Translated from Portuguese to English - www.onlinedoctranslator.

com

Eduardo Mondlane University Faculty of

Arts and Social Sciences Department of

Archeology and Anthropology

Degree in Anthropology

Child as Agent:

An analysis based on the daily experience of garbage collectors in

Maxaquene C neighborhood

Candidate: Inok Laurentino Chiposse

Supervisor: Cristiano Matsinhe

Maputo, December 2015

 Child as Agent:

An analysis based on the daily experience of garbage collectors in

Maxaquene C neighborhood

Course completion work to obtain a degree in Anthropology at the Faculty of Arts

and Social Sciences of Eduardo Mondlane University

The Supervisor The president The Opponent

_________________ _________________ ________________

Maputo, December 2015

1
Declaration of originality

I declare that this research report is original and has never been presented in its
entirety for the award of any degree. I further declare that it is the result of my
research, indicating the bibliographical references and sources of information used to
carry it out.

Candidate

________________________________
Inok Laurentino Chiposse

two
Dedication

This work I dedicate to my mother, Maria Ginha Nhenguete

Only GOD knows how hard you worked to ensure your children studied.

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Thanks

To carry out this work I counted on the contribution of certain people, although some
of them are not mentioned, but they accompanied me throughout my training.

Firstly, I would like to thankGODfor everything.

Then to my brothers (Teresa, Mirete, Neklim), my nephews (Darcenildo, Eduardo and Elcaná)
for their unconditional support during the years of my academic training and throughout life.
Thank you very much.
To Dr. Cristiano Matsinhe, my supervisor, who was wise, suggesting and guiding the
production of this work.
Thanks are extended to all the professors at the DAA at UEM for giving me clues to
follow in the world of Anthropology
I also thank Prof. Emídio S. Gune for the debates and constructive criticism that were
evident in the production of this work.
To the research participants, who were helpful in explaining and understanding the reflection in

question.

To all my colleagues on the Anthropology 2012 course, especially Carlos Correia, Mussa
Juma, Imerson Cardoso, Vitorino Mangação, partners at all times.
To the companions, Arcanjo, Isaú, Afonso, Salvador, Hermenegildo, Honesto, Cleófas, Kota
Gunde, De Rocha and Raposo.
To my friends Abdula Rajabo and Verniz.
Special thanks to my Synderela Sandra, the apple of my eye, for her support and
presence at every moment of my academic training.

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Abbreviations and Acronyms

CPLP-Community of Portuguese Speaking

Countries DAA-Department of Archeology and
Anthropology USA-United States of America IAF-
Household Survey INE-National Statistics Institute
ILO-International Labor Organization NGO'S-Non-
Governmental Organizations UN-United Nations
Organization

II RGPH-Second General Population and Housing Census UA-

African Union
UNICEF-United Nations Children's Fund, acronym in English
EMU-Eduardo Mondlane University

5
Glossary

Bacela–refers to the action of receiving bonuses during a transaction.

Biscatos-term in current use that serves to designate work carried out occasionally. Jackpots-

expression in current use that serves to designate business, namely the activity of garbage

collection, in the restricted case.

Bombs (spider, Dragon, rockets) –designation given by garbage collectors to

pyrotechnic objects, in this specific case to a set of small fireworks.
Bradas-expression in current use used to designate friends. This term derives from a
modification of the English termbrother.
Scene-commonly used slang that serves to designate something as a substitute for the demonstrative pronoun

“this”

Guys-expression in current use that serves to designate people, individuals.

Game (Teken) -name given by garbage collectors to an electronic device, which

requires a 5m coin to be inserted into it to function.
Gramei-expression in current use that expresses satisfaction, (the same as I liked). Job-

expression in current use that serves to designate work. It derives from the English term Job.

Maningue-designation in current use that serves to quantify (the same as a lot) Spring-

expression in current use used to designate money.

Moluwenes-expression in current use that serves to designate marginal individuals of dubious

conduct.

Fight-expression in current use used to refer to physical aggression. Kid-

expression in current use that serves to designate child.

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Summary

The present work analyzes children's involvement in activities that generate income, taking as a
starting point the income-earning strategies carried out by children collecting waste from the
Maxaquene C neighborhood. During the bibliographic review, two perspectives stand out in
the analysis. of the subject, on the one hand, those of human development psychology and, on
the other hand, those of context-based social interaction. Those in developmental psychology
argue that children are in the stage of biological maturation, during this process they are
passive and dependent on adults. For those in developmental psychology, the child's
involvement in activities that generate income takes the form of exploration. The second
perspective argues that the child is an active agent within the social context in which they are
inserted, in relation to the involvement of children in activities that generate income, this
perspective argues that it is carried out as a means of socialization, children's interaction and
integration in “home activities” or domestic activities by extension.

Therefore, it can be seen that the two perspectives do not open space for an analysis from
the children themselves, and they all look at the child as passive, for some, passive in the
face of exploitation, and for others, passive in the face of social rules, to the extent that
that the social aspect is decisive for their involvement in activities that generate income. In
order to understand the strategies carried out by children to obtain income, we carried out
ethnographic research with children collecting garbage in the Maxaquene C
neighborhood, whose data allow us to affirm that the child's involvement in activities that
generate income materializes in models of autonomy, negotiation capacity, reciprocal
relationships and leisure. An activity carried out without the knowledge of parents and
guardians, and even clashes with the aspirations of pragmatic normative models, as this
activity falls within the typology of so-called “child labor”. However, the resources raised
are intended to meet the needs of leisure and entertainment, which are guaranteed by law
in the laws, decrees and conventions prescribed by pragmatic normative models.

Key words:autonomy, negotiation, reciprocity and leisure.

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 Index
Declaration of originality.................................................. .................................................... .......iii

Dedication................................................. .................................................... ................................. saw

Thanks................................................. .................................................... .......................... v

Abbreviations and Acronyms ............................................... .................................................... ......... saw

Glossary .................................................. .................................................... .................................... viii

Summary................................................. .................................................... ..................................... viii

1. Introduction ............................................... .................................................... .............................. 10

1.2. Objectives.................................................. .................................................... ..................... 12
General objective: ............................................... .................................................... .................... 12
Specific objectives................................................. .................................................... ............ 12
1.3. Hypotheses ................................................. .................................................... .......................... 12
1.4. Justification .................................................. .................................................... .................... 12

2. Theoretical Problematization.................................................. .................................................... ........ 14

2.1. Child Agency ............................................... ............................................. 14
2.3. Pragmatic Normative Models ............................................... .................................... 19
2.4. The problem of agency in the Mozambican Context.................................................. 20
2.5. The theory ................................................ .................................................... ........................... 22
2.5.1. Conceptualization .................................................. .................................................... ..... 24

3. Methodology ............................................... .................................................... ........................... 28

3.1. Research Phases ............................................... .................................................... ............ 28
3.2. Techniques for selecting research participants .............................................. ........... 28
3.3. Data collection method and technique .............................................. ................................. 30
3.3.1. Method ................................................. .................................................... ..................... 30
3.1.2. Techniques ................................................. .................................................... ................... 30
3.2. Constraints during research .............................................. ............................. 31
4. The ethnographic place and research results .............................................. ........................... 32
4.1. Sociodemographic characterization of the research location ........................................ .... 32
4.2. Profile of Participants ............................................... .................................................... ... 33
4.3. Summary of profiles.................................................. .................................................... ............ 34
4.4. Description of the Routine ............................................... .................................................... ........ 34
4.4.1. The purpose of money.................................................. .............................................. 36

5. Discussion of Results ............................................. .................................................... ........ 37

8
 5.1. Children’s Autonomy.................................................. .................................................... 37
5.2. Negotiation Capacity ............................................... ............................................... 39
5.3. Reciprocity Relationships ............................................... ............................................... 41
5.4. Leisure Moments.................................................. .................................................... ......... 43
5.6. Implications for Pragmatic Normative Models ................................................ ......... 45
5.7. Problematizing the objectives, research hypotheses and observed results... 46

6. Final Considerations .............................................. .................................................... .............. 49

7. References.................................................. .................................................... .............................. 52

9
1. Introduction

The study analyzes children's involvement in activities that generate income, taking as a
starting point the income-earning strategies carried out by children collecting garbage in
the Maxaquene C neighborhood. The work suggests reflection and understanding about
the challenges of attempts to reconcile the universality of children's rights in contexts
marked by poverty. We also proposed to look at children in interaction as a category
subject to observation and analysis, aiming to understand that needs are inherent to their
condition of existence and are created, and that they vary from context to context and that
for their satisfaction follows different contours from child to child.

On the one hand we have the Universal Declaration of the Rights of Children and Adolescents,

approved by the UN in 1959, the African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child, approved

by the AU in 1990, (documents ratified by the Mozambican State), which are verifies through Article

47 of the Constitution of the Mozambican Republic, which prescribes the right to children's leisure,

maintaining that children have the right to rest and free time, to engage in games and other

recreational activities appropriate to their age and to freely participate in cultural and artistic life.

