argues that television fails to present for handle serious issues because ‘the form excludes the content’. By this he means that television is a medium that is incapable of ning serious content. For Postman, argument is best earried in the form of the printed word, which can sustain complex {d serious content, He harks backto the nine- teenth century as an ‘age of reason’, when the written word was do Postman, the m of print creates a rational population, whereas the medium of television creates an entertained one. News, education and polities fare all reduced to TV entertainment, so that, as the book title says, we are simply ‘amusing ourselves to death’ Ina similar vein, Pumam (1995) has argued that, in the USA, the significant decline in social capital - mutual obligations and trust ~ correlates well with the rise of the television. ‘TV viewing, he argues, is strongly and nega~ tively related to wust and group membership. ‘One reason for thi nant. F the effect of programme For example, heavy watchers of TV tend to be sceptical about the benevolence of others - by overestimating crime rates, for instance. Putnam concludes that the erosion of America's social capital was recognized only several decades after the process had begun, However, television watching habits are changing, particularly among younger people, as ‘on-demand’ services become popular, Internet use increases and video-sharing websites provide interactive ways of view: ing. Many soci ‘Twitter and content on viewers, | networking sites, such as ebook, may also show that Putnam's thesis is too pessimistic. ‘There is 762 7 some ev YOUNE people netive forms of media and, ion YOU iny an changes television pt iy output as well Mection tr = Lae Paar ara es alana ined ene ot dotail in chapter 6, "Sosy!" Tony tion and Daily Life’, Inter, On the other hand, television very popular. Livingstone and Bong mins eo adcers menue tomy the first for forty years ~ found a aon Uk “vedroom culture’, with nwo out of nee" ng-class children and 54 per cent of et" class children havingaTVin their bean 2009, around 77 per cent of all five-year Y year-olds had theit own TV in the posts! 56 per cent of which were multi-chan eo Such personal ownership by childven restricted 0 TV, as 73 per cent also haa meme 1 05 ces aa player, MP3 player and games console, aye, percenthad a laptop or PC (Livingstonesna: By contrast, in other parts of Europe, sc? fad ote its ability to provide a broad range of gene cations’: excitement, overcoming bored relaxation and overcoming the threatot te, ‘left our. ing Digital television Since the start of the twenry-frt cenuy television broadcasting technology 4 uundergane a revolution with the moe a peogvenmne veaaeesnania ‘Ss Slag © digital. Analogue TV is the “ol” sytem a broadcasting, used to transmit signals ode vision sets since the 1940s. I conver sun through the alr and pleked up by the sean the roof of a house or on top ofthe tlevisen Digital TV works by transforming pictures and sound into information that is potenti understood by a computer. Digital transi issions are received in thee ways: through the TV aerial and a decodeTHE MEDIA (often a set-top box), via a satellite dish or via cable. The television acts like a computer and converts this information back into pictures and sound. Digital TV offers the possibility of interactive TV, the Internet, and home shop- ping and banking Digital television has largely replaced analogue in most developed counties and the demise of analogue TV is proceeding rapidly. ‘The number of television channels available has increased as a result of advances in satel- lite, cable and digital technology. It is now usual to see digital service providers offer- ing monthly subscription packages that give viewers the choice of a staggering 200+ TV, radio and data channels, Analogue TV in the UK provided just five. This increase extends more opportunities for content providers and, crucially, for advertisers, while pay-per-view and monthly subscription services are likely to increase the amount consumers spend. Of course the originality, creativity and quality of what they will be watching is another matter entirely, as old as human societies and its use pre-dates the development of complex language. The first music is assumed to have come from the human voice, with instruments developing later along with different forms of material culture. Some of the oldest musical instruments have been found in parts of India and China and some of the earliest functional uses of music were in religious rituals and practices. But while these rituals and practices have tended to diminish in modem societies, music has continued to flourish. ‘Theodor Adorno (1976 [1950]) of the Frank- furt School of critical theory argued that Where and how do you watch TV programmes: live ony some reasons why the television set is likely to survive in the ‘9 and musical forms tend to reflect the y which they exist. Many music chustrial capitalist societies, for eqs on predictable structuresandotfe cation. They train people to expe, and repetition, and they requir on the patt of the listener tobe enjoy ‘own time, Adorno saw jazz and other ss music as guilty of this. However, poPtar music can promote conformity 1 foster critical enlightenment and j ie TS aati Unto, © lite etn it can gf 8 there at least potentially, an active foree 48" life. Some forms of ‘progressive’ my as the experimental music of Schoen standard musical conventions and, int ing the rules’, challenge people's assump” and force them to think more critically" in soci sic (sue bers) des See chapter 3, “Theories ana Perspectives’, for discussion i Frankfurt School. ies Like Adorno, the music theorist Jacques Attali (1985) argues that music holds up 4 mirror to society, as its social organization and forms reflect society's mode of organiza tion. For example, in industrialized societies, music is listened to primarily in recorded form on vinyl records, CDs and digital dovinloads Music's hallmark in such societies is therefore repetitive mass production and the erosion o difference. Music becomes background noise in supermarkets, railway stations, restaurans and many other public and private spaces Echoing Max Weber's comments on music in the bureaucratic age, Attali notes thatthe endless repetition of recorded music reflees the industrial society that enabled it. However, Attali’s thesis goes one ste? further. He maintains that music not onl 0 carries 8 mirrors social organization, it als_ on he fare. Musle enn da thi, he ‘Mico musilans rapilly explore and ngs of Be RAINE AS ere) meh “iy hatin other forms of cultura Myusic HARES MOTE qc and Ig pd 3 sh 10 materia tgs sch pamaors or TY sts AS musical organiza oft el 