Gender Identities and Social Class

Student Name: Jinyue Zhang (Evelyn)

Course:

Date:
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Gender Identities and Social Class

Willis' Learning to Labour: How Working Class Kids Get Working Class Jobs and

Skeggs' (Dis)Identifications of Class: on Not Being Working Class delve into the

intricacies of class identity, particularly examining the cognitive differences in how

working-class men and women perceive their social standing. Willis (2007: 2) and

Skeggs (1997: 126) contend that working-class males take pride in their class position,

whereas their female counterparts engage in a form of dissimulation regarding their

social status. Lower-class women often express their class animosity by ridiculing

affluent, assertive women for their exclusivity. Conversely, high-status women

strategically use discussions about promiscuity to underscore their social advantage

(Armstrong et al., 2014: 118). This essay aims to explore the reasons behind the

contrasting attitudes toward working-class men and women. Additionally, it will extend

the analysis to encompass the intersection of gender identities and social class, delving

into the phenomenon of 'slut-shaming' and its dynamics between middle-class and

working-class women. Unpacking these intricacies will contribute to a deeper

understanding of the complexities surrounding the interplay of gender and social class

in shaping individual perceptions and interactions.

The examination of young working-class individuals' perspectives on their class

identification reveals intriguing insights into the nuanced ways in which gender and

social class intersect to shape their views. The study, as highlighted by Skeggs (1997:

126), brings attention to the fact that despite sharing the same class position, young

working-class men and women exhibit distinct attitudes toward their social class. One

key observation is the emergence of a counter-school culture among young working-

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class men, a phenomenon eloquently expounded by Willis (2007: 3). This culture is

characterized by a creative and transformative approach that allows these men to

engage with, reinterpret, and ultimately reproduce elements of the larger culture in their

daily practices. Such a process directs them towards specific types of work, reflecting a

dynamic interaction between their class identity and cultural expressions.

In stark contrast, working-class girls appear to adopt a different stance. They are

described as dis-identified and dissimulated regarding their social class. This implies a

deliberate distancing or concealment of their working-class identity, suggesting a

complex relationship between gender and class. Skeggs (1997: 126) proposes that this

divergence in views can be attributed to gendered social norms, which impose distinct

roles and expectations on young individuals. As a result, the working-class youth,

despite sharing economic circumstances, faces varying imperatives concerning

aspirations, behaviour, and performances of class identity.

A crucial factor contributing to these differences lies in the early socialization of

children into gender roles. Families, media, schools and other institutions shape

fundamental perceptions and expectations associated with gender. Willis (2007:2-4)

states that socialization processes have a strong influence on the acceptance or

rejection of social class. This means that gendered norms and expectations mesh with

the definition of class identity from an early age. Bourdieu’s idea of cultural capital

provides another dimension to understanding these dynamics. According to Bourdieu

(2018: 289), dealing with certain social and cultural circumstances passed on from a

person’s family or class background plays an essential role in the learning process as

well as acquiring affluent individuals to live out societal predominant codes of culture. In
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regard to working-class cultures, it implies that cultural knowledge and practices can be

gendered in the sense that they might cause different class dispositions. Young people

may make sense of or value their class position based on certain forms of cultural

knowledge associated with masculinity or femininity. I have observed differences in the

ways teenagers, boys and girls, perceive or value their class position; these

observations can be interpreted as illustrations of how cultural capital works within

working-class contexts. Armstrong et al. (2014: 104) further reiterate the fact that such

gendered cultural capital helps in developing different class dispositions among young

people.

Gender is not only a factor that shapes the internal dynamics of class experience

but also has an instrumental role to play in determining perceptions and forming

opinions, particularly when it comes to sexual behaviour. A widespread phenomenon is

called the “sexual double standard” and confirms masculinity through sexual

involvement and simultaneously judges that ostracizes feminine energy. This dichotomy

is evident in the disparities between men's and women's expectations for romantic or

sexual interactions, referred to as the "gendered double standard" (Williams & Helen,

2021: 2).

