Roles and Responsibilities of The Cabinet Office

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Roles and responsibilities of the Cabinet Office

The Cabinet Office is part of the Department of the Prime Minister and Cabinet (DPMC),
and is located on the 10th floor of the Beehive.

Introduction to the Cabinet Office

Cabinet Office supports central government decision making processes in the following
primary ways:

 providing impartial Secretariat services to the Executive


Council, Cabinet and Cabinet committees
 providing advice to the Governor-General, Prime Minister and other ministers on
certain constitutional, policy and procedural issues (especially those contained in
the Cabinet Manual)
 assisting in the coordination of the Government’s legislation programme
 administering the New Zealand Royal Honours System and
 acting as a channel of communication between the Governor-General and the
Government, and being responsible for the overall policy and administration of
Government House.

Other key functions of the Cabinet Office are:

 providing support for elections, the formation of Government, and transitions


between administrations to the Governor-General and the Prime Minister
 producing the Cabinet Manual, CabGuide website, and Honours Lists
 issuing guidance to departments on centre-of-government decision-making issues,
through Cabinet Office Circulars
 briefing Ministers, Ministerial staff, and departmental officials on central
government and Cabinet processes and requirements and
 maintaining a central record of Cabinet and committee submissions and minutes.

Cabinet Office is headed by the Secretary of the Cabinet, who is also Clerk of the
Executive Council. The two positions have distinct roles and responsibilities but are
closely related in their functions of providing impartial support to the Government. The
role of Secretary of the Cabinet is primarily to provide support to Cabinet and its
committees. The role of Clerk of the Executive Council is to provide support to the
Governor-General and Executive Council.

Advisory role
Cabinet Office provides advice to the Governor-General, Prime Minister, and at the
Prime Minister’s direction, to other Ministers and government departments on certain
constitutional, policy, and procedural issues relating to the centre of government,
including:

 policy and procedural aspects of relationships between the Executive, Governor-


General, and Parliament
 the appointment of Ministers
 the administration of Cabinet and its committees and
 the making of statutory appointments.

Secretariat services

Ministers put submissions to Cabinet on a range of important issues – for example, new
policy initiatives, the introduction of government legislation, financial appropriations, and
key appointments.

Cabinet Office receives and processes submissions to Cabinet and Cabinet


committees. The Office has a quality assurance role in checking that submissions meet
the requirements established by Cabinet and set out in the Cabinet Manual and
the CabGuide. These requirements are intended to ensure that proposals have been
fully consulted and papers are well presented.

Cabinet Office prepares summaries of submissions as quick reference guides for


Ministers, who have a heavy workload and need to be able to access key issues and
the main proposals of submissions quickly and efficiently.

Cabinet Office manages and prepares agendas for Cabinet and its committees,
organises meeting schedules, distributes meeting papers, produces and distributes
minutes of the meetings, and maintains the official records of Cabinet and its
committees.

The Secretary of the Cabinet and Deputy Secretary of the Cabinet attend Cabinet
meetings to record the decisions taken. Cabinet committee secretaries provide
secretariat support to committee meetings.

Cabinet Manual

The Cabinet Manual is an authoritative guide to central government decision making for
Ministers, their offices, and those working within government. It is also a primary source
of information on New Zealand's constitutional arrangements, as seen through the lens
of the executive branch of government. The Cabinet Manual guides Cabinet's
procedure, and is endorsed at the first Cabinet meeting of a new government, to provide
for the orderly re-commencement of the business of government.

A speech by the Secretary to the Cabinet provides a history of the New Zealand
Cabinet Manual, its purpose, the process of reviewing it, and the provisions of the
Cabinet Manual that are particulary relevant in the context of general elections and the
formation of governments.

Elections, Transitions, and Government formation

A general election is, above all, a political event. However, administrative and
constitutional issues arise during every election that require public service support. The
Cabinet Office provides policy advice, constitutional advice, and administrative support
to the Government (including any caretaker government) over the election and
government formation period. The Cabinet Office also provides guidance on the
conduct of government business to the public service during the election period.

The Secretary of the Cabinet, as Clerk of the Executive Council, provides a politically
neutral link between a caretaker government, political party leaders and Governor-
General during the government formation period. The Clerk provides neutral support
and advice on maintaining continuity of government, as required, to the Prime Minister
and Governor-General.

