Arsis15161951116detr=دورية الفن الاسلامي=15-16

Freer Gallery of Art
Washington, O, C.
ARS SLAM CA
I I
ARS ISLAMIC A
THE DEPARTMENT OF FINE ARTS • UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
VOLS. XV-XVI
ANN ARBOR
UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN PRESS
MCMLI
Freer Gallery of Art
Washington, D. C.
PRINTED IN U.S.A.BY THE LORD BALTIMORE PRESS,
BALTIMORE, MARYLAND
1
CONTENTS
EDITORIAL Ars Islamica —Ars Orient alis vii
ARTICLES
Godard, André L’origine de la madrasa, de la mosquée et du cara-
vansérail à quatre iwäns i
Reitlinger, Gerald .... Unglazed Relief Pottery from Northern Mesopo-

tamia il
Cahen, Claude Documents relatifs à quelques techniques iraqiennes
au début du onzième siècle 23
Serjeant, R. B Material for a History of Islamic Textiles up to the
Mongol Conquest 29
Erdmann, Kurt Die Entwicklung der sasanidischen Krone ... 87
NOTES 125
1
Coomaraswamy, Ananda K. . . Note on the Philosophy of Persian Art . . . .125

Sauvaget, Jean Une Représentation de la citadelle seljoukide de
Merv 128
Wilkinson, J. V. S Some Persian Drawings in the Johnson Albums at
the India Office, London 132
Aga-Oglu, Mehmet .... Memorandum on the Corpus of Islamic Metalwork 133
Lamm, Carl Johan .... A Fragment of an Early Carpet in Stockholm . .
135
David-Weill, Jean .... Encore une “formule banale” 136
Born, Wolfgang A Lacquer-Painted Canteen 137
l/Bader, O. N A Sasanian Vessel from Kungur 139
MUSEUMS AND EXHIBITIONS 143
Kühnel, Ernst The Islamic Department of the Berlin Museum . 143

Gray, Basil Islamic Art at the Indian Exhibition, Royal Acad-
emy, London, November 1947 to February
1948 145
LITERATURE ON ISLAMIC ART,
1939 to 1945, PART II 151
Editorial Note 1 5
Rice, D. S Bibliography of Contributions on Islamic Art Pub-
Germany and Austria during the War
lished in
Years, 1939-1945 15
Mayer, L. A Literature on Islamic Art Published in Palestine,
Iraq, and Egypt during the War Years .154 .
Lamm, Carl Johan .... Bibliography of Wartime Publications in Scandina-

via, 1939-1945 161
Torres Balbäs, Leopoldo . . Bibliography of Spanish Muslim Art, 1939-1946 . 165
VI CONTENTS
Munajjid, Salahud Din . . Bibliographie des publications de l’art islamique

parus en Syrie, 1939-1945 185
Erffa, Helmut von .... A Selective Bibliography of American Publications
on Islamic, Parthian, Sasanian, and Coptic Art
Published from 1939-1945 187
BOOK REVIEWS 213
IN MEMORIAM: Ananda Kentish Coomaraswamy, by Benjamin Rowland, Jr. . . .

259
Ernst Herzfeld, by Richard Ettinghausen 261
Mehmet Aga-Oglu, by Adèle Coulin Weibel 267
INDICES—
To “Material for a History of Islamic Textiles up to the Mongol Conquest,” by R. B.
Serjeant, in Ars Islamica, Vols. IX-XV/XVI 273
To Ars Islamica Vols. I-XVI: Author Index 307
Classified Subject Index 316
Editor
Richard Ettinghausen
Consultative Committee
K. A. C. Creswell A. G. Wenley
Maurice S. Dimand Gaston Wiet
Albert Gabriel J.V. S. Wilkinson
L. A. Mayer John G. Winter
Alexander G. Ruthven William H. Worrell
f J. Sauvaget
EDITORIAL OFFICE: FREER GALLERY OF ART, SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION, WASHINGTON 25, D.C.
EDITORIAL
DURING THE LAST FEW YEARS the rising cost of printing made
itmore and more difficult to bring out Ars Islamica in its established form.
At the same time, more and more material was offered to the editor, since
many learned journals in Europe had been curtailed or altogether sus-
pended. The Department of Fine Arts of the University of Michigan,
which is ultimately responsible for the journal, saw before it the alterna-
tives of either reducing Ars Islamica drastically in size and quality or
changing the present set-up entirely.
After prolonged negotiations, the University of Michigan and the
Freer Gallery of Art, Smithsonian Institution, decided to bring out a new
series to be entitled Ars Orient alts, which would incorporate Ars Islamica
but enlarge its scope to include the art of the whole of Asia. It was thought
more appropriately
that this arrangement reflected the intentions of the
late Charles L. Freer, who had bequeathed funds to the University of
Michigan, from which Ars Islamica has so far been published.
Ars Orient alls will continue to follow the policies evolved by Ars
Islamica, but it may be possible in the future to incorporate longer contri-
butions, which in former years had to be split into various sections. Since,
owing to the widespread distribution of its contributors and the technical
difficulties of production, it became more and more difficult to bring out the
journal at specified dates, Ars Orient alis will not be bound to fixed dead-
lines, but will be a serial publication brought out as soon as possible after
appropriate material has been accepted. It will be our aim to publish Ars
Orient alis once every eighteen months, beginning in 1952.
Since Ars Orientalis will be sponsored jointly by the University of Michi-
gan and the Freer Gallery of Art, Smithsonian Institution, it will follow
the policy established by the will of the founder of the Smithsonian Institu-
tion, which stipulated that the bequest was to be used “For the Increase
and Diffusion of Knowledge Among Men.” In practice this will mean that
about 1000 copies will be sent free of charge to all the main libraries in the
world. Compared with the very small edition of Ars Islamica —
which was
entirely incommensurate with the efforts and costs spent on it —
this new
arrangement will provide a much wider distribution of research papers, a
feature which no doubt every scholar in the field of Asiatic art will welcome.
Ars Orientalis will have a Far Eastern editor and a Near Eastern editor,
and should the need arise, an editor in other fields, such as Indian art,
might be appointed for specific cases. The present editor of Ars Islamica
will continue to handle the Near Eastern articles. The editor for the Far
East material has not yet been appointed.
Authors who contemplate publishing in Ars Orientalis are invited to
communicate with the Editorial Office, Freer Gallery of Art, Smithsonian
Institution, Washington 25, D. C. It is strongly suggested that, before
viii EDITORIAL
typing their papers, authors write to the Editorial Office for the general
editorial directions for the preparation of the manuscript to be submitted.
A proper presentation of material will save the editors an endless amount
of work and expense and will thus make additional publications possible.
With the close of the Ars Islamica series, the Editor wishes to thank
everybody who has made its publication possible. The first Editor of the
journal, Mehmet Aga-Oglu, is unfortunately no longer with us, but this
does not diminish our gratitude for his foresight, energy, and scholarly
interests, which made Ars Islamica a reality.
Alexander G. Ruthven, President of the University of Michigan, and
John G. Winter, former Director of the Institute of Fine Arts, were instru-
mental in getting the journal started and at all times kept an active interest
in its affairs.
Walter A. Donnelly, Editor of Museums and official publications of the

University of Michigan Press, always gave competent and untiring assis-
tance in typographical and editorial matters, so that the physical aspect of
presentation of the scholarly material should be regarded as chiefly
his work.
Many problems in connection with the journal were overcome through
the friendly advice of Frank E. Robbins, Director of the University of
Michigan Press.
In more recent years, Archibald G. Wenley, Director of the Freer Gal-
lery of Art, has been consistently helpful in steering Ars Islamica through
difficult situations.
There are many other persons who have been most generous with their
assistance; they certainly are not forgotten and their work will continue
to live in the sixteen volumes of this series. The Editor wishes to thank
all of them and, in particular, the many faithful contributors and cor-
respondents for their constant support, which, more than anything else,
made the success of Ars Islamica possible.

With the continued support of the many distinguished contributors to
Ars Islamica and their colleagues in fields, we feel sure
other Oriental
that Ars Orient alls will find equal appreciation among scholars and
students.
,
L’ORIGINE DE LA MADRASA, DE LA MOSQUEE ET DU CARA-

VANSÉRAIL À QUATRE IWÄNS PAR ANDRÉ GODARD
“Née dans le khoräsän vers le début du Vers le milieu du cinquième siècle, la ma-
IVème siècle de l’Hégire, la madrasa ne fut drasa abandonne son rôle modeste et se dé-
d’abord qu’une école privée de sciences re- veloppe considérablement. Pour des raisons
ligieuses, c’est à dire de tradition, d’exégèse qui ont
été fort bien analysées par van
1
et de droit, suivant les rites sunnites.” Chose Berchem: décadence du Califat, réaction or-
curieuse, dit encore van Berchem, la madrasa thodoxe, avènement des dynasties mongoles 3 ,
semble bien s’être constituée au milieu des l’école de théologie sort alors du domaine
populations shï‘ites de l’Iran oriental, où brille, privé pour devenir une institution politique
dès le second siècle de l’Hégire, un foyer très sous le contrôle officiel de l’Etat. Nizâm al-
prospère d’études sunnites rattachées au rite Mulk, le vizir des Sultans seldjoukides Alp
shâfi‘ï. Le professeur enseigne alors dans sa Arslân Malik Shah, fonde
et à Baghdad une
propre maison On connaît de ces madrasas
.
2
de ces madrasas pour le célèbre juriste Shirâzi .
4
primitives à Nishâpûr, à Merv, à Boukhara à Quelques années plus tard il en crée une à
Tus et à Tâbarân, jusqu’à Baghdad et en Nishâpûr pour un autre juriste, le fameux
d’autres villes de l’Iran et de la Mésopotamie. Djuwaini, puis d’autres à Basra, Isfahan,
Peu à peu, cependant, la madrasa prend un Balkh, Hérat, Mossoul, Khargird, Tüs, ail-
caractère plus net. Elle n’est encore qu’une leurs encore. Ses successeurs imitent son ex-
simple maison, mais aménagée pour les cours, emple et la madrasa se répand dans tout l’em-
souvent bâtie par le professeur lui-même, près pire des Seldjoukides.
d’une mosquée ou près de sa demeure. Tandis C’est sous cette forme, celle d’un puissant
que les leçons officielles sont, en général, don- instrument de propagande religieuse et poli-
nées dans la mosquée, l’enseignement y est tique, que la madrasa fut introduite en Syrie,
indépendant et personnel. au sixième siècle de l’Hégire, par les Atâbaks
sunnites, notamment par Nür al-Din, puis en
1
M.
van Berchem, “Architecture,” Encyclopédie
de VIsläm (Leyden, 1913-42), I, 429. Khoräsän,
Egypte, par Salâh al-Din. Quand elle apparaît
quatrième siècle de l’Hégire, école privée, voilà déjà

dans ce dernier pays, son plan est “déjà fixé:
le problème à peu près résolu. Cependant, un peu une petite cour carrée, à ciel ouvert, bordée de
plus loin, dans le même article, van Berchem place quatre murs élevés, avec quatre salles s’ouv-
en Syrie l’origine du plan à cour centrale et à quatre rant sur la cour par une haute arcade, et, dans
ïwâns. “Ce plan, dit-il, semble originaire de la Syrie.
les angles de l’édifice, les dépendances pour le
On le trouve déjà dans un curieux monument syrien,
bien antérieur aux madrasas syro-égyptiennes, le Kasr personnel et les services de l’établissement.”
de ‘Ammân. Comme le plan de la mosquée, il com-
bine des éléments d’origine diverse: les liwäns sont
3
M. van Berchem, Corpus inscriptionum arabi-
voûtés suivants les méthodes persanes (palais säsä- carum. Egypte. (Le Caire, 1894-1903), p. 256 et
nides) ;
mais leur disposition en croix autour d’une suivantes.
4
cour centrale rappelle le plan symétrique à deux axes Nizâm al-Mulk fit commencer les travaux de
de certaines églises byzantines et syriennes, dont le construction de cette madrasa, la première Nizämlya,
Kasr se rapproche encore par maint détail d’archi- en 457 H. et inaugura les cours deux ans plus tard, le
tecture.” samedi 10 Dhu’l-Ka'da 459 h. (1067). (L. Massi-
2
Le mot “madrasa” n’a tout d’abord d’autre sens gnon, “Les Medresehs de Bagdad,” Bulletin de l’Insti-
que celui de lieu d’étude en général. tut français d’ archéologie orientale VII [1909], 79).
,
2 ANDRÉ GODARD
Cette composition symétrique à quatre chem et généralement acceptée, n’est pas dé-
9
branches répondant parfaitement aux besoins fendable, en conclut qu’elle est égyptienne:
de la quadruple madrasa, c’est à dire de l’école “The result of our investigation therefore is
destinée aux quatre principaux rites sunnites, that, although the first four-rite madrasa is
hanafï, shâfi‘ï, mâlikï, hanbalï, la quadruple found at Baghdad, the first madrasa of cruci-
madrasa l’adopta, mais il faut bien se garder form plan is found in Cairo; that the cruci-
de lier la question de son origine à celle de la form plan was Egyptian in origin and that it
réunion des quatre rites dans un même bâti- is practically unknown outside Egypt.”
10
ment. De
ce point de vue, il en est exactement Cependant, mieux renseignés qu’on ne
de quadruple madrasa par rapport à la
la l’était il
y a trente ans, nous connaissons main-
madrasa à quatre iwâns comme de moi-même tenant, dans l’Iran oriental,
un certain nombre,
par rapport à la maison que j’habite. Elle jepeux même dire un grand nombre de bâti-
existait. Je l’ai choisie parce qu’elle convenait ments à cour centrale et à quatre iwâns, an-
à mon genre de vie. térieurs d’un siècle ou deux, peut-être plus, à
Le plan des premières quadruples madra- cette Zâhirïya du Caire.
5
sas connues, la Mustansirïya de Baghdad et Et d’abord la Nizâmïya de Khargird. Par-
6
la Salâhiya du Caire, n’est d’ailleurs pas cruci- faitement identifiée par une inscription au nom
forme. La première comportait six Iwâns dis- de son fondateur, Nizâm al-Mulk, qui ornait
11
symétriquement disposés autour d’une cour les murs de l’ïwân kiblï de cet édifice, elle
oblongue, de 26 sur 63 mètres de côtés. L’autre n’est pas datée, mais Nizâm y est qualifié de
avait deux paires d’Iwâns séparés l’un de l’autre Radi Amïr al-mu’minïn, titre qui ne lui fut
par un couloir. De plus, la réunion des quatre octroyé que peu de temps avant l’année 480 H.
rites sunnites dans un même bâtiment n’appa- Nous pouvons donc penser qu’elle fut cons-
raît qu’après la madrasa cruciforme, même en truite vers 480 H. (1087).
Egypte. La Nâsirïya, la première quadruple Ce n’est même plus une ruine mais un amas
madrasa égyptienne à quatre iwâns, 7 a été de terre où Diez, ni Herzfeld ni moi n’avions
achevée en l’année 703 H. (1303-4) alors que jusqu’à présent reconnu autre chose qu’une
la première madrasa égyptienne à quatre cour et un ïwân au fond duquel se trouve le
iwâns, la Zâhirïya, fut terminée au commence- mihrâb de l’édifice. Cependant en 1938, in-
ment de l’année 662 H. et inaugurée le 5 Safar trigué par une certaine disposition du plan d’un
de la même année, soit le 9 Décembre 1263. 8 monument laïc, dont je parlerai dans un ins-
Dans un mémoire relatif à l’origine de la tant, qui me paraissait avoir une origine
madrasa cruciforme, paru en 1922, K. A. C. religieuse, j’ai résolu de savoir décidément si
Creswell, après avoir montré que l’hypothèse la Nizâmïya de Khargird possédait originaire-
de l’origine syrienne, proposée par van Ber-
9
II ne que de savoir si cette origine
s’agissait alors
5
C’est en 631 h. ( 1234) que le calife al-Mustan-
était syrienne ou égyptienne. De Iran, mal connu, il
sir-billâh la fit construire. (Massignon, op. cit., p. 80.) n’était pas question.
6 10
La construction de cette madrasa fut commencée Creswell, op. cit., p. 43.
en 640 h. ( 1242). 11
Les murs de l’iwân encore debout, l’ïwân kiblï,
7
K. A. C. Creswell, “The Origin of the Cruci- menacent à ce point de s’écrouler que le Service
form Plan of Cairene Madrasas,” Bulletin de l’Insti- archéologique de l’Irân a pris la décision d’en détacher
tut français d’archéologie orientale XXI (1922), la précieuse inscription au nom de Nizâm al-Mulk
p. 43 du tirage à part. et de la transporter au Musée de Téhéran, où elle
8
Ibid., p. 36. se trouve maintenant.
l’origine de la madrasa 3
ment un, deux ou quatre îwâns, autrement dit les hôtelleries, la bibliothèque, les dépendances
si ce monument pouvait être, ou non, considéré diverses de l’ancienne mosquée, la mosquée
comme le plus ancien specimen actuellement abbaside que décrit l’historien al-Mâfarrûkhï.
connu d’une madrasa à cour centrale et à Ce sont ces dépendances qui brûlèrent. C’est
quatre îwâns. J’ai donc recherché, dans le alors,devant ce champ de ruines, que furent
chaos de terre crue qui représente aujourd’hui vraisemblablement décidées les reconstructions
les bâtiments anciens de la madrasa et les partielles que nous remarquons sur place et la
ruines des bâtisses qui y ont été ajoutées au transformation de l’édifice, de mosquée-kiosque
cours des siècles, ceux des murs originaux qu’il en mosquée-madrasa. Une inscription en ca-
était possible de situer par rapport à l’iwân ractères küfîques, encore partiellement lisible
encore debout. J’ai pu mesurer quelques cotes sur l’une des portes du côté nord du monu-
importantes et certaines, celles qui figurent sur ment, nous apprend que “cette construction a
le plan ci-joint, et d’autres qui confirment les été renouvelée après l’incendie, durant les mois
premières {Fig. 2 ). de l’année 515,” l’année même du sinistre. Il
De ces constatations il se déduit bien qu’il ne s’agitlà que de la réfection d’une porte,
y avait là, autour d’une cour carrée, un grand évidemment, mais nous sommes en droit de
iwân, l’ïwân kiblï, deux autres îwâns, un peu penser que la construction de lacour à quatre
moins larges, au centre des côtés latéraux et, îwâns fut entreprise à la même époque, d’abord
en face de l’ïwân kiblï, un quatrième ïwân, parce que cette cour est entièrement seldjou-
14
moins large encore, qui avait sans doute été kide et qu’entre la date de l’incendie, durant
le vestibule d’entrée de la madrasa. La Nizâ- le règne du dernier seldjoukide, Sultan San-
mîya de Khargird se composait donc d’une djar, et la mort de ce souverain il n’y eut
cour carrée, de quatre îwâns disposés sur les guère plus que le temps nécessaire à la cons-
axes longitudinal et transversal de cette cour truction des bâtiments en question; ensuite
et de locaux d’habitation et de service dans les parce qu’entre le moment de l’exécution du

angles de l’édifice ainsi déterminé. 12 Nous décor de la porte de 515 H 15 et celui du décor
.
16
avons en ce monument la première en date des de l’iwan oriental manifestement passé
il a
si peu d’eau sous les ponts du Zendè-Rûd que
madrasas à quatre îwâns actuellement connues.
l’on peut bien considérer la porte et les îwâns
Du plan des autres Nizâmîya nous ne sa-
vons rien, si ce n’est peut-être, par déduction, comme contemporains l’un de l’autre.
de celle d’Isfahân, qui devait être, elle aussi,

Or, à Isfahân, en 515 ou vers 515 H.,
à quatre îwâns. Nous savons en effet, par Ibn

14
La façade de l’iwân oriental, parfaitement sel-
al-Athïr, qu’en 515 h. (1 12 1-2) la Diâmi‘
djoukide, n’a pas été modifiée depuis le temps de sa
d’Isfahân “fut incendiée par les Batiniens.” construction. D’autre part nous savons maintenant,
Elle se composait alors d’une vaste cour au par un pilier de rive seldjoukide retrouvé en 1938 à
Sud de laquelle se dressait le bâtiment à cou- l’intérieur d’une pile de la salle du mihrâb d’Uldjâitü
nom (A. Godard, “Additions, Masdjid-é Djum'a d’Isfa-

pole qui porte le de Nizâm al-Mulk. 13
hân,” Âthâr-é Iran, II (1938), 315-20), que les
Rien donc qui pût brûler. Bordant cette cour,
façades courantes de la cour étaient également sel-
il
y avait encore à cette époque les couvents, djoukides.
15
Voir A. Godard, “Isfahân,” Athâr-é Iran, II
12
A. Godard, “öioräsän,” Athâr-é Iran, IV (1937), Fig. 2.
16
(1949), 72. Voir A. Godard, “Historique du Masdjid-é
13
A. Godard, “Historique du Masdjid-é Dium‘a Djum'a d’Isfahân,” Âthâr-é Irân 1936. Fig. 175 et
d’Isfahân,” Âthâr-é Iran, I (1936), 221. 176.
4 ANDRÉ GODARD
quand fut décidée puis entreprise la construc- ïwâns et la mosquée-madrasa. Il nous faut
tion de la cour à quatre ïwâns de la mosquée, bien supposer qu’à l’époque de la création de la
ce type d’édifice déjà si évolué, était nécessaire- grande madrasa d’Etat par Nizâm al-Mulk,
ment imité d’un édifice semblable et voisin qui vers le milieu du cinquième siècle de l’Hégire,
ne pouvait être alors que la toute nouvelle et la cour centrale à quatre ïwâns était déjà cou-
prestigieuse Nizâmïya. Il est donc probable, ramment et habilement utilisée au Khorassan.
sinon tout à fait certain, que la Nizâmïya Il me faut maintenant parler de Bâmiyân,
d’Isfahân était, comme celle de Khargird, un en Afghanistan. J’ai donné de ce site impres-
édifice à cour centrale et à quatre ïwâns. sionnant un croquis rudimentaire dans les
Le succès de la mosquée-madrasa ainsi Mémoires de la Délégation archéologique
19
constituée, par l’adjonction d’une cour dema- française en Afghänistän.
drasa au kiosque des anciennes mosquées La ville musulmane se trouvait en face de
iraniennes, fut vif et si rapide qu’en 530 H. la falaise des grands Bouddhas, de l’autre
(
1 135-6) ,
quinze années seulement après l’in- côté de la vallée, sur un plateau ou, plus exacte-
cendie de laD]um‘a d’Isfahân, nous voyons à ment, sur une sorte de terrasse qui longe, en
Zawârè une mosquée à quatre ïwâns construite cet endroit, le bas de la montagne. Deux ra-
17
d’une seule venue. vines perpendiculaires à la vallée y laissent
D’autre part le Service archéologique de entre elles une langue de terre à l’extrémité
l’Irân a découvert à Rayy et dégagé les ruines de laquelle on voit encore les ruines de l’arg,
20
d’une madrasa à quatre ïwâns (Fig. 5) que son la citadelle. Les habitants de cette ville occu-
décor (Figs. 6et y) permet de dater du com- paient d’anciennes grottes bouddhiques, ou
mencement du sixième siècle de l’Hégire. s’étaient construit des maisons en arrière de
Voilà donc certainement deux et probable- la citadelle, au pied des premières hauteurs, et
ment madrasas seldjoukides à quatre
trois le long de la ravine Ouest. 21
ïwâns, ainsi que les mosquées-madrasas, sel- Au quatrième siècle de l’Hégire, Ista-
djoukides aussi, d’Isfahân et de Zawârè, aux- khrï décrivait Bâmiyân comme la capitale d’un
quelles on peut ajouter celle d’Ardistân, com- vaste et fertile district, égale en superficie à
posée, comme la D]um‘a d’Isfahân, d’un la moitié de Balkh. C’était donc une assez
kiosque d’environ le temps de Nizâm al-Mulk grande cité. Elle fut détruite par les Mongols
en avant duquel, en 555 H. (1160), on ache- en l’année 618 H. (1221). Pendant le siège
vait de construire la cour à quatre ïwâns d’une qu’elle subit, Miitügen, de Gengiz
petit-fils
madrasa. 18
Il nous est, en conséquence, diffi- Khan, fut tué. En Gengiz fit dé-
représailles,
cile de penser qu’entre la date de la construc- truire la ville de fond en comble et massacrer
tion de la plus ancienne madrasa cruciforme ses habitants. Il interdit que quiconque vive
actuellement connue, la Nizâmïya de Khargird ou construise désormais sur son emplacement,

(vers 480 H.) et l’achèvement de la Djâmi de
1 qui fut appelé Mo-balik, la ville mauvaise.
Zawârè (530 H.), le plan cruciforme ait pu Quarante ans plus tard, au temps de l’historien
non seulement se constituer mais donner nais- Djuwainï, le site de la ville détruite était en-
sance à ces deux excellents types de monuments 19