0 i eral Bits, is ore Iie bounds ofthe existing system in 1emoving forward. An example omental over downloadingand free ee of copysgted mse The commer sh eof seman eset cil aglingto Keep pace with an emergent form se continually pushes and breaks the exis mmercial “Tues ofthe game’ ing tal sa emerging rom industrial ipadmusie was form of musiermaking based inet pe erosion of boundaries between the an tpase, the performer and the audience, cena, people were starting to make music esther own and their friends’ pleasure, with fei or no commercial motivation. Music was Homing, once again, localized and made for ealler communities of people. The paradox sivaital’s argument is that the movement wards the localization of music is occurring sta time when we seem to be caught up in a rapid globalization of the world’s all much more societies. in contrast to such large-scale social struc- tural theories, the 1970s and 1980s saw the emergence of a new approach, known as the ‘production of culture’ perspective (Peterson 1976; Becker 1982). Here, music and other cultural products are viewed as social activi ties that have to be analysed in relation to the processes and contexts in which they are produced. For example, Peterson and Berger (1975) studied pop musicbylookingat‘Number hits in the USA between 1948 and 1973, comparing, the number of performers and lyrics. They found that competition between large and small recording companies in the production of music was a key factor in explaining innova- tions. In periods of high market concentration (when just four companies produced she Mer 75 per cent of all hit singles), there was Htele Innovation hecause there was ne need 1 ie for novelty orto introduce new products lowever, as the lage companies fost thelr Monopoly on radio pronation of snusic and smaller companies were able to gain a foot hold, innovation increased What Peterson and Berger were able show through their eareful analysis of how PoP music is actually produced (the production of culture) is that innovation and increasing diversity followed changes in snarket concen~ tration, they did not Jead it. Thus, innovation ‘was not down to the creative genius oF power ful consumers demanding new music but more to do with the prevailing conditions of the music industry (see also Negus 1999)- Music is also part of people's self-identity, something that is readily seen in fan subcul- tures. Itwould be easy to dismiss the activities of pop music fans, from The Beatles to One Diection, as trivial and fleeting. Yet studies of ‘fandom’ show that the ‘thousands of fan discussion groups, web sites, and mailing lists populating the Web are only eclipsed in pres ence by pornography (which, of course, has its own thriving fan base’ (Gray et al. 2007: 7). In these online forums and offline events, partic patory fan subcultures develop which are intense sources of identification and belong ing. Moving online has also demonstrated that fans cannot be dismissed as brainless and uneducated dupes and are perfectly capable of engaging in creative practices and intelligent discourse. As Duffett (2014: 4) argues, ‘fandom seems to be at the forefront of an astute, techno-savyy consumer culture.’ Tia DeNora’s Music in Everyday Life (2000) adopts an interactionist approach, exploring the way individuals use music in the construc- tion of the self and personal experience. The ook is based on in-depth interviews with women in the USA and the UK and participant observation of ‘music in action’ in aerobics classes, karaoke evenings and music therapy sessions in retail settings. Music is not only something to be used, according to DeNora, it can also influence people's actions. For instance, a routine car journey to the shops =THE MEDIA can easily become a secondary aim to listening to music on the car stereo. Hearing a particu- lar opening chord or melody can reorientate people’sactions, turning them away from their previous course. DeNora argues that people often behave rather like disc jockeys to their own selves, choosing musicto create or change their mood and to alter the way they experience social life. And though sociology has lagged hehind other disciplines in the academic study of music, DeNora(2000:x) notes that musicis‘a dynamic material, a medium formaking, sustaining and changing social worlds and activities’, though. this cannot be understood in the abstract and has tobe explored within the different contexts, in which music is used. In this way, empiri- cal studies could bring together the structural sociological theories of music and individual experience of itin order to enhance our under- standing of ts ‘social powers’. 166 For most people, music forms a key aspect of their personal identity Globalization and the digitization of music David Held and his colleagues (1988 33) argued that ‘the musical forms onethitlen itselt0 globalization more etfectivelythanay other” ‘this is because musi is abl to tan, scend the limitations of written and splen language to reach and appeal toa massau- ence, The global music industry, dominsedy a small number of multinational corporations, hhas been built on the ability to find, produ, market and distribute the musical abilesof thousands of artists to audiences around be world. Over recent decades, an ‘nse complex’ of companies has developed aspat of the global marketing and distribution music. Direct downloading of muse i Internetis the present state-of-the-art pact exemplified by Spotify, Apple Musicandott streaming services tatahe global industry Inv recorded music 1 one of the most cancentated The fora larg npanics PMI. Universal, Warner ain. dterman and MeChesney 1997) The proba music dndstry experienced stan BY avons ling, the mid-1990s, with salog te developing countries particularly strong mpting many of the top companies to more local artists sn anticipation of further darker growth. The prowth ofthe global music industry in the postwar period was primarily a result of the success of popular musie ~ o hating mainly in America and Britain ~ and the spread of youth cultures that identify with jt (Held et al. 1999). Processes of globalization have therefore been one of the main forces in the diffusion of American and British music genres o international audiences, Yet the growing popularity of ‘world music’ - such as the phenomenal success of Latin-inspired sounds in the USA - shows that globalization may lead to cultural diffusion in more than one direction. Similarly the growing, popularity of Korean pop music ~ ‘K-pop’ ~ which was popularized by the success of Psy’s 2012 single ‘Gangnam Style’, owes much to community networks on social media rather than to conventional, top-down corporate marketing (Jung and Shim 