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For me
once a
,

to talk to inequality

The impact of ethnic-racial

characteristics on inequality of
opportunities in Mexico.

Research Summary*
Patrick Solis Braulio Güémez Graniel Virginia Lorenzo Holm
16 Background Background 16
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© OXFAM MEXICO, JULY 2019

THIS DOCUMENT HAS BEEN WRITTEN BY:

PATRICIO SOLIS

Doctor in Sociology from the University of Texas at Austin. Professor-researcher at the Center for
Sociological Studies of El Colegio de México. Member of the National System of Researchers (Level
3). His research interests are social stratification, intergenerational social mobility, ethnic-racial
discrimination and racism in Mexico.

BRAULIO GÜÉMEZ GRANIEL

Intern on a bachelor's degree in sociology at the Faculty of Political and Social Sciences of the UNAM.
He currently studies issues of stratification and inequality in Mexico and particularly in the Yucatán
area. He collaborates in the research project on ethnic-racial discrimination at El Colegio de México.

VIRGINIA LORENZO HOLM

Candidate for Doctor in Sociology from El Colegio de México. He obtained his Master's Degree in
Social Sciences from FLACSO-Mexico Headquarters. He graduated in Sociology from the University
of the Republic in Uruguay and specialized in Youth, Education and Work from FLACSO Argentina.
Her research interests are social and gender inequalities.

OXFAM MEXICO

Oxfam Mexico is part of a global movement that works in 94 countries to end the injustice of poverty
and end inequality.
Together we protect and rebuild lives when disaster strikes, we combat discrimination and violence
against women, we defend the rights of indigenous people and communities, and we fight to ensure
equitable access to the natural commons.

Through research and the implementation of programs and campaigns we combat extreme inequality
and work with others to ensure that all human beings can fully exercise their rights and enjoy a
dignified life.

www.oxfammexico.org
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Prologue

It is said when one tries to describe the privileges of origin

with a metaphor of baseball, a sport now so fashionable in
“

Mexico. The image reflects all the opportunities of those

He was born on third
base and thinks he hit a triple
who are born with the skin color that gives them benefits,
“ and who come from families that have been able to
accumulate advantages and pass them on. But there is
the other side - millions of people in this country, at this
time, who are not even given the opportunity to show up
to the batter's box. And then they are judged for their
supposed lack of contribution to the game.

We need to talk about the benefits that our skin color, gender, or the language
our family speaks gives us – or the burdens that it imposes on us . The
document by Solis, Güémez Graniel and Lorenzo Holm shows us the historical

N
and current discrimination of indigenous communities and, above all, of indigenous
women, in three dimensions:

The education
The job occupation
material wealth

The statistics are clear: in all three dimensions, the condition of speaking an indigenous language,
identifying within an indigenous, black or mulatto community, or having a darker skin color result in
lower probabilities of advancing in the educational system, progressing in the workplace or move to
the highest part of the wealth distribution.

And within this plethora of discrimination, being an indigenous woman is the one that generates the
strongest tide against it.

The conclusions are evident: Mexico must stop, through public policies, current discriminatory practices, but
it must also compensate for the disadvantages historically created by centuries of discriminatory processes.
As the writers of this report say, “today's inequality of opportunity is still fueled by past discrimination
and racism.”

03 Prologue
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Other countries have achieved it. As Martin Ravallion has documented, the enormous
ethnic inequality in Malaysia - a legacy of its colonial experience - has fallen thanks to
the New Economic Policy (NEP) established in 1971. The historically discriminated
ethnic group, the Bumiputera, were favored for 20 years with education, housing, public
sector employment and capital ownership policies. Ethnic inequality in Malaysia over
the past 50 years has fallen as a result of the NEP and the influence on subsequent
public policy decisions. Closing gaps between groups has contributed significantly to
poverty reduction in Malaysia.

Inequality of opportunity, as well as inequality of income, wealth, gender and that

motivated by ethnic-racial characteristics, are the result of public policy decisions and
can be reversed with appropriate policies.

Historically we have a debt with the ethnic-racial groups that have

been discriminated against for centuries in Mexico. It is urgent to pay that debt.

Ricardo Fuentes Nieva

Executive Director at Oxfam Mexico
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ntroduccion

has been widely documented. It was not until the beginning of this century that the
rights of indigenous peoples were partially recognized in the Constitution.
For their part, Afro-descendant communities in Mexico have begun to acquire
greater visibility and have even recently been considered in surveys
The systematic political, social and economic exclusion of indigenous peoples in Mexico
raised by the State information bodies and obtained constitutional recognition.

