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Full Download Test Bank For Microbiology A Systems Approach 6th Edition Marjorie Kelly Cowan Heidi Smith PDF Full Chapter
Full Download Test Bank For Microbiology A Systems Approach 6th Edition Marjorie Kelly Cowan Heidi Smith PDF Full Chapter
⊚ true
⊚ false
5) Members of the same species share many more characteristics compared to those shared
by members of the same kingdom.
⊚ true
⊚ false
6) The names of the three proposed domains are: Bacteria, Protista, and Eukarya.
⊚ true
⊚ false
MULTIPLE CHOICE - Choose the one alternative that best completes the statement or
answers the question.
7) Microorganisms are best defined as organisms that _______.
Version 1 2
8) Which of the following are not considered microorganisms?
A) Mosquitoes
B) Protozoa
C) Bacteria
D) Viruses
E) Fungi
A) bacteria
B) protozoa
C) molds
D) parasitic worms
E) infectious particles
A) viruses
B) helminths
C) protozoans
D) bacteria
Version 1 3
A) hypersensitivity specialist
B) epidemiologist
C) immunologist
D) geomicrobiologist
12) Which of the following pairs of career descriptions and work tasks is not correctly
matched?
13) A scientist who studies the influence of microbes in the formation of caves is called a/an
______.
A) geomicrobiologist
B) astrobiologist
C) epidemiologist
D) immunologist
Version 1 4
15) Which of the following does not indicate microbe involvement in energy and nutrient
flow?
16) The microorganisms that recycle nutrients by breaking down dead matter and wastes are
called ______.
A) decomposers
B) prokaryotes
C) pathogens
D) eukaryotes
E) fermenters
A) microorganisms
B) rain forests
C) agricultural lands
D) green plants
18) The three cell types discussed, eukaryotes, archaea, and bacteria, all derived from
______.
Version 1 5
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“Let us not forget that it is not the want of generous sentiment, but of sufficient
information, that prevents the American people from being united in action
against the aggressive policy of the slave power. Were these simple questions
submitted to-day to the people of the United States:—Are you in favor of the
extension of slavery? Are you in favor of such extension by the aid or connivance of
the federal government? And could they be permitted to record their votes in
response, without embarrassment, without constraint of any kind, nineteen-
twentieths of the people of the free States, and perhaps more than half of the
people of the slave States, would return a decided negative to both.
“Let us have faith in the people. Let us believe, that at heart they are hostile to
the extension of slavery, desirous that the territories of the Union be consecrated
to free labor and free institutions; and that they require only enlightenment as to
the most effectual means of securing this end, to convert their cherished sentiment
into a fixed principle of action.
“The times are pregnant with warning. That a disunion party exists in the South,
no longer admits of a doubt. It accepts the election of Mr. Buchanan as affording
time and means to consolidate its strength and mature its plans, which
comprehend not only the enslavement of Kansas, and the recognition of slavery in
all territory of the United States, but the conversion of the lower half of California
into a slave State, the organization of a new slavery territory in the Gadsden
purchase, the future annexation of Nicaragua and subjugation of Central America,
and the acquisition of Cuba; and, as the free States are not expected to submit to all
this, ultimate dismemberment of the Union, and the formation of a great
slaveholding confederacy, with foreign alliances with Brazil and Russia. It may
assume at first a moderate tone, to prevent the sudden alienation of its Northern
allies; it may delay the development of its plot, as it did under the Pierce
administration; but the repeal of the Missouri compromise came at last, and so will
come upon the country inevitably the final acts of the dark conspiracy. When that
hour shall come, then will the honest Democrats of the free States be driven into
our ranks, and the men of the slave States who prefer the republic of Washington,
Adams and Jefferson—a republic of law, order and liberty—to an oligarchy of
slaveholders and slavery propagandists, governed by Wise, Atchison, Soulé, and
Walker, founded in fraud and violence and seeking aggrandizement by the
spoliation of nations, will bid God speed to the labors of the Republican party to
preserve liberty and the Union, one and inseparable, perpetual and all powerful.
“Washington, D. C., Nov. 27, 1856.”
The Kansas Struggle.