Chapter 6 of the Cabinet Manual 2017 explains how transitions between administrations
occur. It sets out relevant principles and procedures, including government activity in
the pre-election period, the operation of the caretaker convention, government
formation, provision of information by the public service to negotiating parties, briefings
for incoming Ministers, and the law and procedures concerning incoming and outgoing
Ministers.

The Elections page has more information about how we support the Government during
an election period.

Change of government

When the Government changes, the Secretary of the Cabinet assists the incoming
Prime Minister to establish the processes of the new Government. The Secretary also
advises an incoming Prime Minister, as required, on the structure and organisation of
Cabinet and its committees and the allocation of
SWOT analysis

A SWOT analysis tool is one of the most effective business and decision-making tools.
SWOT analysis can help you identify the internal and external factors affecting your
business.

A SWOT analysis helps you:

 build on strengths (S)


 minimise weakness (W)
 seize opportunities (O)
 counteract threats (T).

On this page
 Using SWOT analysis in your business
 Reasons for using a SWOT
 Limitations of the SWOT
 Tips for completing a successful SWOT analysis
 Conducting a SWOT
 Example SWOT analysis
 What to do after completing a SWOT

The results generated by a SWOT analysis makes up part of your business planning. It
can also help you to:

 better understand your business


 identify areas of the business that need improving
 decide if you should introduce a new product or service
 understand your market and competitors
 predict changes you will need to deal with to ensure your business is successful.

Using SWOT analysis in your business

You should consider doing a SWOT analysis to give you a framework for understanding
the state of your business and where you have opportunities for growth or fixing any
faults in your operation.

To conduct a SWOT analysis, you must look at both the internally and externally
focused activities of your business.
Expand all
Internal focus
External focus

Externally focused activities are the activities that affect your business but are generally
outside its control, including:

 supplier operations
 tenders and grants
 competitors
 politics
 the social and natural environment
 global trade
 financial markets.

You can use the SWOT analysis tool (see below) to identify opportunities and threats
for externally focused activities.

To assist your analysis, you might also consider:

 researching trends, reports and industry data


 reading newspapers and journals
 working with mentors and advisers
 attending business events and conferences
 meeting with suppliers and government
 attending research tours of other states and countries.
Reasons for using a SWOT

You can use a SWOT analysis to help you review your entire business, but you can
conduct an analysis focussing on 1 or 2 specific issues.

SWOT analysis can:

 help you create or update your business plan


 help you decide whether to introduce a new product or service to the market
 be part of your regular strategic planning review (quarterly, half-yearly or yearly).

A SWOT analysis should generate a brief list of issues relevant to the 4 categories—
strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and threats.
The analysis of these issues helps the business make meaningful changes. For
example, if the SWOT analysis has indicated a staffing weakness, a more detailed
human resourcing plan may be required.

Limitations of the SWOT

A SWOT analysis is not a perfect tool—it has some limitations.

A SWOT analysis:

 will not prioritise issues—it must be reviewed to produce meaningful results


 will not provide solutions or offer alternative decisions—you must look at the
issues noted and work to generate solutions
 can generate too many ideas but will not help you choose which one is best—
when this occurs, try to limit the scope of the analysis to only a few solutions
 can produce a lot of information, but it may not all be useful—you must review
the data generated to determine what is relevant.

Tips for completing a successful SWOT analysis

A SWOT analysis helps you assess internal factors that might affect your business
(strengths and weaknesses) and external factors (opportunities and threats).

You will need to review and act on the results from the SWOT analysis.

The following tips can help ensure your SWOT analysis is successful:

 Keep your SWOT analysis short and simple, but remember to include key details.
For example, if you think your staff are a strength, have specific information
about individual staff and their specific skills and experience, as well as why they
are a strength and how they can help you meet your business goals.
 Get multiple perspectives on your business—ask for input from your employees,
suppliers, customers and partners, and review online reviews and feedback.
 Make sure the focus of the SWOT analysis is not too narrow. While it can help to
complete SWOT analyses on specific issues (e.g. a quarterly goal for growing
your customer base), having an overall business SWOT analysis is always
helpful.
 Ensure that you link the SWOT analysis back to your business plan—you should
refer to the defined goals and objectives in the business plan when considering
the issues identified.
 Make sure you capture and document the findings of your SWOT analysis in your
business plan—use our business plan template.
Conducting a SWOT
Download the SWOT analysis template and conduct your own analysis of internal and
external issues that might be affecting your business. Or you can read the example
SWOT analysis below and replace the details with your own.
Expand all
Building strengths
Minimising weaknesses
Seizing opportunities
Counteracting threats

Example SWOT analysis

The following is an example of a SWOT analysis conducted by a business trying to


decide if they should introduce a new product to their range.