At the same time, in recent years the magnitude of social

inequalities in Mexico has become evident. According to
OECD indicators, in 2013 it was the second most unequal
country among its member countries, only after Chile.

What is the relationship between these two great

national problems: the historical exclusion of
indigenous peoples and Afro-descendant
communities and the high levels of inequality? To
what extent are ethnic and racial characteristics
associated with significant gaps in levels of economic and s

Thanks to recent surveys,

that simultaneously include information on the origins and
social destinations of people, as well as different markers of
ethnic-racial affiliation, it is possible to have a more complete
picture of the extent to which the distribution of privileges is
crossed by ethnic-racial characteristics in the country.

In the research “Because of my race, inequality will speak.

The impact of ethnic-racial characteristics on inequality of
opportunities in Mexico”, prepared from the collaboration
between El Colegio de México and Oxfam México, we analyze
this problem through an analysis of the Intergenerational
Social Mobility Module (MMSI), raised in 2016 by the National
Institute of Statistics and Geography (INEGI). This research
note summarizes the main results of this work.

* Alice Krozer, post-doctoral fellow at El Colegio de México, also collaborated in the preparation of this report.

05 Introduction
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A MULTIDIMENSIONAL APPROACH
FOR CHARACTERIZATION FROM THE

ethnic-racial

A first challenge that arises when trying to
link ethnic-racial characteristics with social
inequality is that of measuring these
characteristics in instruments such as surveys
and censuses. In Mexico, national censuses
and demographic and socioeconomic surveys
have long included questions for the
identification of populations belonging to
indigenous peoples. In practice, the inclusion
of these questions implied a classification of
the
Mexican population into two ethnic categories:
indigenous and non-indigenous. This
distinction is consistent with the ideology of
mestizaje, which identifies the Mexican
population as predominantly “mestizo” (a
category that merges with that of a privileged
“white” minority), but recognizes the presence
of a contingent of indigenous populations
that are not have integrated mestizaje (Casas
Martínez, Saldívar, Flores, & Sue, 2014;
Castellanos Guerrero, 1994; Moreno Figueroa, 2010

For several decades the main statistical criterion

used in official censuses and surveys to identify the indigenous population was:
THE CONDITION OF SPEAKERS OF INDIGENOUS LANGUAGES.

However, since 2000, in response to new international standards on

the right to self-recognition of people belonging to indigenous peoples,
other criteria began to be incorporated, based on cultural self-
ascription. For its part, it was not until 2015 that INEGI gave statistical
visibility to the Afro-Mexican and Afro-descendant populations, by
incorporating a question to identify these populations by cultural self-
ascription in its Intercensal Survey.

With these changes, for the first time in the recent history of the
country, the State, through its official statistics institute, recognizes that the
The composition of the Mexican population is multiethnic not
only in terms of the presence of diverse indigenous groups, but
also of Afro-descendant populations, which implies a distancing
from the dualistic paradigm of miscegenation.
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Another important consequence of these changes is
that a debate has been opened about the most
appropriate way to identify in censuses and household
surveys people belonging to indigenous peoples, and
in broader terms those who belong to different ethnic
groups. Adding to this discussion is the most recent
research on racism and social inequality, which
emphasizes the importance of recording characteristics
associated with racialized physical appearance,
including people's skin tone, as a way to measure their
vulnerability to
discriminatory and racist practices (Dixon & Telles,
2017; Flores & Telles, 2012).
This debate continues and in this study we do not seek
to propose a single criterion to characterize ethnic
groups and identify racialized physical characteristics.
On the contrary, we maintain that to evaluate the
consequences of ethnic-racial distinctions on social
inequality it may be more fruitfulthe
to adopt a
multidimensional approach, which considers several of
the classification criteria individually and in interaction
(Roth, 2016).

Table 1. Three dimensions of ethnic-racial characterization

Variable Categories Observations

People who do not speak an indigenous language (question 10.1), and whose
Non-speakers of indigenous Parents (question 3.3) or the main economic provider at age 14 (PPPE)
languages (question 5.2) also did not speak the indigenous language.