A. Godard, Y. Godard, J. Hackin, “Les An-
de l’architecture iranienne, la madrasa à quatre tiquitésbouddhiques de Bâmiyân,” Mémoires de la
Délégation archéologique française en Afghanistan,
17
A. Godard, “Ardistân et Zawârè,” Âthàr-é (Paris-Bruxelles, 1928) II, Fig. 1.
Irän, I ( 1936), 208 et 296-305. 20
Ibid., PI. IV.
18 21
Ibid., p. 198 et 285-96. Ibid., PI. VII a.
, —
core inhabité. Il l’est toujours. On l’appelle quatre pièces d’habitation ou de service dans
aujourd’hui Shahr-i-Golgola, la ville des san- les angles {Fig. 5).
glots. Ses ruines sont donc antérieures à l’an- Ainsi donc, en 618 H., le plan le plus com-
née 618 H. mun des maisons de Bämiyän est cruciforme.
Or dans ce champ de décombres on peut Il y est si généralisé que l’on doit lui recon-
encore reconnaître les plans et parfois même
une partie des murs de constructions bien
caractéristiques. On y trouve un certain
nombre de petites mosquées uniquement com-
posées d’un iwân voûté, l’ïwân si cher au
Khorassan, devant lequel s’étend un espace
rectangulaire limité par des murs bas, où les
fidèles se rangeaient pour la prière {Fig. /).
Puis une mosquée plus importante, représentée
par une salle carrée dont la partie haute a
disparu, flanquée de deux iwâns voûtés perpen-
diculaires à la façade de l’édifice {Fig. g).
Ces deux types de monuments ont joué un
rôle très important dans la formation des di-
verses mosquées de l’Est de l’Iran. 22
On y trouve aussi des maisons particulières,
d’un type à peu près uniforme. J’ai pu relever
avec certitude le plan de l’une d’elles, moins
23
ruinée que les autres. C’est celui d’une cons-
truction à cour centrale et à quatre iwâns, avec
22
Voir Godard, “Khoràsân.” H me semble in-
téressant de noter aussi, puis que l’occasion s’en pré-
sente, que l’essentiel d’un certain nombre de couvents
qui furent taillés dans la falaise des grands Bouddhas
au début de l’époque sâsânide, se compose d’une salle,
sanctuaire ou lieu de réunion, carrée, circulaire ou octo-

gonale, couverte d’une coupole, d’un plafond ou d’une
BAMIYAN
combinaison de ces deux formes imitées de l’architec-
ture construite, et précédée d’un vestibule en forme
d’ïwân ouvrant sur la face de la falaise. (Voir Les
Antiquités bouddhiques de Bämiyän, Figs. 12 à 16).
Fig. i Bämiyän. Plan d’une Petite Mosquée
C’est le plan du Kal‘a Dukhtar de Fïrüzàbâd (voir
Sir Aurel Stein, “An archaeological Tour in the An-
cient Persis,” Iraq , III (1936), 123 et plan n° 4) et naître une ancienneté beaucoup plus grande et
celui de la Djum'a d’Ardabïl (Voir Siroux, “La M. penser qu’il était utilisé dans le Khorassan
24
Mosquée Djoumeh d’Ardebil,” Bulletin de l’Institut tout entier.
français d’archéologie orientale XLIV (1947),
89-100). 24
D. Schlumberger vient de découvrir à Lashkarï
23
J’en ai même des photographies, mais elles sont Bäzär en Afghanistan, un palais à cour centrale à
à Paris. quatre iwâns dont l’existence dès le temps de Mahmüd
6 ANDRÉ GODARD
C’est vraisemblablement dans un bâtiment avaient sans doute adopté la civilisation byzan-
de ce genre que les théologiens juristes du tine et leurs constructions devaient s’inspirer
Khorassan enseignaient leurs élèves au qua- d’éléments empruntés à la Syrie et à la
25
trième siècle de l’Hégire. Lorsqu’ils firent Perse.” Mais on ne voit pas très bien pour-
construire, ou que l’on construisit pour eux, quoi ces Arabes byzantinisés, fixés en territoire
des édifices spécialement affectés à leurs cours, byzantin, devaient s’inspirer d’éléments em-
c’est à dire quand la madrasa
une formeprit pruntés à la Perse, en fait construire un monu-
plus nette, c’est sans doute encore des maisons ment typiquement iranien. Pour Dieulafoy
si
à quatre ïwâns que l’on exécuta. Lorsque le palais de ‘Amman est une construction de la
Nizâm al-Mulk fonda la madrasa d’Etat offi- Perse sâsânide, de la fin de cette époque ou des
26
cielle et construisit ses Nizâmîyas, c’est selon le premiers temps de l’Islam . Il en a publié le
plan de ces madrasas ordinaires du Khorassan plan, dont voici un croquis {Fig. ç ) On y .
qu’elles furent tout naturellement composées, reconnaîtra sans peine, en le comparant aux
mais agrandies et embellies en proportion de figures qui accompagnent cette étude, le prin-
leur nouvelle importance. cipe de la maison du Khorassan et celui d’une
Si cependant on s’inquiétait de savoir ce madrasa de l’époque seldjoukide. Cet édifice,
qu’était devenu le plan et l’aspect général, sinon de conception toute iranienne, mais en pierre
le mode de construction et le décor, de la mai- appareillée avec soin, n’a cependant pas été
son ou de la madrasa du Khorassan vers ce exécuté par des Iraniens, mais par des Syriens
temps-là, je pense, si surprenant que cela puisse {Fig. 10).
que l’on pourrait s’en assurer à
paraître, Pour moi, je crois qu’il faut le rapprocher
‘Amman, en Transjordanie. Il y a là un “pa- de ce qu’al-Mukaddasï disait des habitants de
lais,” selon Dieulafoy, qui semble tout à fait ‘Amman à la fin du quatrième siècle de
étranger à ce pays. Cette construction a forte- l’Hégire. A cette époque ‘Amman était de-
ment intrigué les nombreux écrivains qui en venue la capitale de la fertile région d’al-
ont parlé, mais chacun d’eux, quelque origine Balkâ. “Ses habitants étaient en grande majo-
qu’il lui ait trouvée, s’est senti obligé de tour- rité shï‘ites.” Elle était l’une des principales
ner les yeux vers l’Est. étapes des caravanes qui se dirigeaient “de
On a vu dans cet édifice une “construction l’Asie mineure et des pays de l’Euphrate vers
de Chosroës au cours de son expédition sy- l’Arabie et l’Egypte.” Or nous savons que
rienne,” mais ses arcs brisés règlent le sort l’Iran par l’Iran, l’Asie centrale entre-
et,
de cette hypothèse. Van Berchem pense qu’il tenaient alors des relations commerciales très
est, comme le palais de Mshattâ, “l’oeuvre des actives avec la Syrie, le Hedjaz et l’Egypte.
rois de Ghassan. On sait, dit-il, que ces sou- Quand les scrupules, dit W. Heyd, qui em-
verains arabes, établis pendant les premiers pêchaient les croyants de porter des vêtements
siècles de notre ère dans la Syrie transjordane, de soie se furent effacés, quand les plus puis-
défendaient la frontière orientale de l’empire sants et les plus riches d’entre eux se laissèrent
byzantin contre les incursions des Perses et aller aux délices terrestres et déployèrent dans
des rois arabes de Hira, leurs rivaux, qui pro- l’ornementation de leurs demeures un luxe
tégeaient en Chaldée la frontière occidentale vraiment oriental, les tisserands persans virent
du royaume perse. Ces nomades, en se fixant,
25
Van Berchem, op. cit., p. 267.
20
de Ghaznï (388-421 H./998-1030) est “hors de M. Dieulafoy, L'art antique de la Perse (Paris,
doute.” 1884-89) V, 99-104 et Figs. 84-85.
— —
5 to (5 2o MSTElE/j ,
Fig. 3 —Rayy. Plan d’une Madrasa seldjoukide

1
Fig. 2 Kh argird.Plan de la Madrasa au nom de

Nizäm al-Mulk
0 S io MeTivaj
1 1 • 1 1 ‘ 1
1 1
Fig. 5 Bämiyän. Plan d’une Maison

Fig. 6 Fig. 7
Figs. 6 et 7 —Rayy. Décor de la Madrasa seldjoukide
Fig. 8 —Plan du Robät Sharaf

Fig. 9 — Plan du “Palais” d’

!
Ammân
D’apres Dieulafoy
8 ANDRÉ GODARD
leur clientèle s’accroître sur toute l’étendue des quatre ïwâns. Il compte donc, à lui seul, quatre
pays conquis à l’islamisme. Les villes de Merv cours à quatre ïwâns. Il a été construit en
et de Nïshâpûr cultivaient avec un succès par- l’année 508 H. (1114-15), soit plus d’un
27
ticulier cette branche de l’industrie. De l’Iran siècle et demi avant la Zâhirïya du Caire, puis
venaient aussi des pierres précieuses, en parti- fut endommagé par les Ghuzz en 548 H.
culier la turquoise et le lapis-lazuli, des bijoux (
II 53 _ 54) et réparé l’année suivante par
d’or et d’argent, des perles du Golfe persique, l’épouse de Sultan Sandjar, Turkân Khàtùn. 28
des tapis, la soie grège du Gilân et du Shïr- Son plan {Fig. 8 ) est celui d’un édifice for-
wân, les tissus de soie et de coton de Chiraz, situé dans une région désertique, sur une
tifié,
d’Isfahân, de Yezd, l’indigo du Kerman, route peu sûre et destiné à servir de lieu
etc. ... Ce sont les Shï‘ites, ou les fils des d’étape et d’abri à des personnages impor-
Sjhï’ites qu’al-Mukaddasï vit à ‘Amman, in- tants, dont le souverain lui-même, à en juger
important d’une route de leur

stallés en ce point de ses dispositions très particulières, de la
fastueux commerce, qui ont sans doute or- richesse de son décor, de la hâte avec laquelle
donné, selon les modes de leur pays, la cons- il fut réparé en 549 h. et du nom du répara-
truction du bâtiment en question. teur. Il comprend une première cour, à l’usage
Voici maintenant un magnifique édifice qui, des escortes, peut-être ouverte aussi aux voya-
pour n’être ni une madrasa ni une mosquée, geurs ordinaires, par laquelle on accède à une
n’en intéresse pas moins notre recherche: cour plus grande et plus belle ainsi qu’aux ap-
Robât Sharaf, sur l’ancienne route de Nïshâ- partements dont j’ai parlé. Or cette dernière
pür à Merv, non loin de la frontière afghane. cour a ceci de curieux qu’elle est celle d’une
On y trouve seize ïwâns, appartenant à deux madrasa. L’ïwân du fond est en effet, comme
cours à quatre ïwâns et à deux apparte-
l’ïwân kiblî d’une madrasa, celui de la Nizâ-
ments qui ne sont autre chose que deux
mïya de Khargird, par exemple {Fig. 2), plus
maisons du Khorâsân, à cour centrale et à
large et plus haut que les ïwâns de côtés, les-
27
W. Heyd, Histoire du commerce du Levant au quels sont eux-mêmes, comme dans la plupart
moyen-âge, traduction F. Raynaud (Leipzig, 1866),
28
I, 39- A. Godard, “Khorâsân,” pp. 7-68.
des mosquées et des madrasa anciennes, plus quatre ïwâns, et de la madrasa, par le parti
larges que l’ïwân septentrional, quand il sert de son plan, qui reproduit exactement celui de
de vestibule d’entrée. 29 Mais ce robât n’est la madrasa, ce monument nous permet d’ache-
aucunement orienté comme une mosquée ou ver de déduire de tout ce qui précède que la
une madrasa, selon la kibla du lieu. L’axe de maison du Khorassan, à quatre ïwâns, donna
son iwân principal, comme en rend compte le vraisemblablement naissance à la madrasa à
plan, fait un angle de 90 degrés avec la kibla, quatre ïwâns, qui donna elle-même naissance à
déterminée par les divers mihrâbs, à l’intérieur la mosquée au caravansérail à quatre ïwâns.
et
et à l’extérieur de l’édifice. Il y a là une ano- Ce que figure le petit tableau schématique ci-
malie que peut seulement expliquer une imita- dessous :
tion irraisonnée de la cour de la madrasa telle

qu’elle était, avec ses arrangements religieux.
Maison du Khorassan
I
Tenant à la fois de la maison du Khoras- Madrasa

san, par ses appartements à cour centrale et à
29
Loc. cit. Mosquée Caravansérail
UNGLAZED RELIEF POTTERY FROM NORTHERN MESOPO-
TAMIA * BY GERALD REITLINGER
THE FIRST STYLE Khorsabad or Nimrüd, but if so, there is no

record. Archeologists were not concerned with
Before the evacuation of the british
the stratification of pottery for another half
Museum collections in 1939, there stood for
century. It may even have come out of Meso-
generations a highly mysterious object in wall
potamia before the days of excavation. 1 When
case No. 34 of the Babylonian gallery. Num-
Sufük al-Färis, sheikh of the Shammar, was
bered 918.950, it is a corpulent gray unglazed
beseiging the town of Takrit on the Tigris in
jar, more than two feet high and provided
1834, the inhabitants unearthed a number of
with four handles {Fig. j). It is decorated
huge jars with figures of men and animals,
in a mixture of molded and hand-modeled re-
while digging a defense-work. One jar was
lief with a frieze of four saucer-eyed female
acquired by Dr. J. Ross of the Baghdad resi-
figures in long skirts, and two long-necked bird-
dency while on his journey to the ruins of
headed monsters. The style of these figures
Hatra. 2 It passed successively into the hands
is not unworthy of the jar’s long sojourn in
of Commander Felix Jones and Henry Rawlin-
the Babylonian gallery, yet as an object the
son, the British Museum’s great benefactor.
jar is unlike anything Babylonian. There have
The present jar may or may not be Dr. Ross’s
always been doubts about it. It is not even
jar but we know now that the jars unearthed
known where it came from or how it reached
in the seige of Takrit were certainly of this
the British Museum. Botta or Layard may
kind.
have discovered it in the eighteen-forties at
The strange British Museum jar slum-
* First and foremost, I must express my deep bered Babylonian room till the second
in the
obligation to the Directorate General of Antiquities World War. It was not unique. There were
Government of Iraq, particularly the Directors
of the fragments in the same style in the Louvre’s
Naji 1 A
Asil Bey and Mr. Seton Lloyd. To Babylonian deposits, 3 but even nineteenth-
Mr. Selim Levy of the Department, I owe the ex-
century savants doubted whether they were
cellent photographs he has taken and the inventory
notes. Such genuine enthusiasm for the publication Babylonian and tended to call them Parthian.
of their material does the greatest credit to the crea- When more fragments with saucer-eyed fig-
tors of one of the world’s most recent museums, the ures and bird-headed monsters were found at
Arab Museum inBaghdad. Assur toward 1910, there was already reason
I must also thank Dr. R. Ettinghausen for as-
to believe that they were more recent still.
sembling much photographic material of objects in
In 1907 Sarre and Herzfeld had visited
the United States and for other important informa-
tion. must thank Dr. Henry Field for the use of
I Takrit and investigated its historical associa-
photographs of objects in the Chicago Museum of
1
Natural History and of objects seen by him at F. Sarre-E. Herzfeld, Archäologische Reise im
Sindjâr. Acknowledgments are also due to H. Kevor- Euphrat- und Tigris-Gebiet (Berlin, 1911— 20), I,
kian, Esq. to A. S. David, Esq., of Sunnyside, Long
; 223.
Island; to the Metropolitan Museum of New York; 2
J. Ross, “Notes on a Journey from Baghdad to
to the Louvre, Paris and to the Islamic Department
;
the Ruins of A1 Hadhr,” Jour. Royal Geographical
of the State Museums, Berlin, the last with the sin- Soc., IX( 1839), 443 ff-
cere hope that the object I have reproduced is still in

3
G. Migeon, Manuel d’ art musulman (Paris,
their keeping. 1907), II, 282.
,
12 GERALD REITLINGER
tions with decorated jars. Several more frag- as announced by Martin Hartmann and Josef
ments came into their hands in Takrit, and Strzygowski. Sarre, however, continued to
Herzfeld sketched a whole jar, almost the defend his theory of indigenous development
double of that in the British Museum’s Baby- and production. In 1920, when many more
lonian room. 4 Their most significant discov- specimens were available, he saw no cause to
ery, however, was made in the Baghdad ba- revise his views of 1905. Today the rare
zaar where Sarre bought the large jar which pieces of 1905 have become quite common.
he presented to the Kaiser Friedrich Museum. My list contains more than forty complete or
This jar is clearly a near relation of the one half complete jars and there must be very
in the British Museum {Fig. ç), but it has an many unrecorded. A new analysis is therefore
inscription in Arabic characters of the “fifth not inopportune.
or sixth centuries of the Hijra.” The subjects of this article are the large
Now in 1905 Sarre had written a paper water cisterns or coolers of porous clay, of a
concerning four fragments from large jars in type still used and known as habbs, but the
molded and barbotine relief, but of a more field is restricted to the highly decorated
elaborate kind. They were said to have come medieval kind on which molded, barbotine,
from Mosul, and Sarre dated them in the and incised ornament are combined. Medieval
5
twelfth and thirteenth centuries A.D . Thus unglazed pottery, showing each of these sorts
the jar acquired in Baghdad linked the primi- of ornament, is so abundant in Iraq as to
tive-looking jar from the Babylonian gallery require more than a short monograph and to
of the British Museum with the magnificent narrow down the scope of the present one to
pottery decoration of the high Middle Ages. the combined ware alone. This combined ware
The British Museum jar could now be con- occasionally embraces not three but four proc-
sidered Islamic rather than Parthian, but it esses. In Figures 2 and 9, for instance, there
was still hard to date it. In 1911-13 more may be seen a band of ornament, cut in the
fragments, showing the same peculiar frieze soft clay in imitation of woodwork. German
of women and monsters, were found in the archeologists call it kerbschnitt or chip-carv-
German Samarra excavations. Buried in the ing. But undoubtedly the most striking feature
Abbasid city and palaces, they could scarcely of the ware is the ornament, applied to the
be older than the ninth century. The early surface in wet clay either by hand or with a
excavators, who thought these things Baby- pipette —
like the icing on a cake. This is the
lonian, had been deceived by Mesopotamian barbotine process, and the North Mesopo-
conservatism into an error of a millennium and tamian habbs are sometimes described as bar-
a half. botine pottery. I prefer not to use this descrip-
Though this pottery had once been consid- tion because other techniques are involved and
ered Babylonian, its later development was because barbotine pottery in the Middle Ages
so surprisingly different that to many students was not restricted to Mesopotamia. It was
of forty years ago it could not have been made throughout the Islamic world, from
native to the Tigris valley at all. It must Central Asia to North Africa. The best defini-
have been an importation from Central Asia, tion is: “North Mesopotamian unglazed ware
in molded and barbotine relief.” The com-
4
Sarre-Herzfeld, op. cit., IV, 13.
6
bined technique may be as old as the ninth
F. Sarre, “Islamische Tongefässe aus Mesopota-
century and it lasted as late as the fourteenth.
mien,” Jahrbuch der Königlich Preussischen Kunst-
sammlungen, XXVI ( 1905), 69. The color and texture of the ware did not
UNGLAZED RELIEF POTTERY 13
change in five centuries. By contrast, the style ing the water of life which also issued from
changed absolutely. On a large number of the beaks of the birds or dragons. Referring
the pieces that have survived, the primitive again to Figure 3, it will be seen that, if this
Babylonian figures merge with the “Central is the water of coming from the
life, it is
Asian” look of the later pieces sufficiently to women’s elbows, for it is plain that their hands
form which I shall
a distinct intermediate style are folded under their breasts. Figure 6 shows
call Style II.This and the fully developed, or a similar confusion as if medieval tradition
Style III, style can be dated by their close had muddled two distinct attitudes. I am in-
relation to other Islamic objects. Already clined to think that these zigzag wands, Sarre’s
forty-two years ago, Sarre was able to place bandartige Rahmen, are not consciously sym-
them where they belong in the twelfth and bolic of water but merely an easy way of using
thirteenth centuries. But the dating of the the pipette, the way it is used in pastry. The
earliest style, Style I, presents great difficulties. zigzag wand is common in all early Islamic
Little internal evidence is provided, since the barbotine ware. Outstanding examples of it
artwas so humble and traditional as to go its are found on the big blue-glazed oil jars from
way ignoring the march of fashion. Samarra, Susa, and Shâpür. 9 Sarre offered
Interpretation is equally difficult. Take, no symbolical explanation for the animals
for instance, Figure 3, the jar or habb in the which Budge and King called “snakes with
British Museum. In the 1908 Guide to the feet” and “duck-headed dragons.” He sug-
Babylonian collection, 6 Budge and King rec- gests they are geese. But if the figures repre-
ognized it as “post-Assyrian.” “Around the sent Ishtar, why should not this be Sirrush,
sides in relief are figures of snakes with feet, the long-necked beast depicted on the Ishtar
duck-headed dragons, and figures of snake gate in Babylon? The attitude of the Baby-
charmers.” But Sarre describes the subject lonian Ishtar remained unchanged at least as
as follows:
7
“Two birds (geese?) which hold late as the Palmyrene sculpture of the third
a ribbon-like branch in their beaks and four century A.D. Moreover the Parthian Ishtar
female figures, standing side by side linked of Babylon was sometimes a draped figure
together with ribbons which frame the upper wearing the long and decorous garment sug-
part of their bodies. With elbows bent out- gested in this medieval pottery.
10
But the
wards, the women have their hands folded hands remained below the breasts and the el-
before their breasts. The origin of these fig- bows were bent outward even after Hellenism
ures is clear. They are imitations of ancient had given the figure grace and dignity.
Oriental Goddess-figures representing Nin- Moreover the original Babylonian and
mach or Ishtar who were depicted in similar
Assyrian figures were decorated in barbotine
positions.” Sarre’s theory of origin rests on The fragment from the Iraq
like the habbs.
the attitude of the figures. Yet in a notice
8
dated 1922 he described the attitude quite 9
F. Sarre, Die Ausgrabungen von Samarra (Ber-
differently. The women, he said, were pour- lin,1925), II, PI. VI.
R. Koechlin, Céramiques musulmanes de Suse au
6
British Museum, A Guide to the Babylonian and Musée du Louvre (Paris, 1928), PL VIII.
Assyrian Antiquities (London: 2d ed., 1908), p. 1x6, R. Ghirshmann, “Les Fouilles de Châpour, 1936-
No. 1609. 1 937,” Revue des arts asiatiques, XII (1939), 12,
7
Sarre-Herzfeld, op. cit., IV, 13. PL IX.
8 10
F. Sarre, Die Kunst des alten Persien (Berlin, R. Koldewey, Das wieder erstehende Babylon
1922), p. 56. (Leipzig, 1913), PP- 271-79.
H GERALD REITLINGER
Government’s Samarra excavations, repro- suggests that the tablet was made to be buried
duced in Figure 5, shows the sausage-like rope for magic purposes. The large jars with mys-
of hair and the saucer-eyes which the medieval terious figures of ancient deities, though not
potter owed to that ancient past. This figure made for this purpose, might have been
is stamped with rosettes or stars which seem to adapted to it.
be the emblem of the goddess. Similar render- All over Mesopotamia one finds buried
ings of the Ishtar figure occur in other Samarra incantation-bowls, inscribed in Aramaic or
fragments in the British Museum, reproduced pseudo-Aramaic characters. The practice con-
by Sarre. 11 These things cannot be the effect tinued almost into modern times, though bowls
of coincidence alone owing to a primitive of the same type found by Koldewey at Baby-
method of modeling. Either the medieval pot- lon may be Parthian or Hellenistic. 14 Such
ter worked in a continuous tradition of thou- traditionalism makes it all the more impossi-
sands of years, or he copied the ancient fig- ble to establish a comparative chronology for
urines that littered his native soil. Imitations the long and vague period covered by Style I,
of local antiques were indeed not unknown in the “goddess and dragon” style. According to
the early Islamic period. Among the early Sarre, the Arabic inscription in Figure 9 may be
eighth century stuccoes found in 1938 at Kasr as late as the twelfth century but this is a piece
al-Hair al-Gharbi, the Syrian desert palace verging on the intermediate style, or Style II.
of the Caliph Hishäm, is a female figure hold- One of Sarre’s fragments from Samarra is a
12
ing her breasts in the Ishtar position. M. replica of the four goddesses on the British
Daniel Schlumberger suggests it is a copy of Museum piece,
15
but its discovery in the Abbas-
some third-century Palmyrene figure of Atar- sid perimeter of the palace does not relegate it
gatis, dug up in the neighborhood. neatly between the years 836 and 892 A.D. It
There were special reasons for such imi- is ware which a humble popu-
just the sort of
tation at Kasr al-Hair al-Gharbi. In Hishäm’s lation, living among abandoned ruins, might
reign, figure sculpture had all but died out in use. More of these fragments were found by
Syria and these were the only available models. the Iraq Department of Antiquities in 1938 in
In North Mesopotamia there were other rea- the Kasr al-‘Ashik which was one of the great
sons. The old gods may have retained some
West-Bank Palaces. In the tenth century, Ibn
dim magical or astrological significance. Hawkal noticed that the population of the
Magic and astrology prolonged the life of
town had moved to Karkh, a northern sub-
several Babylonian traditions. The inscribing 16
urb, but he also noticed that the gardens on
of clay tablets for this purpose continued in
the West Bank of the Tigris were in good
the old Babylonian language and character at
order, which suggests that the palaces might
least till the first century B.C. In 1931 I ac-
have been kept in repair.
quired in Kufa, south of Baghdad, a crumbling
Style I may spread vaguely over the ninth,
unbaked tablet of Babylonian type. It was
tenth, eleventh and even twelfth centuries, but
inscribed in Kufic characters of the eighth cen-
clearly there was much older pottery with this
tury A.D. with part of the 36th sura of the
13 sort of decoration, filling the gap since Parthian
Koran, nicely stamped. Dr. Rhuvon Guest
times. At Hira, many small fragments of un-
11
Sarre, op. cit.. Fig. 41.
12 14
D. Schlumberger, “Les Fouilles de Qasr el-Heir Koldewey, op. cit., p. 242.
el-Gharbi, 1936-38,” Syria, XX (1939), 349.
15
Sarre, op. cit., p. 41.
16
13
R. Guest, “A Tablet in Kufic from Kufa,” G. le Strange, The Lands of the Eastern Cali-
Jour. Royal Asiatic Soc. (January, 1933), p. 103. phate (Cambridge, 1930), p. 55.
glazed ware were found in a well, pierced headed dragons,” but the goddesses have
through the floor of a room with stuccoes of become so stylized that their heads have dis-
17
the late eighth century. They were mostly appeared and their skirts form a purely ab-
molded ware of a peculiarly classical kind stract design. The technical finish on this
which was found also at Samarra and Susa. habb is rather superior, but the same trans-
Three fragments, however, were of very deli- formation of human forms into cyphers oc-
cate barbotine ware, showing the “zigzag” curs in Figures 1,2, and 4, which are rough,
wand decoration. Two very small fragments of unfinished wares, an indication that mere
this fine barbotine pottery are illustrated in M. technical finish is no criterion for dating. Fol-
18
Koechlin’s work on Susa.Both show birds lowing the visit of Sarre and Herzfeld to
and one is clearly the duck-headed monster of Takrit in 1907, Herzfeld suggested that the
the British Museum jar. Finer in quality than primitive habbs with the goddess and dragon
the big habbs, these fragments seem also to be figures were made at Takrit, while the later
older, since the well deposit at Hira contained types, which I shall call Styles II and III, were
material for comparative chronology in the made at Mosul. Undoubtedly there are sev-
fragments of a cup with a Kufic inscription eral complete habbs which have been asso-
around the rim. This form of Kufic is found ciated with Takrit, apart from the significant
on an unglazed bowl from Susa in the Louvre. story of the find which was made during the
M. Koechlin associates its molded decoration siege. The excavation sites at Samarra, Assur,
of vine sprays with the Syrian artistic revival Kuyundjik, and elsewhere have only yielded
19 small surface fragments. In 1946 the Bagh-
under the Umayyads. Thus the Hira deposit,
which included the barbotine fragments, could dad Arab Museum acquired a characteristic
That the North Meso-
be as early as 700 A.D. nearly specimen in Takrit, No.
complete
potamian habbs should be more primitive in 36.465 {Fig. 4). Figure 24 shoves a ewer,
execution than these earlier fragments is ex- fourteen inches high, of orthodox Sasanian
plained by the character of the period. Be- shape with the standard goddess and dragon
figures, which I acquired in Baghdad in 1930.
tween the Samarra century and the twelfth-
century renaissance, the pottery found in Iraqi
It was said to have come from a “Christian
sites is almost uniformly bad.

cemetery” in Takrit. Writing in the tenth
The earliest of the North Mesopotamian

century, Ibn Hawkal most of the
says that
inhabitants of Takrit were Christians 20 and
habbs are already decadent and the quality
he says the same of most northern Meso-
only begins to improve as the second style
potamian towns. This ware was probably
evolves, the figures of goddesses and dragons
made and used by Christians. One may specu-
losing their original significance and new
late whether in Figure 4 the Babylonian god-
motifs taking their place. The process is
dess has not transformed herself into a Nesto-
shown in Figures 7 and 8, a complete habb
rian cross.
dug up casually at the police post of Sinn al-
Yet grave burial seems improbable if only
Dhibbän between Fallüdja and Ramadi (Bagh-
because an average height of thirty inches is
dad, Arab Museum, No. 26). These animals
too big for grave furniture. Habbs, found in
are decidedly more realistic than the “duck-
casual places like thosefrom Sinn al-Dhibbän
17
D. Talbot Rice, “The Oxford Excavations at and Wädi Armush, may have been buried as
Hira,” Ars Islamica, I (1934), 65-66, Fig. 18. incantation bowls, whereas Takrit itself may
18
Koechlin, op. cit., PI. I, Figs. 32a, 32b.
10
Koechlin, op. cit., PL IV, Figs. 29, 30. 20
Le Strange, op. cit., p. 57.
i6 GERALD REITLINGER
contain a kiln-site and store which should re- dragons of the first style, but the execution is
pay excavation. It is also possible that the in the latest and altogether more
fashion
habbs are found under the foundations of lively than that of the goddesses and dragons.
Takrit houses, for the later decorated habbs All this massive ornament tends to overload
are found in this position in Mosul and Sin- the upper part of the habb, since the belly,
djär. A century ago, Layard was presented which has no base to it and only light surface
with one when a Nestorian church was demol- ornament, is potted more finely. Consequently,
21
ished in Mosul. Apparently large habbs were in most cases the belly of the habb has been
set upright in the ground and the floors laid smashed while the upper part has stayed intact,
over them. The porous shell of the habb preserving the outline of an inverted bucket.
thus drains the moisture from the surround- Figure 13 was acquired by the Louvre in 1904,
ing soil. At Hira where habbs were found and for many years the upper part was mis-
under eighth-century rooms 22 decorated pieces taken for a stand and placed in this way for
were used, and it seems that in Mosul even exhibition.
23
the elaborate thirteenth-century pieces were Sarre 1905
in compared the Louvre
sacrificed this way. habb with a fragment, belonging to the Com-
tesse de Béhague, which had been exhibited in
THE SECOND STYLE the Paris “Arts musulmans” exhibition of 1903
as “Sasanian or early Islamic.” In an ap-
Figures 9 and 10 in the Berlin Museum
pendix to Sarre’s article, Eugen Mittwoch was
and Kevorkian (New York) collections show
able to support the newly proposed dating by
an advance from the primitive style with its
reading from the fragment some words of a
“Babylonian” figures toward the finely deco-
Neskhi inscription which “could not be earlier
rated ware of the twelfth century. Both have
than the second half of the twelfth century.”
six handles in place of four and the handles
Part of the decoration on the Louvre example
are richly decorated in barbotine. Between
appears archaic for so late a date. It con-
the handles are small suspension loops which
sists of a little standing figure, executed in
are also to be noticed on the British Museum
barbotine and many times repeated. The fig-
habb (Fig. 3) and the two primitive habbs
ure’s structure can best be seen in the frag-
(Figs, i and 2) in the Metropolitan Museum
ment, Figure 16. In 1875 George Smith had
and David collections. Modeled in clay, the
illustrated fragment found at Kuyündjik
a
suspension loops are useless, and their pres-
which showed this figure.
24
He ventured no
ence suggests an imitation of metal work. As
opinion, but half a century later Gaston
the second style developed, these loops or
Migeon described the figure as “very Hittite
excrescences were expanded to link up with the
in character” though he recognized “Indo-
handles. Thus in the second style the handles,
Parthian” elements in the rest of the decor. 25
now again reduced to four, have been bridged
The hieratic stiffness of this short-legged
so as to produce the effect of a series of rococo
erect figure is only approached by some of the
niches under the rim. The massively molded
Mosul silver inlay on bronze of the same
heads of women and lions on the handles still
perpetuate the tradition of the goddesses and 23

Sarre, “Islamische Tongefässe,” p. 69.
24
G. Smith, Assyrian Discoveries (London,
21
A. H. Layard, Discoveries in the Ruins of
Sir 1875), p. 141-
Niniveh and Babylon (London, 1853), pp. 279-80. 25
G. Migeon, L’Orient Musulman (Paris,
22
Rice, op. cit., p. 70, Fig. 19. 1922), p. 15, PL 9.
Fig. 1 —Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York Fig. 2 —Possession of A. S. David, Sunnyside, L. I.
Fig. 3 —British Museum Fig. 4 —Found in Takrît. Baghdad Museum

(No. A.M. 36465.)
Fig. 5 —From Samarra. (No. A.M. 2620.) Fig. 6 —Found at Wâdï Armush. (No. A.M. 7230.)
pjr-'-Æ
méîîi
Figs. 7-8. —Found at Sinn al-Dhibbän. (No. A.M. 12.)
Figs. 5-8 — Baghdad Museum

After GlUck-Diez
Fig. 9 —Islamic Department. Staatliche Museum, Fig. 10 —Possession H. Kevorkian, New York
Berlin
Figs. 11-12 — Baghdad Museum. (No. A.M. 26.)