2014). Although the music industry has become more concen- trated, it has proved particularly vulnerable to Internet file-sharing and illegal downloads. If Internet distribution does not need a complex production and distribution network of shops, factories and warehouses, what will be left of the music business? In 2000, the record industry filed several lawsuits against the small company behind Napster - a software program that allows people to trade files over the Intemet - forcing it to stop providing the software. In 2003, the Recording Industry Association of America (RIAA) sued 261 individuals for music piracy, having found that, on average, each had cown- loaded about 1,000 songs. A landmark case in 2007 sawa single individual - Jammie Thomas- Rasset from Minnesota - taken to court for music daring online and fined HS 5222000 tn2009, she warfound guilty afeopyright viol tion on nyenty four song, and the canspantes involved were awateled $1.97 anillion. fre 20122 the original fine waereinstated. While Thomas Rasset petitioned the Supreme Court. in 201 the ease, though the RIAA said it ie open to a much lower settlement. try 2008 the RIAA dropped charges against thirty. five other people, saying that it would look to W refused ton reach agreements with service providers to control piraey by persuading them tn cancel theaceounts of illegal file-sharers (lagi 2011) Wikstrim (2009) argues that the digital three music revolution is characterized b central features: connectivity, music as a ateur production. First, while the ‘old’ music industry centred on the corpo- rate control of music to maximize revenue, the new digital business is about connectivity the links between producers and their audi- ence. The Internet has (potentially) enabled everyone in the producer-audience network to upload music, not merely passively to receive i industry is high in connectivity but low in producer control. Second, the old industry was based on sales of physical products such as vinyl records, cassettes and CDs, but the digital industry shifts to the provision of access to music services. As soon as music is uploaded onto the web it becomes freely available, thus reducing, its commercial value. However, people may still be prepared to pay for services that help them to find what they want amid the vast amount of online music. ‘Third, music audiences today can become amateur producers, creatively remixing their favourite professionally recorded music and publishing online. If these amateur producers are also the ones who attend concerts and buy merchandise, then itisin the interests of music companies not to challenge them or their practices but to work with and encourage them (Wikstrém 2009: 7-8). What Wikstrém (and ‘Using your sociological imagination 18.2’) describes are some of the practical realities, conflicts and trade-offs as digitization trans- forms the music industry. service and an ‘This means the nes 767pie MEDIA Internet mut y yuch co ofthe globally nan mstan for artists andi consumers = makes muste puacy § Consider ta harmless act implications for recording 21 Ta poaT RIAA (Recorama Industy Homenica] estimated the maustry hat £1 billion in revenue Sowmioads In 2009, RIAA announy Jie}, sates were down 18 per ce 2007 to 2008 ~ the lowest le PIAA estimated that ‘globally only One Fownloads is authonzed, and online in many markets isin the icin No industry could survive fo =a rapid loss of income. So the ree companies ha copyright infrngement wher Licenced musics governed PY national Jaw, and the recording industry continues to aggressively PUrSS® all the legal remedies available to curtail jegal music downloads inthe United States ae pteduce piracy, especially overseas, The industry, of course, also encourages all legal aaeeyo download services, such as Tunes, and international copyright subscription sites, such as Spouly. ‘the corporate music industry is tying ( come to terms with the consequences of digi- tization, Global music sales have been fallin between 2000 and 2009, annual record sales were down from $40 billion (£22 billion) (0 $17 billion (Gammons 2011: xix). ‘The sector has undergone large-scale redundanciesand been forced to restructure. Many in the musicindus- try claim that the swapping of music files (such ‘as MP3s) over the Internet is one of the major causes of lost revenue. Although attempts are being made to impose tighter controls on the replication of legally purchased music, the pace of technological change eclipses the industry's ability to curtail piracy (see “Using your sociological imagination 18.2’) 768 exc can be shared a huge beneft ‘Yet the Internet also pany that many people ‘and the economic are substantial ‘Association of jost nearly yustérom mega MUSIC fed that music nt worldwide from evel ever. in 2010, business cannot escape the cha of 20 ; iracy rates ty of 99 per cent” viongonsuch Buy. odin wwe no choice but to pursue ever they find it and By April 2008, the Tunes the largest musts retailer wen Mt By 2010, according ta Apts gu pad downloaded longi Ven Sweden, No ay and Fi Intemet, mustc artists today cap aon S today can nt? ever have imagined ~ through in Lert cae and subseription services yt om 8 Hoviever mt Internet, The recordin: enges ot ga 19 companies 2° how to produce music constra, smug using a format and/or a service thet Obey 2 hey rene Source: Biagh (2011: 106), Given the enormous nt 2 who have illegally cowalsaacas People | reasons can you olfer as to why tee fee} like criminals? Should music 2° decriminalized, pursued with me "| mi } or is there another solution to the pa lent Broadcasting music on radio was also initially described by the music industry as ‘piracy’. Record labels worried that if people could hear the latest releases over their radios they would not buy records and the business would be undermined. Eventually ratherthan maintaining outright opposition, the labels incorporated radio use of copyright material into their business models with royalties paid by radio stations (Marshall 2015). In a similar process, the music industry today has begun to offer legal download services ~ Spotify being the most notable example to date. This downloading is legal because royalties are paid on the songs to record labels and arts By the end of 2004, more than 125 milionloads of songs had been purchased gal down! by | ‘music download chan’ had industry’s initial rejection of the Internet its successful adaptation is now perceived to be crucial to its future The development of the press during the nine teenth century occurred at a time of political and social unrest in Europe. The UK govern ment, for example, exerted its control over the emerging newspaper industry through strict 1 sedition, which