ID Parents who speak People who declare that they do not speak an indigenous language, but their
linguistics father, mother or PPPE at the age of 14 speaks/spoke an indigenous language.
indigenous languages

Indigenous People who speak an indigenous language (question 10.1 in the questionnaire).
language speakers

White or mestizo
Answers to the question on ethnic-racial self-ascription (question 10.3). The
question is: "People of multiple racial origins live in our country. Do you consider
Natives
yourself a person... black or mulatto, indigenous, mestizo, white, another race
SELF-ASCRIPTION
Black or mulatto (Asian, European descendant)?" People who did not respond affirmatively to
ethnic-racial any of these options were classified in the "don't know" category.
Other

Without self-ascription

Light (IK Shades)

Light tan (Shade H) Answers to question 10.2: "Based on the following color scale, what do you
SKIN TONE consider to be the skin color of your face?"
Morenos (Order G)

Dark (AF Tones)

Source: Own elaboration based on the questionnaire of the Intergenerational Social Mobility Module (MMSI) 2016, INEGI

The MMSI 2016 allows for an ethnic-racial characterization of the people interviewed under three criteria: The linguistic
identification criterion, the ethnic-racial self-ascription criterion, and the self-declared skin tone. Based on these criteria we
developed the categories presented in Table 1.
These classifications are the ones we use in the report.

07 A multidimensional approach to ethnic-racial characterization.

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,

RACE, racialization,
,

, Characteristics
ethnic-racial
,

TERMS LIKE: “race” and “racial”

They inevitably generate controversy,
because their origin is linked to biological
notions that base racism on genetic factors.
That is why it is convenient, before
advancing in the presentation of the main
results, to clarify its use in this work.
“Human races ” have no existence or
scientific justification as a biological reality
or as groups that are substantially
distinguished from each other by their
genetic attributes. However, they do have
existence as a social construction, that is,
as social groups that are characterized
based on the erroneous belief that there
are genetic or biological differences between
them that are not only expressed in certain
distinctions of physical or cultural attributes
(such as skin tone or sharing a language)
but also in a “natural” hierarchy.

It is through this process of “racialization”

that physical or cultural traits acquire
relevance as a principle of social hierarchy,
thus contributing to legitimizing power
relations and domination of some social
groups over others (Gans, 2017; O'Brien, 2018). .

It is in this latter sense, that of racialized

physical and cultural traits and not as
indicators of hierarchies defined by
supposed biological or genetic traits, that
we use the term “racial” in this study.
Given that we include both indicators of
ethnic belonging (the condition of speaking
an indigenous language) and racialized
identity and physical traits ( “racial” self-
ascription and skin tone), we speak together
of “ethnic-racial characteristics.”

Race, nationalization, ethnic-racial characteristics. 08

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, ,

HISTORICAL ACCUMULATION OF DISADVANTAGES:

, ,

CHARACTERISTICS ethnic-racial
, ,

AND SOCIOECONOMIC ORIGINS

The specific questions that guide the report are:

To what extent do ethnic-racial characteristics, separately and together, contribute to

inequality of opportunity in Mexico?
What are its effects on people's educational, occupational and economic destinies?

To what extent are these effects associated with historical inequalities or the persistence
of racist and discriminatory practices?
Are there important gender differences in these effects?

A key result of the study is that to understand the current association between ethnic-racial
characteristics and social inequality in Mexico, it is necessary to recognize that this
association has a double expression: Historical and contemporary.

Its historical expression is manifested in the

accumulation of social disadvantages that
of African descent have indigenous groups
experienced for many generations, and people
who, without necessarily adopting an identity of
belonging to these groups, have racialized cultural
or physical traits linked to them that make them
vulnerable to discrimination.

Its contemporary expression is persistent discrimination,

that is, the unequal treatment that people belonging
to or identified with these groups continue to
receive and which results in deprivation of access
to their rights and life opportunities (Solís 2017).

09 Historical accumulation of disadvantages: Ethnic-racial characteristics and socioeconomic origins.

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The original accumulation of disadvantages is empirically manifested in the association between ethnic-racial
characteristics and the socioeconomic conditions of the person's family of origin.
Due to the accumulated historical effects of a racist and discriminatory social order, people belonging to indigenous
peoples, people of African descent, or with similar racialized cultural or physical traits, have a greater propensity to have
been born and raised in families with greater socioeconomic deprivation.