To get the most out of a SWOT analysis, specific statements should be made in each
category. For example, rather than simply list 'competitors' as a threat, specific details
about how competitors are a threat have been included.

Once you have read through this example SWOT analysis, you can type your
responses to build a SWOT analysis for your business.

What to do after completing a SWOT

After you've compiled your SWOT data, complete an analysis by:

 selecting a maximum of 3–5 issues from each quadrant in the SWOT tool
 prioritising the issues.
 creating an action plan to deal with each issue, including identifying
o the people responsible for solving the issue
o the necessary resources and budget
o the timeframes for completion and review.

Note that the same issues may appear in different quadrants—for example, some
identified opportunities may help overcome a weakness or build on an identified
strength within the business. Occasionally, a SWOT analysis may identify a threat that
prompts a change in the business model.

You should regularly review the action plans you have in place to ensure that any
connections between issues are handled and actions are coordinated across the
business.

You must also consider the constantly changing external and internal business
environments. Conduct regular SWOT analyses to ensure you are prepared for these
changes and can build on your business's strengths for success.
We pay our respects to the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander ancestors of this land,
their spirits and their legacy. The foundations laid by these ancestors—our First Nations
peoples—give strength, inspiration and courage to current and future generations
towards creating a better Queensland.

Law Enforcement Code of Ethics

As a law enforcement officer, my fundamental duty is to serve the community; to

safeguard lives and property; to protect the innocent against deception, the weak

against oppression or intimidation and the peaceful against violence or disorder; and to

respect the constitutional rights of all to liberty, equality, and justice.

I will keep my private life unsullied as an example to all and will behave in a manner

that does not bring discredit to me or to my agency. I will maintain courageous calm in

the face of danger, scorn or ridicule; develop self-restraint; and be constantly mindful of

the welfare of others. Honest in thought and deed both in my personal and official life, I

will be exemplary in obeying the law and the regulations of my department. Whatever I

see or hear of a confidential nature or that is confided to me in my official capacity will

be kept ever secret unless revelation is necessary in the performance of my duty.

I will never act officiously or permit personal feelings, prejudices, political beliefs,

aspirations, animosities or friendships to influence my decisions. With no compromise

for crime and with relentless prosecution of criminals, I will enforce the law courteously

and appropriately without fear or favor, malice or ill will, never employing unnecessary

force or violence and never accepting gratuities.


I recognize the badge of my office as a symbol of public faith, and I accept it as a public

trust to be held so long as I am true to the ethics of police service. I will never engage in

acts of corruption or bribery, nor will I condone such acts by other police officers. I will

cooperate with all legally authorized agencies and their representatives in the pursuit of

justice.

I know that I alone am responsible for my own standard of professional performance

and will take every reasonable opportunity to enhance and improve my level of

knowledge and competence.

I will constantly strive to achieve these objectives and ideals, dedicating myself before

God to my chosen profession… law enforcement.


From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Filipino First (Tagalog: Pilipino Muna) refers to a policy first introduced and
implemented by the administration of then Philippine President Carlos P. Garcia.
[1]
Under the policy, Filipino-owned business is prioritized over its foreign counterparts,
and the patronizing of Filipino-made products by Filipinos was also promoted.[2]

History[edit]
Under President Carlos P. Garcia[edit]
President Carlos P. Garcia introduced the Filipino First policy.
The policy of Garcia, was a response to the impact of free trade and American
economic dominance in the Philippines for years following the World War II. It is meant
to assert greater Filipino role over the country's economy if not to gain control of it by
promoting "Filipino business establishment".[3]
Garcia first instituted the policy with the issuance of Resolution No. 202 of the National
Economic Council on August 28, 1958. The policy dictates that Filipinos would have
preference over non-Filipinos in receiving foreign exchange. In line with the policy,
Garcia pledged that his administration would assist Filipino entrepreneurs to make
ventures in industries dominated by non-Filipinos.[citation needed]
The policy received positive reception from Filipino businessmen, [3] and there were calls
to expand the scope of the policy to include other spheres of society such as education.
[citation needed]