On the other hand, we have the Mozambican reality characterized by scarcity and poverty, due to

this situation, there are many families that, for economic and structural political reasons, are unable

to satisfy these rights, especially those that have to do with leisure, pleasure and fun. Highlighting

the challenge, especially in the attempt to implement international norms, laws, decrees and

conventions regulating behavior.

From this situation it is clear that the materialization of children's rights and duties does not
follow a homogeneous path for all of them, for each reality different contours follow. It is on
this group of children in particular, living in a context marked by scarcity and poverty, that we
will focus our attention, taking into account this void left in the interstices of rights and duties,
which we propose to reflect on, seeking to understand what mechanisms are activated by
children with a view to meeting these needs for leisure, pleasure and fun.

10
Answering this question will help us to understand the social relationships that are
created and established by children, in the use of mechanisms to overcome the void
left by the situation of poverty, in satisfying their needs. Finally, realizing that in the
interstices between the rights and duties enshrined in laws, children position
themselves as active agents, engaging in activities that generate income in order to
meet their needs, this agency demonstrates that social relations are not limited to
legal legal regulations, as they follow contours beyond pre-established norms. This is
the challenge we set out to analyze in this work.

In terms of structure, the work is organized into six sections. The first section contains the
introduction where we summarize the work presenting the objectives, hypotheses and
justification. The second contains the theoretical and conceptual problematization, in
which we review the literature on child agency with a focus on the child's involvement in
activities that generate income, presented from the two approaches that analyze the
subject. We also show the positioning of pragmatic normative models and
problematization in the Mozambican context, we also present the theory adopted in the
work and the operational concepts. The third contains the methodology, where we
describe the data collection methods and techniques, and the constraints during fieldwork.

The fourth section contains the connection between the ethnographic place and the research

results, where we provide a portrait of the research place based on the socio-demographic

characterization, followed by the presentation of the participants' profile, and the description of the

routine of waste collection activities. On Thursday we discuss the results based on the theoretical

perspectives that analyze the subject, we make a relationship between theory and field data and the

implications for pragmatic normative models. Finally, the final considerations where we summarize

the work, presenting the main lines that guided the work, and the outcome through the

relationship of the objectives, the work hypotheses with the field results.

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1.2. Objectives

General objective:

- Understand how children are involved in meeting the needs guaranteed by

laws, but neglected by the circumstances in which they are inserted;
- Describe the fact that children are engaged in activities that generate income, in
order to satisfy certain needs.

Specific objectives
- Analyze the dilemma experienced by children in trying to meet their needs
needs, insofar as they straddle the threshold between rights and duties.
- Problematize the issue of agency focusing on children as subjects of the process

- Understand how the children who collect garbage themselves conceive of the “work” they

do.

1.3. Hypotheses
Despite the assumptions of developmental psychology characterizing the child as an agent
passive conditioned by their biological apparatus, and the pragmatic normative models
composed of decrees and international conventions inhibit the participation of children in
activities that generate income, however, there is active agency of the child in the garbage
collection activity carried out in the neighborhood of Maxaquene C as a subsidiary
mechanism activated by them with a view to satisfying their needs, in a context marked by
limitations in the family's capabilities in providing for their complementary needs.

1.4. Justification
When one understands the challenges that characterize the attempt to implement standards,

decrees and conventions considered universal in contexts marked by scarcity and

poverty, in these situations the dimension of active agency of

12
children, where they, through this, create social mechanisms in order to meet their
needs, and some of these mechanisms sometimes put them in conflict with laws,
decrees and universal child protection conventions. Knowing this scenario, those
involved in the process of developing child protection policies will take into account the
priorities of each context in which children are inserted.

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2. Theoretical Problematization

2.1. Children's Agency

In this section we present and debate the perspectives, which analyze the agency of
children, focusing on their involvement in activities that generate income. In order to
analyze and systematize the data obtained during fieldwork, we also present the theory
that guides this research.

Regarding the child's agency in the literature analyzed, two perspectives emerge that
address this reality. The first group is based on the assumptions of human
development psychology, which analyzes the child as a subject in stages of maturation.
It characterizes the child as a passive, dependent agent, without the ability to make
commitments. These, when analyzing the child's involvement in activities that generate
income, advocate and defend that involvement in activities that generate income
materializes through exploitation. In this sense, children, despite their biological
apparatus, are exploited by people who are mostly adults, or organized groups that
take advantage of children's passivity and make the most of them (Papalia, 1981;
Osório, 1992; Bee, 1997; ILO, 2013; UnicefMozambique, 2010; UnicefKenya, 2012).

The second group of authors argues that within their social context the child assumes activism
in social interaction. In relation to the involvement of children in activities that generate
income, for them it takes place in the form of socialization, interaction and integration of
children in home activities. On the one hand, socialization occurs when it is done by adults or a
group of peers, interaction occurs when it is done through play in children's relationships with
each other, and integration occurs when it comes to home activities, insofar as the work they
carry out in the family environment, is intended to instill in children responsibility for adult life
(Dahlberg et al, 2003; Durkheim, 1983; Cohn, 2005; Waksler, 1991; Corsaro & Miller, 1992;
Montandon, 2001; Gomes, 2004; Campos & Debortoli, 2007; Colonna, 2008; 2012).

The first group of authors explores aspects of human development, highlighting the life
stages that children go through. Regarding involvement in activities that generate
14
income, demonstrate the “negative” aspects behind the involvement of children, which
they substantiate through statistical data, giving us a quantitative idea of how many
children are involved in this practice and the economic situation of the families of these
children.

In the assumptions of human development according to Papalia (1981), the child is at a stage of physical,

psychological and moral maturation, determined by the genetic and biological apparatus. During this

period, she is completely dependent on the adults around her and as she grows, she reduces her

dependence to a certain extent.

The same is defended by Osório (1992), when stating that children do not have the ability to
establish their identity and stable relationships, do not have the ability to make commitments,
be economically independent or establish reciprocal relationships. For Osório (1992) these
capabilities are achieved in adulthood.

Bee (1997), states that it is only in adulthood that individuals seek to build their own values,
their life project, become independent, position themselves as autonomous subjects, thus
agreeing with the position defended by Osório (1992).

Regarding children's involvement in activities that generate income, in a survey carried

out in Kenya by UnicefKenya(2012) involving working children, found that even in
situations where there is no trafficking, many children are forced to work to survive.
According to this study, all children who work collecting old things or as shoe shiners,
serving at tea tables, selling cigarettes on the streets, or working in homes or factories
face the worst forms of work, including forced labor, illicit activities and domestic work.
The same research concluded that child domestic workers can suffer psychological
problems. It was also found that these working children were more likely than other
children to have insomnia, depression, among other pathologies.

These approaches, on the one hand, give us an understanding of the physical, economic
implications and abuse of power that occurs in certain cases, when children are involved in
activities that generate income, on the other hand, they restrict our range of

15
understanding of the human subject determined by genetics and biology. In this sense, it loses
sight of the concrete relationships that children establish in their daily lives, focusing on
strategies for obtaining income.

With a different view from these, the second group of authors proposes that within their social

context, the child assumes activism in social interaction, which are linked to socialization, therefore,

passing on children's social relationships, bring the playful dimension, finally suggesting us an

analysis of children as agents in the construction of their social life. In this context, Dahlberg et all

(2003), state that within the socially constructed context, the child assumes activism in different

spheres, demonstrating that they have a social and personal identity. The same is referenced by

Cohn (2005), when arguing that children, through established social relationships, act actively with

adults and other children, consolidating important roles in these relationships, not as a miniature

adult, but as a being that is capable of interact and formulate meaning about the social

environment in which they find themselves.

In relation to children's involvement in activities that generate income, socialization can be the
entry point to understanding this reality. Socialization is perceived as the incorporation of
structured social norms, which determine collective and individual action. The individual, in
addition to his relative autonomy, is defined by the internalization of norms and dispositions
common to society or the specific context in which he operates (Durkheim, 1983). In
Montandon's (2001) view, this classic definition of socialization is problematic, as it refers us to
a unilateral process, of the influence exerted by institutions and social agents with a view to the
assimilation, adaptation and integration of individuals into society.

The classic approach makes us think that children are unfinished products, individuals who are
missing something. Criticizing the simplistic approach to socialization Waksler (1991)
guarantees that studies on socialization can never contain the totality of children's experiences,
as they do other things besides submitting to socialization. This view of socialization leads to a
tortuous approach to children, in which they are considered as objects or as plaques on which
adults imprint culture. As a recommendation, Waksler (1991)

16
suggests that we should look at the production of social life by individuals rather than the

production of behaviors by social structures.

Clarifying socialization assumptions Corsaro & Miller (1992), in a comparative ethnography

carried out in Italy and the USA, in order to examine the level of children's participation in
play, concluded that children's socialization is not a matter of adaptation or
internalization , but a process of appropriation, innovation and reproduction. Giving us to
understand that in research on socialization, one must have the children's point of view, be
concerned about the questions they ask themselves, the meanings they attribute,
individually and collectively, to the world around them, this contributes to the production
and transformation of peer group culture, as well as adult culture.