To empirically analyze this association, we constructed a Social Origins Index (IOS), which synthesizes the economic
and social position of the family of origin, relative to the rest of the population. Said index was constructed from a principal
components analysis based on information on the availability of the goods and services of the person's home when they
were 14 years of age, as well as the years of schooling completed and the occupational status of the person. the person
who was the main economic provider of the household at that same age.

the characteristics and

The association between ethnic-racial
the socioeconomic position of the family of origin is evident
in the distributions of the IOS represented in Graph 1.
Those who belong to the groups that have historically
experienced racism and discrimination come more
frequently from families in situations of socioeconomic
disadvantage:
of indigenous language speakers
72%
On the other hand, people who do not speak
indigenous languages and those who identify as
mestizo or white or with lighter skin tones are more
frequently found in the upper quartiles, which
correspond to families of origin with greater
socioeconomic advantages.
That is, people belonging to indigenous and Afro-
descendant peoples, or with physical traits that
make them vulnerable to racism, would not only
be more likely to experience mistreatment and
discrimination throughout their lives, but they
already start from a position of social
disadvantage. , due to the historical accumulation
of social deficiencies.

of people who self-ascribe

51% as indigenous

37% of mulatto or black people

of those who say they have dark

35% skin tone are in the lower quartile
of the IOS, values well above the
national average
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Graph 1. Density distribution of the Social Origins Index by ethnic-racial characteristics

a) Linguistic identification b) Ethnic-racial self-ascription

Quartile 1 Quartile 2 Quartile 3 Quartile 4 Quartile 1 Quartile 2 Quartile 3 Quartile 4

5.1

.8

Speaker and
Indigenous
Quartile
Talking4 parents mixed race, white
Non-speaking parents
.6 Black or mulatto

None
1

.4

.2
0

ÿ2 0 2 4 ÿ2 0 2 4

Social Origins Index Social Origins Index

c) Skin tones

Quartile 1 Quartile 2 Quartile 3 Quartile 4

Dark
Morenos
light tan

Clear
0

-2 0 2 4

Social Origins Index

Source: Own elaboration based on MMSI 2016 data

11 Historical accumulation of disadvantages: Ethnic-racial characteristics and socioeconomic origins.

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DISCRIMINATION BY
,
Ethnic-racial CHARACTERISTICS
AND INEQUALITY OF OPPORTUNITIES
In addition to starting from a disadvantaged
position due to the historical accumulation of
social deprivation, people belonging to indigenous
peoples or Afro-descendant communities, or
those who have a dark skin tone as a racialized
physical trait related to these groups, are exposed
to practices of racism and discrimination
throughout their lives.
To what extent is this reflected
in inequality
of opportunities?
Background
16
,
,
In the report we analyze the inequality of
opportunities associated with people's educational,
occupational and economic results.
In this note we return to the part corresponding
to economic results and in particular access to
the upper quintile of wealth, although it is
important to note that important effects were
also found in educational and occupational
results, as well as in the probabilities of
remaining in the lower quintiles. in these three
dimensions.
In Graph 2 we compare the relative risks of
accessing the top wealth quintile of people
according to different ethnic-racial characteristics.
These
probabilities are estimated using two logistic
regression models (estimated separately for each
sex), a first model (“Unadjusted”) in which only
the set of ethnic-racial characteristics defined in
Table 1 and age are included as statistical
control, and a second model (“Adjusted”) in which
the IOS and the Marginalization Index of the
municipality in which the person resided at age
14 are added as statistical controls. The effects
of ethnic-racial characteristics in the “Unadjusted”
model can be interpreted as a joint result of the
original accumulation of inequalities and persistent
practices of discrimination. The effects in the
“Adjusted” model neutralize the influence of the
historical accumulation of inequalities and reflect
to a greater extent the impact of current
discrimination practices.
characteristics
opportunities.
Discrimination
inequality
ethnic-
racial
and
due
12
of
to
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To more clearly show the statistical contrasts,

we use as a comparison group people with
ethnic-racial characteristics that are associated
with greater economic privileges: People who
do not speak indigenous languages, those
who describe themselves as white or mestizo,
and those who have lighter skinned.