However, it received negative reception from foreign and/or non-native businessmen,


particularly the Americans, Chinese, along with their Chinese
Filipino counterparts. Chinese Filipinos in particular accused the policy of discrimination
over its interpretation of who is a "Filipino" and felt marginalized by the policy. [3] The
opposition branded the policy as a political propaganda meant to win support from the
public to secure Garcia's reelection as President in the next elections. Critics has also
labeled the policy as being "anti-foreign"[citation needed]
Garcia in response to his critics said that his policy was not meant to foster Filipino
"exclusiveness" or was meant to be "anti-foreign" and stated that the Philippines will not
close itself to foreign capital. He asserts that the policy is meant to give Filipinos priority
in relation to the control over the country's basic industries and their development. [citation
needed]

1987 Constitution[edit]
The Filipino First policy may also refer to a set of provisions found in the
1987 Constitution of the Philippines which gives Filipinos preferential treatment in the
national economy over foreigners.[4][5]
...in the grant of rights, privileges, and concessions covering the national economy and
patrimony, the State shall give preference to qualified Filipinos

— Article XII, 1987 Constitution of the Philippines

Utang Na Loob is a valued cultural trait of Filipinos. This Tagalog phrase is a widely
accepted pattern of behaviors among various ethnic groups. It is generally good, very
potent, and taught to us since we are young.

With a healthy mindset, utang na loob becomes an act of generosity and gratitude. But
with a fixed mindset, utang na loob is a debt we will forever pay.


Attitude of Gratitude
I thought of writing about utang na loob because although it is an excellent Filipino trait,
it is often misunderstood and abused.

Meaning of Utang Na Loob

Utang na loob has no exact translation in English; the meaning is contextual and
cultural.
Utang na loob is a Filipino cultural trait that may mean debt of gratitude and
reciprocity. We keep to heart the good deeds we receive from someone,
especially when we need help. It is as if we say we are indebted to that person for
life.
Therefore, we will deem it an utang na loob even if you paid for the products and
services. So, for example, the whole family will say that they have utang na loob to the
doctor who saved their father from death. Yes, even if the doctor got paid.

Often, the giver does not impose utang na loob on someone who received help. In the
Philippines, we value bayanihan, malasakit, and pakikiramay. So, helping people is
natural to us.
It is the person who received help who acknowledges utang na loob. It is therefore not a
contractual obligation because a contract is a meeting of two minds. Even if the giver
expects a return of the favor someday, there is no obligation nor an indication of how
much will be returned.

It is often the case that it is not the giver, but the community that expects you to return
the favor. When words spread that you got help from someone and you refused to
assist that person when he needs it most, no matter how big or small, the community
will consider you a walang utang na loob (someone with no sense of gratitude).

It is not okay to be known that you are a person with no utang na loob. But you don’t
have to worry. Filipino easily forgives.

This is the general idea behind utang na loob as a Filipino cultural trait.

However, its application isn’t the same for everyone. For this reason, it can be wrongly
used and abused. Let me explain.

Read: Filipino Values. Find out how Filipinos are influenced by their beliefs.

Children must take care of parents out of utang na loob.

To some Filipino families, parents deemed that children must acknowledge utang na
loob for being brought into this world.

A few consider sending children to school an insurance policy for old age. In some
families, the father stops working when the eldest child graduates from college. The
burden of sending the other children to school is passed on to the eldest child.
Every child must take care of their parents in their old age. Often, the unmarried ones
have to take responsibility. To escape from this responsibility, one has to get married.

Some Filipino parents tell their children of this obligation.

However, there are a growing number of Filipinos who think that this is not a good
practice. Children do not have to take care of their parents to return a favor received.
The relationship between parents and children must be based on love for each other,
not an obligation to return a favor received.

Returning a Favor

Even if not imposed, people consider it their obligation to return any help. The return of
favor is sometimes even more significant than what was received.

Mario’s son was awarded a college scholarship because of the mayor’s


recommendation. So the family will always say that the mayor helped them. Even two
generations after that, the grandchildren of Mario will still vote for the mayor or everyone
with the same family name because of utang na loob.

Paying Forward

I am a product of my teachers. I am thankful for the knowledge I learned from them. I


may no longer remember their names, but I won’t forget the good deeds they’ve done.