prevented mp 9 ensure that newspapers laws on libel a political agit tax was imposed could be afforded only by the well-off. ‘the stamp tax had unintended consequences, as there emerged illegal Pamphlets such as William Cobbett’s weekly nd inexpensive “the Medi physical newsp: nain popular Political Register, spreading radical views among the newly industrial working class (Dyck 1992) The stamp tax - condemned by its eppo- was finally nents as a ‘tax on knowledge’ repealed in 1855 after a series of reductions, Iden era of leading many writers to hail urked by from official to popular control’ (Koss 1973) An alternative view is put forward by Curran 1003), who argue that the repeal British journalism, a “transition and Seaton of the stamp tax was an attempt to break the popularity of the radical press and to boost the sales of more ‘respectable’ newspapers funded by private owners and advertisers. The repeal of the stamp tax introduced not a new era of press freedom but a time of repression and ideological control, this time by market forces rather than government u tant development in the history of modern newspaper was a fundamentally impor-eatin, breanse 1 parkay types of infomation i 9 Milt replies finmat. Newspay {na single package, information on current affnirs, entenainment and consumer pods “The cheap daily press was pioneered fn the ni) many different J one easily s eontained. United States with the ‘one-cent daily” paper in New York, The invention of cheap News: print was the key to the mass diffasion of newspapers from the late nineteenth entry onwards. By the early twentieth century, ownershi of much of the UK newspaper industry was concentrated in the hands of a few rich entre~ prencurs. By the 1930s, Lords Beaverbrook, Camrose, Kemsley and Rothermere owned 550 per cent of British national and local daily papers and 30 per cent of the Sunday papers. Critics have claimed that the ‘press barons’, as they became known, used their ownership of national newspapers to promote their own political causes and ambitions (Curran and Seaton 2003) Forhalfa century or more, newspapers were the chief way of conveying information quickly and comprehensively to a mass public. But their influence waned with the rise of radio, cinema and - much more importantly - televi- sion and, increasingly, the Internet. Figures for newspaper readership suggest that the proportion of people who read anational daily paper in Britain has been in terminal decline since the early 1980s. At the end of the twenti- eth century those men who read daily newspa- pers fell from 76 per cent in 1981 to 60 per cent in 1998-9; readership levels are lower among women, butasimilar drop ~ from 68 per cent to 51 percent - also took place (ONS 2000). Newspapers, particularly the tabloid press (which targets a mass audience, in contrast to the so-called broadsheets), have become focused less on providing news and more on reporting, creating and sustaining a celeb- rity culture to combat falling circulation (Cashmore 2006). The role of newspapers and television in creating a climate in which celebrity culture can flourish alerts us to what some sociologists, following the ‘production of culture’ approach (discussed below), have 770 called the ‘celebrity ing Wate Wit shal bea celcteayy YC Carnuytsa peru soe Although meee be Known move fr aha ad plate lives than en Berane? for their ney al Others become celebrities jer Ne veMen” making it into magazines aq”) Fegun appearing on television, OF couse, the celebrity eu persand on television re d newsp ean Tewspapen ture in and demanding, audience ne ana pre also participate in the produeuon a culture and we do itin knowing ways (2 °Dtity 1994), We know that many of oat (Gamson, have no major achievements to off ties their fame will probably be short-jao hat we get bored with the ee 'm we simply move. to the next one. In this way, celepyane’® become commodities for our conse via their media representations. Nonere" despite the apparent publicaddicion gt rity, the continuing decline innewspyyt indicates that celebrity news will poke be enough to save conventional news 3 Indeed, online communication mae bite further into news ht we : Paper circulation yen information and celebrity gossip is ayisne online via numerous websites almost inn taneously and is constantly updated dian, the course of the day. Many nevspapa themselves can also be accessed and ray online free of charge, though some ae wi ling pay-per-view and subscription services, In the longer term it would seem that te age of paper-only newspapers may be drawings a close as companies are already diversifing their output into new media forms in order survive. “The pressures on the newspaper industy show how the digital revolution is transfor ing modern communications. Newspapets may survive into the future if they can adapt to online news services, but the Intemet worldwide web and digitization tend to cam lize earlier media forms, undermining pe ous business models. Having reachedconclusion, isnow tine to look at som ries of media which will help to set the cha discussed so far in a broader perspective, THINKING CRETT Gan paper-based newspapers survive the Internet revolution? How could the newspaper business change, and what new practices could it adopt to maximize its opportunities of gaining and holding on to readers? Theorizing the media In this section we examine four influential theoretical approaches to the study of the mass media: functionalism, conflict theory, symbolic interactionism and recent postmod- em media theory. As we will see, there are widely divergent views on the role and func- tions of the media within societies, and our fourfold categorization here is not an exhaus- tive one in the field of media studies. ‘unctionalism In the mid-twentieth century, functionalist theorists focused on the ways in which the media help to integrate and bind societies together. Following the media theorist Denis ‘MeQuail (2000), we can identify several impor- tant social functions of the media that may work to stabilize the social system 1 Information The media provide a continu- ‘ous flow of information from webcams and radio reports alerting us to traffic jams, rolling weather reports, the stock market, and news stories about social and political issues. 