In this way, to understand the work done by children, according to Campos & Debortoli (2007),
in a research carried out by the Belo Horizontes Tutorial Education Program with children who
work at the signal, they suggest that child labor constitutes a reality that requires new
perspectives on the subjects. Whether through social policies, or through the actions of the
subjects that make up the social context. Still in the same research, it is recognized that all
children have rights, and these must be respected and legitimized. Getting to know the reality
of working children up close opens new doors for us to understand the relationships
established between children, leisure, work, in the creation of policies and processes of human
training dedicated to problematizing the risk situations that thousands of children are subject
to.

Speaking about children's work from the perspective of playful culture, Colonna (2012), in
research with children in the Infulene neighborhood-Maputo, sought to analyze the
practice of children who take care of other children, arguing that both girls and boys are
seen as competent to take care of the youngest. This situation is part of the playful
dimension, in terms of preparing children for adult life, and which are relevant aspects in
their activity as caregivers. Giving rise to this assumption, it is clear that the boundaries
between children's play, socialization and work are uncertain in children's lives, these
elements are often integrated. Taking care of other children is much more

17
than an activity, but rather a “laborious game” that children play in their daily lives.

Finally, making the symbiosis between child labor, recreational culture and leisure, Gomes
(2004) concludes that child labor brings as an immediate consequence the theft of leisure in
childhood, due to the need to work at a young age. But it is from this relationship between
work and children's play that children's ability to experience everyday challenges in a fun way
becomes notable. On these points, to complement the author suggests the use of the term
leisure, as a dimension of culture constituted through the playful experience, even in the face
of sometimes adverse circumstantial oppositions, expressed in the form of needs, duties,
obligations and especially with the work.

These last authors (Dahlberg et al, 2003; Durkheim, 1983; Cohn, 2005; Waksler, 1991;
Corsaro & Miller, 1992; Montandon, 2001; Gomes, 2004; Campos & Debortoli, 2007;
Colonna, 2008; 2012) help us to have a holistic view of the child, suggesting an analysis
that is based on the context in which they are inserted. They highlight children's activism in
different spheres of everyday life. One of the spheres is participation in economic life,
which reflects the preponderant role of socialization as an influencer, also showing that the
same involvement is part of a process of integration between peers, and that it fits into the
playful and leisure universe of the same .

Children's agency demonstrated in social relationships, through active involvement in

activities that generate income, clashes with the aspirations of pragmatic normative
models, which we will present below.

18
2.3. Pragmatic Normative Models
In this subsection we demonstrate that although on the one hand the child is recognized as an agent,

active in the context in which it operates, on the other hand, conventions, decrees and laws
that attempt to regulate, frame and specify their field of action still prevail.

Pragmatic Normative models are understood as the set of laws, decrees and norms
considered universal, which prescribe rights and duties to individuals in whatever socio-
cultural context they find themselves in. These laws and decrees influence individuals in
applying prescribed norms. Hence, laws and norms are given to individuals as a guide for
action, which must be in accordance with them. It is not enough to know the laws, you
need to practice them (Graça, 2008).

In this sense, at a global level, the UN (1989) conceives children as being all individuals aged
between 0 and 18 years of age. This is the case of the Universal Declaration of the Rights of
Children and Adolescents, approved by the United Nations in 1959, which states that children
are recognized worldwide as citizens and bearers of rights and duties. The premises of the
declaration do not stop there, it advocates the commitment of the State, family and society in
guaranteeing and implementing children's rights so that they can live a childhood to the
fullest.

In Africa, and based on global influence, in 1990 the AU drafted the African Charter on the
Rights of the Child along the same lines as the UN Universal Declaration of the Rights of the
Child. The preamble of the letter states that it is the duty of the family, society and the State to
ensure children and adolescents, with absolute priority, the right to life, health, food,
education, leisure, professionalization, culture, dignity, respect, freedom and family and
community coexistence, in addition to keeping them safe from all forms of neglect,
discrimination, exploitation, violence, cruelty and oppression (African Charter on the Rights of
the Child, 1990).

19
2.4. The problem of agency in the Mozambican Context
Mozambique, being part of these international organizations (UN and AU), ratified the
conventions and consequently incorporated it into its legislation. In the constitution of the Republic

of Mozambique, Article 47 regarding children's rights states that children have the right to the

protection and care necessary for their well-being. In the same constitution, making reference to

the African Charter on the Rights of the Child, with regard to the right to children's leisure, they

maintain that the child has the right to rest and free time, to engage in games and other

recreational activities appropriate to their age. and to freely participate in cultural and artistic life

(Constitution of the Republic, article 47).

Based on the decrees and conventions mentioned above, leisure is considered a right
for all children, which also means that it is the legitimate responsibility of the State,
family and society to guarantee this right to children. According to the same
legislation, the family therefore has a great responsibility in meeting all the needs of
children in the socialization process.

The Mozambican reality is complex, characterized by several specificities in daily life,

especially in the attempt to implement these norms, decrees regulating behavior. In
this context, not all families are able to meet these needs. In many families, for
economic and structural political reasons, these needs are not met in their entirety,
especially those related to leisure, pleasure and fun. It is on this group in particular
that we will focus our attention, and it is based on this void left in the interstices of
rights and duties that the question that will guide the reflection arises:To what extent
do children actively engage in actions to meet their needs?

Referring to the involvement of children in activities that generate income, the ILO (2013),
in a study on the applications of conventions and recommendations in the legislation of
CPLP countries, which aims to eliminate child labor, taking into account the specificities of
each country, he argues that “minor work” should be understood as any and all work
activity carried out by people under the age of 18, whether or not subject to

20
remuneration, in any economic, cooperative, associative and NGO sector. Therefore, child labor is

any and all work activity carried out by people under the age of 15, whether or not subject to

remuneration. The expression “work of minors”, in light of the legal instruments of Mozambique,

encompasses the work carried out by those who have not yet reached the age of civil consent

(figured at 18 years old), and who have already completed the minimum age (15 years old) for

admission to the job.

In a contextualization exercise, UNICEFMozambique(2010) in the report on child

poverty in Mozambique guarantees that child labor is another serious form of abuse
and exploitation in Mozambique. Statistics reveal that 22% of children aged 5-14 are
involved in child labor, with a large disparity between urban and rural areas at 15% and
25%, respectively. The report revealed that the prevalence of child labor is related to
the mother's level of education and 24% of children whose mothers have no education
are involved in child labor, compared to 10% of children whose mothers have at least
education. secondary. The same prevalence of child labor is slightly higher among girls
than among boys. The percentage of children who work to support family businesses
is the same for both sexes at 16%.

In a panorama in which Mozambique has adopted conventions, norms, decrees that,

among many rights, prescribe children the right to leisure and fun, on the other hand,
the same, in many cases, are not guaranteed or safeguarded by the State, the family
and the civil society, therefore, it is common to see the dimension of agency of children
who actively engage in activities that generate income in order to meet these needs.

From participant observation, carried out in the Maxaquene C neighborhood with children
collecting rubbish, we noticed how this dimension of children's agency takes place in their daily
lives. The method of participant observation made us reflect on the application of certain
concepts, such as autonomy, negotiation capacity, reciprocal interaction and leisure, therefore,
inserted within the framework of the reflection suggested by Honwana and De Boeck (2005)
when stating that research should seek to understand everyday experiences

21
of children, taking into account their capacity for action and active participation at a family, social and

economic level, even in the most adverse situations.

2.5. The theory

Taking into account the two theoretical perspectives (those of human development psychology and

context-based social interaction) that analyze the child's agency. Some are based on the
assumptions of psychology, which analyzes children as subjects in stages of maturation
and which looks at the child's involvement in activities that generate income along the
lines of exploitation (Papalia, 1981; Osório, 1992; Bee, 1997; ILO , 2013; UnicefMozambique
, 2010; UnicefKenya, 2012). Realizing the limitation of such an analysis, as they restrict its
range of understanding in relation to the human subject determined by genetics and
biology, which theoretically makes us lose sight of the concrete relationships that children
establish in their daily lives, mainly within the scope of strategies of obtaining income.
Others analyze children within their social context, recognizing that they assume activism
in social interaction. In relation to the involvement of children in activities that generate
income, according to the logic advanced by these studies, it takes place along the lines of
socialization, interaction and integration of children in home activities (Dahlberg et al,
2003; Durkheim, 1983; Cohn, 2005; Waksler, 1991; Corsaro & Miller, 1992; Montandon,
2001; Gomes, 2004; Campos & Debortoli, 2007; Colonna, 2008; 2012). This analysis is
limited by the primacy of the social supra-structure, as it perceives that social norms
determine children's involvement in activities that generate income, and that this is part of
the socialization process. This view removes the possibility of children acting individually,
thus devaluing the subject's autonomy in subverting socially constructed norms and acting
outside them.