—
After Migeon
Fig. 14 Musée du Louvre
Fig. 13 —Baghdad Museum. (No. A.M. 7149.)


Museum
Baghdad
21-23
Figs.
period, but even the metal worker was better Mesopotamian relief-ware was “part of an
able to overcome the limitations of his mate- established export trade from central Asia.”
rial. Though the style of the figure is the out- Strzygowski illustrated his point with photo-
come North
of the barbotine technique, the graphs of relief-ware found in central Asia,
Mesopotamian potter became so enamored of yet none of this relief-ware is strictly barbotine
it that he copied it even in molded pottery. pottery. 30 Moreover, he chose to ignore the
Herzfeld has sketched and published a char- nativeMesopotamian tradition of barbotine
acteristic fragment of molded pottery in imita- work going back to ancient dynastic times.
26
tion of barbotine ware of this kind. Sarre had the easy task of replying that these
On
almost every example of the Style II motifs were hardly an argument for the wares
habb there occurs, molded on one of the ex- being imported since they were employed in
panded false handles, a cross-legged figure the local Mosul architecture. Hartmann him-
drinking from a cup {Fig. 15). This figure self had noticed the Buddhist attitude, which
is naturalistic and presents an extreme con- he called Mudra in the surviving stucco fig-
trast to the barbotine figures. The cross- ures of the Kara Sarai palace. In Niehbuhr’s
legged position and the Mongol faces of the day ( 1772 there had been eighty to a hundred
)
female busts, which surround this figure, sug- of them seated in their little niches and “so
gest both India and China. Sarre preferred alike that they must have been pressed from
31
to see in normal West Asian develop-
them a a mold.”
ment of Hellenism, though he was prepared Nowadays the student is more familiar
to admit a Mongol element in the faces “It is : with the characteristics of the Islamic artistic
not difficult to establish that they belong to a renaissance of the twelfth to thirteenth cen-
period when Mongols were always strongly turies. One need not believe that these heavy
27
in the foreground.” but fragile objects, over two feet high and of
This would not do for the more romantic little commercial value, had to be carried from
school of orientalism. According to Professor the nebulous fastness of “Uiguristan” to the
Martin Hartmann, the cross-legged figure was very metropolis of Arab craftsmanship. That
a Buddha and the female heads, Bodhisatt- the Islamic renaissance contained a central
28
vas. The potters themselves were central Asian and Buddhist element is hardly to be
Asian, coming from a place Hartmann called denied but it was part of a very ancient in-
Uiguristan. His view was supported in 1917 heritance. Buddhist attitudes and Mongol
by Josef Strzygowski in Altai-Iran und Völ- faces occur in several pieces of Persian silver-
kerwanderungA 9 The figures were in a “typi- work of somewhat post-Sasanid date, pre-
cal Indo-Chinese mixed style” and the original served in Russian museums. The probably
home of the barbotine technique was Trans- contemporary ninth-century Samarra frescoes
oxiana, Turkestan, and Khotan. The North show them too. It is doubtful whether the
incursions of Turks and Mongols, innocent of
26
Sarre-Herzfeld, op. cit., IV, 16. art, into Persia and Mesopotamia had any-
27
Sarre, op. cit., p. 69.
thing to do with these attitudes and faces
28
M. Hartmann, Review of Sarre, “Islamische
Tongefässe aus Mesoptamien” (see footnote No. 5), which certainly do not reflect contemporary
in O rient alistis che Literaturzeitung, VIII (1905), Far Eastern or Indian styles. In Figure 17,
col. 275-78.
29 30
J. Strzygowski, Altai-Iran und Völkerwander- Strzygowski, ibid.. Figs. 207—20.
ung (Leipzig, 1917), p. 260. 31
Sarre-Herzfeld, op. cit.. Ill, PI. XCVI.
i8 GERALD REITLINGER
for instance, the figure is not strictly speaking THE THIRD STYLE
cross-legged but has one foot dangling down-
The third style survived the Mongol con-
ward, an early Graeco-Buddhist attitude. It
quest of the Zangid kingdom
1262 though in
is the attitude of the figure drinking from a
I know of only one example which is clearly
rhyton on the silver dish from Buddigara in later than this date. The third style differs
32
the British Museum, regarded by Herzfeld from the second style in elaboration and finish
as the “Stammvater” of the drinking figures
rather than in innovation. A fine example was
common throughout Islamic art. 33 acquired by the Victoria and Albert Museum
and Herzfeld noticed that liabbs
Sarre as early as 1899 (No. 340) as “old Per-
were still being produced in Mosul in 1907 sian.”
35
Here the cross-legged figure is sur-
and shipped down the Tigris to Baghdad. rounded, as in all characteristic pieces of the
Fragments of habbs in Styles II and III are third style, with openwork arabesque behind
certainly found far downstream and perhaps which there is an air space, a most sophisti-
all over modern Iraq.have found unmistak-
I cated development of the barbotine ornament
able handles and rims in the Kish area near of the second style. The arabesque is of the
Babylon. But the complete pieces are gen- vegetable kind which Germans call “kreislap-
erally found in the north and only in the north pen.” Strzygowski in 1917, in search of proto-
can one pick up fragments in profusion. Styles types in the depths of central Asia, 36 compared
II and III coincide with the period of the the Victoria and Albert’s habb with some sil-
Zangid atabegs who ruled in Mosul from A.D. ver personal adornments in the Hermitage
1127 to their overthrow by the Mongol Hü- Museum found in the Kotskhar River in south
lägü in 1262. Branches of this Turkish slave Siberia. But these ornaments, which are un-
family established secession states as far as datable, clearly derive from that advanced
Syria. The was the Zangid king-

longest-lived Islamic art of which Mosul, under the Zangid
dom of Sindjär (1170-1220), a city only a atabegs, was one of the centers. Strzygowski
hundred miles west of Mosul. 34 About as mistook the rim of the wheel for the hub.
many habbs in Styles II and III have been The openwork and the vegetation make
Sindjär as in Mosul. They are found Style III easily recognizable, and also the dis-
found in
as far west as the sites along the Khäbür river

appearance of the uncouth little barbotine
figures.Their place is taken by a whole range
in present-day Syria. Officials of the Iraq De-
of personalities, realistically made from a
partment of Antiquities consider the specimens
mold. For instance, Figure 19 (No. 7150
in
brought them from Sindjär to be the finest.
of the Baghdad Arab Museum) the seated
Although mass-produced, there is great varia-
drinking figure is entertained by a maiden play-
tion of quality, an indication that there were
ing a harp. On either side stand dignified fig-
several sorts of factories and not necessarily
ures bearing a rose and a cup, symbols of
all in Mosul.
office. In Style III the drinking figure emerges
32 surrounded not only by his
as a Seliuk sultan
Y. I. Smirnov, Argenterie Orientale (St. Peters-
burg, 1909), PL XVII. dancers and musicians but by the symbolic
33
E. Herzfeld, Die Malereien von Samarra ( Die bureaucracy of the day whose office is conveyed
Ausgrabungen von Samarra, III), (Berlin, 1927),
35
p. 42. Sarre, “Islamische Tongefässe,” p. 69 and
34
S. Lane-Poole, The Mohainmedan Dynasties Fig. 3-
36
(Westminster, 1894), PP- 162-63. Strzygowski, op. cit., p. 260, Fig. 180.
,
by the objects in their hands, a sword, a cup, of his leisure, may be a real person, the
a rose, or apen case. In Figure 21 the figures Atabeg Badr al-Din Lu’lu’ who ruled the
bear a spear and a flaming lamp. Zangid kingdom from 1233 to 1259 and is
These erect figures or chamberlains wear famous for the dedications on several pieces
a standard costume, a long embroidered frock of Mosul inlaid metal work and on a number
coat with wide, open lapels, riding boots, and of buildings. The chamberlains carrying em-
a kalansuwa, a conical fur-trimmed hat from blems may also represent actual persons.
which dangle two pigtails. A hundred years Figure 20 shows the reverse side of the
ago Sir Austen Layard copied such a figure fine Baghdad fragment with the sultan and his
from a habb seen at ‘Arabän on the Khäbür musician. A second drinking figure is sur-
and published it as a woodcut in 1853. In mounted by the emblem of a crescent. Pro-
costume Persian, Layard was on a
calling the fessor Mayer has proposed that this common
true scent but he believed the style to be “later object in Islamic heraldry is really a horseshoe
than the Christian era but earlier than the and that the persons who first used it as their
37
Arabs.” It must be added that the open device at this period had borne the office of
lapels and the pigtails are not Persian fashions amir akhiir, master of the stable. 39 It is there-
but Seljuk Turk. There is no need to asso- fore not impossible that Figures 19 and 20
ciate them with Hülâgü’s Mongol host which portray Badr al-Din Lu’lu’ and his otherwise
did not vanquish the Zangids till 1262. What unknown master of the horse.
we have is a true rendering of the costume At Sindjär, the home of this fine fragment,
of the many Seljuk courts of the early thir- there was found in 1938 a magnificent carved-
teenth century. This costume is to be found in stone niche now in the Baghdad Arab Mu-
the“Minai” pottery of Rayy and in Syrian seum. 40 In little ogival panels, quite remi-
Rakka wares painted in underglaze black, blue, niscent of the decorated liabbs there is a seated
and red. Rakka, which fell to the Mongol sultan, carrying not a cup but a sword, and a
Hülägü in 1259, was part of the Zangid number of standing chamberlains or officials;
dominions. two cup-bearers, two bow-bearers, two mace-
The Style III habbs show a not uncommon bearers, and a sword-bearer. The style is that
blend of fashion and ancient tradition. The of Style II rather than Style III and the niche
drinking potentate with musicians, dancers, is closely paralleled by the fine mihrab of the
and chamberlains certainly derives from Sasa- Friday Mosque in Mosul, dedicated in 1148
nian times, though the two famous silver when the Zangid atabeg, who ruled Mosul
plates depicting this scene in the British Mu- and Sindjär, was Nur al-Din Mahmüd. Such
seum and Hermitage collections, are probably a carved niche would be typical of palaces and
copies of the tenth- to eleventh-century Per- houses of the great. Ever since Sasanian times
38
sian revival. In the scene, as depicted in North in the desert palaces of the Umayyads or in
Mesopotamian pottery, the details have been the town palaces of the Abbasids and Seljuks
brought up to date. In Style III the potentate, in Samarra and Rayy, this familiar court scene
who is so constantly depicted in the enjoyment had been rendered in stucco relief, in fresco
37 39
Layard, op. cit., pp. 279-80. L. A. Mayer, Saracenic Heraldry (Oxford,
38
Smirnov, op. cit.. Pis. XXXV, XXXVII ; 1933), P- 25 .
O. M. Dalton, Treasure of the Oxus (London, 40

G. Reitlinger, “Mediaeval Antiquities West of
1905), PL XXVI. Mosul,” Iraq, VO938), 151-53, PL XXIV.
painting, or in stone. How then did this scene, cial notice.Since Sarre’s study of 1905 they
associated with royal habitations, find its way have been made familiar in countless published
to the humble mass-produced habb or water examples of textile and metal work. The
com-
cistern standing in the courtyards of the anthropomorphic bird, or harpy, in Figure 18
mon people? and the archer with the body of a lion in
The answer, provided by quantities of Figure 22 are curious enough, but they are
Rayy pottery decorated in this fashion, is that part of the common grammar of thirteenth-
by the beginning of the thirteenth century pos- century pottery decoration and in their sophis-
session of such objects had become a sort of ticated form have quite parted company with
snobbery. Iraq, I believe, provides a further their remote Babylonian past. Figure 22, a
very curious example of this snob-art in addi- recent acquisition of the Baghdad Arab Mu-
tion to the highly decorated habbs. In 1941 seum (No. 5841), is sophisticated in other
the Iraq Department of i\ntiquities found a respects too. With a supreme effort of realism
store of clay figurines or toys while excavating the busts of dancing girls lean out of their
Wâsit, the Umayyad metropolis of Southern niches with a hand over the windowsill and
Iraq. Associated coins suggest that the store their tiara-like headdresses protruding above
is rather later than the Mongol conquest, per- the lintel. Even this attitude recalls Sasanian
haps as late as the early fourteenth century. tradition, in particular, the stucco friezes with
Among the clay figurines are types which were female busts from Kish and Ctesiphon.
clearly intended to form a court series, includ- The Mongol conquest of the Middle East
ing chamberlains of various sorts, dancing caused only a temporary, if indeed any, break
girls and musicians. These figures, about a in the output of decorated pottery. The pro-
foot high, are flat and cannot be made to duction of the highly decorated North Meso-
stand up. From a preview of the Depart- potamian habbs survived it, but not apparently
ment’s report, which was not published at the for long nor in its previous profusion. I have
time of writing this article, I gather that the only been able to illustrate one definitely II-
excavators hold the opinion that these are Khänid piece: it is Figure 23 (Baghdad Arab
simply dolls. But why are they flat ? Detached Museum No. 1 ) . The light and rather skimpy
heads of these flat figures in a variety of head- style of the undercut ornament suggests the
dresses are to be found on any medieval site earlier part of the fourteenth century. The
in Iraq. Occasionally they reach the western habb is in orthodox Sunna taste. There are no
market. In 1930 I excavated two such heads human figures and the only animals are the
in the Kish area which bore traces of bitumen very rudimentary lions heads under the rim.
at the back. The flat figures had, therefore, I have not been able to ascertain where this
been stuck onto another surface, perhaps onto habb was found. Until the opening of the
wooden jambs of doors where
walls or onto the Baghdad Arab Museum, it stood for many
they would have made just such an ensemble years as a landmark for tourists in the court-
as on the carved niche from Sindjär. yard of the Iraq Museum. It is the only one
The figures of birds, animals, and monsters of the decorated habbs to tell its own story,
on the Style III habbs are so completely char- but it is perhaps a pity that this habb should
acteristic of the twelfth to thirteenth century be a poet, interested only in eternal verities
Islamic renaissance with its close adherence to and not in the prosaic facts of time and place.
the Sasanian repertory as to call for less spe- Nevertheless, the fine Neskhi inscription has
Q
its own message and a very fitting one to con- 13. A.M. 5756-9. Upper half of habb, Style II;
from Sindjär. Typical, rather smaller.
clude this article :
14. A.M. 5840. Upper part of habb, Style II; from

j LdâJ I c? £ Ui! <_*> I» 1
Sindjär. Good example of style.
jl 1 (j C-ä! I 1 JjS* Id* CA) 15. A.M. 5841. Neck only of a habb, Style II.
Similar to the foregoing.
“I am a habb of water wherein there is healing. I 16. A.M. 7149. Complete habb, Style II; purchased
quench the thirst of mankind. This I achieve by vir- in Sindjär. The barbotine ornament rather
tue of my sufferings on the day I was cast among the simple and rudimentary and without human
fiery flames.” figures (see Fig. 13).
17. A.M. 584 1. Part of the neck of a habb, Style
List of Vessels and Large Fragments Known III ;
confiscated in Mosul. Specially fine qual-
to the Author at the Beginning of 1947 ity (see Fig. 22).

18. A.M. 7150. Upper half of habb, Style III ;
pur-
Baghdad: The Arab Museum Specially fine quality (see
chased in Sindjär.
1. A.M.i. Whole habb, Style III; with poem in Figs, i and 20).
Arabic (see Fig. 23). 19. A.M. 7230. Habb, neck missing, Style I; said
2. A.M.12. Whole habb, Style I; found in 1939 to have been found at Wadi Armusji in Sa-
at Sinn al-Dhibbän police post west of Bagh- marra region (see Fig. 6).
dad (see Figs. 7 and 8). 20. A.M. 36465. Habb, without neck, Style I ;
A.M.26. Whole habb, Style II acquired in found in Takrit in 1946 (see Fig. 4).
3. ;
Mosul (see Figs. 11 and 12).

A.M.138. Whole habb, Style I; found 1941 in Paris: Comtesse de Béhague Collection ( formerly )
4.
in soundings at Kista near Zakho, Kurdestan. I. Fragment, Style III; with part of inscription.
Rudimentary Combines scratched and
style. Reproduced in G. Migeon, Album de l’exposi-
barbotine decoration. No figures. Normal- tion de l’art mussulman, II (Paris, 1903)1
shaped habb but has only two handles. PI. 31 and in Jahrbuch der Königlich Preus-
;
5. A.M. 1974-1990; 2611-2637. Unglazed frag- sischen Kunstsammlungen, XXVI (l9°5)>

ments from the Archaeological Department’s
; 70 and Fig. 2.
soundings in Samarra. Many of them are typi-
cal Style I, resembling those excavated by London: British Museum
Sarre in 1911-13 (see Fig. 3).
1. Complete habb, Style I. Babylonian Collection,
6. A.M.4295. Fragment, Style II; from Sindjär
No. 91.950 (see Fig. 3).
(see Fig. 15).
2. Neck and shoulder of habb, Style II. Standard
7. A.M. 4296. Fragment, Style III; from Sin-
style with good barbotine figures. Published
djär; two doves on Arabesque background,
in R. L. Hobson, Guide to the Islamic Pottery
specially high quality.
of the Near East (London, 1932), Fig. 40.
8. A.M. 5704. Fragment, Style II; from Sindjär Small fragments, Style I. Some in the Baby-
3.
(see Fig. 16). lonian Collection, and some from Samarra in
9. A.M. 5705. Upper half of habb, Style III; the Islamic Collection.
from Sindjär. Rather rough.
10. A.M. 5706. Upper half of habb, Style III; from Chicago: Chicago Museum of Natural History
Sindjär. Of the very finest quality (see Figs.
i. Neck of habb and another fragment, Style II;
17 and 18).
acquired by Dr. Henry Field in Sindjär in
11. A.M. 5707. Fragment, Style III; from Sindjär.
1934. Both rather rough.
With the drinker and two very unusual fig-
ures of birds.
Sunnyside, Long Island, N.Y., U.S.A.: A. S. David
12. A.M. 5755. Upper half of habb, Style III from ;
Collection
Sindjär. With drinker, spearman, and sword-
bearer. The spearman wears a turban. Rather i. Complete habb, Style I; very rudimentary style
rough (see Fig. 21). (see Fig. 2).
. .
Cambridge, Massachusetts, U.S.A.: Fogg Art Mu- Beckley, Sussex: Gerald Reitlinger Collection
seum (Harvard University)
1. Complete ewer, Style I; acquired in Baghdad
i. Upper Usual features;
half of a habb, Style III. in 1931 said to have come from a Christian
;
drinking figure and two chamberlains on the ;

cemetery in Takrit. Fourteen inches high.
reverse, an eagle. Second quality piece. No. Has one female figure and two bird-dragons
230, acquired in 1929. with “the water of life.” Shape is extremely
Sasanian (see Fig. 24).
New York: H. Kevorkian Collection
2. Upper half of habb, Style II; acquired in Bagh-
i. Complete habb, Transition Style I— II. An ex- dad in 1938. Molded figure of drinker, one
cellent piece resembling the habb in the
of the better specimens associated with Sin-
Islamic Department, State Museums, Berlin
djär.
(see Fig. 10)
3. Part of the neck of a habb, Style III ;
acquired
in Baghdad in 1930.
Berlin: Islamic Department , State Museums
4. Figurine, Style II; acquired during World War
1. Almost complete habb, Transition Style I — II.
II at Rakka on Apparently a
the Euphrates.
Acquired by F. Sarre in Baghdad in 1907 and
standard in the shape of a fetish figure with
presented by him. Arabic inscription : “Honor
hollow stem to fit a tent pole or banner stick
to the possessor” (see Fig. ç).
(see Fig. 25).
2. Neck of a habb, Style II acquired by Sarre in
;
Baghdad in 1907. Rather rudimentary.

Molded figure of harp-player resembling Fig- London: Victoria and Albert Museum
ure 19. Reproduced in Sarre-Herzfeld, Ar-
I. Upper half of a habb, Style III; acquired in
chäologische Reise im Euphrat- und Tigris-
1899 as “old Persian,” No. 340. Much repro-
gebiet, IV (1920), PL CXLIV.
duced and used in Sarre’s 1905 thesis.
3. Neck of a habb, Transition Style I— II acquired ;
by Friedrich Sarre in Takrit in 1907. Molded

Present Whereabouts of the Following List of Ves-
masques and “kerbschnitt” ornament. Repro-
duced in F. Sarre, Die Keramik im Euphrat- sels Unknown
und Tigrisgebiet ( 1920), PI. VIII r. 1. Complete habb, Style II. Reproduced in
4. Fragments, Style I; acquired in Takrit. (I. A. Kühnei Islamische Kleinkunst (Berlin, 1925),
,
3734 )- No. 42, under the word “Kunsthandel.”

5. Neck of a habb, Style II. Reproduced in F.
2. Complete habb, Style II. In possession of K.
Sarre, Jahrbuch der Königlich Preussischen
Minassian, New York, 1937. Typical barbo-
tamischer Reliefkeramik,” Berliner Museen,
tine figures, rather similar to the above-
LIO930), 7-1 1-
mentioned vessel, but with some variations.
6. Neck of a habb, Style III, with masques; see
Sarre, Jahrbuch der Königlich Preussichen 3. Complete habb, Style I. Seen by the author in
Kunstsammlungen, XXVI (1905), Fig. 6.