2 Correlation ‘The media help us to under- stand the meaning of the information they provide. In this way they provide support for established social norms and have an important role in the socialization of chil- dren, contributing a shared framework for the interpretation of events. “the Media 8 Continuity the me tion in expressi ia have a certain func- f the dominant culture, recognizing new social developments but also forging common values. Entertainment ‘The media provide amuse- ment and a diversion from work, thus reducing. social tensions, Entertainment acts asa release valve for society's problems and conflicts, Mobilization The media can be used to persuade and encourage people to contrib- lute to economic development, to uphold moral rules and to mobilize the population in times of war. This can be via direct public ‘campaigns but is usually more subtle in the morality tales of soap operas and films. Functionalist theories of the media - along with the functionalist approach in general ~ have fallen into decline. There are several reasons why sociologists have moved away from functionalism. First, it appears to do litde more than describe the media's current roles rather than explaining why these exist. Second, functionalist accounts have had little or nothing to say about the audience recep- tion of media products, tending to assume that people are relatively passive rather than active interpreters of media messages. Third, the functions above appear wholly positive, but others see the media as a much ess benign, force. In particular, conflict approaches influ- enced by Marxism see the modern mass media as destructive of society's cultural vitality. Functionalism was introduced in chapter 1, ‘What is Sociology?’ and discussed in chapter 3, "Theories and Perspectives’ Génilict theories a In Europe, conflict approaches to the mass media have had more impact than function- alism, We look at two of the most important theories of the media from a broadly Marxist standpoint: the political economy approach, which concentrates on the ownership andin MEDIA control of mevtia, and the ‘culuure industry” approach of the Frankfurt School of critical ‘theory. The important research of the Glasgow University Media Group isalso rooted in Mars {st eory and is liseussed below. ici ‘comromy approaches Political economy approaches view the media aan industry and examine the way in wich the major means of communication have come to be owned by private interests, Media ‘ownership has often been concentrated in the hands of a few wealthy magnates. In the pre-war era of mass newspaper readership, a handful of press barons’ owned a majority of newspapersand were abletasetthe agenda for news and ts interpretation. nour increasingly slobal age, the ownership of media crosses national borders, and media magnates now ‘own transnational media corporations, giving them international recognition and influence Pethaps the best known of these is Australian- bor Rupert Murdoch, the owner of Sky Digital, Fox Broadcasting Company and other ‘media organizations. Advocates of a political economy view argue that economic interests in media ownership work to exclude less powerful voices. Moreo- ver, the voices that do survive are those least likely to criticize the prevailing distribution of wealth and power (Golding and Murdock 1997), This view was famously advanced by the American linguist and radical writer Noam Chomsky (1991). Chomsky is highly critical of the dominance of large corporations over the American and global media and the tight control of information provided to the public During the Cold War, for example, these corporations controlled information to create a climate of fear in the West about the Soviet Union. Since the collapse of the USSR, Chom- sky maintains that corporately owned media have exaggerated people's fears of global terrorism. This prevents the airing and proper discussion of other issues that are, arguably, more significant, such as the unaccountabil- ity of corporations or the lack of democracy. Chomsky sees the mass media as disseminat- ing propaganda in support of ruling groups. 72 ont BIAS the ea the study of the media ts closely Impaetofideology insaciety. 1 the influence of ideas on peor actions, and the coneent has in media studies, The Wy teated tothe Weologyrefersty P's belts ang een widely use St coined, er, Dest ‘science of term was fir in the late 1700s by a French writ dle Tracy, who used Ito refer tos ideas, which he thought would bea hee of ‘noted De Tracy's view has been a as a ‘neutral’ conception of ideology. é conceptions discuss face taal icological, but this does not i 7 social classes or groups. a In the hands of later authors, ‘de, for example, sa ideology as importns the reproduction of relations of class omy nation, Powertul groups are ble to cone the dominant ideas circulating in society justify ther own position. Thus, according, Marx, religion is often ideological: it teaches the poor to be content with their lot. The social analyst should uncover the distorion, of ideology to allow the powerless to grins true perspective on theirlives, Critical natins of ideology ‘convey a negative, citcal op pejorative sense’ and carry within them ‘an implicit criticism or condemnation’ (Thomp. son 1990: 53-4), ‘Thompson argues that the critical notion is preferable because it links ideology wit power. Ideology is about the exercise of symbolic power ~ how ideas are used to hide, justify or legitimate the interests of dominant groups in the social order. In their numerous studies, the Glasgow University Media Group analyse the ideological aspects of TV nevs reporting and how it systematically generates bias. For example, news reports on indus trial disputes tend to favour government and management rather than striking workers. general, Thompson claims that mass media ~ including not only the news but al varieties of programme content and gente - grealy expand the scope of ideology in mode societies. They reach mass audiencesand®— in his terms, based on ‘quast-inte that is, audiences cannot answer direct way. In media and communication a particular type of analysis — analysis = has been widely media products. Discourse from the premise that language ig n fami mental part of social life whieh ts related ay allother aspects (Fairclough 1992). Diseoune analysis is used to examine texts o Kinds, though there are different versione of it (van Dijk 1997), For example, some stud. ies engage in a detailed analysis of tent, nd documents, while others, drawing on ‘oucault’s ideas, connect texts to theories of society, exploring the way that discourses construct and shape social life itself. Fait. clough argues that ‘text analysis is an essen tial part of discourse analysis, but discourse analysis is not merely the linguistic analysis of texts (2003:3). Texts can be newspaper articles and personal diaries, but they can also be tran. scripts of interviews, ethnographic conver. sations and focus groups, films, television programmes and web pages. Discourses are ‘systems of thought’ or ways of thinking about and discussing the world within a particular framework. Discourses