In this sense, the reality of the field of study reveals the antagonism with the theories of

developmental psychology and those of social interaction based on the context at certain points,

since the garbage collection activity carried out by children in the neighborhood of Maxaquene C, is

done without parents and guardians, and it falls within the typology of “child labor” combatted by

pragmatic normative models, constituted by both the Universal Declaration of the Rights of

Children and Adolescents, the African Charter of Rights and Welfare, of the Child, in which

Mozambique is a signatory and reflected in the Constitution of the Republic of

22
Mozambique in article 47. In a single activity, it is clear that children act by subverting local
social norms, as well as subverting, consequently, what they are amazed at in international
laws, norms and conventions, considered global.

Observing the scarcity of research in Mozambique that highlights the children's point
of view, Colonna (2008) states that studies that study the reality of children considered
“normal” within a given context are rare and even rarer are studies that present the
children's own point of view about their experiences and their daily lives.

It is necessary to emphasize that for this purpose, in this research we adopted the Constructivist

theory. This theory argues that human beings build knowledge through their social interactions;

and reality does not exist beyond the language constructed by the subject through their social

interactions (Castañon, 2004).

For Sousa Filho, (2009) a constructivist conception implies understanding social reality as a result of

the actions of human beings themselves in their living spaces that reproduce cultural and historical

differences. In this sense, this theory allowed us to understand social reality, taking into account the

symbolic and subjective dimensions of the imaginary in the practices of children collecting garbage

in the neighborhood of Maxaquene C. A constructivist analysis suggests us to abandon the search

for properties, concepts considered universal in the categorization of reality, and suggests the

adoption of historical and contextual reflection as the center for understanding the social (Gergen,

1994).

The other dilemma also lies in thinking of children as miniature adults, as they ignore the
social and cultural worlds of childhood, which leads them to develop activities considered
“adults” with their own style, for example, through the ability to articulate work, with
learning and with the playful dimension (Katz, 1986; Invernizzi, 2003; Punch, 2003; Silva,
2003).

Through constructivist theory, we will focus attention on the construction of social categories that

are used to analyze and understand the contexts in which the subjects of analysis are inserted,

which will open up the understanding of social relations that become central to the production of

23
knowledge, as well as for the representation of experience. For (Berger & Luckmann,
1994;Wilkinson, Kitzinger, 1995) social reality is intersubjectively constructed.

Recognizing the limitations of other theories, the constructivist proposal appears as the most

suitable because it offers us elements that allow us to operationalize the concepts in question,

based on the daily lives of children collecting garbage in the neighborhood of Maxaquene C and

granting children the status of actors full and competent social groups in formulating and acting on

their universe since they are the builders of the social realities in which they operate. This analysis

will lead us to understand that norms of conduct and behavior are always based on values

constituted within the symbolic universe of each group (Soares, Sarmento, & Tomás, 2005).

2.5.1. Conceptualization
The moment to conceptualize according to Prado et all (2011), allows in a methodological way

define the analysis perspective and refine the arguments and theories that support the
analysis framework. Therefore, in this section the key concepts that guide this study are
defined, namely autonomy, negotiation capacity, reciprocity and leisure, with a view to
understanding the research problem.

2.5.1.1. Autonomy
Regarding the concept of autonomy, according to Gadotti (1992), it comes from the Greekself(own) and

nomos(law or rule), and means self-government, governing oneself. The same arises in a
context of analysis of political theories, with regard to the exercise of power in situations of
decentralization and deconcentration. In the same line of idea, Mogilka (1999) suggests that
autonomy is the ability to define your own rules and limits, without these needing to be
imposed by someone else, as you act towards your self-regulation.

In an attempt to distance themselves from this view, Deci and Ryan (2000) add that
autonomy is self-determination that conditions the ability to make decisions, something
that is a universal need. In a study that deals with autonomy in children, inserted in the
field of behavioral psychology, Cole & Cole (2001) conclude that in children the desire to be

24
Autonomous drive appears at the beginning of preschool age, where they face the conflict between exercising

their own will and the moral barriers to these impulses.

Despite the different conceptions about autonomy, something in common passes between the lines

of all approaches, is the fact of associating autonomy with the individual's ability to act for

themselves, through the creation of their own rules, despite current norms, which opens up space

the subject's ability to do it for themselves, despite the constraints that the context may impose on

them (Silva, 2009). This is the conceptualization of autonomy adopted in this work.

2.5.1.2. Negotiation
The concept of negotiation has been the subject of strong analysis and reflection in the sciences.

economic. However, because it materializes within the scope of social relations, it can also be
analyzed through the lenses of anthropology and other social sciences. Along these lines, for
Nierenberg (1981), negotiation is the process where several parties are committed to obtaining
gains, continually seeking to have an overview of the process, taking into account the
satisfaction of the parties involved, in order to avoid conflicts.

In turn, Fisher and Ury (1985) define negotiation as a process between two opposing sides in
the context of communication, with a view to reaching a shared decision in which the parties
recognize the conflicting interests between them, but the parties value a common desire,
which is the satisfaction of your desires.

From the perspectives of Steele, Murphy and RussillapudPanoso (2000), negotiation is the act of making and

obtaining concessions between parties involved in an interaction. The same occurs in a positive way when the

parties carry out exchanges with each other, sometimes one of the parties uses persuasion in order to reach a

forced agreement, sometimes benefiting one of the parties involved in the interaction.

LaurentapudPanoso (2000) problematizes the simplistic definition of the concept of negotiation and

characterizes it as the process of manipulation and disposition, with a view to achieving one's own

objectives using mainly words, without worrying too much about the veracity of their content. In

order to reinforce the idea already advanced, Zajdsznajder (1988) states that the

25
Negotiation is a verbal interaction, in which the parties present proposals, counter-proposals
and arguments, with the aim of obtaining and establishing an agreement.

In this work, negotiation is understood as being an entire process of bilateral interaction with a view to

mutual concessions, in which there may be common, complementary or opposing interests, where the

objective is to induce and convince the other party to change its original position and adhere to new

proposals.

2.5.1.3. Reciprocity
According to Mauss (1974), the principle of reciprocity is characterized by three moments: giving,

receive, reciprocate. In this sense, gift and reciprocity are moments that follow each other in
the same act of exchange. Exchange relationships also result in solidarity, which becomes a
principle of mutual obligations.

For Blau (1964), reciprocal interactions are carried out through the offering of favors that create

unspecified future obligations, with the nature of the retribution being left to the person who must

reciprocate the exchange between two parties, whether of an economic or social nature. Economic

exchange is carried out based on an agreement, which stipulates what will be exchanged (or

agreed) between the parties, while social exchange is based on mutual trust, on unspecified

obligations, generating a feeling of personal obligation among those involved. , gratitude and trust.

Reciprocity creates a set of roles during its implementation, generating the bipolarity of donor and

recipient, and in their interaction it generates the feeling of retribution and obligation. It is

understood that the norm of reciprocity not only causes the notion of debt in the receiver but also

leads the donor to develop expectations of reciprocation from the receiver (Gouldner, 1960; Nova,

2000).

This work emphasizes reciprocity as the principle of exchanging favors between individuals,
which can be from an economic or social point of view, originating the roles of donor, receiver
and retribution, which is based on mutual trust conditioning future obligations, as well as
propose (Blau, 1964; Gouldner, 1960).
26
2.5.1.4. Leisure

Marcelino (2000), defines leisure as free time, and or available to individuals, in which it has the

possibility of adhering to pleasure, providing conditions for rest, fun and personal and
social development, in a way that is not isolated from this or that activity, but related to
other spheres of human life.

From the perspective of Dumazedier (1976), leisure is a set of occupations to which the
individual can indulge freely, whether to rest, or to have fun, recreation and entertainment,
generating in the individual the personal character, where expectations exceed needs.

According to Gaelzer (1979), leisure is a human need, which is characterized by human

fulfillment and satisfaction. Moment in which man demonstrates his freedom in order
to meet his complementary emotional needs.

In this research, leisure is understood as a moment in which an individual voluntarily dedicates

himself to spending time to rest, have fun, recreate and be entertained, after freeing himself or

herself from routine obligations, whether professional, family or social (Marcelino, 2000 ;

Dumazedier, 1976).

The use of the concepts discussed above in this work helps us understand the problem of
work, as it allows us to describe children's involvement in activities that generate income.
Hence the difference between this study and the Psychological dimension, which tells us
nothing about the strategies for obtaining income carried out by children, an activity that
demonstrates the initiative of children themselves with a view to meeting certain needs.

27
3. Methodology
In this section we indicate the methodological perspective and describe the steps that accompanied

the process of collecting data and obtaining the information that allowed us to analyze and

conclude this study. Regarding the methodological approach, we adopted the qualitative method.

This approach is supported by the idea of Goldenberg (2004), stating that qualitative methodology

privileges the particularities of the phenomenon and makes it possible to study issues that are

difficult to quantify, such as feelings, motivations, beliefs, individual attitudes, privileging the

interaction between the researcher and the object. to be searched.