In the first panel we present the results Graph 2. Relative risks of reaching the top wealth
corresponding to the differences found quintile, according to ethnic-racial characteristics, by sex.
between the different groups according to
a) Linguistic identification (Reference = Non-speakers)
their linguistic identification. In general, it can
be observed that the probabilities of access Language- Language-
speaking parents speaking parents
to the highest wealth quintile of people who natives natives
-31% *
-44%
- *

speak indigenous languages or have speaking +3% -30% *

parents are significantly lower than those of

non-speakers of indigenous languages. These -69% *
-84%
*

Indigenous Indigenous
differences are more pronounced for those language language -27% -58% *

who are speakers than for those who are speakers speakers

sons or daughters of speakers—and who

therefore did not preserve the use of their b) Self-ascription (Reference=Whites or mestizos)
native language. For example, compared to Indigenous Indigenous
non-speakers, the unadjusted relative risks of -66% * -54% *

being in the top quintile are 31% lower for -47% * -31% *

men whose parents speak indigenous

black black
languages, but 69% lower for those who are indigenous mulato language speakers. mulato -50% * -58% *

As these and other results show, instead of -32% -53% *

representing an advantage, in Mexico

speaking an indigenous language is associated
c) Skin tones (Reference =Light tones)
with significant disadvantages in the
opportunities to access higher socioeconomic levels. -8% -13%
light tan light tan
-6% -6%

-30% * *
-37%
Morenos Morenos
-15% -21% *

Dark Dark
*
-48% -58% *

-28% *
-45% *

Men (unadjusted) Women (unadjusted)

Men (fitted) Women (fitted)

*p<.05

Source: Own elaboration based on MMSI 2016 data

13 Discrimination due to ethnic-racial characteristics and inequality of opportunities.

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Likewise, it is worth noting that, unlike what

happens with men, for women the inequality
between speakers of indigenous languages
and non-speakers remains even with the
“adjusted” effects, that is, when the effects of
the socioeconomic level of the population are
discounted. the family of origin and municipal marginalization.
In contrast to women who do not speak
indigenous languages, speakers have 84%
lower risks (58% lower in the adjusted effect)
of accessing the most privileged economic
group.

This reveals the intersectionality of gender inequalities and linguistic

identification, which implies greater negative effects on opportunities for
economic advancement when the conditions of being a woman and a
speaker of indigenous languages are combined.

In the second panel we graph the estimated
effects of self-ascription on the opportunities
to access the top wealth quintile. Here the
marked social distances that exist between
mestizos or whites and the rest of the ethnic-
racial affiliations stand out: With the exception
of black or mulatto men, where effects are only
presented in the unadjusted models, all groups
present disadvantages significant with respect
to mestizos or whites in the unadjusted and
adjusted probabilities of access to higher levels
of wealth.
So, for example, the adjusted probabilities
of reaching the top wealth quintile are:
47% lower for indigenous men
Finally, the third panel shows the differences
in the probabilities of accessing the top wealth
quintile among people with different skin tones.
In an overview, two trends can be noted.
The first
is that the barriers to access to the top
quintile grow to the extent that people
report darker skin tones. Thus, while the
unadjusted probabilities of women with
“dark” tones
They are 37% lower than those of women
with “light” tones; in the case of women
with “dark” tones, this gap grows to 58%.

31% smaller for indigenous women

compared to those who describe themselves

as mestizo or white.

Discrimination due to ethnic-racial characteristics and inequality of opportunities. 14

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The second
is that, although the magnitude of the gaps is somewhat smaller when compared to
the other criteria, they not only invariably maintain their statistical significance in the
adjusted models, but are of considerable magnitude, particularly among those with
tones " light” and “dark” skin.

Until now we have highlighted the To illustrate these joint effects, we

inequalities associated with each of the estimate the probabilities of access to the
ethnic-racial characteristics separately. highest economic quintile for several
However, these characteristics often “ethnic-racial profiles”, that is, groups of
operate together, since many people people who share certain characteristics.
simultaneously possess linguistic, identity The results of the ethnic-racial.
adjusted models are
and physical traits that expose them to presented in Graph 3.
racism and discrimination.

Graph 3. Relative risks of educational, occupational and economic outcomes,

according to selected ethnic-racial profiles, by sex (Ref.= White or mixed-race people with light

Access to the highest wealth quintile

-42% *
White or mixed-race people,
brown or dark skin
-28% *

-60% *
Black or mulatto people
-46% *

-68% * indigenous people, skin

brunette or dark
-74% *

-71% * Speakers of

-59% *
indigenous languages

*p<.05 Men Women

Source: Own elaboration based on MMSI 2016 data

15 Discrimination due to ethnic-racial characteristics and inequality of opportunities.

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The reference profile is people who declare themselves as white or

mixed race with light skin tones. In relation to this profile,
White or mixed-race people with brown or dark skin tone are more
likely to:

E 42% of wealth in the case

less than ofthewomen.
reaching top quintile

28% less in men.