a dealer’s house in Baghdad in 1930. Had an
inscription similar to that of the Berlin Mu-
Paris: Musée du Louvre seums’ habb, which it closely resembled.
1. Neck of habb, Style III; with masques. Sarre, 4. Complete habb, Style II. Very similar to the
op. cit. XXVI (1905), Figs. 4 and foregoing and to Baghdad Arab Museum, No.
5.
2. Neck and base of habb, Style II acquired in A. M. 7149 (see Fig. 13). It was seen by Dr.
;
1904. Excellent piece. Sarre, op. cit., p. 169 Henry Field in Sindjär in 1938, and he has
(see Fig. 14). kindly communicated a small photograph.
3. Some fragments, Style I in the Babylonian Col-
; 5. Upper half of habb, Style II. Seen by Dr.
lection and among the Susa pottery. Henry Field in Sindjär in 1938, and he has
kindly communicated a small photograph. Al-
New York: Metropolitan Museum though by no means a Style III piece, it is
i. Whole habb, Style I; acquired at the Tabbagh very developed with a quite charming molded
sale, 1933. Rudimentary style (see Fig. 1) panel of two ducks among foliage.
DOCUMENTS RELATIFS A QUELQUES TECHNIQUES IRAQ-
IENNES AU DÉBUT DU ONZIÈME SIÈCLE
PAR CLAUDE CAHEN
Il est bien connu que beaucoup D’ouv- du fisc et leur est destiné, et qu’il a été rédigé
rages de mathématiques ont été composés pour à Bagdad.
répondre à des questions concrètes bien réelles La date en est moins facile à déterminer,
de la vie courante. On peut donc a priori on peut toutefois y parvenir approximative-
s’attendre à y trouver des renseignements rela- ment. Le rédacteur est un disciple du shaikh
tifs à l’économie et aux techniques des sociétés Abü ‘Abdallah Ahmad b. al-Husaïn al-Shak-
d’où ils émanent. Dans une société régie par kâk (le diviseur), dont il reproduit peut-être
une administration bureaucratisée comme celle l’enseignement (104V 0 I39r°, 144V 0 ). Ce der-
,
de l’Orient musulman médiéval, il était néces- nier n’est pas personnellement connu, mais nous
saire de fournir aux comptables et géomètres avons conservé de lui (Serai 3133) 1 un com-
du fisc des traités de mathématiques où ils mentaire du Kitab al-Kâfî fi’l-hisàb d’Abü Bakr
pussent trouver la manière de résoudre les Muhammad b. al-Husain al-Karadjï; or ce
problèmes que leur posait leur profession. De Kitab al-Kâfi, l’une des deux sources le plus fré-
tels traités nous renseignent avec une précieuse quemment mentionnées dans le Kitab al-Hâwî
précision sur les tâches de l’administration, ( 6 r°, 7r°, 34r°, 53V 0 avec le titre de l’ouvrage et
voire même son organisation. Il ne semble pas le nom de l’auteur, ce dernier ailleurs seul
qu’on ait jusqu’ici envisagé suffisamment sous nommé, 83V 0 ,
86r°, 155V 0 i8or°
88v°, 91V 0 , ,
2
cet angle les ouvrages de mathématiques qui sq.) nous est connu, ainsi que, du même, le
sont parvenus jusqu’à nous. J’espère que les Kitâb al-Fakhrï, traité d’algèbre; 3 nous sa-
textes cités ci-après, tirés d’un ouvrage sur vons que ce dernier avait été dédié au vizir du
lequel son titre devait particulièrement attirer Büyide Bahâ’ al-Dawla, donc rédigé à la fin du
mon attention à ce point de vue, constitueront dixième siècle de notre ère; quant au Kâfï, il
fait allusion (III, 22) aux dinars kawàmï, de
une incitation à entreprendre d’autres recher-
ches dans le même sens. Kawâm al-Dawla (1013-28). L’autre source
Le Kitab al-Hàwï couramment citée dans le Kitâb al-Hàwï est
lïl-a màl al-sultaniya
le Kitâb al-M anâzil ou Kitâb fimâ yahtadju
wa-rusüm al-Jiisäb al-dïwâniya (Bibliothèque
ilaïhi ’l-kuttàb wa’l-‘ummâl min ‘ihn al-hisâb
Nationale ms. 2462) ne nous est malheu-
ar.
de l’illustre mathématicien et astronome Abu’l-
reusement parvenu que dans les deux dernières
Wafâ’ Muhammad b. Muhammad b. Ya-
de ses trois parties. Peut-être la première,
‘küb al-Büzadjânï (328-87(8) h. 7940-97(8)
comme dans le traité d’Abu’l-Wafâ al-Büza-
djânï dont il sera question plus loin, ne portait- 1
C. Brockelmann, Geschichte der arabischen Li-
elle que sur les opirations fondamentales de teratur, Supplement (Leiden, 1937-42), I, 854.
l’arithmétique et nous aurait-elle peu appris; 2
Abü Bakr Muhammad b. al-Hasan al-Karkhî,
mais de sa perte résulte que le nom de l’auteur al-Kâfî fî’l-Hisâb, übers, v. A. Hochheim (Halle,
1878-80), 2 vols.
nous est inconnu, ainsi que les conditions de
3
Extrait du Fakhri, traité d’algèbre par Abou
composition de l’ouvrage. Il n’y a toutefois Bakr Mohammed b. al-Hacan al-Karki, trad. F.
aucun doute qu’il émane du milieu des hâsib Woepke (Paris, 1853).
24 CLAUDE CAHEN
A.D. ) ,
ouvrage dont le titre dit assez que le Le seul auteur qui à ma connaissance ait
but était identique à celui de notre Kitäb al- utilisé le Kitäb al-Hâwï est H. Sauvaire dans
Hâwï 4 Les . autres sources citées secondaire- ses Matériaux pour servir h l'histoire de la
ment par notre auteur ou ne paraissent pas numismatique et de la métrologie musulmane ; 5
identifiables, ou nous reportent également à la mais ses emprunts sont dispersés, et il ne s’est
même période que les précédentes al-Khwâ- : en aucune façon préoccupé d’étudier l’ouvrage
rizmï ( 1 78r°) ,
un shaikh Abu’l-Fadl al-Hama- dans son ensemble, d’où l’oubli où il est resté.
dhânl dont al- Shakkâk a été le disciple et En dehors de quelques exposés généraux,
auteur d’un Kitäb al-wasäyä wa’l-dür (i39r 0 ) le Kitäb al-Hâwï consiste essentiellement en
Haïthamï (Ibn al-Haït_ham?) Samari
(8r°), énoncés de problèmes, que l’auteur ensuite in-
ou Sari (Ibn al-Saïmarï ?) (48r°, 147V 0 ), un dique comment résoudre. Les procédés de cal-
juriste Ibn Sharih (
i67r°) sans parler, en bloc, cul élémentaire qu’il donne ne nous apportant
des Grecs, des Hindous, pour l’Islam, des
et, en général aucune précision nouvelle sur le pro-
hussàb. D’autre part le Kitäb al-Hâwï ne con- blème technique à résoudre, ce sont donc, à
tient aucune allusion sûre, semble-t-il, à des quelques exceptions près, avec les exposés géné-
faits postérieurs à ’Adud al-Dawla, considéré raux, seulement les énoncés de problèmes qui
comme mort (401'°), ce qui nous reporterait présentent un intérêt historique.
en-deçà même d’al-Karadjî. Il y est question Le manuscrit est d’écriture soignée, fré-
(i78r°) de mithkäl ruknï, qui, dans ces condi- quemmenet voyellée, mais il s’avère constam-
tions, me paraissent devoir être rapportés, ment que le copiste a travaillé sans bien com-
plutôt qu’au Seljukide Rukn al-Dïn Tughril- prendre ce qu’il écrivait: les mots erronés ou
Beg, au Büyide Rukn al-Dawla (milieu du passés sont nombreux. Les nombres sont écrits
dixième siècle). Tous ces faits me parais- tantôt en toutes lettres, tantôt en caractères
sent devoir faire conclure, bien que le seul dïwânï (lettres abrégées), jamais en chiffres;
terminus ante quem absolument certain soit la il ne m’a pas paru nécessaire de compliquer la
date du manuscrit (733-34 H./1332-33 A.D.), tâche de l’imprimeur en les reproduisant tels
que le Kitäb al-Hâwï a été rédigé vers le se- quels, leur lecture, lorqu’elle est délicate, pou-
cond quart du onzième siècle sous les derniers vant être vérifiée par le calcul. Il semble que
Büyides iraqiens, à la veille de la conquête le manuscrit qui a servi de base au nôtre ait
seljukide. dû être un peu en désordre; il semble mettre

bout à bout des notes prises à des sources dif-
4
Inédit. Le manuscrit Leyde Gol. 103 (R. Dozy, férentes et se répétant en grande partie; en
Catalogus codicum orientalium bibliothecae Acade-
gros, la deuxième partie de l’ouvrage (la pre-
miae Lugduno Batavae [Lugduni Batavorum, 1865],
mière de notre manuscrit) est consacrée aux
III, No. 993) en contient les trois premières parties,
les moins intéressantes (opérations arithmétiques en problèmes monétaires, commerciaux, fiscaux,
general), mais avec une table de matières détaillées de mais il se retrouve encore, dispersés au milieu
l’ensemble traduite par F. Woepke (“Recherches sur de la troisième partie, plusieurs paragraphes
l’histoire des sciences mathématiques chez les Orien- où l’auteur traite de ces problèmes. En dehors
taux,” Journal asiatique, 5 e série, [1855], 247-50), V d’eux, la troisième partie contient des exposés
montrant que la suite était consacrée aux problèmes
abstraits de géométrie et d’algèbre, sans in-
commerciaux et fiscaux, comme notre Kitäb al-Hâwï
dans les sections que nous ne donnons pas ici. Brockel- térêt à notre point de vue, et deux groupes
mann signale des manuscrits au Caire et à Rampür, d’exposés et problèmes concernant l’un, le plus
et, à tort, à l’Escurial (M. Casiri, Bibliotheca arabico-
5
hispana escurialensis [Madrid, 1760], I, 433 n’y fait Recueil d’articles primitivement publiés dans le
qu’allusion à l’ouvrage). Journal asiatique de 1879 à 1888.

\ I ( 4
TECHNIQUES IRAQIENNES 25
court problème), l “Hôtel de l’Or”

(sans
1
3 IaÎa uÂ<2 .I
3 V ^**0 ^ j**^ 0
3 410 U Jîk! ] Jjt ^\J I
(que l’on trouvera ci-après) et l’autre, l’en- _J

ylëio 4JU jLôJj L*A jZ£* U7| jL>
semble des travaux relatifs aux canaux; je ré- ÂJUj ÂjUs jyi ] <j-° (^Çl J pëikl 1 j^> 3
( (
serve ce dernier, ainsi que tous les problèmes £ÜTjyi [ J^jii i -kjjljS i*~o" ^ ^r *x-
,
essentiellement économiques et fiscaux pour

• c—'-è I
(J—Äs» tî j ^ I
3
une autre étude.
Il est évident que ces textes exigeraient un ^ 1 <J-fcCl U, i_Cai ^ (JU>- 2^-“' ^ 3
sérieux commentaire. Mais à ma connaissance

jj II*] _j jj Îa«J ] o Oil i» 3
Js^ ^jJë —j s Jp- J®' >^3 <i 3 W'

la plupart des renseignements donnés ici n’ont 2*.^;
de parallèles dans aucun texte analogue publié.

D’autre part il est impossible à l’historien A) QCa) 1
" iaj
0,3^d i* 3 i3 ! 3
général que je suis d’acquérir chaque fois, sans ij^Dj _3 <Cë-> A) LoCl) 4) _5 U>a ô^Ü 1
3
sacrifier d’autres travaux, toutes les compé- _j Uj»>
j^0 jl 3 Cil) Cëii 1 4) ^»Jju j U>a jj
tences techniques qu’exigerait lecommentaire ku jl jS jWjl 43j_5 Ji£^ 4Sjj 2 iwjl v_â) I
4l»
de textes de ce genre, lorsqu’il lui en tombe .... Ç* 4*^w i^J ^k ^ AA ^*J j] 4X^
1
sous la main. On ne trouvera donc ci-après, ,~-- IjA

Qljiô J J -4] | ^j] j ;ë?l 1 ô Aytt^SJt |
avec le texte, que peu de remarques. Ce n’en "

4j 4jj\x. ^ 4^-. J .....O
^ Jx. Ck] ^^9 <W^>
est pas moins un devoir, il me semble, de sou-
<-C*i jjll “^1 t?-ü 1 3 ôjll Jr0 ^ jk 3
mettre, tels quels, les textes de ce genre au
J.A9 ^ C^-’ ^3 !j ^ . .i. » *v ^ 4) La ^— k .
]
travail des spécialistes.

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ku jl j3 ë j-ix JUiil J3S0 Jl [ ] 3 LJlLLj
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3 ô ^^3 !
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3 ^
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^JLc- A? U» lu j|^9 y\j£j* Js! ,j~3éJ| jlC ë^1->ëJl 4*^* jk- 1*13" 3 düj J3J 3
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yUiô jiC*j Y lX» tÂjJ JaâLCj l» j-dO JÄ3

5^
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Ls3W aJ U Ai
y ctl.^4^.9 aI^-C*
3 Ai Lfcjl) I I I J A (3 3
Jo Jjî*o Ai I 15 I
3 Cf^ 0J 1 -Xa) I
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A*3 j
3 ^ ^*^,r ^ ^Hô I A I.A aL^J>* jlicc?
^^ tjÂ 3 ölkl) I
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j j ^ A*fc*^>* j? I ^ \»^j j
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er
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^ \â£* Jâî j1 *5 Aû.o Aîü J ]
Aj U I J»- Y ^3-"i 3-a 3 oljkJl 4*Xuj < -&JJ 1 JY 4p-3 3
3 — 3 3 ) . 3
2Ô CLAUDE CAHEN
I lila Cs j_j 4) o23 (3 «Ja! \ 3o £ JJ ] CjjJl j » ^ .1

3 lïalal V da j) C
-
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j>LäuJ] 3 CajJ I jP 3 P P- ob 3 JI*a-1 •S)^

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l^J I
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pbj_ Aj'| A J^JU la Jjä) o» 15
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lil a>-U 1 jIjJ ÄC-löaJ 1 la| 3
j$C*j y j Äo^j (j © y*3tj Uiîljj 3 < 9 1 jV dja öjbo" ^jA 3 Ö-P li ^^*7 lîb ^1^1 3] j3-o
AibJaî aJa li
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Ä» jl a le
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ws C ^6
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(
|ils JI3JU Aolb 3 d-U J ^^Ja-ttTl) jl doad I jbfr JoaJD JkS
3
oljl jls a|_5—
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1 IftUafrl AäJoäJ I
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pJäe (_Jb JJ 1 iJJ^J j| öjsl*J là VI 3 baSl) 3 1 jj|j Jläl*j Traduction.
ci
^
1 P 3 J-^P» aJUj" -5 f-.j;VI cP* (?) 1) L’Hotel de l’Or de l’Iraq.
la J -5 jl-J Î| aL*j>- j]^) la AjJ_j>-
tJÏÂ Le lingot ( dast était autrefois de 320 dirhams
JJa [ ]
p-jjyl j^Cs ^PJl 3 I
^ d’or et talgham , 6 avec mithkâl prescrit à 10 kîrât
i I o Jp?» la ^> ^ÎC- i jjy J I

(„JbiJ I
moins 1 ou 2 habba; avec ces 10 dirham (sic), 320
dirham font 224 mithkâl; là-dessus il y a 108 mithkâl
f
(J^>_3
dl ^ss3 j ^j_ pLil i
dont il est permis d’abaisser chaque dinar d’un kîrât,
l*jd _J a jSS _J|
AxAi lä| i_*)ÆâJ ]
ja ©JX- ,^™S <_|d ja ce qui produit un kasr total de 108 kîrât; restent 116
l-aaäl I £jjJ> CS _J
*J Lai! Jld-1 *CS jlS^ |
jld mithkâl de talgham faisant en dirham IÔO dirham
4/7, avec valeur, è 12 kîrât au dïnâr, de 13 mithâl 4
ja io^S Jd OS_ÿJ| |Jä Ji CfrljJ jSS lo| läJ l>
qïrât; tout le reste constituant cet or primitivement
a jAS
ÿ>- 3 UaS l’ 3
i
1 \
Ja I
j jAS ^ ^ 3
1
I i— g.«a.i 3 ^ 1
de 108 mitjikâl et après la prise du kasr de 5 dïnâr
ö^rp-lj Ä) L5^ ^| jjd 3 Ä^«aS j_^w»A- Ä)la^>j|
i_Laj_J jUal^S jVI 3 P jl^

6
Ce mot ne figure à ma connaissance dans aucun
_3& 3
(
* I (j ^^>-1
dictionnaire ;
il désigné apparement le résidu de l’opé-
^lo Vi Ujjaa U*aS jl^jJl Jâil ^*0 jls
ration de raffinage de l’or, résidu qui lui même doit
^lo 3 jl^ ^J I yuJ 1 (Ja-V (_5f*â" öV CsU>- contenir encore un peu d’or dans l’état des possibilités
^L& Uasl 3 I -l 1 j jljJj Ä~aas ©ol j 3 Ä. «?s <jd «s-d U Osman Turan dans un récent ar-
techniques d’alors.
un document anatolien de la fin du treizième
J d cs^l Jf?°" (^1 C— d I (JP»- j Jldl j ^L*dJ| jjs
ticle cite
siècle où interviennent des dirhams d’argent tal-

jjJsVJd 1 i P*j I jA la_3 lAuaj 3 lS P 2t*
-
ghamï (“Le Droit terrien sous les Seldjoukides de
Àj«aS j^c-
C
laJD j>. j 5^ Turquie,” Revue des études islamiques, 1948, cahier
_3 Ä) J | j 3 ^5 lÄ>- A_i l»j
1, p. 40, n. 4). L’auteur dit expliquer ce mot dans

VlUa jj jAS 3 A*j laJ 3 dlj 3 jAS loi A. 02.9 , jd
son Histoire économique de la Turquie, en cours
jUaUJ 1
iâJJ I jd jlj jlia2) lAidj 3 Gala]
de préparation.
, ,
TECHNIQUES IRAQIENNES 27
8 kïrât réduit à 102 mithkäl 12 kïrât; si on y ajoute et on le donne aux découpages. Le salaire pour chaque
lavaleur du talgham, qui est de 13 mithkäl 4 kïrât centaine est de 4 kïrât. Chaque section ( bâba ) fait
on obtient un total de 1 1 5 mithkäl 16 kïrât. C’est 16 djadïda dont la nature tient de la sjhidda. De
là-dessus qu’on affecte l’approvisionnement {mu an) chaque coupe revient ce qu’on appelle un kasr de 4 à
dont on parlera en détail à propos de la fabrication du 5 mithkäl au moins; il est d’autant plus petit que la
lingot. coupe a été mieux faite, puisque ce kasr est constitué
Aujourd’hui le lingot est de 335 dirham qui font par ce qui tombe d’or et va au rebut, qu’on ne peut
234-! mithkäl , dont 1 1 1 d’or avec kasr permis, au travailler, et qu’on envoie fondre et travailler une
compte de I kïrât par dïnâr, de 5 dïnâr 1 1 kïrât, d’où seconde fois. Lorsqu’il est reçu de la coupe, il est
reste 104 (il faudrait 105 mithkäl 9 kïrât en valeur “brûlé,” c’est-à-dire qu’il est porté au rouge avec un
d’or pur. Le talgham qui constitue le reste esj: donc fer aux proportions d’éventail sur lequel on met l’or
de 123^ mithkäl, ce qui, au compte de 12 dirham au à couper et qu’on appelle ribâta, divisé en petites
dïnâr, fait 14 mithkäl 2 qïrât (il faudrait 8 kïrât). cases au nombre de dix ou plus, et qu’on met à rougir
La valeur totale du talgham et de l’or résiduel est pour l’or. Puis on polit cet or, car lorsqu’il est livré
donc de 1 1 8 mithkäl 9 kïrât (il faudrait 116 mith- par l’artisan il est noir, à cause de l’huile qui lui est
käl il kïrât). C’est là-dessus que l’on affecte l’impôt mélangée lors de sa frappe en feuilles; mais, porté
1
( irtifâ ) et l’approvisionnement dont on parlera à au chaud, il rougit et reprend son état premier, ce-
propos de la description détaillée de la confection du pendant que l’huile et la graisse s’envolent. Il est
lingot. imputé sur cette opération, en raison de la perte à la
De ce lingot, on fait 7 i h a kh de confection ef- combustion, sans parler du salaire, 6 kïrât.
fectuée en vue de l’exportation en Egypte mais pour ;
Puis l’or est remis au polisseur en présence du
les étoffessaklätün et ‘attâbï on en fait 8 hakk ou ‘âmil, du contrôleur {mushrif) et de leurs adjoints,
parfois J en moins. Chaque hakk s’appelle sikhtït 7 . qui le placent dans une marmite, avec interdiction à
Voici maintenant le détail de la fabrication du quiconque de passer là la nuit. Le polissage fini, on
lingot, avec l’approvisionnement qui lui est affecté. Le paye le nettoyage, pour l’onguent absorbé et perdu,
lingot est de 335 dirham et on en
de 336, voire de fait par centaine 4 mithkäl, et on donne en outre au polis-
340; il en sort 1024 feuilles ( warka ) de 4 kïrât 1 seur son salaire, qui est d’i dïnâr par lingot. Le
habba chacune, d’une largeur de 4 doigts bien joints salaire du chauffeur est de 10 kïrât. C’est là une in-
et d’üne longueur de 17. Le salaire de l’artisan {dar- dulgence presque coupable, car la quantité d’onguent
râb) pour le lingot est de 2 dïnâr 15 kïrât selon le est connue, et si le polisseur la dépasse et que la perte
tarif fixé et l’usage. Quant à l’approvisionnement, est plus grande il est responsable des défauts. Si le
c’est-à-dire à cedont il a besoin pour faire le lingot, montant habituel ne se trouve pas dans la terre pro-
il consiste en
150 fagots de bois de réglisse dont le duite par le polissage sous le tamis au sommet des
prix, sujet à des fluctuations, est fixé au maximum à creusets et tout résidu semblable produit par le tami-
7(9?) kïrât 1 habba, puis la valeur de 1 mannâ sage, on le paye cependant au taux usuel, la règle
d’huile, à 3 kïrât, enfin la valeur de f de ratl de étant la même que pour le kasr qui à la coupe consiste
mass{l) avec lequel on frappe le lingot en feuilles dans les surplus de l’opération et les morceaux super-
dans lesquelles on fait les feuilles d’or, soit 2^ kïrât, ficiels qui tombent et dont a dit le poids.
environ, puis une boite (durdj) de fer d’une valeur Lorsque l’orfèvre reçoit le morceau poli de l’Hô-
de 2 dänik à 10 kïrât, et qui reste quelque temps tel de l’Or, il le répartit entre les fileuses par lots
avant d’être confectionnée, enfin une valeur de papier égaux de 4 mithkäl; et, s’il veut une confection par-
de Khurasan de 1 kïrât pour envelopper les feuilles. faite, il leur donne de la soie en quantité inférieure à
Tel est l’approvisionnement que reçoit l’artisan, le l’or, d’i mithkäl environ; sans cela l’usage est de
reste étant le salaire de sa main. donner de l’or en quantité égale à la soie, ce qui fait,
‘
Ensuite le lieutenant du âmil reçoit livraison du pour les deux réunis, 8 mithkäl. Lorsqu’on désire une
lingot des mains de l’artisan qui marque les divisions facture supérieure, c’est pour l’exportation en Egypte,
en 8 parties, chacune de quelque 30 mithkäl de poids, et pour elle on réduit (la part de soie). Mais pour
un peu en plus ou en moins de 30 ou de 60 mithkäl, le saklâtünï et le ‘attâbï la soie et l’or doivent être
de poids égal et au compte choisi par l’orfèvre et l’arti-
7
Dozy signale le mot, trouvé par lui dans un san, en parts dont chacune consiste en fils enroulés
poème, mais sans lui donner de sens ; c’est évidemment autour de canettes, chaque part en comptant plu-
un mot préislamique. sieurs, 9 ou 10, le surplus étant un impôt pour l’arti-
28 CLAUDE CAHEN
san(?). La longueur du fil par canette est de 12 En dehors du point de vue technique, il
coudées kaim; aujourd’hui elle varie en plus ou moins me semble qu’on peut, d’un point de vue éco-
de ioj à 12. Le hakk est la quantité formée par 450
nomique plus large, tirer de ce texte les indica-
canettes; on le livre par pelottes. Le salaire par hakk
tions suivantes, entre autres :
était autrefois de 1 dânik et n’est plus aujourd’hui que
de kïrât. Pour l’Iraq même la vente se fait par Persistance du commerce de 1’
‘Iraq vers
canettes à la pièce hakk est préparé en vue de l’ex-
;
le Egypte malgré le schisme fatimide : exporta-
portation pour l’Egypte. Lorsqu’on vend à la canette, tions d’objets manufacturés d’or et soie, alors
on compte pour chacune ou pour chaque excédent de
que l’Egypte recevait l’or du Soudan et dispo-
canette 1 dinar, un peu plus ou un peu moins selon
sait de soie en Syrie, et avait ses organisations
qu’il y a ou non débit. Les hakk qu’on envoie en
Egypte sont de 7-J par lingot pour le saklàtün et le de tiràz. Bien que les provinces payant leurs
;
‘attàbï il y en a 8, chacun de 450 canettes de 12 impôts en or aient la plupart fait scission, le

coudées la canette, et de 28 mithkâl, imâmï et ruknî commerce approvisionnait donc amplement
par moitiés. Si l’orfèvre paye au sultân son prélève- Bagdad d’or encore, et elle gardait la spécialité
ment irtifa à 20 mithkâl par lingot, mithkâl imâmï
( )
technique de fabrications comme le ‘attàbï évi-
et ruknî par moitiés, cela 28 mithkâl imâmï. Au-
fait
trefois on prenait le prélèvement du lingot à 26
demment, qui y était né. D’autre part il serait
mithkâl, remis au 'ami! à l’Hôtel de l’Or. peu vraisemblable que le Calife ‘abbâsside eût
Quant à la marchandise pour l’Hôtel de l’Or, accepté de pourvoir son rival d’étoffes qu’il se
mettons que ce qui est fabriqué soit de deux lingots réservait pour ses cadeaux aux grands; c’est
ou plus, il en revient un gros profit et c’est un com-
donc que ses ateliers en fabriquaient d’autres
merce fructueux: car le marchand, qui vient et voit
(le ‘attàbï ne figure pas à l’exportation, ni le
l’objet prêt, ne peut plus résister, et on lui vend au
prix qu’on veut; il a confiance, on obtient de lui saklàtün ), d’une valeur cependant au moins
l’ordre, il est d’avis de réaliser son désir au plus vite, égale quant à leur proportion d’or. Il n’est pas
on lui donne facilement un poids qu’il ne vérifie pas, parlé d’exportation pour ailleurs que l’Egypte;
il emporte l’or promptement avec majoration de prix
non peut-être qu’il n’y en eût pas, mais parce
il n’est pas possible de marchander comme pour des
que pour elle il y avait un titre d’or spécial,
étoffes, de faire des échanges, il n’y a pas de (. .) .
peut-être pour concurrencer la fabrication

ni de diminution comme on en fait, lorsqu’on pèse, sur
la valeur, ni de souhait de délai, il n’est pas possible égyptienne?
de surseoir. S’il ne se trouve pas de marchandise, Existence des deux ateliers distincts de l’or
l’occasion du profit échappe au ‘ âmil, les marchands et des étoffes, liés entre eux, et d’une très minu-
et orfèvres opèrent avec leur propre avoir, et il ne
tieuse réglementation du travail qui s’y effec-
touche rien d’autre que le revenue usuel qu’il per-
tuait.
çoit sur le lingot selon le tarif ordinaire.
Quant au titre du lingot, pour ceux qui le de- Emploi, pour la filature, d’une main-
mandent et le sollicitent avec insistance, on en fait de d’oeuvre féminine.
14 kïrât, plus ou moins, mais le procédé est irrégulier. Ecoulement de la production de l’Hôtel de
Le texte ci-desus pourra être ajouté, en ce l’Or, en dehors des besoins de la puissance
qui concerne les étoffes, à la documentation, publique, à des particuliers, avec gros bénéfice;
en général moins technique, rassemblée dans il arrive que ceux-ci apportent leur or;
y a il
cette revue même

par Serjeant; je ne connais donc probablement monopole du travail de
pas de travail équivalent pour l’or. l’or, mais non de son commerce.
, — ,
MATERIAL FOR A HISTORY OF ISLAMIC TEXTILES UP TO

THE MONGOL CONQUEST * BY R. B. SERJEANT
CHAPTER XVII [978 A.D.] ) that “in Andalus there is more

than one tiräz-factory, the products of which
TEXTILES AND THE TIRÄZ IN SPAIN go to Egypt (Misr) and sometimes some are
taken to the utmost limits of Khurasan and
According to ibn khaldün, during the
elsewhere.” In the preceding chapter, these
rule of the Umayyads, and that of the minor
Spanish textiles have been noticed among the
dynasties which rose on the ruins of their
lists of gifts of the Fatimid rulers to their
domination, the tiräz-system found its way
employees. For instance a piece (shikka) of
to Spain. There are two other authors to
1
Andalusian siklätün is cited as one of the
support this statement. Al-Bayän al-Mughrib
“ articles of clothing regularly given away at
informs us that ‘Abd al-Rahmän innovated
the Feast of the Breaking of the Fast, 4 and
the tiräz-factories, and expanded their manu-
again furnishings of Djahram and Andalusian
facture, and stamped coinage in Cordova.”
carpets (busut) are mentioned at their court
(Map I.) While Suyüti, 2 speaking of the Thus
(518 H. [1124 A.D.] ) . in the interven-
‘Abd al-Rahmän who succeeded in the year
ing period between ‘Abd al-Rahmän and Ibn
206 H. (821 A.D.), says: “In his reign, the
Hawkal, the textile industries of Spain must
wearing of embroidered garments (libs mu-
have made progress, for in the earlier works
tarraz) was first introduced, and Spanish
there is little mention of the country.
dirhams were struck.”
we are to judge by the following passage
If
Ibn Hawkal 3
is able to assure us (367 II.
of Makkari, 5 Spain was a somewhat backward
* I should like here, in the final installment of this country and it was the eastern culture which
work, to take the opportunity of thanking Dr. Rich- so influenced an industry which ultimately ex-
ard Ettinghausen for his assistance in putting it into ported its wares not only to the primitive
print, assistance which has far exceeded the normal Europe of the day, but also to the great
functions of an editor. During the war, when cir-
Muslim capitals of the east. In 206 h (821 .
cumstances made it extremely difficult to continue

A.D.), the singer Ziryäb came from Iraq to
any academic work, Dr. Ettinghausen rewrote all
the footnotes to Part I of this study, looking up and
settle in Cordova. He was already a per-
checking the references it was this laborious and
;
sonage of some note in his profession, and
boring task which enabled me to rewrite the remain- being soon taken into favor, he introduced
ing footnotes in their present form. I should also many fashions from the polite world of Bagh-
like to thank him for his untiring patience in dealing
dad into this remote province of Islam:
with an overseas contributor under the trying con-
ditions of wartime, and his unflagging care for ac- The people of Andalus learnt from him to use ves-
curacy and detail. sels of fine glass, in preference to those of gold and
1
Ibn ‘Adhârï, Histoire de l’Afrique et de silver, and to use coverings (fars_h) of leather mats
l’Espagne. . Al-Bayano ’ l-Mogrib ed. R. P. A.
. .
Dozy (Leyden, 1848-51), II, 93. 4

