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80 1 LarsonC
80 1 LarsonC
80:159
250 See, e.g., Stanley Lieberson & Kelly S. Mikelson, Distinctive African American Names:
An Experimental, Historical, and Linguistic Analysis of Innovation, 60 AM. SOC. REV. 928,
930–31 (1995) (finding that African-Americans are far more likely than white Americans to give
their children distinctive names); Yvonne M. Cherena Pacheco, Latino Surnames: Formal and
Informal Forces in the United States Affecting the Retention and Use of the Maternal Surname, 18
T. MARSHALL L. REV. 1, 2 (1992) (discussing obstacles to using traditional Latino names in
America).
251 See, e.g., Daniel Scott Smith, Child-Naming Practices, Kinship Ties, and Change in Fam-
ily Attitudes in Hingham, Massachusetts, 1641 to 1880, 18 J. SOC. HIST. 541, 545 (1985) (docu-
menting the decline in the use of Biblical names from the early eighteenth century to the
mid–nineteenth century).
252 Jesse McKinley, A Name for Newborns Thanks to the Undead, N.Y. TIMES, May 8, 2010,
at A10.
2011] NAMING BABY 197
253 The closest I have found is dicta in a Second Circuit opinion suggesting that certain
viewpoint restrictions might be permissible in the school context, even under strict scrutiny.
Peck v. Baldwinsville Cent. Sch. Dist., 426 F.3d 617, 633 n.11 (2d Cir. 2005) (“[V]iewpoint dis-
crimination, taking into account the particularities of a school context and the vulnerability of
young children in it, might be justified with respect to other forms of speech.”). The vulnerabil-
ity of young children is, of course, especially salient in the context of children’s names. For an
argument that the Supreme Court implicitly upheld a viewpoint distinction in Holder v. Humani-
tarian Law Project, 130 S. Ct. 2705 (2010), see Lawrence Rosenthal, First Amendment Investiga-
tions and the Inescapable Pragmatism of the Common Law of Free Speech, 86 IND. L.J. 1, 71
(2011).
254 In re M, 219 A.2d 906, 907 (N.J. Super. Ct. Law Div. 1966).
255 Ellen Jean Dannin, Legislative Note, Proposal for a Model Name Act, 10 U. MICH. J.L.