erect boundaries around subjects, which limit what can sensibly be said about them. ‘The recent discourse on ‘Islamic terrorism sets the terms of debate for discussion of this phenomenon, ruling out alternative concep- ions of those involved, as ‘freedom fighters’ or ‘terrorists using Islam to justify their acts’, for example. In critical discourse analysis, such discursive practices are linked to wider social structures of inequality and power relations, so that the ideological aspects can be identified and opened up for examination. According to Fairclough (1989: 15), ‘language connects with the social through being the primary domain of ideology, and through being both assite of, and a stake in, struggles for power.” As we see in ‘Classic studies 18.1, the work of the Glasgow University Media Group shows What critical content analysis can add to our action’ - back tna studtie used (0 study analysts hepin f many ‘The Media erstanding of news reporting in cenflict ations, Mec culture industry Members of the Frankfurt School of critical theory (see chapter 3 for a discussion), such a8 Theodor Adamo (1903-69), were critical of the effects of mass media on the population and on culture. The Frankfurt School was established during the 1920s and 1930s and Consisted ofa loose group of theorists inspired by Marg, who nevertheless saw that the latter's Views needed radical revision. Among other things, they argued that Marx had not given enough attention to the influence of culture in modern capitalist societies Members of the Frankfurt School argued that leisure time had effectively been industri- alized. Their extensive studies of the ‘culture industry’ - such as the entertainment indus- triesoffilm, TV, popular music, radio, newspa- pers and magazines - have been very influen- tial in the field of cultural studies (Horkheimer and Adorno 2002 [1947]). They claimed that, in ™ass societies, the production of culture had become just as standardized and dominated by the desire for profitasin other industries. In ‘amass society, the leisure industry was used to induce appropriate values among the public: leisure was no longer a break from work, but a reparation for it Members of the Frankfurt School main- tained that the spread of the culture industry, With its undemanding and standardized prod- ucts, undermined the capacity of individu- als for critical and independent thought. Art disappears, swamped by commercialization - “Mozatt’s greatest hits’ forexample, orstudent posters of the great works of art - and culture is replaced by simple and undemanding enter- tainment. Why should a poster of da Vinci's Mona Lisa or Van Gogh's The Starry Night be described as ‘undemanding’ when the original is not? Is there a positive side to mass reproduction of this kind? 773Le Jalal Does mass reproduction equal cultural destruction? Conflict theories remain popular in media studies, though they are subject to some of the same criticisms as functionalist theories. ‘There is a tendency to assume that people are unable to resist media propaganda and are easy prey for it. Like functionalists, the early critical theorists paid little of no attention to audience reception of media messages, focus- ing instead on the production of culture. The Frankfurt School's damning critique of mass culture has also been seen as linked to their defence of the high culture ~ classical music, opera, painting and the arts ~ favoured by social elites (Swingewood 197). This is some- what paradoxical, of course, given the Marxist origins of critical theory. As we will see later, this distinction between high and ‘low’ or popular culture was seized upon and attacked by postmodern media theorists in the 1980s and 1990s, 716 / Wits to assert that the public sphere in society was in trouble (see the discussion of Haber. mas's ideas in ‘Classic studies 18.2). In Tie Fall of Public Man (2003 (1977]) Richard Sennett sought to explain the origins ofthe separation of public and private spheres, arguing that these have become discon. nected, both physically - with the separate development of residential housing estates, workplaces and leisure developments (includ- ing shopping arcades) ~ and philosophical, in the way we think about our distnet private lives. However, over time, the private sphere hhas tended to take over the public sphere For instance, politicians are judged more on their personal characteristics, such as honesy and sincerity, than on their ability to pesfom public roles. The advent of modern vist especialy television, has ledto abitJlirgen Habermas ~ the rise and fall of the public sphere { | oblem, | o reseaFeh PrN roped alongside mn dom particularly newspapers and | oe a, particularly NEWSPAPETS ane te mass jon. Ina very real s cal | o1 7P yed and encouraced seen negate ating a climate of general process te How did such a radical hit happer owtably failing democracies? The eer and sonlogtt Jurgen German (1920-). one of the last influential these . tion err oi ads 1989 (1962) developed rie 68 HR 1 OED ol herons, rooted iy his abiding interest in directors ne process of democracy. He gue ade proves of masa. anayevase media from the early eighteenth ofthe to the present, acing the creation and certeauent decay of the ‘public sphere’. For erie is anarena of vane debate in which issues of general concem ee eee oem fecessary for effective democratic participation gndols the wheels of the democratic process ‘Rocording 10 Habermas, the public sphere developed in the salons and coffee houses of seventeenth and eighteenth-century London, Pars and other European cities. People would meet to discuss issues of the moment, with poltical debate being a matter of particular ‘importance. Although only small numbers ofthe population were involved in the salon caitwes, Habermas argues salons were vital to theearly development of democracy because they introduced the idea of resolving political Problems through public discussion, The ublic sphere — at least in principle - involves, ‘ndWviduals coming together as equals in a forum ‘orpublic debate. However, the promise offered by the early Siiepment ofthe public sphere has not been ‘yrealized, Democratic debate is now stifled by the development of te culture industry The spread of mass meetin and my causes the pube sphere to s a sham. Poltics is stage-managed in Parliament and the mass media, while commercial interests triumph over those of the public opmion’ 1s no longer formed through open, rational discussion but through manipulation and control—as, for example, in advernsing On the other hand, the spread of global media can put pressure on authoritarian governments to loosen their hold over state-controlled broadcasting outlets, and many ‘closed’ societies such as China are discovering that the media can become a powerful force in support of democracy. As the global media become increasingly commercialized, they encroach on the public sphere. Commercialized media are beholden to the power of advertising revenue and compelled to favour content that guarantees high ratings and sales. As a resuk, entertainment will necessarily triumph over controversy and debate, weakening citizen participation in public afairs and shnvelling the public sphere. The media, which promised so much, have now become part of the problem with democracy. Yet Habermas remains optimistic, He argues that itis stil possible to envisage a political community beyond individual nation- states in which issues can be openly debated and where public opinion will influence governments, Critical points Habermas's ideas have been subject to an important critique. The salon culture that he holds up as an arena of civilized, rational debate Was strictly limited to the higher social classes and was beyond the reach of the workang class. In shor, it was an elitist pasime that bore litle real resemblance to the needs of mass democratic participation. Habermas's view that the modem mass media are destructive of the public sphere has also been seen as misguided. As we will see below, Thompson (1995) argues that the media actually enable more public debate by aiting a variety 177rove ria. 0, ey cece pecoimacon wee oY ret ete enantio staple con * ges Fo tty mat tiniest mene c cen, WoC hot Eig feet ee wot naib gga Ae tonto ‘te medba, eked penn 0 Hb TCE THINKING CRITICALLY sung Sone) | ee vem wc tessa ese fan ec fase | “sinaoartecr Fie ean epee of wed | garantie ently cated peti fan cae suse YSERA owes, eae sone pbs wath | perms Howser she aye ‘tne police prs | pa aoselmeda? 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Drawing partly on the work of Habermas, Thompson (1990, 1995) analysed the rela. tionship between the media and industri societies from carly forms of print through to Glectronic communication. He argues that the main founders of sociology - Marx, Weber and Durkheim - paid litte attention tothe role of media in shaping even the early develop- ment of modern society. Sympathetic to some of the ideas of Habermas, Thompson is also critical of him, as he is of the Frankfurt Schoo! and of Baudrillard’s postmodern position, In common with the Frankfurt School, Thomp- son (1995: 42-3) says, too offen Habermas tends to treat people as the passive recipients ‘of media messages rather than active agents: ‘able 18,2 Types of interaction ‘The M jes are commonly dieeussed nurse of reception and subsequent tit... Ry] ate transformed through an ongoing process of telling and tetelling, interpretation and reinterpretation. commentary laughter and criticism. By aking hold of messages and routinely ‘incorporating them into our ives...» are Constantly shapingand reshaping our skills and stocks of knoseledge, testing our feelings and tastes, and expanding the horizons of our experience, Media mess by inalviduals in the ‘Thompson's theory of the media rests on @ distinction between three types of interaction (ee table 18.2). Face-to-face interaction, such as people talking at a party, is rich in the cues used by individuals to make sense of what others say. Mediated interaction involves the use of technology such as paper, electrical connections or electronic impulses. Mediated interaction is stretched out in time and space and goes way beyond the contexts of face-t0- face interaction. It takes place between indi- vidualsin a direct way - say, two people talking on a phone - but there is no opportunity for non-verbal cues. A third type is mediated quasi-interaction. This refers to the sort of social relations created by the mass media, Such interaction is stretched across time and space but does \Y/ imteractional Face-to-face Mediated interaction Mediated quasi- characteristics interaction fnaveclies ‘Space-time Context of co- Separation of contexts; Separation of contexts constitution reference presence; shared extended availabilty extended availabilty in system spatial-temporal ime intime and space sme and space and space Range of symbolic —-Maliplicity ofsymbolie Narrowing ofthe rowing of the range cues cues range of symbolic symbolic cues cues Oriented towards an ‘Action orientation _—_Oriented towards cre tora cranial ee Ee o potential recipients al Monological Dialogical Dialogical Dialogic monological Source: Thompson (1995 WTHE MEDIA not Tink individuals directly ~ henee the term “quasi-interaction’, The two previous types are ‘dinlogical’ — Individuals communteate in a direet way bit mediated quasi-interaction is ‘monological’, ATV programme, for example is. one-way form of monological communi ion, Peaple warching the programme may discuss it and perhaps shout at their set, but it Goes not answer back Thompson's point is that all three types of interaction intermingle in our lives today and that the media change the balance between the public and the private. Unlike Sennett and Habermas, Thompson argues that this shift brings more into the public domain than before, not less, and often leads to more debate and controversy. Postmoctern theorists see things rather differ enily: some consider that mediated quasi- interaction dominates the other two types, with dramatic and negative consequences for social life. More people today appear on television to discuss moral and political issues on audience discussion shows, such as those of Oprah Winfrey in the USA or Jeremy Kyle in the UK, and in so-called ‘reality televi- n', such as Big Brother and numerous others. In addition, millions of people watch {home and discuss their content at work, n coffee shops, pubs and other gathering places. In the case of the global phenomenon of Big Brother, audiences interact with the show, voting for evictions of participants and commenting in online forums and spin- off shows. But are such programmes really providing new public spaces for engagement in a vibrant public sphere, oris thisjust cheap, trashy TV for the masses? In an empirical study of audience diseus- sion shows, Livingstone and Lunt (1993) used a multi-method approach involving focus group discussions, individual inter~ views, textual analysis of the programmes and a survey questionnaire to gather the views of studio audiences and home vie ers. They argue that these programmes do deal with current issues as they affect people's everyday experiences, but they are 780 — not ‘documentaries and tong wiewersas community memo py programmes do not casi ft ings yt TY genre (Gregor Signes 29g) participation depend largety gy 4 Sree 5 of the genre i Iarly open atid undefined. Sonne people and