3.1. Research Phases

The first phase consisted of collecting information on the subject under analysis, from the
bibliographic and documentary review with the libraries of the (DAA, and Central Brazão Mazula),

added to the consultation of reports, articles consulted on the internet linked to the child's

involvement in activities that generate income. At this stage, our priority was to master the

literature and previous investigations on the subject, and seek to find gaps in the explanations and

analyzes that had prevailed until then, in order to highlight them in the problematization.

With theoretical support, the second phase consisted of carrying out exploratory research
in the Maxaquene C neighborhood, in which I established direct contact with children who
carried out garbage collection activities. Fieldwork began from July 2014 to November
2015. At the beginning of the research, the priority was to observe and hear about some of
the children's actions during the activities. After seeing and listening, we began to question
the motivations behind that activity, we sought to get closer and socialize and finally write
about them. This methodological perspective is defended by Oliveira (2006) when stating
that the work of an anthropologist consists of seeing, listening and writing.

3.2. Techniques for selecting research participants

Initially, the choice of participants did not have a pre-defined criterion, because
to a certain extent would lead us to say that it was the garbage collectors who

28
selected, choosing our house, for garbage collection as well as illustrates the following
situation:

“On July 3, 2014, at 9 am I was sitting in my house watching television, when

suddenly I heard the door slam loudly, before I could even respond, I heard in
the resound of words a question accompanied by the sound of the door: is there
trash? Children's voices reached my ear. I opened the door and a group of 7
boys stood in front of me. I replied to them, yes there is rubbish. But tell me who
are you? (I asked). They replied, we are the boys who collect trash in the
neighborhood. We want to collect trash from this house and uncle pays us. I
asked how much it costs? They replied: it depends on the amount of trash you
have, but remember that a lot of trash is a lot of spring1, little trash is little
spring. At the moment, I asked myself a series of questions, would I accept the
idea of paying these kids to collect the trash? If you do so, wouldn't you be
contributing to what is called 'child labor'? There were several questions that
arose during that interaction. After the meeting, several theories ran through
my mind, trying to compare them with that activity carried out by the children
(Field Diary, 07/03/2014)”.

In the following days we familiarized ourselves with the subject, trying to talk to them, and
trying to find out more about them. As time went by, they called me 'uncle Ginok', 'friend',
'bradatwo', adding the letter “G” to my name. This is how friendship and trust developed
with the children collecting waste. In this way, that group of garbage collectors had already
been selected as research participants.

The names used in the work are fictitious and adapted by the child collectors themselves, in
order to protect the real identity of the research participants.

1Expression in current use used to designate money.

twoExpression in common use used to designate friends. This term derives from a modification of the English term brother.

29
3.3. Data collection method and technique

3.3.1. Method
The method used in this research is ethnography, based on direct and participant observation,

which allowed us to delve deeper into certain questions, enabling us to clarify aspects that
were unclear throughout the observation. Direct observation when we stopped to watch
and listen. Participant observation occurred when we were involved in work, mainly during
leisure moments, at football matches, and in the tents playing games. game“Teken3”.
These moments were very useful for us because we were able to understand some aspects
of leisure time that until now were not perceptible to us, it was the case of understanding
what the purpose of money was, during the festive seasons. These methods were used
taking into account the suggestion of Quivy & Campenhoudt (2005), when they stated that
direct and participant observation are the most improved methods of social research,
because they allow capturing behaviors at the moment they occur in themselves.

The ethnographic foray was carried out along the lines suggested by Peirano (1992), as an instrument

through which anthropological science asserted itself and in which it will guarantee its survival. This is

the rite of passage to which anthropologists in training are subjected, through the confrontation or

sensitive dialogue between academic theories and the field, empirical reality.

3.1.2. Techniques

In this work, semi-structured interviews and

informal conversations. During the period in which I was in the field, I spoke and
interviewed the 7 participants, who make up the group of garbage collectors, all male,
aged between 8 and 12 years old. The semi-structured interviews with the participants
were carried out right after the garbage collection activity, sitting under a mafurreira tree,
the participants talked about the contours and experiences behind the garbage collection.
Informal conversations were held almost at all times, from collection to

3Name given by garbage collectors to an electronic device, which requires a 5m coin to be inserted into it
to function.

30
path towards the rubbish bin and in leisure time, playing football, andgamein the tents. This
technique is suggested by Richardson (1999), when he says that semi-structured interviews
make it possible to capture attitudes, motivations and opinions about the interviewees. For
Marconi & Lakatos (2003), through this technique the researcher has the freedom to develop
each question in any direction he considers appropriate. It’s a way of being able to explore an
issue more broadly. In general, questions are open-ended and can be answered within an
informal conversation

3.2. Constraints during research

During the fieldwork we came across two significant constraints, the
The first derives from the researcher's lack of command of the Xi-Changana language and the
second is due to distrust on the part of some neighborhood residents regarding the
researcher's real intentions. Regarding the lack of command of the Xi-Changana language, it
was often found that research participants during informal conversations used some words in
the Xi-Changana language, a fact that in euphoric moments, when one of the participants
blurted out a word in the Xi-Changana language, Xi-Changana language, everyone started
laughing, the researcher remained indifferent to the situation. Not only because I cannot
participate in the euphoric and sporadic moments, but also because I understand that words
carry with them cores of meaning, which, when understood, serve as clues to understanding
certain situations. On the other hand, distrust on the part of some neighborhood residents
regarding the real intentions was frequent during the participant observations, as some
residents thought that the researcher was there to extort money from collectors. Several times
I was approached by residents about what the researcher always did alongside the collectors.
Once one of the collectors told us that one of the residents wanted to check that Uncle Ginok
wouldn't keep our money, so she accompanied us to the market. To avoid this distrust I had to
adopt the stance of introducing myself in advance, an attitude that on the one hand solves the
problem, on the other hand creates a new problem, since after the presentations, the
interaction between the collectors and the residents did not flow “ naturally”, conditioned by
the presence of an unknown and aspiring Anthropologist.

31
4. The ethnographic place and research results

4.1. Sociodemographic characterization of the research location

The Maxaquene C neighborhood is located on the outskirts of the city of Maputo, to the north it is limited to

through the neighborhood of Maxaquene “D”, to the south through the neighborhood of Malhangalene “B”, to the east through the

neighborhood of Polana Caniço and to the west through the neighborhood of Maxaquene “B”. The neighborhood belongs to Urban District nº

3 Ka-Maxaquene.

According to data from the II RGH of 1997, the neighborhood has 18,790 inhabitants,
distributed in the order of 9,186 Men and 9,604 Women. The size of households increased from
5.7 to 6.1 individuals, and this number is above the national average of 4.8 individuals per
household. In Maxaquene C, the majority of households are made up of 4 to 9 individuals, who
live in a type 2 main masonry house. The head of the family lives in the same house, which is
the father, the wife, the children, cousins or brothers of the head of the family or his wife,
since families generally obtain their livelihood simultaneously from the urban space (INE,
2003).
In relation to housing conditions, there is some improvement, also in the provision of
basic infrastructure services, but conditions are still precarious. According to the IAF,
the proportion of houses with thatched roofs has halved while tin roofs have doubled.
Likewise, the proportion of homes with cement block walls increased, with a marked
reduction in the number of homes made with straw (idem).

With regard to education and employment, there was an increase in literacy rates of around 20
percentage points in the period 1997–2003, and school attendance almost doubled during the
same period, from 49% in 1997, to 87% , in 2003. Employment trends have also improved,
although not significantly, with the proportion of the active urban population rising from 49.1%
in 1997 to 59.2% in 2003 (idem).
Regarding the parents and guardians of the research participants, they perform diverse
roles, some traders, others employees of the State Apparatus and the remaining
employees from the private and domestic sectors.

32
4.2. Participant Profile
Below we will introduce each research participant:

Estevinho: 9 years old, born in Maputo. His father passed away and his mother lives in South Africa. He

currently lives in the Maxaquene C neighborhood, at his aunt's house, his mother's sister. 6 people live

together with him, 5 cousins and his aunt. The aunt does business, they sell food products at the

neighborhood market, she is the one who guarantees food at home. He has been collecting rubbish

since he was 8 years old, with the aim of buying bombs (spider, dragon, passions, rockets)4, or being able

to play “Teken” at the market stalls.

Ernestinho: he is 9 years old, born in Katembe, attends 3rd grade at Kurula Primary School. He lives with

his father and mother and 4 other siblings. He currently resides in the Maxaquene C neighborhood. His

father works as a guard, his mother does domestic work, and he has a stall at home where he sells small

food products. He has been collecting rubbish since he was 7 years old, whenever he doesn't have money

to play.game.

Paito: 10 years old, born in Maputo, attends 4th grade at Kurula Primary School. He lives in the

Maxaquene C neighborhood, with just his mother and 2 brothers. His father passed away when he

was still 7 years old. The mother has a hair salon at home, which is the source of income for the

house. At the age of 8 he starts collecting rubbish, in order to buy music records. gameand bombs.