The Senatorial term of Douglas was drawing near to its close, when
in July, 1858, he left Washington to enter upon the canvass for re-
election. The Republican State Convention of Illinois had in the
month previous met at Springfield, and nominated Abraham Lincoln
as a candidate for United States Senator, this with a view to pledge
all Republican members of the Legislature to vote for him—a practice
since gone into disuse in most of the States, because of the rivalries
which it engenders and the aggravation of the dangers of defeat sure
to follow in the selection of a candidate in advance. “First get your
goose, then cook it,” inelegantly describes the basic principles of
improved political tactics. But the Republicans, particularly of the
western part of Illinois, had a double purpose in the selection of
Lincoln. He was not as radical as they, but he well represented the
growing Republican sentiment, and he best of all men could cope
with Douglas on the stump in a canvass which they desired should
attract the attention of the Nation, and give shape to the sentiment of
the North on all questions pertaining to slavery. The doctrine of
“popular sovereignty” was not acceptable to the Republicans, the
recent repeal of the Missouri compromise having led them, or the
more radical portion of them, to despise all compromise measures.
The plan of the Illinois Republicans, if indeed it was a well-settled
plan, accomplished even more than was anticipated, though it did
not result in immediate success. It gave to the debate which followed
between Lincoln and Douglas a world-wide celebrity, and did more
to educate and train the anti-slavery sentiment, taken in connection
with the ever-growing excitement in Kansas, than anything that
could have happened.
Lincoln’s speech before the convention which nominated him,
gave the first clear expression to the idea that there was an
“irrepressible conflict” between freedom and slavery. Wm. H. Seward
on October 25th following, at Rochester, N. Y., expressed the same
idea in these words:
“It is an irrepressible conflict between opposing and enduring
forces, and it means that the United States will sooner or later
become either an entire slaveholding Nation, or an entirely free labor
Nation.”
Lincoln’s words at Springfield, in July, 1858, were:
“If we could first know where we are, and whither we are tending,
we could better judge what to do, and how to do it. We are now far
into the fifth year, since a policy was initiated with the avowed
object, and confident promise of putting an end to the slavery
agitation. Under the operation of that policy, that agitation has not
only not ceased, but has constantly augmented. In my opinion it will
not cease, until a crisis shall have been reached and passed. ‘A house
divided against itself cannot stand.’ I believe this government cannot
endure permanently half slave and half free. I do not expect the
Union to be dissolved—I do not expect the house to fall—but I do
expect it will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing, or all
the other. Either the opponents of slavery will arrest the further
spread of it, and place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief
that it is in the course of ultimate extinction; or its advocates will
push it forward, till it shall become alike lawful in all the States, old
as well as new—North as well as South.”
Douglas arrived in Chicago on the 9th of July, and was warmly
received by enthusiastic friends. His doctrine of “popular
sovereignty” had all the attractions of novelty and apparent fairness.
For months it divided many Republicans, and at one time the New
York Tribune showed indications of endorsing the position of
Douglas—a fact probably traceable to the attitude of jealousy and
hostility manifested toward him by the Buchanan administration.
Neither of the great debaters were to be wholly free in the coming
contest. Douglas was undermined by Buchanan, who feared him as a
rival, and by the more bitter friends of slavery, who could not see
that the new doctrine was safely in their interest; but these things
were dwarfed in the State conflict, and those who shared such
feelings had to make at least a show of friendship until they saw the
result. Lincoln was at first handicapped by the doubts of that class of
Republicans who thought “popular sovereignty” not bad Republican
doctrine.
On the arrival of Douglas he replied to Lincoln’s Springfield
speech; on the 16th he spoke at Bloomington, and on the 17th, in the
afternoon, at Springfield. Lincoln had heard all three speeches, and
replied to the last on the night of the day of its delivery. He next
addressed to Douglas the following challenge to debate:
Chicago, July 24th, 1858.
Article VII.—Slavery.
Free Negroes.
Bill of Rights, Sec. 23. Free negroes shall not be allowed to live in
this state under any circumstances.
Sec. 1. Every male citizen of the United States, above the age of
twenty-one years, having resided in this state one year, and in the
county, city, or town in which he may offer to vote, three months
next preceding any election, shall have the qualifications of an
elector, and be entitled to vote at all elections. And every male citizen
of the United States, above the age aforesaid, who may be a resident
of the state at the time this constitution shall be adopted, shall have
the right of voting as aforesaid; but no such citizen or inhabitant
shall be entitled to vote except in the county in which he shall
actually reside at the time of the election.
The Topeka Constitution.
Slavery.