experts sitting topeine host moves around wi ‘th a microph experts can be questioned ang pM Nie Dale " IM this he wy ™e, and thus made accountable they are public spaces for qh democracy, which is reinforce systematic prioritization of the the expert perspective (Livingston, 1993). However, this positive "aNd Ly conclusion questioned as the study did not exyy ‘interactional dynamics’ of the acna can bg one the Asus Portan, Peaks ang actual sions (Hutchby 2005), This is an , criticism because the issue of who spa whenis a fundamental partot shapinges progression, usually dominated and aja by the host, which means that the programa, may not be stich open, public forums arte appear in audience and participants’ accoury of them (Tolson 2005). ia ‘There have also been allegations of actors being hired and paid to take part in disey sion programmes, such as that of jer Springer in the USA and Vanessa Felts show in the UK, The latter was cancelled in 1993 when it was revealed that an agency had been used to source several audience member, ‘These episodes are reminders of Neil Post. man’s argument that television is primar. an entertainment medium, (0 which all of its other potentially useful functions ate subordinated. How satisfactory is Thompson's threefold schema? How mightitbe argued that television is becoming less monological and more dialogical inthe digital age’theory Pontmadern the publication ot J ae 1a 4 Postmodern Cavullte tyenard’s The (nea), trains had to contend with 9 eev al vem meienee, Knowledge and culture a pe with the progessive, mderntst heats of aoddeva life since the Fnlightenment Trion Lyotard argued that the great meta rt al l aman progress and historical development - nein decline. Science continues, but, in the wake of global warming and nuclear weapons, sho now believes it leads inexorably to a peter life for all? Technologies develop, and nore of us have smartphones and digital TVs, put. in the light of recent terrorism, wars and jersistent_undernourishment sec angone ail belevein enn progress? For postmodern thinkers he demise bf metanarratives may be a positive develop ment. It means that we live in a period when people are forced to face modernity head-on Fith no grand illusions. We live in a time of nd famine, ushuman conscious modemity’ or po-\snoce rn (Bauman 1992, 1997), ‘The postmodern world is marked by alackof certainty, a mixing and matching of styles and senres, anda playfulnessin relation to cultural products. In pop music, there is sampling, the mixing of original racks with new rhythmsand rap, mash-ups ~ songs created by blending wo or more recorded songs - and many more hyorid forms. In film, David Lynch's seminal Blue Velvet (1986) merged time periods and historical eras seamlessly, with vehicles from the 1950s, 1960s and 1970s driving the same 1900s streets. And, in art, postmodern trends reject the idea of a progressive ‘avant-garde’, instead mixing high and popular formsin play- {ul ‘post-progressive’ ways. Lyotard saw such playful mixing as marking the end of specific genres. As Western culture has run into the sand, he said, all that is left to do is ‘play with thepieces’. Moutilard and hyperreality One of the most influential contemporary media theorists is the French postmodernist paza2n07), whose by the ideas of led the andattont ( nye 2 yy Baudeiard caged! tne : modern mas M dia as being ha ia technolog pears ee rea men, porte ves 0 work Mars nd proton hat of any ‘the coming, of etectronte media ved the verynature o id ww ch as tele fourlives. 7 increasingly ter Aancee wrisan whieh wee poesyand'postmenern) #4 sta taygany at arly si aa ells Tere was ome - BOL aorta he wan posibe co separa aoa ne neal word of events. rom med seavematone afta sod So frinsane Jeune eat word eve may bea war with ana ernie consequences fr te combatants anu evitans eau pn it-the medi rePO ats war and inform us of what is HAPPEN” inp These ro anpeets the reality and the can be of representations - wer things. tut Baudrillard (1963) argues that the border between reality and its representa- tions has collapsed and we can no longer separate representations from reality. But why not? After all, there are still wars and there are still reporters sending back images and reports on them, Baudrillard argues that media representations are, in fact, part of the hyperreal world and cannot be seen as separate from it. As the vast majority of people only ever ‘know’ about foreign wars, celebrities, politicians, and much more via media representations of them, their real- ity is shaped, determined even, by media is a world representations. in which the ultimate guarantor of authen- ticity and reality is precisely that we have seen it on TV or other media, which makes t ‘more real than the real’. This may be part of an explanation for the growth of celebrity culture, where the only acceptable sign of significance is to appear on TV or in newspa- pers or magazines. Just before the outbreak of hostilities in the first Gulf War in 1991, Baudrillard wroteTHE MEDIA ult War fa newspaper article entitled “the Will Not Take Place’. When war was declared and a bloody conflict took place, it might seem obvious that Baudrillard was wrong Nota bit oft, After the war, Baudrillard (2004 gi}) then wrote, The Gulf War Did Not Take What could he possibly mean? His nent is that this war was not like others Itawas a war of the media age, which, along with ss history. a televisual spectacle, i ns of viewers throughout the world, US ind the pres mill President George Bush Senior dent of Iraq, Saddam Hussein, watched the coverage on CNN to see what was actually ‘happening’. Baudrillardargues that, inamedia- age a new reality ~ hyperreality - is created, composed of the intermingling of people's behaviour and media representations. The world of hyperreality is constructed of simu- lacra - images which only get their meaning urated, In what way was the 2003 im from other images and hence ing in an ‘external reality’, 4 1°" key series of advertisements fo, /°#nynt comparison website Comparey Munn” for example, barely refers to ign Me en Instead it alludes t0 previous Ree series, building charactors tan ae concerning an anthropomorphyre, ling meerkats. Similarly, no potiieal amity can hope to win an election iret tg, appear constantly on television they dy a jon of the leader is the ong na! tery know ~ a hyperteal person who othe, than the r mote Baurillard’s theory is seductive the global mass media and certain taken seriously. However, it can that, once again, it treats the as passive recipients of media than as active participants and even resist them. Ma an nly has, i be objec mann People able te eh (engage wi NY SOcial movemen jon of Iraq a hyperreal event?