For this reason, I also teach. In addition, I do free seminars for students and teachers,
for I am paying forward.

Two values that bring about utang na loob are generosity and gratitude. So essentially,
the cultural trait is excellent.

But some abuse it for their benefit. Let’s explore this briefly.
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The Abused of Utang na Loob

Utang na loob is so powerful it is used to compel people to compromise principles. It is


used to promote corrupt practices in government and in businesses.

Patronage Politics

Utang na loob has been used by corrupt politicians so they can perpetuate in power.
They want people to believe that we owe them a debt of gratitude for roads, school
buildings, and other projects. Never mind that these projects are overpriced and were
paid for by the people.

Patronage politics is an abuse of utang na loob. Those who support a politician get juicy
government positions even though they are not qualified. Because of this, they are
forever indebted to the politician they support, no matter how corrupt.

There are a growing number of Filipinos, including politicians, who believe this practice
is wrong. Local elected officials are public servants. They applied for the job and get
paid for doing their jobs.
Articles

Among the poor, there is no such thing as election bribery. They expect politicians to
distribute money the night before the elections. These are bribes, but to them, this is an
aid.

During the elections of 2022, I saw how politicians delayed the distribution of
government aid for months. Then, days before the election, people line up to get their
shares. Monies were distributed during rallies and community assemblies. The money is
a small portion of what was allocated to them by the national government.

Of course, politicians made it appear that it was because of their generous hearts that
people were getting aid. Nobody comes forward to say that they received a bribe.

The practice is prohibited by law. We teach in a school that this is wrong. But when you
include the words malasakit and tulong to the campaign, the bribe becomes help – and
the help one gets turned into utang na loob.
Business Favors

Business people often support politicians’ campaigns because they expect to get
favors.

During the term of Rodrigo Duterte, we have seen how his allied politicians became
billionaires during the time of the pandemic. They can enrich themselves in power
because the president has a distorted sense of utang na loob.
Utang Na Loob in Modern Times

Utang na loob is a positive cultural trait. The abuse isn’t part of it. The abuse is
corruption (kabulukan), and we know it must be stopped.

And everything that is good must be continued.

Kagandahang Loob

Filipinos are naturally generous. They do not stop helping others who are in need. They
don’t expect anything in return.

We believe that whatever blessing with receive from God, we must share.

Our first utang na loob is to God. We give because we are grateful. Our town fiestas, for
example, are thanksgiving celebrations.

Pasasalamat

In essence, a debt of gratitude doesn’t get paid. It is not a this for that. That relationship
exists as long as the receiver of the gift remains thankful.

The sincere giver, on the other hand, doesn’t really expect to get anything in return.

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decisions.

Spirit of Bayanihan
The Angat Buhay of Robredo became successful because of generosity and gratitude.
It is also because we believe in bayanihan.
The community pantries during the pandemic are examples of how people come
together to help each other. Those who initiated the community pantries were not
politicians. However, they did expect anything in return. Most of those who gave remain
nameless.

The community pantries were successful because of thousands of volunteers. They are
everyday heroes, and we owe our debt of gratitude to them.

Read: The Filipino Values of Bayanihan


Utang Na Loob Quotes

These debts of gratitude quotes express the different shades of utang na loob.

Ang hindi marunong lumingon sa pinangalingan ay hindi makakarating sa paroroonan.

Jose Rizal
Those who cannot look back can’t reach their destinations. This advice is both timeless
and timely. We now see enormous efforts to make people forget the EDSA People
Power Revolution which brought back democracy to our country. We even elected
someone whose aim is for us to forget where we came from, and who every day
convinced us to move forward for the sake of false unity. But we must heed Rizal’s
advice. We owe our debt of gratitude to those who fought for our freedom.

All the quotes that follow were from people who have not heard the phrase utang na
loob. The trait is universal.

True greatness means that, even if you forget what you’ve done for others, you never
forget what others have done for you. It means always doing your utmost to repay debts
of gratitude. Such people radiate integrity, depth of character, bigheartedness and
charm.

Josel Toda
To the generous mind the heaviest debt is that of gratitude, when it is not in our power
to repay it.

Benjamin Franklin
The debt of gratitude we owe our mother and father goes forward, not backward. What
we owe our parents is the bill presented to us by our children.
Nancy Friday
If we meet someone who owes us a debt of gratitude, we remember the fact at once.
How often we can meet someone to whom we owe a debt of gratitude without thinking
about it at all!