Tião: 8 years old, born in Inhambane, attends 2nd grade at Ka-Maxaquene Primary School. He

currently lives in the neighborhood of Maxaquene C together with his father, mother and his older

sister. His father is a dockworker, his mother is a domestic worker and a fruit seller in the backyard.

He has been collecting rubbish for a year, because according to him, collecting rubbish makes a lot

of money “to do what I want”.

Caló: 8 years old, born in Maputo, attends 2nd grade at Kurula Primary School, resident of the
Maxaquene C neighborhood, therefore, lives with his father, mother, and 1 older brother

4Name given by garbage collectors to the set of small fireworks.

33
old man, and 5 cousins. His father's profession is Police, his mother has a mini stall, which produces ice

cream. She has also been collecting rubbish for a year, with the aim of having more money to allow her

to buy whatever she pleases.

Fothi:He is 10 years old, born in Maputo, attends 5th grade, lives in the Maxaquene C
neighborhood, lives with his stepfather and mother, has 3 brothers who live together with him.
His stepfather is a teacher, and his mother is a food retailer at Mercado do Fajardo. He started
collecting trash when he was 7 years old, because according to him, “It’s the fastest way to have
time to buy bombs and play games.”

Mira:He is 12 years old, born in Gaza, attends 6th grade, lives in the Maxaquene C neighborhood

with his mother, his parents are separated. Two uncles, the mother's brothers, the grandfather live

in the house, and a cousin also lives with him. His mother teaches kindergarten, and one of his

uncles is a school mini-bus driver. At the age of 9 he started collecting, joining his friends because

they always had money to playgame, and he also needed to play.

4.3. Profile summary

From viewing the profiles of each participant it is clear that everyone takes part in the activity of
collecting rubbish with a view to meeting certain needs, in which the need for leisure and fun
stands out. They have in common the fact that in most of them, only one of the parents or
guardians works, in turn, almost all mothers or guardians run a business, in order to
participate in the household income. Regarding the year in which the garbage collection
activity began, it is possible to verify that they started between 7 and 9 years of age, initially.

4.4. Description of the Routine

From Monday to Friday the activities always start when Estevinho wakes up at 6am and
brushes his teeth, then goes to Caló's house and together they go to Ernestinho's house.
From there they head to the market stalls, where Miro, Paito and Tião wait. Fothi is not part
of that first morning team, as he enters school at 6am. Morning team

34
complete is made up of 6 collectors, who advance towards another area, this distinction of area is

made based on the separation that the road makes, dividing the blocks.

After crossing the road, together they knock on the doors of each house and ask if there is rubbish, and

offer to collect rubbish under the guarantee of being paid for the purpose. There are houses they don't

pass by, because, according to them, these houses never have rubbish to be collected, and passing by

would be a waste of time. When the house has rubbish, they negotiate the price, which consists of seeing

the amount of rubbish based on the number of plastic bags that contain the rubbish, the bigger the

rubbish, the bigger the money. They also measure the distance from the house to the trash container. In

this sense, the greater the distance from the house to the container, the higher the price will be, and if it

is lower, the negotiation criterion will only be the quantity of plastics containing the waste.

Almost all residents who accepted collection recommended that the rubbish be deposited in
the rubbish bin, but in some distant houses the collectors deposited it in alleys close to the
corner, claiming that going to the bin would take too long. Regarding the payment method,
they normally used two copies, paid after collection, and paid at the time of collection.
Sometimes they promised to pay them at another time, there are situations in which the
collectors themselves asked to borrow game discs.
Normally the activities start at 6 am until 12 pm, but in that interval, the number of
collectors was reducing, because at 10 am, Caló, Tião, Paito, Ernestinho stopped working
and went to school. Afterwards, only Estevinho and Miro remained, who went until 12pm,
when the activity ended. There are days when, in the afternoon, the team was made up of
Estevinho and Fothi, who worked from 12pm until 3pm, with a routine of similar activities
in the morning. On weekends (Saturday and Sunday) all 7 full collectors collect rubbish,
therefore falling into the routine from 7 am to 10 am, because in the afternoon they
dedicate themselves to football games on the neighborhood field.

35
4.4.1. The purpose of money
In the months of November and December, immediately after receiving the collection money, the steps to

The next step is to go to a stall where bombs, rockets and passions were sold. In the evening,
from 5pm to 6pm, they returned to the block, where in the morning they collected the rubbish.
With the bombs in their hands, the collectors begin to make explosions. They look for the alleys
to hide and throw the explosives into the street and this brings them satisfaction. From
February to October, the money is spent playing games at stalls in the neighborhood market.

More details about the contours of the garbage collection activity will be presented in the section that
closes the discussion of the results.

36
5. Discussion of Results
In this section the discussion will be based on the dialogue between theories,
pragmatic normative models that analyze children's agency, focusing on children's
involvement in activities that generate income and the results of everyday practice in
the researched context. To this end, we will hold the debate in four moments, where in
each part we propose to discuss a specific subject. Firstly, we will discuss children's
autonomy, then we will address negotiation capacity. In the third moment the
discussion will focus on reciprocity relationships and finally we will analyze the
dimension and relevance of leisure in children's lives.

5.1. Children's Autonomy

Human development psychology argues that the child is at a stage of
physical, psychological and moral maturation, determined by the genetic and biological
apparatus. During this period, she is completely dependent on the adults around her. As you
grow up, you reduce dependence to a certain extent. According to this approach, it is only in
adulthood that individuals seek to build their own values, become independent, position
themselves as autonomous subjects (Papalia, 1981; Bee, 1997) . Based on this approach, we
visualize a child completely dependent on adults, however this dependence is determined by
their biological apparatus. However, field data refute this view. As the following conversation I
had with some research participants illustrates:

“Uncle, this jackpot5collecting trash, you can't think it's supposed to be my job6really,
this is a joke for me7, I do it sometimes when I'm feeling bad, I want to play but I
don't have the spring, especially when my aunts don't give me the spring, I can't, I
have to look for a way to have the spring to play games with the kids.

5Expression in common use that serves to designate occasional work, namely the activity of collecting rubbish, in
the restricted case.

6Expression in current use that serves to designate work. It derives from the English term Job.

7Commonly used term used to designate work carried out occasionally.

37
 shout, so I come to collect rubbish” (Estevinho, 9 years old collector,
04.11.2014).

The excerpt above demonstrates that the activity of collecting rubbish fits into the
individual strategy found by the child in order to obtain income to have fun playing
games with friends. It reveals autonomy on the part of the child, as he embarks on the
search to satisfy his needs. An autonomy that fits the definitions of Mogilka (1999) and
Deci & Ryan (2000), when they state that it is the ability of individuals to make decisions
and define their own rules and limits, without these needing to be imposed by others,
representing thus the determination to act.

A similar comment made by another participant shows that this activity is done
without the knowledge of parents and guardians. As seen below:
“This scene8For me, it's a big deal, neither my father nor I know about this big
piece of rubbish, and they should never know because the day they find out,
they'll be beaten9that don't end. That's why I always wait for him to go to work
and my mother to go to the market, so I can start collecting, that's why I don't
collect rubbish in my area, so I don't meet my mother” (Ernestinho, 9 years old
collector 06.11.2014).

The explanation based on socialization argues that the child's involvement in activities that
generate income fits into the mechanism found by parents and guardians to instill in
children responsibility for adult life, implying that children incorporate social norms that
structure and determine their involvement in activities that generate income (Campos &
Debortoli, 2007; Durkheim, 1983). The excerpt above calls this explanation into question,
as it demonstrates that the activity of collecting rubbish is carried out by children as a
source of income despite the absence of their parents and guardians. In this way, the data
reinforce the argument defended by Corsaro & Miller (1992),

8Commonly used slang that serves to designate something as a substitute for the demonstrative pronoun “this”.

9Expression in current use used to designate physical aggression.

38
when concluding that children's involvement fits into participation in social life, not as
a matter of adaptation or internalization, but as a process of appropriation, innovation
and reproduction.

In this sense, the two excerpts above show that the garbage collection activity in the
Maxaquene C neighborhood, carried out by children, expresses autonomy on their part, as it
fits within individual strategies to overcome the void left by the lack of family income. to satisfy
children's leisure needs. An action that is carried out without parents and guardians being
aware of it. This argument coincides with the proposal of Honwana and De Boeck (2005) when
they state that in everyday life children demonstrate their activism through their capacity for
action and active participation at family, social and economic levels, even in the most adverse
situations.

5.2. Negotiation Capacity

Child psychology theory argues that children do not have the ability to establish
their identity, nor stable relationships, nor does they have the ability to make
commitments or be economically independent. According to this approach, these
capabilities are achieved in adulthood (Osório, 1992). On this point, field data shows the
opposite, as demonstrated in the following situation:

“Paito, arrived at one of the houses in the neighborhood, knocked on the door and
shouted asking: is there trash? Then a voice was heard from inside the yard that
replied: yes, there is. The resident went on to say that he only had 5mtn. Paito told
him, let me go and check the trash first, he immediately ran towards the house's
trash can. He came back from there with two plastic bags full of solid waste, he
started talking, Uncle, there's no way today, this spring is too little, you should
increase it. If you only give me 5mtn, I will leave this other plastic here, but if I
increase another 5mtn to complete 10mtn, I promise to take both plastics, and I will
also collect these papers that are on your doorstep, it will be great10. O

10 Commonly used expression that refers to the action of receiving bonuses during a transaction.

39
 resident entered the house and came back with another 5mtm, and said, this one, increase

this money there” (Paito, 10 years collector, 08/03/2015).