Makrizi, Kliitat (Bulaq, 1270 H. [1853 a.d.] )
2
Al-Suyütî, Ta’rïkh al-Khulafa , trans. by H. S. I, 427 and 474.
5
Jarret (Calcutta, 1881), p. 547, ed. S. Lee and Makkari, Analectes sur l’histoire et la littérature
Maulawi ‘Abdalhaqq (Calcutta, 1857), P- 539 - des arabes en Espagne, ed. R. Dozy and others (Ley-
3
Ibn Hawkal, Opus Geographicum, ed. by J. H. den, 1 855 6 1 ) II, 88 See H. G. Farmer, “Ziryäb,”
,
.
Kramers, 2d ed. (Leyden, 1938-39), p. HO. Encyl. Isläm (Leyden, 1913-38), Suppl, pp. 266-67.
—
30 R. B. SERJEANT
Given
Are
Names
(Spanish
Parenthesis)
Spain.
in
in
Names
Centers
Arab
Textile First,
Muslim
i.
Map
ISLAMIC TEXTILES 3 1
(antä‘), soft and pliable, instead of covers (milhaf) connected with the history of the tiräz-system
of linen, and his choice of leather for setting food in Spain, it might be interesting to set forth
upon, rather than wooden tables, because grease can
a catalogue of textiles in a gift made to al-
be removed from leather with the lightest rubbing.
At different times of the year, he intro-

duced certain changes of clothing for the man
of fashion:
For he thought that people should begin to wear

white clothing and leave off colored garments from
the day of Mihradjän of that country, called by them
‘Ansara, which is on the sixth day before the end
of June . and that they should wear it until the
. .
first of the month of October and for the re- . . .
mainder of the year, they should wear colored gar-

ments. Fie was of the opinion too, that in the season
between summer and winter (which they call RabT),
they should wear dyed clothes, of such kinds as gowns
(djubba) of khazz-silk, mulham-stuff, and silken
cloth (muharrar), and shirts (durrä'a) without lin-
ings, because they were close to the time when they
would be permitted to enjoy clothes of a white ex-
terior.They used to change into these latter on ac-
count of their lightness and contrast with the coarse
clothes (or padded stuffs mihshä) worn by the vulgar.
He was of the opinion too that, towards the end of
summer and the beginning of autumn, they should
wear coarse garments (mihsjtâ) of Merv, garments
of a single color (musmat), and light colored clothes
with padding and thick linings of a similar kind when
the cold was very sharp in the mornings, until it grew
very cold so that they had to change into thick cloth-
ing with the added protection of fur when needed.
These mulham garments were especially

famous under the Caliph al-Mutawakkil in
Baghdad about half a century later. 6 The
name Merv as applied to the stuffs here, has
probably nothing to do with the city of that
name, but is merely used as a description of
the kind of cloth in a very loose sense.
Al-Bayän al-Mughrib 7 supplies the first de-
tails of the spread of the system. In the year
313 H. (925 A.D.), in the time of the Caliph
8
al-Näsir, “the page, Khalaf the elder, was put Näsir 327 H. (939A.D.). Makkarl copied
in
in charge of the tiräz.” Though not directly out this list from two authors, Ibn Khaldun,
and Ibn al-Faradl, and they vary quite
6
See Chapter II. considerably.
7
Ibn ‘Adhârî, op. cit., text, II, 203, trans. by
8
E. Fagnan (Alger, 1901-4), II, 315. Makkari, op. cit., I, 229 ff.
32 R. B. SERJEANT
Ibn Khaldun Ibn al-Faradi Four thousand ratls of Idem (harir maghzül).
spun silk.
Thirty pieces (sjnltka) Thirty pieces (sjiikka) of
of silk (harir), checked different kinds of gar- A thousand ratls of a Idem.
(mukhattam) 9
inscribed ments, and royal Kh n dj 10 kind of pure silk for
(marküm) with gold, stuff for his wear both weaving.
for the wearing of ca- white and colored, and
Concerning the afore-
liphs, of various colors five royal (khässi) Shu-
mentioned silk Ibn al-
and manufactures. ‘aibi tunics (zihära) for
Faradi adds that he de-
him.
rived this from the Sâhib
Ten furs of the valuable Ten furs of expensive al-tiräz, and he did not
marten (fanak) skins of marten, seven being white bring it with the present,
Khurasan. from Khurasan and three but merely gave it to the
colored. Sahib al-tiräz (controller
of the tiräz-factories) who
Six Iraq royal mitraf-
entered it in his accounts.
cloaks for him.
Thirty pieces of buzyün
Forty-eight Zahri milhaf- silk
12
(a kind of bro-
mantles for his apparel cade) for saddles, for
(kiswa). gifts.
One hundred Zahri cov- Thirty woollen carpets Thirty wollen carpets of
erlets 11 (milhafa) for his (bisät) of different man- different manufactures,
bed. ufactures, each being of each being a length of 20
a length of 20 dhirä“ of dhirä“.
Ten kintärs of bundles Ten kintärs of bundles
various colors.
containing a hundred containing a hundred sa-
sable-skins. ble (sammür) skins. A hundred pieces (kit‘a) A hundred pieces of
of prayer-carpets (mu- prayer carpets of various
Six Iraq tents (surädik) .
sallayät) of various dif- kinds of carpeting, manu-

Forty-eight Baghdad
ferent kinds of carpeting factures of a kind of large
milhaf-covers for the
carpets (busut).
trappings for his horses,
of silk and gold. Fifteen carpet-strips (na- Fifteen carpet-strips, half
khkh) half of them made of them made of cut
9
Ibn Djubair, The Travels of Ibn Djubair, ed. of cut (maktü‘) khazz- khazz-silk, the rest of
W. Wright and M. J. de Goeje, Gibb Mem. Ser. silk. them consisting of carpets
(Leyden-London, 1907), V, 19 1. Here curtains are (busut) of different kinds.
described which were “lapis-lazuli (läzwardi) in
Saddles of Dia‘fari Saddles of Iraq khazz-
color, checked (mukhattam) with white checks
khazz-silk. silk.
(khätam), both octagonal and quadrilateral (mu-
thamman, murabba'). Inside the checks there were
round circles and white dots (nukta) surrounding
This list may serve to show the wide-
it. . On the top there was an inscription (rasm)
. .
spread interchange of goods in the Muslim
inclining to white.” Figure 1 is the suggested pattern world at this time. It is surprising to find
of such a curtain. This seems to contain the Sasanian furs coming all the way from Khurasan, espe-
pearl-pattern. See N. A. Reath and E. B. Sachs,
cially as Spain itself was famous as fur-produc-
Persian Textiles and their Technique (New Haven,
ing country. The DjaTari stuffs may be called
1937)) PP- 44» 46, 48, 49. Ibn Djubair describes
these mukhattam stuffs as being similar to the roof after the DjaTari gold, i.e., pure gold, which
13
of the Dome Rock {Fig. 2).
of the was used in them .
10
Read nakhakh or Kandji ? See Chapter XVI,
12
II, footnote 22. Reading thus with the footnote.
11
This type of stuff figures elsewhere.
13
Ta’rikh-i-Guzida of Hamdu’llâh Mustawfi
ISLAMIC TEXTILES 33
14
Makkari tells us, too, that under the rule former That it did make cloth is evident
city.
of the vigorous and ambitious minister Man- for Ibn Hawkal 17 says “Travellers who have :
sur Abi Ämir (366-93 H. [976-1002

ihn been to Baghdad say that it (Cordova) is like
A.D.] ) in whose hands lay the real power,
,
one of the sides of Baghdad,” and “It has
“Hishäm the Mu’aiyad was not left with any excellent garments, and robes of soft linen,
more insignia of the caliphate other than the excellent khazz-silk and kazz-silk.” We do
prayer in his name on the mimbars, and know too that al-Hakam
II employed skilled
the inscription of his name on the coinage, workmen in transcribing books and binding
and the tirâz-strips.” Curiously enough, a them in his palace which would also imply the
piece of cloth with his name has been pre- existence of further manufactures.
served for us, cited by A. Grohmann in the One of the first industrial cities of the
Encyclopaedia of Isläm 15 .
Iberian peninsula was Almeria (Al-Mariya)
The same author 16 also informs us that, renowned throughout Islam for its textiles.
after a victorious campaign, Mansür gave Some brief indication of its exports to the
away to the Christian princes and the Muslims Christian countries may be found in Makkari 18
who had helped him “two thousand two hun-
There was a station for Christian ships there, and
dred and eighty-five pieces of various kinds of a place of assembly for their government (diwän),
tiräzi silk (shikka), twenty-one pieces of sea- and from thence, their merchandise use to go to other
wool (süf al-bahr), two ‘anbari (perfumed countries. . . . It was also a factory (masna
1
) for the
with ambergris) robes, eleven pieces of sik- making of precious cloaks of figured silk (hulal mu-
lätün, fifteen of striped stuff (muraiyash), was_hshà). . There was a manufacture
. . of bro-
cade there which no other country could surpass,
seven carpets (namat) of brocade, two gar-
and an arsenal (där al-sanä‘a). ... A certain per-
ments of Rümi brocade, and two marten son said: “In Almeria there were 800 looms (nawl)
(fanak) furs (387 H. [997 A.D.] ) for the weaving of tiräzi garments of silk (harir),
The first tiräz in Spain must have been that and for precious cloaks (huila), and splendid bro-
which was attached to the palace of the Umay- cade a thousand looms, and the same number for
siklätün, and for Djurdjäni garments, Isfahan! stuffs,
yad ‘Abd al-Rahmän (206 H. [821 A.D.] in
‘Attâbî, and marvellous veils (mi'djar), and cur-
Cordova, but in such works as I have read, I
tains ornamented with precious stones (sutür mu-
have not been fortunate enough to come across kallala).” A certain person said: “There was no
any references to it. This may be due to the people in the land of Andalus richer than the in-
fact that Almeria soon outstripped Cordova habitants of Almeria nor with larger places for trad-
in its manufactures according to a passage of ing, and stores. The number of baths and hostelries
(funduk) there came to about a thousand.” 19
Yäküt which will be cited in discussing the
Makkari, in part at least, uses the same
Persian Gibb Mem. Ser. ( Leyden-London,
text, sources as al-Himyari :
20
1 9 1 1 ) XIV, 277. Abridged trans. by E. G. Browne

,
and R. A. Nicholson (Leyden-London, 1914), p. 55, Almeria was at the time of the Almoravids the
says; “Dja'far (the vizier of Harun al-Rashid) or- town of Andalus (which had the widest relations
dered that they should coin refined gold and silver,

17
for previously they had struck base coinage ;
zar Ibn Hawkal, op. cit., pp. 1 1 1 and 1 13.
18
Dja'fari (Dja'fari gold) was called after him.” Makkari, op. cit., II, 148.
14 19
Makkari, op. cit., II, 258. Ibid, I, 102.
20
15
See “Tiräz,” Encyl. Isläm, Supp., p. 249, and Ibn ‘Abd al-Mun‘im al-Himyari, Kitäb al-
J. F. Riano, The Industrial Arts in Spain (London, Rawd al-Mi tär La Péninsule Ibérique au Moyen-
1875). Age, ed. and trans. by E. Lévi-Provencal (Leyden,
16
Makkari, op cit., I, 271. 1938), text, p. 184, trans., p. 222.
,
34 R. B. SERJEANT
with the rest of the Muslim world) there were to ; it is a noted port for ships:
be found there the most striking productions of craft-
Merchants sail from it, and their ships anchor
manship. For the weaving of silk, it had 800 tirâz-
there. It is a place of call, and a seaport for ships
factories. They made cloth there such as cloaks
and vessels, against the walls of which the waves
(huila), brocades, silçlâtün, Isfahâni, Djurdjâni, cur-
21 dash. Eigured wadii-stuff and brocade of excellent
tains with vertical bands (sutür mukallala) stuffs
manufacture are made there. This was first made in
with patterns of circles ( ? mu‘aiyan), the cloth called
Cordova but then Almeria outstripped it. In the
‘Attain, and that which is called fäkhir, in short all
land of Andalus there is not to be found a people
kinds of silk stuffs.
who make more excellent brocade than those of
Al-Dimashki 22 writes “It was frequented : Almeria.
by merchants who went there to buy silk, and Almeria actually fell into the hands of the
the tissues that were woven there. The inhabit- Christians for the year 542 H.
first time in the
ants retired to Granada under the Almoravid (1147 A.D.), but was retaken by the Almora-
dynasty” which captured it some time after vids in 552 H. (1157 A.D.). The Christians
23
the year (1091 A.D.). Idrisi’s
484 H. ac- did not recover it again until 1489 A.D. Thus
count may be the source on which these pre- the passage of Idrïsï must refer to contem-
vious extracts are founded: porary events, as he wrote three years before
There were to be found there (in the time of the its reconquest.
26
Almoravids) all wonderful kinds of crafts, and they Himyari
preserves an early item of in-
counted among others, eight hundred factories (tiräz) formation: “There were in the city of Badj-
for silk (harir) where they made precious mantles djäna (Pechina) eleven baths, and factories
(huila), brocades, siklätün, Isfahâni, Djurdjâni, cur-
(tiräz) for the manufacture of silk (harir) as
tains ornamented with precious stones (sutür mukal-
24 well as prosperous trade.” Pechina was later
lala), cloth with patterns of circles, small mats
(khumra), ‘Attäbi, veils (mi'djar), and various supplanted by neighbor Almeria to which
its
other kinds of silk cloths. Ships used to come

. . .
the inhabitants soon migrated. In the time of
to Almeria from Alexandria and Syria. ... At the Idrisi it was already in ruins, and as early as
time when we are writing the present work (548 H. Ibn Hawkal, Almeria was the capital of the
[1154 A.D.] ) Almeria has fallen into the power of province.
the Christians. Its comeliness has disappeared, the
Another town in the system was Finyäna
inhabitants have been enslaved, the houses and pub-
lic buildings have been destroyed, and there is nothing (the modern Finana), in which according to
left. Himyari 27 “there were factories (tiräz) for
25
brocade stuffs.” Ibn al-Khatib 28 remarks that
Yäküt differs but little, mentioning that
it is noted for its silk culture.
21
I have kept this rendering of the phrase sutür
As might be expected, Seville (Ishbiliya)
mukallala which varies from the rendering of Mak- was also a famous weaving ce'nter of Spain.
kari given above.
22 73), IV, 517. Abu ’l-Fidâ’, Takwïm al-Buldän, ed.
Al-Dimashki, Manuel de la Cosmographie du
T. Reinaud and M. de Slane (Paris, 1840), p. 177,
Moyen Age, trans. by A. F. Mehren (Copenhagen,
trans. (Paris, 1847-83), I, 254, also mentions its
1874), p. 346.
silks. Cf. Kalkasjiandï, Subh al-A' shä (Cairo, 1331 H.
23
Idrisi, Description de F Afrique et de l’Espagne,
[1913 A.D.]) V, 217, on the authority of the Masàlik
ed.and trans. by R. P. A. Dozy and M. J. de Goeje al-Absär of ‘UmarL
(Leyden, 1866), text, p. 197. 26
Ibn ‘Abd al-Mun‘im al-Himyarl, op. cit., text,
24
The text has mu‘aiyab, but the reading mu'aiyan
p. 38, trans., p. 49.
is preferable here. 27
Ibid., text, p. 144, trans., p. 172.
25
Yäküt, Mudjam al-Buldän, Geographisches 28
Ibn al-Khatib, Descripcion del reino de Gra-
Wörterbuch, ed. by F. Wüstenfeld (Leipzig, 1 866— nada, trans. by F. J. Simonet (Madrid, i860), p. 20.
.
ISLAMIC TEXTILES 35
33
The first hint of the existence of a tiräz-factory inhabitants collectit from the time of intense heat,
there is to be found in al-Bayän al-Mughrib.

29 and dye with it, and the red color which no red can
surpass is produced from it. 3i
Ibrahim ibn al-Hadjdjädj revolted against the
Umayyad Caliph ‘Abd Allah ibn Muhammad As early as the second century of the Mus-
35
ibn ‘Abd al-Rahmän in the year 286 H. (899 lim era, Djâhiz tells us that this crimson is
A.D. ) Our author informs us that “there were

.
found in a district in the Maghreb in the land
at Seville, factories (tiräz) where his name of Andalus, and that only a sect of the Jews
was embroidered on the stuffs, just as the knew how was collected in the
to find it. It
sultan used to do at that time.” It is quite season of Mäh-Isfandärmudh.

likely that these factories were established by R. Pfister, 36 examining a number of Egyp-
the Umayyad ‘Abd al-Rahmän himself, but of tian textiles found that this lac-dye was used
course they may have been introduced by Ibra- in about equal quantities with madder, supplies
him. This monarch built an arsenal there to of which had become hard to obtain in Egypt.
protect Seville against the attacks of the Nor- Though it seems to have been so common, lac-
mans, and he may have established a factory dye is rarely mentioned in Arab authors. An
at the same time. extract from Birüni (973 H. [1048 A.D.]) on
Himyari 30 tells us that cotton grows well this lakk, is however cited by Pfister:
there. Not only does the output suffice for the C’est une gomme qui est générale sur un arbre
needs of the whole of Andalus, but the mer- jusqu’ à couvrir le bois entièrement, et il y a comme
chants send it as far as Ifrikiya, Sidjilmäsa, des croûtes (kirif, ce qui désigne les excrétions sèches
du nez). Après l’avoir cuit, et en avoir sorti une
and the neighboring countries. Makkari knew
matière colorante on l’appelle al-lakk ;
avec cela on
it chiefly by its steel, but adds that its manu-
teint les peaux qu’on appelle al-lakka.
factures are too many to mention. It was the
‘Abbädite capital from 414 H. (1023 A.D.)
Bïrünl cites the words of Ibn Mäsawaih (a
until 484 H. (1091 A.D.) but once more be-
doctor) at the court of Baghdad who died in
came a provincial city and finally passed into 243 H. (857 A.D.) and he knew it as a drug,
but does not mention it as a dye.
the hands of the Christians in 646 H. (1248
A.D.
Another notice of some interest is to be
)
Makkari 31
quotes it several times for its
found in the ‘Ikd Dj umän
al- of al-‘Aini
37
famous dye-stuffs :
(ob. 855 H. [1451 A.D.]) who tells us that
The
best crimson (kirmiz) is the kirmiz of Anda- 33
1 prefer to understand this word as a season, and
lus,and the most of that is in the districts of Seville, not as a kind of fig as R. Dozy suggests. Cf. the pas-
Labia, Shadhüna, and Valencia. From Andalus it is sage of Djâhiz which follows immediately.
taken to all quarters. ... In it (Seville) is col- 34
Makkari, op. cit., I, 123.
’
lected the kirmiz which of brighter hue than the 35 “Al-Tabassur bi 1 -Tidjära,” ed. by
is Djâhiz,
Indian lac (al-lakk al-Hindi). 32 ... In Andalus Hasan H. ‘Àbd al-Wahhâb, Rev. de VA cad. Arabe de
one of the dusts which descends from the heavens is Damas, XU
(1351 H. [1932 a.d.]), 339 -
the kirmiz which descends upon the oak-tree, and the 36

R. Pfister, “Matériaux pour servir au classe-
ment des textiles égyptiens postérieurs à la conquête
29
Ibn ‘Adhârï, op. cit., text, II, 130, trans., II, arabe,” Revue des arts asiatiques, (1936)» 6 He X -
208. quotes Dr. Meyerhof in a private communication.

30
Ibn ‘Abd al-Mun‘im al-Himyari, op cit., text, This passage is from the Kitäb al-Saidala fi ’l-Tibb
p. 21, trans., p. 27. In the rest of this chapter this (see C. Brockelmann, Geschichte der Arabischen Lit-
author’s name will be cited briefly as al-Himyari. teratur [Weimar-Berlin, 1898-1902], I, 874-5).
31
Makkari, op. cit. I, 90. The article has many other interesting notes on dyes.
32 37
Ibid.', I, 128. Homenajé a D. Francisco Codera, con una in-
36 R. B. SERJEANT
“they extract from a mine about a parasang a production of silk. ... It is at Basta that
away from Seville, a powder which is used the tiräz-factories are to be found for Basta
instead of indigo and is only found in this part carpets (al-witä’ al-Bastï) made of brocade,
43
of Spain, whence it is exported for the use of which has no known equal.” Yäküt informs
dyers.” us that “to it are attributed the BastI prayer-
44
Malaga (Mâlaka)
had its tirâz- too carpets (musallayät) .” Ibn al-Khatib only
factory, though not so famous as that of knew it as famous for its preparation of saf-
45
Almeria or Seville. Yäküt 38 knew that the city fron which, according to Kalkashandi sup-
was famous for its cotton which was exported plied the whole of Andalus.
all over Andalus. Ibn al-Khatib (713-76 H.
Through the Treatise on Hisba (“Police-
— 74
a.d.]) knew that the “cloaks Regulations”) of al-Sakati of Malaga, a work
[ 1
3 13
(huila) of its brocade are the wonderful arti- composed in the eleventh-twelfth century, we
cles with the tiräz-borders (tatrïz).” 39
But can form some notion of how general the cus-
it is the voluminous Makkarï 40
who fills the tom of wearing tirâzï garments was. A certain
gap in our information :
man had bought a slave-girl at Cordova, then
the capital of Andalus (until the end of the
In it are woven the cloaks of figured silk (al-hulal
fourth [tenth] century), and “he clothed her
al-mawsjiiya), the prices of which run into thousands.
They have marvelous pictures (süra) of a choice
in a robe of brocade, and with a robe of tirâzï
kind, with thenames of the Caliphs and others (in- silk,which the women of the Persians
scribed)upon them. Its coast is a trading-centre for (? A‘ädjim) used to wear at that time.” 46
the Muslims and Christians. Besides this he gives an injunction to the Muh-
47
As an indication of the commercial im- tasib or officer of police: “The Muhtasib
portance of Malaga, might be added that
it
must prevent the weavers of tiräz from chang-
he claims that figs are exported thence to ing the inscription (rasm) on a robe at the
fuller’s, on account of the well-known practice
India and China. Though this might be one
of those superb pieces of hyperbole in which of disreputable persons.”
oriental authors sometimes indulge when they This passage is more easily understood in
wish to describe the excellence of any particu- the light of the following extract from the
48
lar article, yet it may be fact. Kalkashandi
41 Ma‘älim al-Kurba:
on the authority of the Masälik al-Absär says Repairers (raffä’) may not repair a khazz-silk
that “in its much silk is found.”
provinces, garment received from a fuller or cloth-beater (dak-
käk) except in the owner’s presence. Embroiderers
Of Basta, the modern Baeza in the province
(mutarriz) and ornament-stitchers (rakkäm) must
of Granada, Himyarï 42 says: “There are on not transfer embroidery (rakm) from one garment
its territory many mulberry-trees (tüt) with
43
Yäküt, op. cit., I, 624.
troduccion de D. E. Saavedra (Zaragoza, 44
1904), Ibn al-Khatib, op. cit., p. 16.
464. 45
p. Kalkasjiandï, op. cit., V, 221.
38 46
Yäküt, op. cit., I, 275. Al-Sakatï, Un Manuel hispanique de Hisba,
39
Ibn al-Khatib, op. cit., p. 5. See M. J. Müller, ed. by G. S. Colin and E. Lévi-Provençal (Paris,
Beiträge zur Geschichte der westlichen Araber 1931), Publ. de l’Institut des Hautes Études Maro-
(München, 1876), I, 5. Cf. Brockelmann, op. cit., caines, XXI, 54 and 63.
II, 260. Tatrïz may simply mean “embroidery” here. 47
Ibid., loc. cit.
40
Makkarï, op. cit., II, 148, and I, 95. 48
Ibn al-Ukhuwwa, Ma'âlim al-Kurba, ed.
41
Kalkasjiandï, op. cit., V, 219. R. Levy, Gibb Mem. Ser. (London, 1938), n.s., XII,
42
Al-Himyarï, op. cit., text, p. 45, trans., p. 57. No. 174.
ISLAMIC TEXTILES 37
to another which fullers or cloth-beaters bring them. The extent and fame of the manufactures
. . . On each garment, the owner’s name must be of Andalus in the fourth (tenth) century may
written.
be gauged by the details supplied to us by
53
These passages seem to refer to the pieces Ibn Hawkal :
of embroidered braid stuck on to the cloth by

In Andalus are to be found mercury, iron, lead
sewing, though separate in themselves. (rasas), and with regard to wool, there are pieces
A number of very pretty verses used in the (kit‘a) which resemble the best kind of Armenian
tirâz-bands by girls and lovers were known to carpets in relief (mahfür) of high price, ranging to
49 the beautiful sur-carpets (namat) made there. Con-
the Spanish anthologist Ibn
l
Abd Rabbihi in
cerning the wool (süf) and the dyeing of it, and
the first half of the tenth century of the Chris-
those things which they dye, they have marvelous
tian era. stuff in the herbs (hasjiisji), peculiar to Andalus,
with which the Maghribi felts (lubüd) of high qual-
OTHER CITIES
ity and price are dyed, as well as silk and whatever
Besides the imposing list of tiräz-cities — colors of khazz-silk, and kazz-silk they desire.
Cordova, Almeria, Basta, Finyäna, Seville, Brocade is exported thence, and no people on the
Malaga — all situated in the south of Spain, face of the earth can equal them
of their felts. Sometimes, “thirty felts” (lubüd thalä-
in the manufactures
there was a flourishing industry in many other

tjnniya) are made for their sultan, a single one of
cities, though probably for the most part in
which valued at fifty and sixty dinars, without their
is
private hands. breadth being more than five or six spans (shibr),
The passage from Djähiz, concerning the for they are the loveliest of cloths (furs_h). In their
54
kirmiz-dye in Spain has been cited supra, and country soft silk and close-woven (al-khazz al-sakb )
it is was during his

interesting to notice that it
is made which exceeds that which is made for the
Sultan of Iraq. There is a waxed (mus_hamma‘)
lifetime that tirâzï garments were introduced
variety of it which prevents the rain from wetting
into Spain. Ibn al-Fakih (290 H./903 A.D. )
the wearer.
counts Andalusian cloaks (huila) among the
wonderful things that are only to be obtained Fie notes too that the prices in the province
by the venturesomeness of merchants 50 and are very low and then continues:
51
Abu ’l-Käsim speaks of “rooms carpeted In the provinces of their country cheap linen for
with mats (zulllya) of the Maghreb” and robes is made and exported to many places, much
even going to Egypt (Misr). As for their robes made

“carpet-strips (nakhkh) of Andalus and Cor-
52 in Pechina, they are taken to Misr, Mecca, Yemen,
dova.” Istakhri informs us that: “Most of
and other places. Linen is made in their country for
the things which come from it are Maghrib! the people, and the sultan which is in no way inferior
felts, riding-mules, ambergris, gold, honey, to Dabild of the compact and the fine soft kind of
olive-oil, Maghrib! saddle-cloths
ships, silk, the s_harb variety, and it equals the excellent Shatä
(namad) and the sable (sammür).” kind.
Makdisi 55 remarks: “From Andalus there

49
Ibn ‘Abd Rabbihi, al-Ikd al-Farld (Cairo,
comes a great deal of cloth (bazz) specialties ,
1331 H. [1913 A.D.]), IV, 370 f.
60
Ibn al-Fakih, Compendium libri Kitäb al-
and rarefies..”
Boldän, ed. M. J. de Goeje, Bibliotheca Geogra-
53
pliorum Arabicorum ( — B.G.A .) (Leyden, 1885), Ibn Hawkal, op. cit., p. 114.
54
V, 50. See Chapter III. This is a term applied to
51
Abu TMutahhar al-Azdi, Hikäyat Abi Kufan stuffs.
’l-Käsim, ed. A. Mez (Heidleberg, 1902), p. 36.