Johann Wolfgang von Goethe


The baby boomers owe a big debt of gratitude to the parents and grandparents – who
we haven’t given enough credit to anyway – for giving us another generation.

Steven Spielberg
Our Nation owes a lasting debt of gratitude to all those selfless members of our Armed
Forces who have risked their own freedom and safety to defend the lives and liberty of
others.

William J. Clinton

Questions

What is the meaning of walang utang na loob?


Walang utang na loob often refers to someone who refuses to help those who have
previously supported him. For example, a son who abandoned his parents is an
ungrateful person.

But it may also refer to someone who betrayed those who helped him because of
greediness or self-interest.

List of presidents of the Philippines

Malacañang Palace in Manila is the official residence of the president.[note 1] Built in 1750,
it has become a prominent symbol of and metonym for the office.
Under the Constitution of the Philippines, the president of the
Philippines (Filipino: Pangulo ng Pilipinas) is both the head of state and government,
and serves as the commander-in-chief of the country's armed forces.[4][5] The president
is directly elected by qualified voters to a six-year term and must be "a natural-born
citizen of the Philippines, a registered voter, able to read and write, at least forty years
of age on the day of the election, and a resident of the Philippines for at least ten years
immediately preceding such election". Any person who has served as president for
more than six years is barred from eligibility. Upon resignation, or removal from office,
the vice president assumes the post.[6]

History[edit]
Emilio Aguinaldo became the inaugural president of the Philippines under the Malolos
Republic, considered the First Philippine Republic.[7][note 2] He held that office until 1901
when he was captured by United States forces during the Philippine–American
War (1899–1902).[4] The American colonization of the Philippines abolished the First
Republic,[12] which led to an American governor-general exercising executive power.[19]
In 1935, the United States, pursuant to its promise of full Philippine sovereignty,
[20]
established the Commonwealth of the Philippines following the ratification of
the 1935 Constitution, which also restored the presidency. The first national presidential
election was held,[note 3] and Manuel L. Quezon (1935–44) was elected to a six-year term,
with no provision for re-election,[5] as the second Philippine president and the first
Commonwealth president.[note 2] In 1940, however, the Constitution was amended to
allow re-election but shortened the term to four years. [4] A change in government
occurred three years later when the Second Philippine Republic was organized with the
enactment of the 1943 Constitution, which Japan imposed after it occupied the
Philippines in 1942 during World War II.[23] José P. Laurel acted as puppet president of
the new Japanese-sponsored government;[24] his de facto presidency,[25] not legally
recognized until the 1960s,[11] overlapped with that of the president of the
Commonwealth, which went into exile. The Second Republic was dissolved after Japan
surrendered to the Allies in 1945; the Commonwealth was restored in the Philippines in
the same year with Sergio Osmeña (1944–46) as president.[4]
Manuel Roxas (1946–1948) followed Osmeña when he won the first post-war election in
1946. He became the first president of the independent Philippines when the
Commonwealth ended on July 4 of that year. The Third Republic was ushered in and
would cover the administrations of the next five presidents, the last of which
was Ferdinand Marcos (1965–86),[4] who performed a self-coup by imposing martial
law in 1972.[26] The dictatorship of Marcos saw the birth of the New
Society (Filipino: Bagong Lipunan) and the Fourth Republic. His tenure lasted until 1986
when he was deposed in the People Power Revolution. The current constitution came
into effect in 1987, marking the beginning of the Fifth Republic.[4]
Of the individuals elected as president, three died in office: two of natural causes
(Manuel L. Quezon[27] and Manuel Roxas[28]) and one in a plane crash (Ramon
Magsaysay, 1953–57[29]). The longest-serving president is Ferdinand Marcos with
20 years and 57 days in office; he is the only president to have served more than two
terms. The shortest is Sergio Osmeña, who spent 1 year and 300 days in office.
Two women have held the office: Corazon Aquino (1986–92), who ascended to the
presidency upon the successful People Power Revolution of 1986, and Gloria
Macapagal Arroyo (2001–10), who, as vice president, ascended to the presidency upon
Estrada's resignation and was elected to a full six-year term in 2004.
1. Emilio Aguinaldo
2. Manuel L. Quezon
3. Jose P. Laurel
4. Sergio Osmeña
5. Manuel Roxas
6. Elpidio Quirino
7. Ramon Magsaysay
8. Carlos P. Garcia
9. Diosdado Macapagal
10. Ferdinand Marcos
11. Corazon Aquino
12. Fidel V. Ramo
13. Joseph Estrada
14. Gloria Macapagal Arroyo
15. Benigno Aquino
16. Rodrigo Duterte
17. Bongbong Marcos