The predominant notion, embedded in the male sex drive paradigm, asserts that

men possess an inherent inclination towards promiscuity, viewing sex as an essential

need necessitating fulfilment and often resulting in involvement with multiple sexual

partners (Williams & Helen, 2021: 2). Oppositely, the presentation of female sexuality

positions it as helpless and susceptible to social condemnation if it varies from

requirements for modesty and fidelity. Williams and Helen (2021: 2-3) focus on the fact
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that individual women were divided into two categories, virtuous virgins or condemned

as being promiscuous “sluts.” Such an intricate relationship between gender and double

standards in sexuality not only influences personal experiences based on class

distinctions but also becomes crucial to how society perceives certain levels of sexual

conduct. Binary divisions of male and female sexuality act as a mirror for stereotypes

that enforce strongly held ideas about virtue and morality based on gender, thus

influencing people's behaviour in national life (Williams and Helen, 2021: 3). This

dichotomy perpetuates a longstanding and influential model of norms directing attitudes

to the sexual behaviours individuals derive from their gender, strengthen expectations

about how men or women should behave.

'Slut-shaming,' which involves the offensive humiliation of females due to

perceived sexual behaviour and appearance, is one that targets women irrespective of

one’s sexual behaviour and appearance and their actual sexual history (Papp et al.,

2016: 240-241). The absence of a comparable term for men underscores the gender-

specific nature of this stigma, stemming from the sexual double standard previously

described. Papp et al. (2014: 241) characterize women's involvement in slut-shaming as

'internalized oppression,' signifying the adoption of hegemonic norms that ultimately

reinforce male power dynamics, rooted in sexual double standards created and

maintained by males to the detriment of women.

Recent research by Williams and Helen (2021: 3) reveals that social class plays

a crucial role in mediating the impacts of sexual stigma along gendered lines. While

slut-shaming has traditionally been examined through a gender-focused lens, class

hierarchies are now influencing distinct experiences of sexual morality among different
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groups of women. Notably, the costs and contexts associated with the phenomenon of

campus "hook-up culture" vividly illustrate the class-based nature of slut-shaming.

Affluent female students possess the social and economic resources to engage in such

activities without suffering reputational damage, thereby avoiding the most severe

labels. In contrast, less privileged women lack this protection from stigma, leading to the

imposition of more restrictive sexual norms (Armstrong et al., 2014: 110). The

intersection of gender and class dynamics thus intricately shapes the landscape of slut-

shaming, highlighting its pervasive nature and the unequal burdens borne by women

across different socio-economic backgrounds.

Before entering college, most young women are already acquainted with the

implicit expectations surrounding sexuality and self-presentation in the party context,

having received guidance from older friends and family. According to Owen et al. (2010:

654), college parties are intricately linked to sexual activity and social capital.

Particularly at residential colleges, these gatherings serve as significant social events

where casual sexual encounters and hook-ups often take place. For high-status and

frequently affluent women in society, active participation in the party scene becomes a

means of expanding their social capital on campus. Social capital, as defined by Dillon

(2010: 408), encompasses the social networks and alliances that connect individuals to

opportunities capable of enhancing their overall capital.

However, the pursuit of social benefits in these party environments also exposes

women to sexual risks and the potential for slut-shaming. Despite warnings for affluent

students to be cautious about jeopardizing their career or marital prospects, some

rationalize their engagement in "sexual exploration" as a preparation for committed

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relationships (Armstrong et al., 2014: 109-110). They perceive a spectrum of intimacy,

with casual sex positioned as an intermediate option between abstinence and

committed partnerships.

The complex interplay between social capital, sexual exploration, and the

associated risks underscores the multifaceted nature of women's experiences in the

college party scene. While seeking to enhance their social standing, these young

women navigate a delicate balance between the perceived benefits of expanding their

networks and the potential consequences, including societal judgment and slut-

shaming. The following acknowledgement of an intimate spectrum reflects the complex

manner in which people, especially those coming from rich backgrounds, negotiate their

decisions amidst the elaborate setting that is college socials.

On the other hand, lower-class women would normally be ridiculed for attempting

to be a part of such groups or when they indulge in any deviant party activities;

sororities and their members are all held up as figures that promote widespread sexual

libidinousness. The judgment directed at these women extends beyond presumptions

about their sexual behaviours, encompassing critiques of their chosen style of femininity

and perceived sense of superiority (Armstrong et al., 2014: 116).