55
Makdisi (Mukaddasi), Descriptio imperii Mos-
52
Istakhri, Viae regnorum . . . ed. M. J. de lemici, ed. M. J. de Goeje, B.G.A. (Leyden, 1876;
Goeje, B.G.A. (Leyden, 1870), I. 2d ed., 1906), III, 239.
3§ R. B. SERJEANT
Makkari has extracted a passage from Ibn of this range, was noted for the quantity of the
Sa‘id (ob. 6 73 H./1274 a.d.) which shows ibrism-silk which was produced, while Him-
60
Andalus at the height of its industrial yari says that cotton grows there in great
56 61
activity : quantities. Ibn al-Khatib knows it as a place
Ibn Sa‘ld said: “The

manufactured in articles
for silk (harir). To the south of the range,
Andalus are to all others, and
be preferred above Andaräsh (Andarax), a little town, dependent
62
local patriots talk at length about them. For Almeria, on Almeria, is noticed by Yäküt : “The sur-
Murcia, and Malaga are particularly famous for passingly fine linen is named after it.”Him-
their gold figured silks (wasjii mudhahhab), the yari does not seem to have heard of this, but
beautiful fabric of which is a source of admiration to 63
Ibn al-Khatib says that its silk is gold.
the people of the East when they see a piece of it. In
Tantäla of the district of Murcia the carpets (busut)
A
march away from Almeria was
day’s
which are sold at so high a price in the East, are Hisn Shinsh in the ädi T abarnash Makkari
64
W .
made. In Granada and Basta the variety of silken says: “Its territory abounds in mulberry-trees
garments (al-libäs al-muharrar) called mulabbad, and and kirmiz (crimson) are to be found
silk
mukhattam (checked stuff), with pleasing colors is
there.” Elvira (Ilbira) Yäküt 65 says: “In
Of
manufactured. In Murcia too are made inlaid seats
all its districts linen and splendid silk are
(asirra murassa'a), charmingly contrived reed-mats
(husur), articles of brass and iron (sufr wa-hadid), made.” While Himyari 66 remarks: “The silk
such as knives, gilded scissors (amkäs mudhahhaba), coming from the plain of Elvira is that which
and various other articles for the bride and soldier, is spread abroad in the country, and exported
which astound the senses (by their beauty). These everywhere. As for the flax which is culti-
types of articles are despatched thence to the land of
vated, it is of a superior quality to that of the
Africa and other places.”
Nile valley and the harvest is so plentiful that
The most instructive source for the other it isexported to the most distant Muslim coun-
cities is Himyari who wrote al-Rawd al- tries.” It was probably due to the fact that
57
Mi‘tär . The book, as it now stands, seems Elvira began to decline about 400 H. (1010
to be the recension of an earlier work of un- A.D. ) ,
as the result of a Berber rebellion, that
certain date, but which, since it does not give records of it are so scanty.
any historical details beyond the latter half of Dimashki (ob. 727 h. [1327 a.d.]) adds
the seventh century H., was probably written Jaen to our list
67
“In the eastern part of :
about that time. The author uses earlier Andalus is situated the district of Jaen
sources and the book contains information not (Djaiyän), called also Kinnisrin, with the
to be found elsewhere. The question of dating capital Madina al-Hädira which produces
has been fully discussed by the editor in the much silk.” Makkari 68 too, informs us that
,
preface. “it is called Djaiyän al-Harir (Djaiyän of

58
Of the Sierra Nevada (Shulair), he
60
says: “The towns which are round about
little ALHimyari, op. cit., text, p. 192, trans., p. 233.
61
it produce the most excellent silk (harir), and
Ibn al-Khatib, op. cit., text, p. 19.
62
linen which is superior to that of the Faiyum.” 63
Ibn al-Khatib, op. cit., text, p. 18.
The Wâdî Äsh (or Ashsh according to 64
Makkari, op. cit., I, 102-3.
59
Yäküt ,
the modern Guadix on the north side 65
66
Al-Himyari, op. cit., text, p. 24, trans., p. 31.
56 67
Makkari, op. c'it., I, 123. Al-Dimas_hkï, Cosmographie de Chems-ed-Din
57
Al-Himyari, op. cit., see the preface. . . . ed-Dimichqui, ed. A. F. Mehren (Leipzig,
58
Ibid., text, p. 1 12, trans., p. 137. 1923), p. 243, trans., op. cit., p. 346.
59 08
Yäküt, op. cit., I, 279. Makkari, op. cit., II, 146.
)
ISLAMIC TEXTILES 39
the silk) because of the extensive rearing of Both Idrïsï and Himyari give the same
76
the silk-worm (dûd al-harir) in the plain of account of Chinchilla: “Djindjäla . . .
Jaen and the vicinity.” He also remarks that They make coverlets (awtiya) of linen here
Baeza, which lies in the sphere of its control, which cannot be imitated elsewhere, a circum-
grew and exported a great deal of saffron. 69 stance which depends on the quality of the air
In the southwest of Andalus lay the town and water”; and 77 “Shantadjâla ... It is
of Calsena “At Kalsâna they make
(
Kalsäna ) . after this place that the Djindjâlî covers
garments called al-Kalsânïya. They are of (watâ’) are named because they are made
very remarkable style and workmanship” ac- there.”
cording to Himyari. 70 The most important city of the group,
In a more northeasterly direction there Murcia (Mursiya), has quite a long notice
78
lies yet another group, Valencia, Chinchilla, devoted to it by Makkari :
Furkusa, Bocayrente, Murcia, and Alsh. With the cities of Almeria and Malaga,
it forms a
The inhabitants of Valencia were famed third, engaged manufacture of figured wasjii-
in the
stuffs. It is particularly famous for Tantâlï carpets
for their great skill in dyeing fine linen tissues
71 (busut) which are despatched to the eastern lands,
according to al-‘Aini (ob. 855 H./ 145 1 A.D. ) ,
and for mats (husur) with which walls are covered,
while “Balansi woven stuff (nasidj) which pleasing to the eye, and other things too many to
goes to all quarters of the Maghreb is one of mention.
its specialties” says Makkari. 72 He further Himyari 79
“They used
has a like notice:
confirms that it is famous for dyes, both saf- make
to fine and valuable carpets (busut) at
fron and kirmiz (crimson). 73 Perhaps our
Murcia. The people of Murcia have un-
authors do not know more of it because the
equalled skill in manufacturing and decorating
city was lost to James I of Aragon in 636 H. these carpets.”
(1238, A.D. ,
after five hundred years of Both Yakut and Kazwini mention Alsh to
Muslim rule.
the north of Murcia, the former
80
saying:
Furkusa, says Yakut, 74 is a citadel of the “Splendid carpets (busut fäkhira) which have
province of Daniya and Furkusi garments are no parallel in the world for beauty, are manu-
named after it. Bocayrente (Bakirän) which factured there.” Kazwini
81
less rhetorically
lies in the triangle formed by Xativa, Daniya, makes them unparalleled in Andalus itself.
and Elche is mentioned by Idrïsï 75 “They :
Of Bädja in modern Portugal, the Ana-
make white cloth (thiyäb) which sells at a lectes
82
say: “In the days of the ‘Abbädites it
very high price and lasts for many years. It was famous for the tanning of leather
specially
is incomparable for quality and fineness. To and the manufacture of linen.” Of Arün, a
83
such an extent is this so, that for whiteness and district of Bädja, Yäküt says: “Its linen is
softness, it resembles paper.” better than any of the other linen in Andalus.”
69
V, 229. Abu 1 -Fidä’,
’
Kalkashandi, op. cit., 76
Ibid., text, p. 195.
Takwlm al-Buldän, ed. T. Reinaud and M. de Slane 77
Al-Himyari, op. cit., text, p. 112, trans., p. 138.
(Paris, 1840), p. 176, trans. by T. Reinaud, I, 252. 78
Makkari, op. cit., II, 149.
70 79
Al-Himyari, op. cit., text, p. 163, trans., p. 195. Al-Himyari, op. cit., text, p. 182, trans., p. 219.
71
Homenajé a D. F. Codera, p. 464. 80
72 81
Makkari, op. cit., II, 149. Kazwini, el-Cazwini’ s Kosmographie, ed. F.
73
Ibid., I, 90 and no. Wüstenfeld (Göttingen, 1846-48), II, 338.
74 82
Yäküt, op. cit., Ill, 881. Makkari, op. cit., I, 100.
75 83
Idrïsï, op. cit., text, p. 193. Yäküt, op. cit., I, 227.
40 R. B. SERJEANT
Though industry was concentrated in the summer various kinds of cloth (bazz), linen, silk
south of Spain, there are one or two references (harir), cotton, goathair, 87 African cloaks (ridä’),
to more northern centers. Of Lerida (Lä- and Tunisian pieces of cloth (rnakta*), and doubled
84 (lined ?) mantles (ma’äzir masjifü'a) strive for first
rida), Himyari tells us: “It is specially
place.
noted for the abundance and the excellence of
its linen. It is exported thence to all the dis-
Toledo (Tulaitula) has also been very
tricts of the territory of the Marches.”
briefly treated by the Arab authors. Mak-
It is most disappointing that, though Mak- 88
kari mentions merely that it had saffron and
kari says that Granada is the Damascus of
pastel (sibgh samà’î) which is widely ex-
Andalus, he is so devoid of information about
89
its manufactures, apart from those of silken ported. Yäküt had also heard of the fame
mulabbad stuffs and mukhattam (checked) of its saffron, and indeed it was famous as
materials. He does however remark that there a Spanish export as early as Mas‘üdï. 90
85
is good saffron to be found locally. Some Examples of the famed Andalusian silks
description of the dress of its inhabitants is are to be found in von Falke’s Decorative Silks
given by Ibn al-Khatib (ob. 776 H. [1374
86
which, on the literary side, this article may
A.D.] )
:
help to supplement.
The most usual apparel worn among all classes
is the dyed blanket (milaff masbügh) in winter. In 87
Reading AG* for .
88
84
Al-Himyari, op. cit., trans., p. 202. Makkari, op. cit., I, 91.
89
85
Makkari, op. cit., I, 94, and II, 147. Yäküt, op. cit., Ill, 545.
90
86
Muhammad Lisân al-Din ibn al-Khatib, al- Mas'üdï, Murüdj al-QJiahab , Les Prairies d’or
ii hâta
fï Akhbâr al-Gharnäta (Cairo, 1 3 19 H. (Paris, 1861-77), I, 367.
[1901-2 A.D.]), I, 35 -
ISLAMIC TEXTILES 41
CHAPTER XVIII Nor do textiles figure very largely in the

products of the Maghreb even in the time of
THE MAGHREB
Ibn Hawkal: 6
“Exports of the Maghreb . . .
Of all parts of the civilized Muslim ambergris, silk (harir), robes of valuable and
world during the first four centuries, the cheap wool of all kinds down to woollen
Maghreb is probably the least productive of gowns (djubba), and such-like manufactures,
textiles of distinction, nor is it very well docu- carpets (antä‘), and
iron, lead, mercury,
mented (Map 2). slaves imported from the blacks (Südän).”
The list of taxes in the Djirâb al-Dawla, 1 An embassy to Spain in the year 381 IT. (991
however, includes 120 large carpets (busut) A.D. ) according to Makkari brought to Cor-
7
,
from the province of Ifrikiya as early as the

dova, among other things, several loads of
reign of Ma’mün along with the tribute in
burnooses and other articles of woollen cloth
money. Guest has found an inscribed textile
manufactured in Africa.
from the tirâz of Ifrikiya as early as the
Even as late as ‘Umari 8 the state of civili-
Caliph Marwän II, and which, in truth, is
zation among the Africans seems to have been
the earliest known tirâzi fragment. This stuff
on a low level compared with other Muslim
and the carpets probably came from Kairawän
countries, for he says: “The inhabitants of
(Kairouan) or one of the cities of what I 9
Ifrikiya wear clothes of wool and cotton.
propose to call “the Kairawän group.” 2 Abu
Those who wear elegant clothing from Alex-
’l-Käsim 3 talks of Maghribi gold-embroidered
andria are isolated individuals.” This remark
carpets (antä‘mudhahhaba) as articles of
luxury in Baghdad of his time, but this term is all the more surprising as Alexandrine stuffs
Maghribi may also apply to Spain, so this were so largely exported to Europe in the
evidence is So also is the

of doubtful value. Middle Ages.
passage of Djähiz which says: “The best
4 Ibn Khaldün, 10 though contemporary with
felts are the Chinese (Sini) variety, and the the famous Tamerlane, gives a very competent
red Maghribi kind,” etc. Miskawaihi, curi- survey of the arts in North Africa and Spain
ously enough, informs us that the Byzantine which cannot afford to be neglected.
army which besieged Aleppo in the year 3 51 H.
6
(962 A.D. ) had pavilions (khärgähät), Ibn Hawkal, Opus Geographicum, ed. J. H.
5 Kramers (2d ed., Leyden, 1938-39), p. 97.
adorned with Maghribi felts (lubüd).
Al-Makkari, The History of the Mohammedan
7
1
Ibn Khaldün, Prolégomènes historiques, trans.
(Nafh al-Tlb) (London, 1840-3),
dynasties in Spain
Or. Trans. Fund, ed. Pascual de Gayangos, II, 191.
by M. de Slane (Paris, 1862-68) I, 364.
8
2
G. Wiet, L’Exposition persane de 1931 (Cairo, ‘Umari, Masälik al-Absär, fi Mamalik al-
1933), P- 5- Cf. the Répertoire chronologique d’épi- Amsär, trans. by M. Gaudefroy-Demombynes, I.
Combe, Wiet L’Afrique moins l’Egypte ( Bibliothèque des géo-

graphie arabe, ed. E. J. Sauvaget, et G.
(Cairo, 1931 I, 28. graphes arabes, II) (Paris, 1927), p. 127. Cf. Kal-
),
3
Abu ’1-Mutahhar al-Azdi, Hikâyat Abi ’l-Kâsim, kashandï, Subh al-A'shâ (Cairo, 1331 H. [1913
ed. by A. Mez (Heidelberg, 1902), A.D.]), V, 143.

p. 36.
9
4
TTidjâra,” ed. Hasan
Djähiz, “Al-Tabassur bi Ifrikiya means the northern littoral of the con-
H. ‘Abd al-Wahhâb, Rev. de V Acad. Arabe de Damas, tinent and is hardly so extensive a term as our
XII (1351 h. [1932 A.D.]), 338. Cf. o p cit., p. 341. “Africa.”
' 10
5
Miskawaihi, The Eclipse of the Abbasid Cali- Ibn Khaldün, op. cit., II, 365 and 362 and
phate, ed. and trans. by H. F. Amedroz and D. S. “Prolégomènes d’Ebn Khaldoun,” ed. by E. Quatre-
Margoliouth (Oxford, 1920-21), text, II, 193, mère, Notes et Extr. de la Bibl. Nat., XVI— XVIII
trans., V, 210. (Paris, 1858), II, 314 and 310 ff.
—
42 R. B. SERJEANT
(Modern
Sicily.
and
Africa
Parenthesis)
North
in
in
Given
Centers
Are
Names
Textile
Muslim
2.
Map
,
ISLAMIC TEXTILES 43
The arts are few and imperfect in the Maghreb Berbers to have a market and port there.
always excepting the weaving of wool, sewing and This, in time, grew to quite a large town of
tanning of leather. These arts are brought to a high
four hundred families.
degree of perfection because they became indispensa-
ble when they had settled, and because wool and
leather are the most plentiful products of countries AL-MAGHRIB AL-ADNÄ
occupied by nomads. It is mainly the coast cities of the Maghreb
The arts of Spain all reached perfection due to
that are famous for their manufactures, much
the attention which had been devoted to their im-
of the interior of the province being barren
provement and their care. Thus those arts imbued
Spanish culture with so deep a dye that it would only
and in a low state of civilization.
disappear if that were to disappear also. So it is, if a As we from Alexandria westward,

travel
stuff is well dyed, the dye lasts as long as the cloth. the first important town is Tulmaitha (Ptole-
Tunis resembles the Spanish cities in this respect. mais), and Idrisi 12 tells us that ships from
Culture made great progress there under the Sanhädja Alexandria bring good stuffs of cotton and
dynasty (the Zirides), and then under that of the
linen to it which they exchange for honey,
Almohades ( Haf sides) and every art had attained
,
a high standard of perfection. However this city is

pitch, and butter.
inferior if compared to the Spanish towns, but the Barka was early occupied by the Arabs and
proximity to Egypt, and the great number of travel- it flourished until the Hilâlî invasion of the
lers who pass every year between this country and fifth (eleventh) century after which
I have
the Maghreb have resulted in the introduction of
found no information. According to Ibn Haw-
many practices which have helped to augment the
kal 13 “It has markets, frequented by mer-
:
number of arts which were already in this city.

Sometimes Tunisians used to live in Cairo for sev- chants and buyers 14 for the sale of wool, pep-
eral years,and on their return they brought back from per, honey, wax, olive-oil, and various articles
Egypt customs of luxury and perfection of the arts of merchandise, coming from the east, and
of the east, a knowledge which gave them a high
going from the west.” Bakri (487 H. [1049
degree of repute. Thus it happens that as regards the
A. D.]) merely mentions that it exports wool
arts, Tunis resembles Cairo, but it also resembles
the Spanish towns, because most of its inhabitants are
(laine), 15 while Idrisi 16 says: “In past times
descended from natives of east Spain who came there there was grown cotton which was called after
as refugees in the great migration which took place it, quite unlike any other kind of cotton. . . .
in the seventh century A.D. The ships and travellers who come from Alex-
Thus the arts have been maintained in Tunis,
andria, and Egypt (Misr) to Barka export
and though this city is not at the present date in a
wool,” etc.
state of civilisation which is worthy of it, yet once a
dye has been thoroughly impregnated in a stuff, it
Of Adjdäbiya, Ibn Hawkal 17 says “Ships :
hardly ever disappears unless this stuff is destroyed.

12
Idrisi, Description de l’Afrique et de l’Espagne,
The truth of his statements of the settle- ed. and by R. P. A. Dozy and M. J. de Goeje
trans.
11
ments is attested by Bakri who informs us (Leyden, 1866), text, p. 136.
that Oran (Wahrän) was founded by a band
13
Ibn Hawkal, op. cit., p. 67. Cf. Makdisï (Mu-
of Andalusian sailors. Colonists from Elvira kaddasï), Descriptio imperii Moslemici ed. M. J.
de Goeje, Bibliotheca Geographorum Arabicorum
and Murcia colonized Tanas (Tenes) about
(
= B.G.A .) (Leyden, 1876, 2d ed., 1906), III,
262 H. (875-6 A.D. ) They used to winter in
.
239 -
the port and later made a pact with the head 14

For the translation see the Glossary to the
B. G.A.
11 15
Al-Bakri, Description de l’Afrique septentrio- Al-Bakri, op. cit., p. 15.
nale, trans. by M. de Slane (Alger, 1913), pp. 44 10
Idrisi, op. cit., text, p. 13 1.
17
and 128. Ibn Hawkal, op. cit., p. 67.
—
44 R. B. SERJEANT
come to it with supplies, and take away from it al-zurk) .” The Hudüd al-Älam 24
tells us that
various wares, mostly consisting of robes of “it is a resort of Byzantine and Spanish mer-
mediocre quality, and woollen cloths (shikka) chants. Whatever the Sea of Rum produces
18 25
of little value.” According to Bakri it had comes there.” Bakri remarks on its fre-
frequented bazaars, and most of the inhabi- quented bazaars.
tants are Copts, while Idrisi
19
remarks on the Of the island of Djarba, al-Tidjäni (70 6-
Jewish traders there. Surt, according to Ibn 08 H. [1306-09 a.d.]) says, “This island is
Hawkal is a place from which ships take famous in other countries for the superior qual-
20
wool . ity of the wool that its numerous flocks pro-
might be well to notice the far inland

It duce. In no other part of Africa are finer kinds
city of Zawila here, which did a considerable for the weaving of rich stuffs and garments to
21 26 27
trade in cloth with the hinterland; Bakri be found.” Leo Africanus confirms this:
tells us that at Zawila (or Zuwaila) of Faz- “Ceux de Tile vivent de la facture et trafique
zän is a caravan station. Here slaves are sold, des draps de laine (au moins, la plus grand’
the intermediary being red cloth. This is con- partie), lesquels ils portent vendre, ensemble
firmed by Yäküt :
22
“Slaves are exported from le raisin sec, dans la cité de Thunes (Tunis) ou
Zawila towards Ifrikiya and those parts. d’Alexandrie.”
28
Their purchase is effected by short red gar- Ibn Hawkal
enumerated silks among the
ments.” This city was the capital of the Faz- exports from Africa, and of Käbis he says: “It
zän oasis, and apparently an important com- has markets within its walls, and great sup-
plies of wool, besides which a great deal of
mercial center. These red garments seem to
be the Basri stuffs of which Bïrüni speaks.
silk (harir) is made there.” The anonymous
29
geographer of the sixth century in a passage
THE KAIRAWÄN GROUP founded on Bakri, says: “There are many mul-
berry trees there, and silk is raised. This is
This rather arbitrary division of cities
the best and finest silk, none being made in
into the Kairawän group is made because 30
Ifrikiya except here.” Idrisi ,
too, knew of
Kairawän was the capital city of early Islam
in Africa and possessed a tiräz-factory. All 24
Hudüd al-Alam, trans. by V. Minorsky, Gibb
such cities are characterized by a more devel- Mem. Ser. (London, 1937), n.s., XI, 153.
25
Al-Bakri, op. cit., p. 20.
oped type of manufactures than the other 26
Al-Tïdjâni, Voyage du Scheikh et-Tidjani,
more backward and primitive centers. (partial) trans. by A. Rousseau, Journ. Asiatique
The first of these cities is Tarâbulus (Trip- (Paris, 1852), IV, XX, 17 1.
23
oli), and Ibn Hawkal “There is a says: 27
Leo Africanus, Description de l’Afrique tierce
large export of precious wool and pieces of partie du monde, ed. C. Schefer, Recueil des Voyages
et Documents (Paris, 1896), XIII, III, 177.
splendid blue robes (tikän al-aksiya al-fäkhira 28
Ibn Hawkal, op. cit., p. 70.
29
Description de l’Afrique par un géographe
18
Al-Bakrï, op. cit., p. 17.
anonyme du sixième siècle, ed. by A. v. Kremer
19
Idrisi, op. cit., text, p. 132.
(Vienna, 1852), p. 3. This passage is based on al-
20
Ibn Hawkal, op. cit., p. 68. Bakri. See M. Quatremère, “Notice d’un manuscrit
21
Al-Bakri, op. cit., p. 29. arabe contenant la description de l’Afrique” (by al-
22
Yäküt, Mudfam al-Buldän, Geographisches Bakrï), Notes et extr. de la Bibl. Nat., XII (Paris,
Wörterbuch, ed. by F. Wüstenfeld (Leipzig, 1 866 1831), 28. All the references in this chapter to the
73), II, 961. latter work allude to the off-print.
23 30
Ibn Hawkal, op. cit., p. 69. Idrisi, op. cit., text, p. 106.
ISLAMIC TEXTILES 45
38
itsfame: “In former times there were tiräz- Ibn Sa‘id says of the district called
factories there in which beautiful silk (harir) Kastïlïya, the exact area of which it is rather
was made, but nowadays there are tanneries hard to determine: “In this region, excellent
31
there for leather which is exported.” Yäküt and henna are found.” This dis-
linen, indigo,
also gives it some attention: “There are many trict somewhere near the two large
lay
mulberry trees there, and from one of those “Shutts,” and a town of that name is men-
trees there comes a quantity of silk which five tioned by Ibn Hawkal 39 which “had supplies
trees elsewhere cannot produce. Its silk is the of wool despatched to every quarter, such as
best and finest variety. No silk is to be found pieces (shikka) of cloth, robes, fur (hanbal),
in the province of Ifriklya except at Käbis.” and other articles manufactured there and ex-
32
Even the post-Mongol Nuzhat al-Kuliib ported everywhere.” The capital of this area
speaks of “Käbis ... a fine large city where was Tawzar, which according to Abu T-Fidä 40
excellent stuffs are woven.” had flax and henna. Tïdjânï 41 describes Bäb
A more inland group of cities lay to the al-Manshür there: “Those of the inhabitants
west of Käbis they are Kafsa, Tawzar, Nafta,
;
who exercise the profession of dyers, come
and others, and they also had some textiles. there to spread out garments of various col-
“In Kafsa” says the anonymous geogra- ors, and embroidered stuffs. The eye of the
33 visitor seems to see in front of him, a rich
pher “are made cloaks (ridä’) of the kind
flower-bed, where flowers of a thousand colors
known as tailasäns, and turbans of wool, of the
34 blossom on the edges of fresh and limpid
utmost fineness, vying with sharb-cloth .”
35 streams.” (Eighth [fourteenth] century.)
Idrisi knew that they cultivated cotton and
36 Safäkus seems to have been affected by
henna. Bakrï mentions a place called Turak
Alexandrine influence, for Bakri 42 says “Dans :
after which Türakï garments imported into
l’art de fouler les draps, et de leur donner le
Egypt took their name.
37 cati, les habitants de Safäkus suivent les
The same anonymous geographer men-
méthodes employées à Alexandrie, mais ils sur-
tions a place Dardjin: “It is an ancient city
passent les fabricants de cette ville par l’excel-
near Nafta, and where Dar-
it is a large city
lence et l’abondance de leurs produits.” How-
djini robes which resemble the kind manufac- 43
ever the translation of Quatremère reads:
tured at Sidjilmäsa, both in cloth (thawb) and
“Les habitants se livrent à l’art du foulon, et
color, though they are of an inferior quality,
à celui du tisserand, avec encore plus d’activité
are manufactured.”
et de succès qu’on ne le fait à Alexandrie.”
44
31
Our anonymous geographer remarks that
Yakut, op. cit., IV, I ff.
32
Mustawfi Kazwïnï
(Hamd-Alläh Mustawfl
Sicily, Italy, and Rum have connections with it.
Kazwini), The Geographical Part of the Nuzhat al- North Africa was in all probability the
Qulüb, trans. by G. le Strange, Gibb Mem. Ser.
38
(Leyden-London, 1919), XXIII, II, 265. Leo Africanus, op. cit., II, 383.
33 39
Description de l’Afrique, ed. A. v. Kremer, Ibn Hawkal, op. cit., p. 94.
40 ’
p. 40. Abu 1 -Fidä, Takiuim al-Buldän, ed. T. Rei-

34
Reading sharb for sharf. naud and M. de Slane (Paris, 1840), p. 144.
85 41
Idrïsï, op. cit., text, p. 104. Al-Tidjäni, op. cit., p. 200.
42
36
If this reading is Quatremère’s
correct. See M. Al-Bakri, Description de l’Afrique, ed. de Slane,
edition of al-Bakri, op. which has Türan.
cit., p. 69, p. 46.
37
Description de l’Afrique, ed. A. v. Kremer, 43
Idem, op. cit., ed. M. Quatremère, pp. 31-2.
44
p. 46. Description de l’Afrique, ed. A. v. Kremer, p. J.
,
46 R. B. SERJEANT
least noteworthy counti-y in the tiräz-system. It money of the ‘Ubaidites (Fatimids) and had
was not until Abbasid times that the Maghreb them cursed in the mosques. These were the
began to be divided into petty semi-indepen- customary proceedings when a governor or
dent states where the rulers set up their own general wished to renounce his allegiance to
factories in the palace and elsewhere. Never- the central power: “The suppression of their
theless Africa probably possessed tirâz-cities names on the and standards was even
flags
before Andalus. The capital of Nearer Africa anterior to this. The
‘Ubaidites had begun to
(al-Maghrib al-Adnä) was Kairawân, founded strike money in their name and to put then-
upon an old Roman site in 50 H. (6 70 A.D.). names on the standards, and in the borders
When Bakri 45 wrote (487 H. [1049 A.d.]) (tiräz) in 296 H. (908 A.D.), and Mu‘izz sup-
the city possessed a Bäb al-Tiräz which was pressed them in 441 H. ( 1094 A.D.) ;
that is to
on the side toward Rakkäda. The tiräzi cloth say that this lasted for 145 years.”
made in Ifrikiya has already been mentioned, A
little further on,
49
he says :
and it is probable that it came from here. It In Djumädä of the year 443 h. (1049, a.d.) said
is worthy of note that the mosque of Kairawân Ibn Sharaf, al-Mu‘izz ibn Bâdïs summoned the dyers
owed its foundation to Hishäm, so possibly the and gave them white stuffs coming from the linen-
tiräz-factory was in existence in his day. store (funduk al-kattän), so as to dye them black,
and they dyed them the deepest black. He collected
KairaAvän became a flourishing place under
the tailors who cut them into garments, and all the
the Aghlabids (184-298 H. [800-909 A.D.]);
jurists and cadis were summoned to the palace, as
4C
it was a very mixed city, and after Ya‘kübï, Avell as the preachers of Kairawân, and the muezzins,
it had a population comprising Arab, Berber, and he invested them with black.
Persian, Khurâsânï, and Rümï elements. Ibn
47
Since the Fatimids had tiräz-factories
Hawkal is able to tell us (367 H. [978 while they Avere still in Ifrikiya, we might ex-
A.D.]) :
pect that, when the seat of government was