People Power Revolution


The People Power Revolution, also known as the EDSA Revolution[a] or
the February Revolution,[4][5][6][7] was a series of popular demonstrations in
the Philippines, mostly in Metro Manila, from February 22 to 25, 1986. There was a
sustained campaign of civil resistance against regime violence and electoral fraud.
The nonviolent revolution led to the departure of Ferdinand Marcos, the end of his 20-
year dictatorship and the restoration of democracy in the Philippines.
It is also referred to as the Yellow Revolution[8] due to the presence of yellow ribbons
during demonstrations (in reference to the Tony Orlando and Dawn song "Tie a Yellow
Ribbon Round the Ole Oak Tree") as a symbol of protest following the assassination of
Filipino senator Benigno "Ninoy" Aquino, Jr. [9] in August 1983 upon his return to the
Philippines from exile. It was widely seen as a victory of the people against two decades
of presidential rule by President Marcos, and made news headlines as "the revolution
that surprised the world".[10]
The majority of the demonstrations took place on a long stretch of Epifanio de los
Santos Avenue, more commonly known by its acronym EDSA, in Metro Manila from
February 22 to 25, 1986. They involved over two million Filipino civilians, as well as
several political and military groups, and religious groups led by Cardinal Jaime Sin,
the Archbishop of Manila, along with Catholic Bishops' Conference of the
Philippines President Cardinal Ricardo Vidal, the Archbishop of Cebu.
The protests, fueled by the resistance and opposition after years of governance by
President Marcos and his cronies, ended with the ruler, his family, and some of their
supporters fleeing to exile in Hawaii; and Ninoy Aquino's widow, Corazon Aquino,
inaugurated as the eleventh President of the Philippines.[11]