A similar situation occurred with Tião, see the excerpt below:

“Tião went to a house to collect rubbish, the housewife told him to collect all the rubbish

that was in the bin. When Tião saw the trash, he said to the owner: a lot of trash is a lot of

spring! The owner asked: how much do you want? He said 20mtn, she exclaimed: hmm,

that's a lot. He reacted by saying that it must be 20mtn, due to the fact that he made the

journey from home to the bin twice. The first trajectory with two pieces of plastic in hand

costs 10mtn, the second also costs 10mtn, that's why I said 20mtn. Tião continued

saying: the trash can is far from here. She agreed with him, but on the condition that he

would be paid after he finished taking out all the trash. He ran out with the plastic bags

containing the trash, when he finished he received the 20mtn” (Tião, 8 years old,

collector, 08/24/2015)

The excerpts above undermine the view of child psychology, which states that children do not have

the capacity to establish their identity, commitments, stable relationships and be economically

independent. Because based on the excerpts, the negotiation capacity of children during the

garbage collection activity is visualized, where faced with opposing interests, on one side the

children and on the other, the neighborhood residents (clients). In the negotiation process, children

manage to convince the other party to change their position and adhere to their proposals. This

negotiation ability fits the definition of Steele, Murphy and RussillapudPanoso (2000), in which they

perceive negotiation as the act of making and obtaining concessions between parties involved in an

interaction. The same occurs in a positive way when the parties carry out exchanges with each

other, in which, sometimes, one of the parties uses persuasion in order to reach a forced

agreement, sometimes also benefiting one of the parties involved in the interaction.

More broadly, the data reinforces the idea defended by Dahlberg et all (2003) and Cohn
(2005), when they state that within the socially constructed context, the child assumes activism
in different spheres, demonstrating that they have a social and personal identity. Children,
through established social relationships, act actively with adults and other children,

40
consolidating important roles in these relationships, not as a miniature adult, but as a being who is capable of

interacting and formulating meaning about the social environment in which he finds himself.

5.3. Reciprocity Relationships

The normative models anchored by the theory of developmental psychology advocate that the

The child's involvement in activities that generate income materializes through

exploitation, in this sense, children, depending on their biological apparatus, are
exploited to work. They also argue that children, during the activity, do not have the
capacity to establish a reciprocal relationship (UnicefMozambique, 2010; UnicefKenya,
2012; Osório, 1992). However, field data refutes this view, as shown below:

“People don't always give us money, there are days when after collecting the rubbish

they say they don't have money at the time to pay. Once they didn't give me money, but

they let me borrow game discs that they had at their house so I could go and play at

home” (Miro, 12 years old collector, 06. 11. 2014)

Another participant reports a similar situation:

“One day I collected rubbish and they didn’t have the money to pay me, they told me to come

back another time. When I went there I found the housewife in the living room watching TV,

and a kid on the couch watching a movie on the computer. The owner told me to go in, I went

in and went to watch a movie with the kid.11on the couch. Then the kid put on a game and we

played until the afternoon, leaving almost at night” (Fothi, 8 years old, collector, 06.11.2014)

The excerpts above show that in the activity of garbage collection there is a reciprocal relationship,

which takes place through the exchange of favors between children and residents, an exchange

that is not limited to the economic dimension alone, creating a relationship of trust between the

parties , as residents lend their music recordsgamesto the children collecting rubbish in the

neighborhood of Maxaquene C. This materializes through mutual responsibilities and obligations,

insofar as the child collecting rubbish had access to the house, and socializing with the child at

home. This conception of reciprocity is defended by Mauss (1974) and

11Expression in current use used to designate child

41
Nova (2000), when arguing that the principle of reciprocity is characterized by three moments:
give, receive and reciprocate. In this sense, reciprocity relationships turn into solidarity, which
generates a feeling of retribution and mutual obligations.

The following situation explains another dimension of reciprocity:

“One day I was passing the market, then some molwenes12They grabbed me and
wanted to beat me in the market, suddenly an uncle came, I collect trash from his
house, he scared those thieves, and the guys13They ran away, and the uncle
accompanied me close to my house.” (Caló, 8 years old, collector, 06.11.2014).

The excerpt above demonstrates reciprocity in the dimension of social obligations and
responsibilities, since the resident (client), seeing the unfavorable situation of the child being
collected, felt obliged and responsible for helping. This idea of reciprocity fits with the
definitions of Blau (1964) and Gouldner (1960), when they state that reciprocal interactions
create unspecified future obligations, with the nature of the retribution being left to the person
who must reciprocate the exchange between two parties. , can be economic or social. Social
exchange is based on mutual trust, on unspecified obligations, generating feelings of personal
obligation, gratitude and trust among those involved.

The data clearly demonstrate that the activity of collecting rubbish carried out by children is
supported by relationships of reciprocity, as this activity takes place in the form of an exchange
of favors between children and residents of the neighborhood (Customers) , these favors,
which go beyond money, carrying with them mutual social responsibilities and obligations,
which ultimately create trust between children and residents. This argument reinforces what
has already been referenced by Cohn (2005), when arguing that children, in interactions with
adults and other children, establish and consolidate important roles in these relationships, as
they act as a being that is capable of interacting.

12 Expression in current use that serves to designate marginal individuals, with questionable conduct.

13Expression in current use that serves to designate people, individuals

42
5.4. Leisure Moments
According to normative models, all children who engage in activities that
generate income face the worst forms of work. Within the endogenous reach of these legal
assumptions, these children suffer or may suffer psychological problems, they are more likely
than other children to have insomnia, and depression, among other pathologies, due to the
fact that work takes away their time to have fun and enjoy the their childhood, as children
(UnicefKenya, 2012). However, field data calls this view into question, as illustrated below:

“Whenever they pay us, we take the spring and go buy passion, rockets,
spider bombs. During the night, we prepared to go bomb in the other
area. We can't bomb in our area because they know us here and it will be
easy to find us. So we start bombing in the alleys, we wait when people
are passing through the alleys and then we explode the rockets, when it
explodes, people get scared and we start laughing” (Estevinho, 9 years
old, collector, 04.11.2014).

The excerpt above shows that immediately after the activities, the collectors get rid of routine

activities and dedicate themselves to fun, in this case “bombing” the alleys of the areas. The same

fits with the suggestion of Marcelino (2000) and Dumazedier (1976) when they state that leisure is a

moment in which the individual voluntarily dedicates himself to spending time to rest, have fun,

recreate and be entertained, after freeing himself or untangling himself. yourself from routine

obligations, whether professional, family or social.

“Once, after giving me my spring, I went to buy a spider and dragon bomb, I
went to hide in the market, I waited for cars to pass, so I could throw the
bomb under the car. One day I threw a bomb under the police car,14
maningue15because I'm not afraid of the police, but I had to leave the
market and run home, because there were some people who knew me and
saw me throwing it” (Ernestinho, 9 years old, collector, 06.11.2014).

14 Commonly used expression that expresses satisfaction, (the same as I liked).

15Expression in current use that serves to quantify (the same as a lot).

43
An identical situation shows the diversification of leisure time during the year carried out by children
collecting rubbish from the Maxaquene C neighborhood:

“The bombs, the rockets and the passions, we bought in November and
December, days close to the end of the year. Now as we are not at the end of the
year, I use the money from the jackpot to play games in the stalls, the Teken
game costs only 5mtn, just insert a 5mtn coin and you can play” (Paito, 10 years
old, collector, 03.08.2015).

Based on the excerpts above, it appears that the moment of “bombing” promotes
satisfaction in children. It starts to be constructed as a need of such importance in the lives
of children, for this reason, for each moment of the year, there is a specific entertainment
that fulfills the leisure needs of collecting children. Regarding this aspect, leisure as a
moment of satisfaction, it is also defended by Gaelzer (1979) and Dumazedier (1976), when
they state that leisure is a human need, which is characterized by man's satisfaction and
fulfillment. Moment in which the individual demonstrates their freedom in order to meet
their complementary emotional needs, circumstances in which expectations exceed needs.

The data show that leisure is a dimension, if not a category, valued by children, in the
sense that after freeing themselves from routine activities, namely collecting rubbish, they
always dedicate themselves to spending time having fun. A situation that is close to the
arguments of Gomes (2004) and Colonna (2012), when they argue that it is from this
relationship between work and play that children's ability to experience everyday
challenges in a fun way becomes notable. For children, leisure is extremely important, as
they seek to enjoy, even in the face of circumstantial opposition (on the one hand scarcity
and family poverty, on the other hand laws, decrees, norms) sometimes adverse, they act
and express themselves in accordance with their needs, sometimes violating pre-
established standards.