Kairawân was the greatest town in the Maghreb, moved from Kairawân to the new city of Mah-
the largest in property and trade, and possessing the
diya in the year 308 H. (921 A.D.), new fac-
most beautiful buildings and markets. The Diwan
tories would be established there, and they
of all the West (Maghreb) was there to which the
taxes were all taken, and the Sultan’s palacewas also certainly did have an arsenal (där al-sanä‘a)
there. Outside it was the place called Rakkäda which from the first. According to Bakri, 50 Mahdiya
is a town that was the dwelling of the Band Aghlab. was frequented by boats from Alexandria,
51
An incidental note in al-Bayän al-Mugh- Syria, Sicily, Spain, etc., and Idrisi tells us
rib
48
tells us that al-Mu‘izz ibn Bädis, the that :
Zirid, and a member of a dynasty which had It has never ceased to be a station for ships of the
52
supported Fatimid rule changed the in Africa, Hejaz coming to it from the East, the West, An-
inscription on the coinage, melted up the
49
Ibid., text, I, 272, trans., I, 387. For a discus-
45
A -Bakri,
1 op. cit., ed. M. Quatremère, pp. 39 sionon standards see the introduction to M. Gaude-
and 44. froy-Demombynes’ translation (in part) of ‘Umari,
46 op. cit.
Ya‘kübi, Kitäb al-Boldän, B. G. A. (Leyden,
60
1892), vii, 348. Al-BakrI, Description de l’Afrique, ed. de Slane,
47 p. 67.
48 51
Ibn ‘Adhâri, Histoire de l’Afrique et de Idrisi, op. cit., text, p. 107 ff.
52
l’Espagne. Al-Bayano ’l-Mogrib ed. R. P. A.
. . . no necessity to alter the word Hidjäz,
There is
Dozy (Leyden, 1848-51), I, 290 and 291 ff., trans. as “ships” (maräkib) might also be understood as
by E. Fagnan (Alger, 1901-4), I, 416 and 418. “caravans” which rvould come by land. In any case
)
ISLAMIC TEXTILES 47
dalus, other countries. Many wares were

Rüm, and Here it is that the fullers finish off the fine
imported into and sold for enormous sums in past
it stuffs of Kairawän.” This passage is repeated
days, but there is little of that nowadays. Mahdiya
by the anonymous geographer: 57
was the harbor and port of Kairawän. Fine and . . .
excellent cloth called after it used to be made which It is abundance of good, ex-
especially noted for
merchants took to all countries at all times and at cellent fine garments, and for the fulling (kisära) of
the time when it was impossible to make similar cloth them, as well as all the manufactures of precious stuffs
for excellence and beauty, in any other country. of its embroidery (taraz) and bleaching (kamd).
Such as the latter are not to be found manufactured in
53
Yäkütadds: “To it are attributed Süsï any city but this, and the Süs cloth is well known,
and Mahdawl cloth (thiyäb).” without parallel, and of a startlingly white color and
The downfall of the hitherto prosperous lustre, 58 not to be found in any other cloth. Precious
garments such as turbans of close weave 59 are im-
Mahdiya took place in 449 H. (1057 A.D.
ported from this place, a single one of which is worth
when Mu‘izz removed the bazaars and fac-
a hundred dinars and more, and which merchants
tories to al-Mansürïya. We hear that as much take to all countries, east and west. Thread (ghazl)
as ten dirhams was paid for the location of a is sold there, a mithkäl’s weight for two mithkäls
booth to sell linen there. But Kairawän had usually.
ceased to flourish at the foundation of Mah- Perhaps the turbans mentioned here are
diya and was a miserable city with only a few thesame as those which were made in Kal‘a
tanners, in the time of Leo Africanus. 54 Ac- Hammäd for the Sanhädji monarchs.
55
cording to Ibn al-Mudjäwir the inhabitants 60
Idrlsi tells us that “it has many wares.
of the island of Kish wear the stuffs of Mah- Travellers come and go from it with cloth,
diya in the Maghreb. such as various kinds of garments and turbans,
The city of Susa was always renowned for
called after and precious kind of ware.
it, a fine
its textiles, though
have been able to find
I
has frequented markets.” Yäküt01
It remarks :
very little early information about them. It

“Most of its inhabitants are weavers, weaving
was held by the Idrisids, the Almoravids, and Süsï clothes of high price, and whatever is
the Almohads in turn, though the Almoravids
made elsewhere resembles them, the price of
never held it very securely.
a garment in the country of provenance being
Tiräzi mentioned there by
stuffs are ten dinars.” He quotes an earlier authority
Bakri 56 “Many people are employed in
:
Ibn Sa‘d and
mentions that “the
further
weaving at Süsa, and they make thread, one weavers there are many, and they spin a thread
mithkäl of which is worth two gold mithkäls.
a mithkäl’s weight of which is sold for two
mithkäls.”
the author may not have been considering the pre- 62
cise implication of these words.
The traveler Tïdjânï from his own evi-
53
Yäküt, op. cit., IV, 694. dence tells us that “it is there that they make
54
G. Yver, “al-Kairawän,” Encyl. Islam (Ley-
57
den, 1913-38), II, 648, mentions carpets, woollen Ibn Hawkal, op. cit., p. 9.
58
and cotton goods, as products of Kairawän, but I Read basis with Yäküt, instead of masis. Cf.
have been unable to trace the reference. infra, footnote 82.
55 59
Quoted by C. Schefer in his edition of Näsir-i Ma'sür or maksür ?
60
Khusraw, Safar-näma, entitled Relation du Voyage Idrisi, op. cit., text, p. 125, also quoted by Abu
de Nassiri Khosrau, Publ. de l’Ecole des Langues ’l-Fidä’, op. cit., p. 144, trans. (Paris, 1847-83),
Orientales Vivantes (— P.E.L.O.V .) (Paris, 1881), I, 199.
61
II, I, 231 (footnote). Yäküt, op. cit., Ill, 191-2.
56
A 1 -Bakrï, op. cit., p. 78, edition of Quatre- 62
Al-Tidjânï, op. cit., p. 103. (8th century H.
mère, p. 54. [14th century a.d.].)
48 R. B. SERJEANT
the fine garments called Süsï.” Ibn Dukmäk 63 Fars wear robes of Tunisian stuff. While
even tells us that there was a street in Cairo Idrisi found that Kairawän was at a very low
known as Darb al-Süsi which would seem to ebb, Tunis was a fine flourishing city with
imply that these stuffs were sold if not even crops of cotton and a yellow dye (‘usfur) .
69
A
made there. The frequent occurrence of Süsï court of silk-merchants (funduk al-harâ’ iriya)
cloth in the catalogues of the Fatimid treas- was established there, probably as early as the
uries Makrizi show that they were ex-
in year 332 h. (994 A.D.) .
ported to Egypt from that period, and it is In the mid-thirteenth century the Hafside,
64
very likely that this dynasty had a tiräz there. Abii Zakariyä, established industry there and
At the end of the fifteenth century Ibn Iyâs built a Sük al-Kumäsh (cloth-market).
70
still notes that garments and robes are ex- ‘Umari tells us that “cloth is made there
ported from Süs but it is doubtful if this evi- called ‘African’. Those are superior stuffs
dence is contemporary. 65 whether of cotton and linen, or linen only.

Tunis began to grow about the year 80 H. They more perfect than the Nasäfi of
are
(698 A.D. ) and it has been prosperous ever
,
Baghdad, and more beautiful; the best gar-
since. It was about that time that the Caliph ments of the Maghreb are made of them.”
‘Abd al-Malik sent a thousand Copts with Kalkashandi 71 too quotes the Masälik al-
their families, and at the same time an arsenal Absär (of ‘Umari) saying:
was constructed, in which, it appears, these
The Sultanof Tünis concerning his ap-
. . .
Copts were to build ships with wood provided parel, the Masälik al-Absär says of the Sultan of his
by the Berbers. Some textile-workers may time (the first half of the eighth (fourteenth) cen-
have come along with them, 66 but it is Ibn tury) in Ifrildya, that he had a turban (‘imäma), not
excessively large, with a head-rope (hanak), and a
Hawkal 67 who is the first to tell us that “one
small trailing end Ibn Sa‘id said: “He
(‘adhaba).
of its crops is cotton which is taken to Kaira-
.”
has a large turban of wool (süf) and linen (kattän)
wän and
at a profit thus also hemp (kinnab) with a tiräz-border of silk (harir) Nobody of the rul- .
The same author 68 adds that the merchants of ing family wears one so large in size.” He remarked
that the end of his turban comes behind his left ear,
63
Ibn Dukmäk, Description de l’Egypte, ed. C. which is reserved to him and his relations. He has
Vollers (Cairo, 1893), I, 29. gowns (djubba) somewhat resembling that. His . . .
64
See Chapter XVI. Süs stuffs are mentioned by customary apparel and that of his great sheikhs is
Ibn ‘Adhârï, op. cit., text, I, 271, trans., I, 386-7. made of a cloth (kumâsji) they have, called safsäri
They were embroidered with gold. Stuffs of Süs are made there of silk and cotton, of silk and very fine
very commonly mentioned in oriental authors, but wool, as well as cloth known as Tilimsâni which is
there is frequently some doubt as to whether they made pure wool, or pure
in Tilimsän, either of silk,
come from the Persian or North African city of that checked (mukhattam), or without checks.
name, or even from some other place altogether. Ibn Bannün said : “The Sultan is distinguished
65
Ibn Iyâs, “Cosmographie par Moh- . . . . . . by the wearing of khazz-silk. Its color is green and
hammed ben Ahmed ben Ayâs (Nasjrlc al-Azhär)” black.” He said “This color is called al-djawzi
:
by L. Langlès, Not. et Extr. de la Bibl. Nat., VIII (nut-color), and al-ghiyär (read al-ghubär, dust-
( Paris, 1810) ,
p. 6. colored), and al-Nafti (from Nafta, a city in the
66
Al-Bakri, op. cit., trans. de Slane, p. 84 (edition
69
of Quatremère, p. 57). Idrisi, op. cit., text, p. no.
07
70
‘Umari, trans. (in part) by M. Gaudefroy-
88
Idem, Viae et régna . . . Descriptio ditionis Demombynes, op. cit., p. in.
71
itioslemicae, ed. M. J. de Goeje (Leyden, 1873)» II, Kalkasjtandi, op. cit., V, 141-2. Cf. R. Dozy,
205. The reading may be incorrect as is indeed very Dictionnaire détaillé des noms des vêtements chez les
likely. Arabes (Amsterdam, 1845), p. 180 for Tunis.

ISLAMIC TEXTILES 49
hinterland of Kâbis ?).” Ibn Sa‘id said: “It is that well as “veloutiers, couturiers, selliers, and
which comes from the sea at Safäkus.” 72 ‘Umarï pelletiers.”
76
says in the Masälik al-Absär; “It is called ‘fish-down’ In the hinterland of Kairawän near the
(wabar al-samak) in Egypt and Syria, meaning what
city much flax (kattän) was grown
of Sabiba,
is expressed by the ‘fish-wool’ afore-mentioned under
according to Ibn Hawkal. 77 Still further in-
Safäkus (süf al-samak) ” Ibn Sa‘id said “They
. . . :
are the finest cloths (thiyäb) of the Sultan in Tunis.”

land Tabissa was one of the more civilized
cities which belong to the Kairawän group, and
In the Masälik al-Absär, on the authority of Ibn
Sa'id, he related that the Sultan used commonly to Yakut 78 says: “There are fine carpets of per-
wear garments of precious wool, wonderful and of fect weave (busut djalila muhkama al-nasadj)
various colors. The most commonly worn is the there,which last for a long time.”
checked (mukhattam) gold-embroidered (mumta-
, Proceeding along the coast from Tunis we
73
zidj) stuff of silk and wool, with two long sleeves,
come to Büna and Ibn Hawkal 70 notes that it
without great length, narrow without being tight
trades in wool. The editor of the sixth century
(muzannad). His robes are not tied by a belt (nitäk)
unless it should be war-time when they are tied with
adds that flax is also grown there.
a girdle. He
also wears cloaks (kabä’) and has a
The area examined in the above passages
tailasän of wool of very fine material which he wears is known as Nearer Africa (al-Maghrib al-
as a cloak and does not put over his head. Adnä) and the next province which comes to
our notice is called Middle Africa (al-Magh-
The Cadi Abu l’Käsim ibn Bannün said: “It is
rib al-Awsat).
not the custom of the Sultan of Ifriklya to invest
those whom he appoints to command a province with
a robe of honor (knil‘a) as it is in Misr (Cairo) ;
AL-MAGHRIB AL-AWSAT
it is only an investiture (kiswa), and it consists of Another branch of the Zirid dynasty,
uncut cloth which he can use as he wills.”
the Hammädids, had its capital in Kal‘a
Kalkashandi 74
further mentions that “other Hammäd which they founded in 398 H.
kinds of clothing such as the choice articles
(1007-8 A.D.), and which soon became a
center of the arts and industry. It is interest-
imported from Alexandria and Iraq, are ex-
ing to find that there was even a small com-
tremely uncommon.”
75
munity of Christians there.
Strangely enough, Idrisi mentions that
The anonymous author of the sixth cen-
was made at Nul (a plain now
this safsäri stuff
tury 80
who mainly follows Bakri, tells us:
called Wâdi Nün
or Nül) in southwest Mo-
“In the city of Kal‘a Hammäd are made robes
rocco, between the west Anti-Atlas and its
(aksiya) which have no equal for excellence
outliers, twenty miles from the sea. In Tunis
and fineness, not even the Wadjdi robes which
Leo Africanus found there was a great num- are made at Wadjda. A festal robe (kisä’ ‘id)
ber of merchants of only the finest stuffs, as of the manufacture of the Kal‘a is worth thirty
dinars.” In the same work there is a passage
72
See supra. Compare these passages with ‘Umari, which must either refer to the stuffs made in
trans. (in part) by M. Gaudefroy-Demombynes, op.
the tiräz-factory of the Hammädids in the
cit., pp. 124-5. For sea-wool see Chapter XXL
73
The word mumtazidj may simply mean here 76
Leo Africanus, op. cit.. Ill, 138.
a “compounded, or mixed, stuff,” and not a gold- 77
Ibn Hawkal, ed. J. H. Kramers, op. cit., p. 84.
embroidered stuff. For a somewhat similar term, mu- 7S
mazzadi, see Chapter II, I, footnote 17. 79
74
Kalkashandi, op. cit., V, 143. 80
Description de l’Afrique, ed. A. v. Kremer,
75
Idrisi, op. cit., text, p. 59. p. 58.
50 R. B. SERJEANT
Kal'a, or else perhaps to the famous turbans dye Ardjikna (from a plant of that name) :
81
of Sus : “The dyers get it from the Maghreb from the
The Sanhädji kings (from the context, the Zirids
country surrounding Bidjäya and the best is
are intended) had gold-woven turbans (‘amä’im that of Sétif. It is also known in Ifrikiya.”
mudhahhaba) expensive in ,
price, a single one of Seven days south of Bidjäya lay Tubna
which was worth five and six hundred dinars and where they had cotton, according to Ibn
even more. They used to shape them with the most
Hawkal. 86 The same author tells us that:
perfect art so that they became like two turbans
(tädj). In their country there were craftsmen espe-
“Masila is a new town founded by Ali ibn
cially for this manufacture. For the making of tural-Andalusi, a servant of the family of ‘Ubaid
bans of this kind, a molder (sä’igh) took two dinars Alläh (the Fatimid). It grows cotton.” 87
or more. They used to have molds (kälib) of wood Mustaghänim according to Bakri 88 had cotton
in their factories (hänüt) which they called “heads”
which made some beautiful articles, and Leo
round which they used to wind the turbans.
Africanus 89 remarks that there were artisans
In 543 h. (1048 A.D.
)
Yahyä moved all and weavers of stuffs there.
the valuable materialaway from it in front of Tilimsän (Tlemcen) really began to flourish
the advance of the Almohades, and Yakut 82 under the Almohades, and Bakri 90 remarks
somewhat later, says: “There were made in on its bazaars. Yäküt 91 knew that “the women
Kal'a Hammäd, extremely good felts of Tila- in it make out of wool horse-cloths (kan-
kän (Tälikän in Khurasan) (labäbid al-Tila- bush) of various kinds which are not to be
kän). The beautiful Kal'i robes (aksiya) of found elsewhere.” The passage from Ibn Sa'id
close weave and embroidered with gold (mu- (ob. 673 H. [ 1 274 A.D.] ) mentioning a Tilim-
tarraz) were to be found. Their wool has a säni cloth of pure wool, or of pure silk, with
softness and luster, 83 so that with gold, they or without checks (mukhattam) has already
are esteemed as ibrism-silk.” In this connec- been cited. If the Sultan derived cloth from
tion it is interesting to note that the Hammä- this city it is extremely likely that he had a
dids had an arsenal at the Kal'a (dar al-sa- tiräz-factory there. According to the Encyclo-
nâ'a) as well as this tiräz-factory, but the city paedia of Isläm
92
it is still noted for horse-
declined after their time. cloths.
The chief port of the Maghreb in this area
was (Bougie) of which
the city of Bidjäya
AL-MAGHRIB AL-AKSÄ
our anonymous geographer 84 says: “It is a The chief city in this, the most outlying dis-
great port where the ships from Rüm, Syria, trict of Islam in the West, during the period
and others of the most distant countries of
Rum, and ships of the Muslims from Alex- dyers obtain from the Maghreb, from the country
andria with the rarities of the land of Egypt, surrounding Bougie (Bidjäya) and Sétif.
86
Yemen, India, and China, etc., put in.” This Ibn Hawkal, op. cit., p. 85. Idrisi, op. cit., text,
Abu
’
p. 193. -Fidä, op. cit., text, p. 139, trans., I,

town according to Ibn al-Baitär 85 produced a 1
192.
87
81
Ibn Hawkal, op. cit., p. 85. Idrisi, op. cit., text,
Ibid., p. 20.
82 p. 86.
Yäküt, op. cit., IV, 164. 88
83 Al-Bakri, Description de l’Afrique, ed. de Slane,
Basis which I propose to read for masis, supra,
p. 143.
footnote 57.
89
84 Leo Africanus, op. cit.. Ill, 47.
Description de l’Afrique, ed. A. v. Kremer, p. 21.
90
85
See R. Dozy, Supplément aux dictionnaires Al-Bakri, op. cit., p. 156.
91
arabes (2d ed., Paris, 1927), I, 17, under Ardjïfan. Yäküt, op. cit. I, 871.
82
This is a dye according to Ibn al-Baitär which the A. Bel, “Tlemcen,” Encyl. Islam, IV, 804.
—
ISLAMIC TEXTILES 51
of Muslim domination was Fez (Fâs) and this dyed.” Benjamin of Tudela 97 ac-
Further,
city, at one period at least, did possess tiräz- tually remarks that in Thebes there were
factories, though from the description it is 2,000 Jews (that is to say families of Jews),
uncertain how far they were under palace con- mostly skilled artificers in silk and purple cloth,
trol. It is likely that they made materials on and throughout Greece. The connection of
commission of the palace officials, or official, Jews with the kirmizl (crimson dye) has been
but that their factories were independent of noted before.
the sovereign. A certain amount of Persian The Rawd al-Kirtäs
98
tells us that “the
dyers established themselves because of the
influence may have been exerted on the early
proximity to the water, on the two sides of
manufactures of Fez, because Idris, in found-
established a group of Persians there
the tongue of land which divides the Wädi
ing it,
Kabir from its entry into the town as far as
from Iraq (probably ‘Irak A‘djami) at ‘Ain
Roumelia Beyond, the fritter-fryers and
. . .
Alloun, but the main trends of influence on

makers of haiks established themselves.” The
local art probably came from Andalus with the
Zahra al-As further adds that artisans and
immigrants of various periods. The Zahra
merchants of all lands come to Fez. 99
al-Äs 93 remarks that about the year 462 H.
Both the Zahra al-Äs 100 and the Rawd
(1069-70 A.D. ) Yûsuf ibn Tâshifïn brought 101
al-Kirtäs have the same account of the fac-
artisans from Cordova who restored or built
tories there in Almohad times. In the light of
numerous buildings at Fez.
Bakri 94
found that the Jews were more
what Ihn Khaldün noticed 102
— that the Almo-
hades were the first to drop the tiräz-inscrip-
numerous in Fez than in any other city in the tion, hut that in later times, they re-adopted it
Maghreb and it may have been partly due to v/e might surmise that this took place under
this that it was such a noted dyeing center; the two monarchs who are mentioned in the
all this part of Africa produced indigo. Ac- following passage: “In the time of the Almo-
95
cording to I. Epstein: “The majority of had al-Mansur, and of his son Muhammad
the Jews eked out their living, mostly in huck- al-Näsir (580-610 H. [1184-1213 A.D.])
stering and peddling amongst themselves as there were at Fez . . 467 funduks (inns
.
well as among their neighbors. The trade for merchants) . . . 3094 houses of tiräz
chiefly consisted in woollen goods — raw or (atriza) and 116 dyehouses ... in-
. . .
manufactured, silks, scarlets, and other textile side the walls.” These tirâz-factories were in
wares, dyes, wax, and ostrich-feathers.” In the highest part of the town. Our information
a footnote he mentions blankets (m^cn), here is authentic because the author founds it
dyers’ woad (isatis tinctoria CtûD'K), purples. upon a document which came from the ar-
Yakut 96 adds: “In Fez, purple-red (urdju- chives of Fez itself.

wän) and crimson (kirmizl) garments are 97
The Benjamin of Tudela, ed. and
Itinerary of
93
trans. by M. N.
Adler (London, 1907), trans., p. 10.
Abu ’1-Hasan Ali al-Ghaznä’i, “Zahrat al-‘Äs,” 98
Ali b. ‘Abdallah b. Abi Zar‘ al-Fâsï, Roudh
ed. and trans. by A. Bel, Bull, de Corr. A,fr. (Alger,
el-Kartas, Histoire des Souverains du Maghreb, trans.
1923), LIX, text, p. 32, trans., p. 78.
by A. Beaumier (Paris, i860) p. 58.
94
Al-Bakri, Description de V Afrique, ed. de Slane, 99
Al-Ghaznâ’ï, op. cit., trans., p. 72.
p. 226. 100
Ibid., p. 81.
95
I. Epstein, The Responsa of Rabbi Simon ben 101
Ali b. ‘Abdallah b. Abï Zar‘ al-Fâsî, op. cit.,
Zemah Duran (London, 1930), trans. p. 47. p. 58.
96 102
Yäküt, op. cit.. Ill, 842. See Chapter I.
52 R. B. SERJEANT
Considering the position in al-Maghrib al- colors.” Leo Africanus of rather later date,
Aksä of Sidjilmâsa, founded in 140 H. (757—8, adds that there are Jewish traders there.
108
A.D.), it was surprisingly famous for its tex- Bakri tells us of Yerara: “Leur laine
104
tiles .
103
An unusual passage from Bïrünï qui est d’une qualité supérieure, s’emploie à
may help to explain the fame of Sidjilmâsa in Sidjilmâsa pour fabriquer des étoffes dont
Islam :
chaque pièce se vend à un prix qui dépasse
vingt mithkâls (d’or).” He further mentions
In the lands of the negroes are mines richer in
output than any other region, containing pure gold ;
that their sheep are of a kind said to be from
but the road thither is very toilsome on account of the island of Kis in the Persian Gulf. The
the deserts and sands, and because the inhabitants of translation of Quatremère 109 however, calls
those lands shrink from association with our people. this place Hisn Badära and informs us that
For this reason the merchants of Sidjilmâsa, on the
these sheep came from Fars.
borders of Tähart in al-Maghrib al-Aksä, provide
themselves with sufficient provisions and plenty of
The other cities in al-Maghrib al-Aksä,
water and carry to the negroes who live beyond the apart from Sidjilmâsa and Fez, seem to have
desert, Basra garments known as munahnahät, their been little known to the geographers and not
love of which they know well. These garments have of much interest as regards their textile
red borders (aträf) and are colored with various products.
colors, and bordered (mu'allama) with gold. They
Of Wadjda (Ujda), the anonymous geog-
sell them for gold, and by making signs from a dis- 110
rapher says : “They say that from one of
tance, and by displaying them so that both parties
agree.
their sheep two hundred ounces of fat are
taken. From their wool they make robes
The Basra intended is probably the Basra
(aksiya) quite unequalled in quality, like the
105
of the Maghreb . 111
‘Abldi kind ,
a single robe being worth fifty
106
Idrisi tells us that “the people of this
dinars or more.”
town have crops of cotton, cumin, carraway, Sabta (Ceuta), according to Ibn al-
and henna.” Yäküt 107 seems well acquainted Khatib 112
was “a very San‘a of beautiful
with its products “ Its women have the hands
:
cloaks (huila)” and a station for caravans of
of craftsmen in spinning wool of which they
olive-oil (‘asir), silk (harir), and linen
make all wonderful and strange kinds of lovely (kattän) .
izärs surpassing the linen (kasab) of Egypt.