For their part, black or mulatto people are likely to

minors for women and men,
60% and
46% respectively.

Those who define themselves as indigenous (but do not speak an indigenous language) with brown
or dark skin tone have even greater disadvantages in ascending to the top quintile of wealth, with
a probability

68% less for women. 74% less for men.

Finally, the probabilities for indigenous language speakers are 71% lower in the case of
women and 59% lower in the case of men.

In summary, it stands out, on the one hand, that the differences with the contrast group are
significant even discounting the effect of the historical accumulation of inequality, and on the other,
that in some cases the magnitude of inequality is amplified with respect to the contrasts between
each ethnic-racial dimension separately (Figure 2).

These results are indicative that the

effects on inequality of opportunities
may be greater when people combine
linguistic, self-ascription, and physical
traits associated with discriminated
ethnic-racial groups. a

16 Background
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Summary of
main results

As a final synthesis, the main results of the study can be

summarized in five points:

A 01
The ethnic-racial characteristics of the population are an
important explanatory factor for the inequality of educational,
occupational and economic opportunities. Each of the ethnic-
racial characteristics analyzed in the study (linguistic identification,
ethnic-racial self-ascription, and skin tone) has statistically
significant and independent effects on the social outcomes
analyzed. However, although these effects are important, their
magnitude is less than that of the socioeconomic position of the
family of origin.

02 Ethnic-racial inequalities are explained 03 The above has an important implication

in part by historical accumulation of
disadvantages, expressed in the
association between the the socioeconomic
position of the family of origin and
ethnic-racial characteristics. However,
detailed statistical analysis reveals that
on many occasions the inequality of
opportunities associated with ethnic-racial
characteristics persists even when the
socioeconomic level of the family of origin
is statistically controlled.
by
This suggests that, in addition to being
historically linked to the originala
accumulation of social disadvantages,
ethnic-racial discrimination is a
persistent phenomenon in Mexican
society and translates into the
continuity of unequal treatment
practices with significant effects on
the reproduction of social inequality. .
for the design of anti-racist and anti-
discriminatory public policies: These
policies must cover two fronts, that of
affirmative action or compensatory
policies, which seek to compensate
for the social disadvantages historically
accumulated by discriminated ethnic
groups, and of an aggressive anti-
discrimination policy, aimed at
combating and preventing persistent
practices of discrimination associated
with ethnic-racial characteristics. This
includes not only the protection of
indigenous and Afro-descendant
communities, but also of people who,
without having a direct affiliation or self-
ascription with these communities, have
dark skin tones or other racialized physical
features related to these groups that
make them vulnerable to The discrimination.

17 Summary of main results.

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04 Inequality of opportunities is accentuated when

people combine two or more ethnic-racial
characteristics associated with the ethnic
groups that suffer the greatest discrimination,
that is, indigenous and Afro-descendant
people. This highlights the importance of adopting
a multidimensional approach
of to ethnic-racial
the
characteristics of people. It is important that this
multidimensional approach not only includes
linguistic and identity traits such as cultural self-
ascription, but also racialized physical traits that
tell us about the way in which people are seen by
others and, therefore, classified and subject or not
to discriminatory practices.

Future studies on the relationship between

ethnic-racial characteristics and social
inequality could benefit from a multidimensional
approach to these characteristics.

05Finally, the empirical results

suggest that there may be intersectionality
effects between gender and ethnic-racial
characteristics. In particular, it would appear
that inequality is amplified among women
when the combination of characteristics is
considered in the models for ethnic-racial
profiles and that the effects of ethnic-racial
characteristics on economic outcomes in
particular are greater among women than
among men, a result that is not replicated in
educational and occupational results.

Although these findings are not conclusive and require more detailed analysis, they
indicate that it is important to adopt an intersectionality approach, in which attention is paid to
the possible confluence of gender and ethnic-racial inequalities in the
REPRODUCTION OF INEQUALITY OF OPPORTUNITIES IN THE

Mexico contemporary.
Summary of main results. 18
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