Background and history


Senate President Ferdinand Marcos was elected president in 1965, defeating
incumbent President Diosdado Macapagal by a margin of 52 to 43 percent. During this
time, Marcos was very active in the initiation of public works projects and the
intensification of tax collections. Marcos and his government claimed that they "built
more roads than all his predecessors combined and more schools than any previous
administration".[12] Amidst charges from the opposition party of vote-buying and a
fraudulent election, President Marcos was reelected in the 1969 Philippine presidential
election, this time defeating Sergio Osmeña, Jr. by 61 to 39 percent.
President Marcos's second term for the presidency was marred by allegations by the
opposition Liberal Party of widespread graft and corruption. According to leftists who
rioted during the First Quarter Storm, the increasing disparity of wealth between the
very wealthy and the very poor that made up the majority of the Philippines' population
led to a rise in crime and civil unrest around the country. In March 1969, the New
People's Army (NPA) was formed as the military wing of the Communist Party of the
Philippines, initiating the still-ongoing CPP–NPA–NDF rebellion. Marcos quickly
denounced the movement, hoping to gain monetary and political support from anti-
Communist administrators in the United States.[13]
In 1972 the Moro National Liberation Front, a militant Muslim separatist group, formed in
the southern island of Mindanao.[14]
Marcos soon used the rise of militant and civil unrest as justification for declaring martial
law.
Martial law[edit]
Main article: Martial law under Ferdinand Marcos
Martial law protest
Barred from running for a third term as president in 1973, Marcos
announced Proclamation No. 1081 on September 23, 1972, declaring martial law,
[15]
using the civil unrest that arose after the 1969 Philippine balance of payments
crisis as a justification for the proclamation.[16]
Through this decree and through a controversial referendum in which citizen
assemblies voted through a show of hands, Marcos seized emergency powers giving
him full control of the Philippines' military and the authority to suppress and abolish
the freedom of speech, the freedom of the press, and many other civil liberties.
President Marcos also dissolved the Philippine Congress and shut down media
establishments critical of the Marcos Administration. [16] He also ordered the immediate
arrest of his political opponents and critics. Among those arrested were Senate
President Jovito Salonga, and the leaders Senator Jose W. Diokno and
Senator Benigno Aquino Jr. — whom Marcos sent to Laur, Nueva Ecija[17] — and the
man who was groomed by the opposition to succeed President Marcos after the 1973
elections.[16]
A constitutional convention, which had been called for in 1970 to replace the
Commonwealth-era 1935 Constitution, continued the work of framing a new constitution
after the declaration of martial law. The new constitution went into effect in early 1973,
changing the form of government from presidential to parliamentary and allowing
President Marcos to stay in power beyond 1973. The constitution was approved by 95%
of the voters in the Philippine constitutional plebiscite. The constitution was part of the
landmark Javellana v. Executive Secretary case (G.R. No. 36142) that led to the
resignation of Chief Justice Roberto Concepcion. Part of the plot of the regime involved
legitimizing the military rule through the new constitution providing legislative and
executive powers to the president. Simultaneously Marcos conducted the 1973
plebiscite through the simple counting of hands raised by children and adults that
involved questions such as the option for more rice in lieu of constitutional affirmation. [18]
With practically all of his political opponents arrested, out of office, and in exile,
President Marcos's pre-emptive declaration of martial law in 1972 and the ratification of
his new constitution by more than 95% of voters enabled Marcos to effectively legitimize
his government and hold on to power for another 14 years beyond his first two terms as
president. In a Cold War context, Marcos retained the support of the United States
through Marcos's promise to stamp out communism in the Philippines and by assuring
the United States of its continued use of military and naval bases in the Philippines. [16]
On November 27, 1977, a military tribunal sentenced Aquino and two co-accused, NPA
leaders Bernabe Buscayno (Commander Dante) and Lt. Victor Corpuz, to death by
firing squad.[19][20] In 1978, while still the last opposition leader yet to be released from
prison at Fort Bonifacio, Aquino founded his political party, Lakas ng
Bayan (abbreviated "LABAN"; English: People's Power) to run for office in the Interim
Batasang Pambansa (Parliament). All LABAN candidates lost, including Aquino himself.
[19]
He appeared in a television interview with Ronnie Nathanielsz to freely criticize the
regime during the campaign. In 1980, Ninoy Aquino suffered a heart attack, and was
compassionately released from prison to undergo a heart bypass surgery in the United
States.[21][19] Aquino stayed with his wife Corazon, and children in Boston College as a
fellow for numerous American universities such as Harvard and the Massachusetts
Institute of Technology.
1980s Economic collapse[edit]
Because the Marcos administration's spending had relied so heavily on debt since the
Marcos family's first term in the 1960s, [22] the Philippines was left vulnerable when the
US economy went into recession in the third quarter of 1981, forcing the Reagan
administration to increase interest rates.[23] The Philippine government plunged further
into debt and the economy began going into decline in 1981, continuing to do so by the
time of the Benigno Aquino Jr. assassination in 1983. By the end of that year, the
economy contracted by 6.8%.[24]
The economic and political instability combined to produce the worst recession in
Philippine history in 1984 and 1985,[25][26] with the economy contracting by 7.3% for two
successive years.[23][22][27]
Aquino Assassination[edit]
Main articles: Assassination of Benigno Aquino Jr. and Economic history of the
Philippines (1965–1986) § Economic nosedive and Marcos ouster (1981–1986)
Despite threats from First Lady Imelda Marcos, Ninoy Aquino was determined to return
home, saying that "the Filipino is worth dying for". [19] After failing to apply for a passport
in Washington and New York, Ninoy got two passports with the help of Rashid
Lucman – one bearing his real name, and the other with the alias Marcial Bonifacio.[b][28]
On August 21, 1983, after three years, Aquino was murdered by the military,[29] as he
disembarked from a China Airlines plane at Manila International Airport (later renamed
in Aquino's honor).[19][30] His assassination shocked and outraged most Filipinos,[19] who
had lost confidence in the Marcoses. The event led to more suspicions about the
government, triggering non-cooperation among Filipinos that eventually led to
outright civil disobedience.[31] It also shook the Marcos Administration, which was by
then deteriorating due in part to Marcos's blatant illness (turned out to be the fatal lupus
erythematosus).
In 1984, Marcos appointed a commission, first led by Chief Justice Enrique
Fernando and later Corazon Agrava, to launch an investigation into Aquino's
assassination.[32] Despite the commission's conclusions, Cardinal Jaime Sin, the
Archbishop of Manila, declined an offer to join the commission and rejected the
government's views on the assassination.

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