44
5.6. Implications for Pragmatic Normative Models
In relation to children's involvement in activities that generate income, models
Pragmatic regulations recommend that child labor is any and all work activity carried out by people

under the age of 15, whether subject to remuneration or not. The expression “work of minors”, in

the light of Mozambique's legal instruments, encompasses work carried out by those who have not

yet reached the age of civil consent (figured at 18 years old), and who have already completed the

minimum age (15 years old) for admission employment, according to the ILO (2013).

However, in the constitution of the Republic of Mozambique, in its Article 47, referring to the rights

of the child, it is stated that children have the right to the protection and care necessary for their

well-being. In the same constitution, making reference to the African Charter on the Rights of the

Child, with regard to the right to children's leisure, they maintain that the child has the right to rest

and free time, to engage in games and other recreational activities specific to their age and to freely

participate in cultural and artistic life (Constitution of the Republic, article 47).

The Mozambican reality is complex and goes beyond the mere control of laws, and is
characterized by several social particularities that can condition the attempt to
implement these norms, decrees regulating behavior. In this context, not all families
are able to meet their children's current needs. In many families, for economic and
structural political reasons, these needs are not met in their entirety, especially those
related to leisure, pleasure and fun. This group includes the children collecting
garbage from the Maxaquene C neighborhood.

The garbage collection activity carried out by them is a mechanism for obtaining income in
order to fulfill the right to leisure, as set out in decrees and laws included in the pragmatic
normative models in force in the country. We would say that legally it is a legitimate action,
as it is a right that is not being guaranteed by the State, family or civil society, however, it
constitutes a paradoxical action, as there is the involvement of the child in activities that
generate income, despite the decrees, norms and laws, these are called

45
"Child labor". The garbage collection work demonstrates the agency of children in an
attempt to meet their needs guaranteed by law, despite this not being in accordance
with the pragmatic standards advocated globally for the protection of children.

5.7. Problematizing the objectives, research hypotheses and observed results Taking
into account the results observed, we can determine that the objectives of the
work were achieved. At the point where we set out to understand how children are
involved in meeting the needs guaranteed by laws, but neglected by circumstances, we
realize that children activate their strategies to obtain income, through the activity of
collecting garbage in the Maxaquene neighborhood C, with a view to meeting their
needs.

Regarding the problematization of the issue of agency focusing on children as subjects of

the process, the field data allow us to say that children are active agents in their daily lives,
evident in their involvement in activities that generate income, whose engagement in
these activities are reproduced in the form of autonomy, negotiation capacity, reciprocal
relationships and leisure. Hence, the activity of collecting rubbish carried out by children
expresses autonomy on their part, as it fits within individual strategies to overcome the
void left by family poverty, in order to satisfy the need for leisure. An action that is carried
out without parents and guardians being aware of it. The ability to negotiate is seen during
garbage collection activities, where there are opposing interests, on the one hand, of
children and on the other, of neighborhood residents (clients). In this way, children can
convince the other party to change their position and adhere to their proposals. Reciprocal
relationships support the activity of garbage collection, since this activity takes place as
part of the exchange of favors between children and neighborhood residents (clients),
favors that go beyond money, carrying with them responsibilities and mutual social
obligations, which generate trust between children and residents, ultimately providing
leisure, to the extent that after the children free themselves from the routine activity of
collecting rubbish, they dedicate themselves to spending time having fun, namely playing
gamesgame, or launching rockets and “bombing” the neighborhood’s alleys.

46
At the point where we set out to analyze the dilemma experienced by children in an attempt to
meet their needs, as they walk on the threshold between rights and duties, the observed
results reinforce this paradoxical action, due to the fact that, on the one hand , we have the
Universal Declaration of the Rights of Children and Adolescents, approved by the UN in 1959,
the African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child, approved by the AU in 1990,
(documents ratified by the Mozambican State), which is verified through of Article 14 of the
Constitution of the Mozambican Republic, which prescribe the right to children's leisure,
maintaining that children have the right to rest and free time, to engage in games and other
recreational activities appropriate to their age and to freely participate in cultural life and
artistic. On the other hand, we have the Mozambican reality characterized by scarcity and
poverty, due to this situation, there are many families that, for economic and structural political
reasons, are unable to satisfy these rights, especially those that have to do with leisure,
pleasure and fun.

This panorama gives space to very easily verify the dimension of the child's agency, where,
in this way, they engage in activities that generate income with a view to meeting the
needs related to leisure, pleasure and fun. An activity that clashes with pragmatic
normative models that inhibit children's involvement in activities that generate income, as
these norms prescribe that child labor is any and all work activity carried out by people
under the age of 15, subject or not the remuneration. The expression “work of minors”, in
light of Mozambique's legal instruments, encompasses the work carried out by those who
have not yet reached the age of civil consent (figured at 18 years old), and who have
already completed the minimum age (15 years old) for admission employment, according
to the ILO (2013).

The results observed in the field confirm the hypothesis already advanced in this work, which
suggested that despite the assumptions of developmental psychology characterizing the child
as a passive agent, conditioned by their biological apparatus, and the pragmatic normative
models composed of decrees and international conventions inhibit the participation of children
in activities that generate income, however, in this specific context it was found that the
garbage collection activity carried out by children in the neighborhood of Maxaquene C,

47
fits into the subsidiary mechanism activated by them with a view to satisfying their
needs. This situation is due to the limitations of family capabilities in providing means
to meet children's needs, and, for this reason, active agency on the part of children has
been evident.

48
6. Final Considerations
The work analyzed the child's agency with a focus on the child's involvement in activities
that generate income, having as its core reflection the daily experience of children
collecting garbage in the neighborhood of Maxaquene C. During the bibliographic review,
two perspectives stand out in the analysis of the subject. The first group is based on the
assumptions of human development psychology, which views children as subjects in
stages of maturation, arguing, therefore, that children's involvement in activities that
generate income materializes through exploration. In this sense, children are exploited by
people who are mostly adults, or organized groups that take advantage of children's
passivity and make the most of them (Papalia, 1981; Osório, 1992; Bee, 1997; ILO, 2013;
UnicefMozambique, 2010; UnicefKenya, 2012). The second group of authors argues that
within their social context the child assumes activism in social interaction, and argue that
the involvement of children in activities that generate income takes place along the lines of
socialization, interaction and integration of children in domestic domestic activities. . For
these authors, socialization exists when it is done by adults or a group of peers, therefore,
interaction prevails when it is done through games, reflected in children's relationships
with each other, and integration arises during home activities, those being the work that
develop within the family and with the intention of instilling in children responsibility for
adult life (Dahlberg et al, 2003; Durkheim, 1983; Cohn, 2005; Waksler, 1991; Corsaro &
Miller, 1992; Montandon, 2001; Gomes, 2004 ; Campos & Debortoli, 2007; Colonna, 2008;
2012).

Following the two perspectives, we understand that one allows us to quantitatively analyze the level

of children's involvement in activities that generate income, the other makes us understand that the

social influences such involvement, however, it is clear that both theoretical positions do not They

open space for an analysis based on the children themselves, and they all look at the child as

passive. For some, they are passive in the face of exploitation, and for others, they are passive in the

face of previously established social rules, implying that the social aspect is what determines their

involvement in activities that generate income.

49
In order to understand the children's point of view and their level of agency,
ethnographic research was carried out with children collecting rubbish in the
Maxaquene C neighborhood. The data allows us to affirm that children's involvement
in activities that generate income materializes in the form of autonomy, demonstrated
by the ability to negotiate, which generate reciprocal relationships that provide leisure
time for them.

The data also allows us to affirm that the child is an active agent, demonstrated through
the ability to create strategies for obtaining income, through garbage collection, an activity
that subverts the norms prescribed by normative models by developing activities that
generate income, which falls under what is called “child labor”, however, demonstrating
the agency of children at the macro level, but also subverting social norms at the micro
level, as they carry out this activity in the absence of their parents and guardians in order
to satisfy needs that should be guaranteed at both the macro and micro level by parents,
guardians and institutions that protect them.

The involvement of children in meeting their needs guaranteed by laws, but neglected
by circumstances, takes place in multiple spheres. In this studied context, they actively
organize garbage collection activities in order to meet their leisure needs. Despite the
assumptions of developmental psychology characterizing the child as a passive agent,
conditioned by their biological apparatus, and the pragmatic normative models
composed of decrees and international conventions inhibit children's participation in
activities that generate income, therefore, children actively manage strategies of
obtaining income, in this way they subvert the aspirations of pragmatic normative
models.

The data presented in this study comes from exploratory research, therefore, we
recognize that several aspects could be explored, deepening the logic of children's
stratification, as they characterize or choose certain zones to “bomb”, seeking to
understand which criteria are used for this action. This stance
50
which consists of pointing out paths for other research is reinforced by Gil (1999), when stating
that exploratory research aims to develop, clarify, modify concepts and ideas, through the
formulation of more precise problems or hypotheses for subsequent studies.

51
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