For women occupying higher social strata, the performance of what is deemed

"classy" femininity becomes a means of signalling that they are not sexually deviant or

deemed "trashy." In contrast, women with lower status prioritize qualities such as

niceness over expensive tastes and a sense of exclusivity often associated with their

more privileged counterparts. They regard hook-ups as perilous, drawing clear

distinctions between their more restricted practices and what they perceive as the
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permeability of others. The distinction is exemplified by the sentiments expressed by a

lower-middle-class woman named Olivia: "I have really strong feelings about the whole

sex thing... I know that personally, for me, I would rather be a virgin for as much as I can

than go out and do God knows who and do whatever" (quoted in Armstrong et al., 2014:

112). It thus becomes essential for these socially less privileged women to monitor

themselves and reflect constantly. They move through stereotypes and norms that

society places on them as members of a particular class while also trying to observe

their set principles. This elaborate dance of self-regulation reveals the nuances of being

a young woman who comes from a less socioeconomically well-off background trying to

find her way through and attempting to fit into certain expectations within the college

where student parties take place.

The class differences between the upper and working classes indicate that

wealth insulates one from being labelled by society, while those of lower strata work to

live up to expectations in order to maintain an image. Bourdieu's concept of cultural

capital further sheds light on these class differences, revealing that affluent women can

leverage sexual exploration to amass social advantages on campus without facing the

stigma attached to their economically disadvantaged counterparts (Papp et al., 2016:

241).

In this context, economically disadvantaged women lack the resources

necessary to control external judgments, forcing them to meticulously self-police their

expressions of respectable femininity to evade the looming threat of slut-shaming

(Armstrong et al., 2014: 116). The ability to embody societal norms of beauty, self-

presentation, and status at parties becomes a crucial factor for high-status women.
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Successful adherence to these norms allows them to engage in hook-ups and casual

sexual activities without significant risk of public slut-shaming. Conversely, women

lacking the essential resources, such as time, money, and cultural knowledge required

to project the "classy" image, find themselves without these protective measures, facing

judgment merely for attempting to participate in certain social activities. A revealing

insight from Armstrong et al. (2014: 118) underscores the connection between social

class, sexual privilege, and participation in hook-up culture on residential college

campuses. The observation that women engaging in hook-ups are more likely to be

affluent and white highlights the intertwined dynamics of sexual privilege and social

class, illustrating how certain groups benefit from protective measures while others face

heightened scrutiny and judgment in their pursuit of similar experiences.

In conclusion, this appraisal highlights the persistent centrality of class in defining

modern gender identities and disparities. It highlights how working-class girls and boys

inherit divergent orientations towards their class background, a phenomenon elucidated

by studies conducted by Skeggs (1997: 126) and Willis (2007: 2). Also, the class acts

as a go-between in the domain of sexual stigma demonstrated by campus slut-shaming.

Being a product of patriarchy, slut-shaming comes about because social capital allows

rich women to use sexual liberation for their benefit, and poor women have to move in

sensitive ways just so that they can maintain respectability—this is an example of how

Bourdieu argues concerning class theories outlining production subjectivity. The

persistence of class as a structuring force is discernible beneath the surface of shifting

cultural narratives, manifested in the classed policing of standards of acceptable

femininity (Armstrong et al., 2014: 119). Class inequality, which is almost always
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dismissed casually by most people, still commands some semblance of authority

through various subtle means in the world we live in today and for this reason,

continuous dialectic analysis remains indispensable if one strives to understand and

penetrate its multifaceted layers fully.

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References

Armstrong, E.A., Hamilton, L.T., Armstrong, E.M. and Seeley, J.L., 2014. “Good Girls”

gender, social class, and slut discourse on campus. Social Psychology Quarterly,

77(2), pp.100-122.

Bourdieu, P., 2018. Distinction is a social critique of the judgment of taste. In Inequality

(pp. 287-318). Routledge.

Dillon, M., 2010. Introduction to sociological theory: Theorists, concepts, and their

applicability to the twenty-first century. John Wiley & Sons.

Owen, J.J., Rhoades, G.K., Stanley, S.M. and Fincham, F.D., 2010. “Hooking up”

among college students: Demographic and psychosocial correlates. Archives of

sexual behavior, 39, pp.653-663.

Papp, L.J., Erchull, M.J., Liss, M., Waaland-Kreutzer, L. and Godfrey, H., 2016. Slut-

shaming on Facebook: Do Social Class or Clothing Affect Perceived

Acceptability? Gender Issues, 34, pp.240-257.

Skeggs, B., 1997. Formations of class & gender: Becoming respectable. Formations of

Class & Gender, pp.1-200.

Williams, H., 2021. ‘You Can Spot Them A Mile Off’: Young Women's Negotiations of

Class and the Sexual Culture of Shame. Sexuality & culture, 25(4), pp.1273-

1289.

Willis, P., 2007. How working-class kids get working-class jobs. In CCCS Selected

Working Papers (pp. 1087-1103). Routledge.