Basra is a place which has long disappeared.
The price of an izär reaches thirty-five dinars
It is believed to have been founded toward
or more, like the most expensive kasab which
the end of the ninth century and seems to have
is in Egypt. They make mantles (or hats,
had some manufactures of cloth. Ibn Haw-
ghafära) of it, the price of which comes to
about the same, and they dye it with various 108
Al-Bakri, Description de l’Afrique, ed. de
Slane, p. 281.
103
Ibn Hawkal, ed. M. J. de Goeje, op. cit.,
109
Ibid., ed. M. Quatremère, op. cit., p. 165.
p. 176, talks of its trouser-cords but this is an incor- This not an accurate translation, being inferior to
is
rect reading. that of de Slane which is, however, also dubious in

104 many
Bïrünï, Kitäb al-Diamähir. ed. F. Krenkow places.
110
(Hyderabad, 1938), p. 241 ff. Description de l’Afrique, ed. A. v. Kremer,
i° 5
For munahnahät, we might read munakh- p. 66.
111
khakhät. Read perhaps Sa‘ïdï for ‘Abïdï.
106 112
Idrïsï, op. cit., text, p. 61. Ibn al-Khatïb, Descripcion del reino de Gra-
107 nada, trans. by F. J. Simonet (Madrid, i860), p. 29.
Yäküt, op. cit.. Ill, 46.
,
ISLAMIC TEXTILES 53
113
kal says: “It much cotton produce
has was built by the monarch al-Mansür of that
which is taken to Ifrikiya and elsewhere.” The dynasty (986-1002 H. [1578-93 A.D.] ) :
114
anonymous geographer adds: “It is also “One of the secretaries said: Curtains em-
called Basra al-Kattän (Basra of the Linen) broidered with gold, of perfect workmanship
115
because its people trade in linen.” Idrisi (sutür mudhahhaba muhkama al-sanä‘a) were
also adds that its principal products consist of embroidered (tarraza) in it, so that the four
116
cotton. Yäküt quotes ‘Umari to say “Basra :
sides of the Kubba al-Khamsiniya might be
used to be known
Basra al-Kattân, for they as covered with them. These curtains were called
used, in early times, to perform all transac- by the Arabs ‘Hâ’itï’.” This carpet had four
tions with linen.” The red Basri garments directions (djihät), that is, probably, like
mentioned as being used in trade with the Ne- prayer-carpets with their arched pattern in
groes may have come from here. each of which were inscribed some verses which
At Sala (Sali), ships from Seville and are given by the author.
Andalus used frequently to put in, according South of Marräkash we have a small
117 118
to Idrisi, while Ibn al-Khatib mentions group of towns which made some kind of
that it “is a mine of cotton and linen.” Leo cloth. Chief of those was Aghmät from which,
119
Africanus remarks that much cotton is pro- according to Idrisi :
122
“They send to the black
duced from which the inhabitants of the town country a large number of camels laden with
make “des toiles fort déliées et belles, qui est red copper of various colors, robes (kisä’ ),
la cause qu’ils sont quasi tous tisserans en la woollen cloth, turbans, mantles (mi'zar) neck- ,
120
cité.” Ihn al-Khatib found that clothing laces of glass beads, mother-of-pearl, stones,
(libâs) made at Azammür.
is
various drugs and perfumes, manufactured
Marräkash (Morocco) is poorly docu- iron utensils.”Northeast of Aghmät were
mented, and it is only as late as the Sa‘dian Däi and Tädala. Idrisi 123 tells us that “Däi
dynasty that I have found any information ismuch visited by caravans. In it and the en-
about textiles there at all. The Nuzhat al- virons much cotton is cultivated, but less so
121
Hädi tells of a palace called al-Badi‘ which than at Tädala which produces a considerable
113
quantity which is exported in all directions.
Ibn Hawkal, ed. J. H. Kramers, p. 8o.
114
Description de l’Afrique, ed. A. v. Kremer,
Nearly all the tissues (of cotton) used in the
p. 77. West Maghreb come from these lands. Be-

115
Idrisi, op. cit., text, p. 72 ff. cause of this cotton they do not need to im-
116
Yäküt, op. cit., I, 653. port any other kinds from other regions.” In
117
Idrisi, op. cit., text, p. 75.
118
the territory of al-Süs al-Aksä “there are made
Ibn al-Khatib, in M. J. Müller, Beiträge zur
Geschichte der westlichen Araber (München, 1876), in Süs fine robes, and precious garments which
I, 84. cannot be made in any other country. . . .
119
Leo Africanus, op. cit., II, 37. Their women have skill in craftsmanship.”
120
Ibn al-Khatib, op. cit., I, 87.
The Safsäri garments of the modern Wädi
121
Muhammad al-Saghir b. al-Hadjdj Muham-
mad al-Wufrânï, Nozhet-el-Hâdî, Histoire de la Dy- Nun in southwest Morocco have already been
nastie Saadienne au Maroc (1511-1690), ed. and
trans. by O. Houdas, P.E.L.O.V. III, II, 109, and avec arceaux et sont formés à l’aide de morceaux
III, 188. In a footnote the editor says, “La tenture d’étoffes rapportés sur un fond uni.”
122
dite Hâ’itï se place derrière les sofas; les dessins qui Idrisi, op. cit., text, p. 66.
123
les ornent représentent généralement des colonnades Ibid., text, p. 74 ff.
54 R. B. SERJEANT
mentioned, as well as “burnooses a pair of are and imported from Egypt.”

lovely
which is worth fifty dinars.” 124 Idrisï
128
remarks that Takrür (French Tou-
Twelve days away from Aghmät and six couleur in Senegal) is larger and has more
from Fez was Sük Fansür 125 of which Bakri 126 trade than Salä. The inhabitants of the west
says: “Black burnooses are made there of so of al-Maghrib al-Aksä take wool, copper, and
close a weave that they are rain-proof.” glass beads there, and bring back gold and
Other inland cities which were mostly slaves. Gold was the only really important
trading-centers for the Arabs with Africa are product of this part of Africa, and Maghribi
mentioned by most of the travelers in those gold is often mentioned in early authors and
regions, often with details of some consider- was used in embroidery.
able sociological and ethnological interest. Another famous city of this type was
Some of the more important are noted here. Awdäghast of which Bakri 129 says: “Gar-
Speaking of Iwälätan, Ibn Batüta 127 says: ments with large skirts dyed red and blue are
“This place is two complete months away from sent to this city.” Yakut 130 talks of its mar-
Sidjilmäsa and the first place in the negro kets. It has now disappeared (it was fifty-one
country. . . . The garments of its inhabitants days from Sidjilmäsa).
124 128
Ibid., text, p. 59. Idrisï, op. cit., text, p. 3.
125 129
Quatremère’s edition of al-Bakri’s Description Al-Bakri, op. cit., p. 301.
130
de l’Afrique has Fikür. Yäküt, op. cit., I, 399. For this city see ‘Umari,
126
Al-Bakri, Description de l’Afrique, ed. de ed. M. Gaudefroy-Demombynes, op. cit., pp. 44 and
Slane, p. 294. 47, and G. Yver, “Andaglost,” Encyl. Isläm, I, 516.
127
Ibn Battüta, Voyages d’Ibn Batoutah, ed. and According to Yver this city is probably between long.
trans. by C. Defrémery and B. R. Sanguinetti (Paris, 10 and 11 degrees west of Greenwich, southwest of
1853-59), iv, 385 ff. the military station of Tidjika in French Mauretania.
ISLAMIC TEXTILES 55
CHAPTER XIX no parallel in excellence and cheapness. The

tailored kind, cut into two pieces of fifty to
SICILY
sixty quarters (rubä‘i — some cloth measure?)
The island of sicily was attacked by the ismore expensive than the corresponding cloth
Arabs in 212 H. (827 A.D. ) by an expedition sold at Misr (Cairo), often at fifty to sixty
4
despatched from Süsa by the Aghlabid ruler dinars.” Makdisi confines himself to remark-
of Kairawän. A little after this Palermo, the ing that “from Sicily come excellent close-
capital, fell into Muslim hands. Only in woven (ma‘sür) garments;” but he also found
354 H. (965 A.D.) were the Muslims, who that “from Amid there come garments of
were composed of various racial elements, Rümi wool and linen after the Sicilian manu-
5
Arabs, Berbers, Spaniards, and others, really facture.”
6
masters of the island. Näsir-i Khusraw informs us that “Sicily
In the year 300 H. (912-3 A.D.), the belongs to the Sultan of Egypt, and they bring
Caliph of Baghdad invested a certain virtually thence linen stuffs of great fineness, and pieces
independent governor with the insignia of his of cloth with borders (
tafsilhä bä ‘alam) ,
each
approval as his deputy. The work entitled one of which is worth the sum of ten dinars in
al-Bayän al-Mughrib 1
tells us that “the Caliph Mlsr (Cairo).” The lady Rashida, the aunt
sent him the required investiture, and also of al-Häkim, who died during his reign (386-
standards and garments colored black, as well 41 1 H. [997-1021 A.D.]) left, among other
as a collar of gold.” A little over half a cen- valuables, thirty thousand Sicilian pieces of
2 7
tury later, Ibn Hawkal speaks of a quarter cloth (shikka Sikiliya).
in Palermo called al-Hära al-Djadida, or The Idrisi
8
who should be in a position to in-
New Quarter, in which there were various form us about Sicily as his book was written at
markets including a Sük al-Tiräziyin, or Mar- the behest of his patron, the Norman
ket of the Makers of Tiräz-stuffs. This quar- Roger II, gives only the short note that at San
ter was presumably built some time after the Marco much silk (harir) is produced, and
capture of Palermo by the Muslims. Its foun- Milazzo (Miläs) produces linen.
dation would then lie between that date and The city of Palermo was taken by the
Ibn Hawkal’s notice (367 H. [978 A.D.]). The
4
author remarks that the sultan has an arsenal Makdisi (Mukaddasi), Descriptio imperii Mos-
(där al-sanä‘a) there, and that there were lemici, ed. M. J. de Goeje, Bibliotheca Geographorum
Arabicorum ( =B.G.A .) (Leyden, 1876, 2d ed.,
places called “The Cotton-dealers” (kattä-
1906), III, 239.
nön) and the “Carders” (of cloth, hallädjün)
,
. 5
Ibid., p. 145.
3 6
Again he says: “Its sole excellencies are Näsir-i Khusraw, Safar-näma, ed. and trans. by
wool, and goat-hair (sha‘r) along with . . .

C. Schefer, Relation du Voyage de Nassiri Khosrau,
Publ. de l’Ecole des Langues Orientales Vivantes
some linen garments, but it is only right that
{— P.E.L.O.V .) (Paris, 1881), II, I, text, p. 41,
justice should be done to those, for they have trans., p. 1 12.
7
Yüsuf ibn Taghrïbirdï, Abu ’l-Mahâsin ibn Ta-
ghrî-Birdïs Annals, al-Nudjüm al-Zähira, ed. W.
1
Ibn ‘Adhârï, Histoire de l’Afrique et de
l’Espagne. . . . Al-Bayano ’l-Mogrib, ed. by R. P. A. Popper, Univ. California Publ. in Semitic Philology
Dozy (Leyden, 1848-51), II, 169, trans. E. Fagnan (Berkeley, 1900-), II, 78.
8
(Alger, 1901-4), II, 235. Idrisi, L’Italia descritta ne! “Libro del Re Rug-
2
Ibn Hawkal, Opus Geographicum, ed. J. H. gero,” trans. by M. Amari and C. Schiaparelli, Atti
Kramers (2d ed., Leyden, 1938-39), p. 119. della Reale Accademia dei Lincei (Rome, 1883), II,
3
Ibid., p. 13 1. VIII, 254.
56 R. B. SERJEANT
Normans in 464 H. (1071 A.D. )

under Roger fore Norman times, though it is popularly re-
de Hauteville, and during their rule alone did lated that the silk workers carried off by Rog-
Sicily have peace in which its people could rest er’s (II) admiral from Thebes and Peleponne-
secure. Arab culture continued to flourish, and sus in441 H. (1149 A.D.) founded the factory.
it was even said that Roger himself was a It was in Thebes that Benjamin noticed many
Muslim. Travelers did not cease to visit the Jewish dyers of purple cloth. The Norman-
island, notably Ibn Diubair
9
(who performed Arab factory is well known to historians, and
the journey in 580 H. [1184 A.D.]). As an the Répertoire chronologique cites examples
was far better informed
actual eye-witness, he of it products, one of which, composed of silk,
than other writers, and alludes to the tiräz- isdated as early as 528 H. ( 1 133-4 A.D.) It .
factory there. Speaking of the castle of Wil- was made at the “King’s Wardrobe” (khizäna
liam the Good (1166-89), he “His says: al-malik) in of Sicily (Madina
the capital
above-mentioned servant whose name was al-Sikiliya) Grohmann claims that Palermo
d1
Yahyä, one of the lads employed in the tiräz- produced finely woven stuffs up till the thir-
factory who used to embroider (tarraza) with teenth century. The cultural influences seem
gold in the King’s tirâz, told us that the Frank-

to have been African rather than Spanish,
women become Muslims though a vigorous trade was carried on with
ish in his castle and
that country in Ibn Djubair’s time.
are visited by the above-mentioned girls, but
they keep that concealed from their king.”
fait prisonniers en Morée l’année 1149. Je suis
10
Amari opines that the tiräz existed be- persuadé que cette manufacture existait longtemps
avant, et que les captifs, hommes et femmes ne firent
9
Ibn Djubair, “Voyage en Sicile,” text and trans. qu’augmenter le nombre des ouvriers.”
by M. Amari, Journ. Asiatique (1845), XIX, 35. 11
See the Répertoire chronologique d’ épigraphie
10
Amari, loc. cit., notes; “Il suffit d’avoir lu un arabe, ed. E. Combe, J. Sauvaget, et G. Wiet (Le
peu l’histoire de Sicile pour se rappeler qu’il existait Caire, 1933-44), VIII, 184, the example reproduced
dans le palais royal de Palerme, une manufacture in G. Migeon, Les Arts du tissu (Paris, 1929), p. 55.
d’étoffes de soie, fondée à ce que l’on dit, par le roi Examples are also reproduced in O. v. Falke, Deco-
Roger, au moyen des ouvriers que sa flotte avait rative Silks (3d ed., London, 1936).
ISLAMIC TEXTILES 57
CHAPTER XX lished themselves at Pazadjik (Bazardjik)

near Mar‘ash, and made a village, of which
ASIA MINOR OF MONGOL TIMES
all the inhabitants, weavers by profession, are
The seljuk conquest of asia minor in infidel Armenians. According to Ibn Batüta, 5
the eleventh century brought territory that Sis in Armenia makes stuffs called Dabizi. 6 Of
7
had previously been Byzantine into the sphere Laias (the classical Aegae), Marco Polo
of Islam (Map 3). Some disconnected frag- tellsus: “You must know that all the spicery
ments of information on the manufactures of and cloths of silk and gold, and the other valu-
those cities which were later to become so able wares that come from the interior, are
famous for their carpets, still remain. Abu brought to that city. And the merchants of
’l-Fidä
1
quotes Ibn Sa‘id (ob. 673 H. [1274 Venice and Genoa, and other countries, come
A.D.] concerning the Turkomans “It is there :
thither to sell their goods, and to buy what
)
that the Turcoman carpets (al-busut al-Tur- they lack.”

8
kumânïya) are made which are exported to all Abu’l-Fidä quotes Ibn Sa‘id for the manu-
countries.” Marco Polo says:

2 facture of beautiful carpets (busut miläh) at
9
Aksarä (Ak-Sarai), and Ibn Batüta tells us
The other two classes (in Turcomania besides the
that “there are made here carpets (busut),
Turcomans) are the Armenians and Greeks, who
livemixt with the former in towns and villages, oc- called after it,manufactured of sheep’s wool
cupying themselves with trades and handicrafts. They and there is not their equal in any other city.
weave the and handsomest carpets in the world,
finest They are exported to Egypt, Syria, Iraq, India,
and also a great quantity of fine and rich silks of China, and the land of Turks.”
cramoisy (kirmizi) and other colors, and plenty of
In Lädhik (the ancient Laodicea), accord-
other stuffs. Their chief cities are Konya (Küniya),
Savast (Slwäs), and Caesaria (Kaisariya).
ing to Ibn Batüta, 10 “they make cotton cloth
(thiyâb) here with borders (mu'lama) of
Mustawfï gives the following cities as pro- gold, without any parallel; these last a long
ducing cotton: Slwäs, Konya, Malatiya, An- time because of the excellent quality of the
gora (Anküra), Irbll, and Arzan. 3 cotton and the strength of the weaving. They
It is very probable that the Armenians, are called after the town. Most of the people
driven out of their native land into what is who carry on the work are Greek women, and
known as Lesser Armenia, brought with them there are many Greeks ‘under protection’
many of their local manufactures which were here.”
so famed in the first centuries of Arab rule. ‘Umari [1301-48 A.D.] ) 11
(700-48 H.
4
BidlisI tells us that some Armenians estab- tells us of the kingdom of Akira south of
1
Abu l-Fidä, Takwlm al-Buldän, ed. T. Reinaud 5
Ibn Batüta, Voyages d’lbn Batoutah, ed. and
and M.
de Slane (Paris, 1840), p. 379, trans. (Paris, trans. by C. Defrémery and B. R. Sanguinetti (Paris,
1847-83), II, 134- i 853 - 59 ), I, 163.
2
H. Aule, The Book of Ser Marco Polo, the 6
This is a doubtful reading with several variants.
Venetian (London, 1871), I, 45 f.
7
Yule, op. cit., I, 43.
3
Hämd-Alläh Mustawfï Kazwini, The Geo- 8
Abu ’l-Fidä, op. cit., text, p. 383, trans., II, 137.
9
graphical Part of the Nuzhat al-Qulüb,
trans. by G. Ibn Batüta, op. cit., II, 286.
le Strange, Gibb Mem. Ser. (Leyden-London, 1919), 10
Ibid., II, 271.
XXIII, 11
II, 95, 102, 98. ‘Umari, Al- Umari s Bericht über Anatolien in
4
Sharaf Khan Bidlïsï, Scheref Nameh ou Fastes seinem Werke Masälik al-absär fl mamälik al-amsär,
de la Nation Kourde, trans. by F. B. Charmoy (St. ed. F. Taeschner (Leipzig,
1929), p. 43. There
Petersburg, 1868-75), I, I, 241. seems some doubt about the name Akira.
—
58 R. B. SERJEANT
Period
Mongol
the
During
Minor
Asia
in
Centers
Textile
3.
Map
ISLAMIC TEXTILES 59
Sinope, a province on the northern border of prennent plaisir à avoir du linge blanc, et bien ouuré
Urkhän, and with Diabal tellement qu’ils ne plaindront à y faire despence. L’on
the dominions of the
voirra vendre deux petits mouchouers ouvrez vingt
al-Kasis to the south of it. “From this country
aspres, desquels nous ne présenterions six sols au pays
come inestimable quantities of silk (harir) and de France. L’on fait divers ouvrages sur le linge en
laudanum which are taken to the Christian Turquie, mais le plus commun est tel, que quand elles
countries. Its silk is quite equal to Byzantine le veulent piquer, il faut premierement qu’elles des-
(Rümï) brocade and cloth (kumäsh) of Con- seignent la toile de peinture laquelle puis suyuent
:
entre deux fils, tellement que l’ouvrage représente la

stantinople. Most of it is exported.”
peinture. Nous n’avons point telle maniéré d’ouvrage
en usage, ne la maniéré de piquer. Car les femmes
PIERRE BELON suyuent l’entredeux des fils avec une aiguille fort
deliée, en suyuant la peinture, elles font leurs ouvrages
This Frenchman published a book of travel
de diverses colours de soye. A peine pourroit on croire
in Paris in the year 1555 which contains some
en noz pays que l’ouvrage sur le linge est bien receu et
details of considerable interest about the Tur- tenu cher en Turquie: et que l’on y en fait grande
12
key carpets of his time: quantité. La raison est, que puisque les femmes sont
ordinairement enfermées et qu’elles n’ont aucun mes-
Tous les tapiz coupez qu’on on apporte de Tur-
nage à faire, aumoins qu’elles employent à faire quel-
quie sont seulement faits depuis la ville de Cogne
que chose. Et elles n’ayants le filer en grand usage,
(Konia) en Cilicie, iusques à Carachara, ville de
passent leur temps à faire ouvrages en linge.
Paphlagonie. Nous avons dit que les fins chamelots
sont faits de poils de chevres à Angouri, qui est la pre- Of the silk manufactures of Turkey, he
miere ville de Cappadoce : et les tapiz sont aussi faits says :
14
de poil de chevres: mais ceux qu’on fait au Caire, ne

sont guere beaux, car ils sont seulement tissuz en toile Les Turcs quelques habillements qu’ils facent, ou
word may be the equivalent of the
bigarée (the latter de drap, de soye, chamelot, ou Moncayar: ils les cou-
Arabic Abu Kalamün). Ceux de Adena sont faits en sent de fine soye, et font cousture qui dure plus que
feutres, fort légers et mois, à se coucher dessus. . . .

le drap. Nous osons dire que les habillements qui
Les femmes Iuifs, qui ont liberté d’aller le visage sont cousus en Turquie ne sont nullement cousus que
descouvert, sont communément par les marchez de de fil de soye qui principalement est filé à Bourca
Turquie, vendents des ouvrages faits à l’aiguille. 13 (Broussa). Les cousturiers de Turquie, si l’on fait
. .Elles vendent ordinairement serviettes, mou-
.
comparaison de leurs ouvrages à ceux qui sont cousus
chouers, couurechefs, ceintures blanches, souilles d’oril- en Europe, cousent toutes besognes mieux et plus élé-
liers et autres tels ouvrages de plus grande valeur gamment que ne font ceux du pais des Latins, telle-
comme pauillons de licts en diverses façons que les ment que l’on diroit que l’ouvrage d’Europe n’est
Iuifs achètent pour vendre aux estrangers. Les Turcs que ravavdage au pris de leur : car quelque chose que
ce soit, est si proprement reprins qu’on n’en voit point
12 quelque ouvrage qu’ils faient, est si
P. Belon, Les Observations de plusieurs singu- les coustures, et
laritez (Paris, 1588), fol. 182 b. bien fait qu’on n’en sçaurait que redire.
13
Though he says that Turkish women do some-
14
times sell goods despite the law. Belon, op. cit., fol. 204 a.
6o R. B. SERJEANT
CHAPTER XXI from that which is hidden from them. Sometimes

the value of a garment of it reaches a thousand
SEA-WOOL dinars.
IN SPAIN AND NORTH AFRICA, A CERTAIN This “sea-wool” has already been men-
kind of cloth was made out of the threads of tioned among the gifts which Mansür gave
a large mollusk called Pinna marina, a genus to the Christian princes in Spain in 387 H.
of bivalve mollusks having a silk byssus or
(997 A.D.), but as compared with the 2285
beard. This was known to the Arabs under pieces of tiräzi silk, there were only 21 pieces
the name of “sea-wool” (süf al-bahr). Ac- of this fabric.
cording to Dozy, 1 this kind of manufacture Under the notice on the city of Saragossa,
was as ancient as classical times and, indeed, Yakut 4
informs us that the inhabitants were
is still practiced in Italy. Ignorant of the pre- specially skilled in the manufacture of the
cise nature of this stuff, the Arab authors make sable (sammür) which he seems to think is a
some curious mistakes in their allusions to it. woven stuff made in their factories and called
The earliest and most correct author who has Sarakusti stuff after it. The same confusion
2
heard of it is Istakhri who says :
exists in Makkari 5
who cites al-Hidjäri (of
In Shantarln (Santarem), at a certain time of the the early twelfth century) : “The sammür
year, an animal comes forth from the sea, and rubs (sable) from the down of which the valuable
itselfon the stones of the seashore and a down furs are made, is found in the Atlantic (al-
(wabar) as soft as khazz-silk with a golden color,
Bahr al-Muhit) in Andalus in the direction of
lacking in nothing, falls off it. It is fine and small,
and garments are woven from it which take on dif- the island of Britain, and imported to Sara-
ferent colors during the day. The Umayyad kings gossa where it is manufactured.” In this pas-
(of Spain) used to put restrictions upon it, so that it sage he seems to be talking of the seal, but he
was only exported secretly. The price of a garment quotes another author: “When Ibn Ghälib
is worth more than a hundred dinars, on account of
mentioned the down of the sable which is
its fineness and beauty.
manufactured in Cordova, he said: ‘As re-
3
This passage is reproduced in Makdisi gards this above-mentioned sable, I am uncer-
with some additional details:
tain what is meant by the term, whether it is
The marvels of this province (the Maghreb in- a plant there, or the down of the known ani-
cluding Spain) many, one of them being Abü
are mal. If it is the known animal it is in the sea
Kalamün. It is an animal which rubs itself on the
and comes to the land. It has great power of
banks of the seashore so that its down (wabar) falls
from it. It is soft like khazz-silk, of a golden color, distinction.’ ” Both Makkari and Yäküt quote
lacking nothing of that, and it is fine to the touch. similar legends about this animal, which, I
It is collected and garments are woven of it which think, must refer to the Pinna marina.
take on various colors during the day. The sultan
The other province where this stuff was
prevents the export of it to other countries, apart
made was Africa in the town of Safäkus, which
1
See R. Dozy, Supplement aux dictionnaires ara- was a noted textile-manufacturing city also.
bes, 2d ed. (Paris, 1927), under süf al-bahr.

2
Istakhri, Viae regnorum ., ed. M. J. de
. .
4
Yäküt, Mu djam al-Buïdân, Geographisches
Goeje, Bibliotheca Geographorum Arabicorum Wörterbuch, ed. F. Wüstenfeld (Leipzig, 1866-73),
( — B.G.A .)(Leyden, 1870), I, 42. III, 78.
3
Makdisi (MukaddasI), Descriptio imperii Mos- 6
Makkari, A nalectes sur V histoire et la littérature
lemici, ed. M. J. de Goeje, B.G.A. (Leyden, 1876; des arabes en Espagne, ed. R. Dozy and others (Ley-
2d ed., 1906), III, 240. den, 1855-61), I, 121.
,
ISLAMIC TEXTILES 61
‘Umari 6 quoting an earlier source shows us is what the Egyptians call fish-down (wabar al-
the wide area where those garments were

samak) .
used: The traveler Tïdjânî (703-8 h.

[1306-9
8
The Sultan (of Ifrikiya), according to Ibn Ban- A.D.] ) “There is found in its
confirms this:
nün, is distinguished from other people by wearing (Safäkus) seas, the wool of which the fine
garments of khazz-silk of a black-green color named tissues destined to be worn by the princes are
nut-colored (Djawzi), dust-colored (ghubârï) and manufactured.” It is probable that wherever
Nafti (from the town of Nafta). This silk is ex- there were manufactures of this sea-wool,
tracted from the sea, says Ibn Sa‘id, at Safäkus in
there were also tiräz-factories belonging to the
the Maghreb and I have seen how it is gathered.
reigning monarch for it seems to have been a
Divers dive into the sea and bring out tubers like
onions with a kind of neck which has hairs on the

royal monopoly. Perhaps it is that material
upper part. These tubers like onions, burst, and let which Dimashki 9 intends when he talks of a
forth hairs (threads)which are combed and become fish which is dried and made into cotton and
like wool. They spin it and make a woof of it so as clothes called s m kin are made of it. This
to pass a warp of silk through it. They make a fish was found in the Yemen Sea.
checked (mukhattam) stuff or stuff without checks.
The most magnificent royal garments at Tunis are 7
Cf. Kalkashandi, Subit al-A‘ shä (Cairo, 1331 h.
made of them. The price of a garment sometimes
[1913 a.d.] ) V, 142. ,
reaches a thousand dinars of Egyptian or Syrian 8

A 1 -Tidjâni, “Voyage du Scheikh et-Tidjani,”
money. I may add have seen high secretaries
that I
(partial) trans. by A. Rousseau, Journ. Asiatique
of the offices of Damascus wearing those garments, (1852), IV, XX, 128.
then I saw them worn at Cairo by the secretaries. It 9
Al-Dimas_hkï, Cosmographie de Chems-ed-Din
. . . ed-Dimichqui, texte arabe, ed. M. A. F. Mehren
6
‘Umari, Masälik al-Absär fl Mamälik al-Amsär (St. Petersburg, 1866), p. 165, Manuel de la cos-
trans.by M. Gaudefroy-Demombynes, I. L’Afrique mographie du moyen âge, trans. M. A. F. Mehren
moins l’Egypte ( Bibliothèque des géographes arabes, (Copenhagen, 1874), P- 222. A stuff of this name
II) (Paris, 1927), 126. is also described by Ibn al-Baitär.
,
Ô2 R. B. SERJEANT
CHAPTER XXII glass. IbrisJjm-silk garments are useful against itch

and rubbing, and do not breed lice. 1
TECHNICAL METHODS Damiri somewhat amplifies this account
The ARAB AND PERSIAN AUTHORS DISPLAY of which the most important parts are ex-
little manufacturing processes and
interest in tracted and set forth here :
the earlier the author the truer this statement It warmish localities without being
comes forth in
is. However the manuals of hisba have pre- hatched if up in a purse or placed in a
it is tied
served some indications of the technical meth- casket. Sometimes it is late in coming out, upon which
the women tie it up and place it under their breasts.
ods of the craftsmen of their time, and this is
. . . A white rug is placed to catch the eggs of the fe-
specially true in regard to silk. We have sev- males. After this both die. That is what is done if it is
eral accounts of the rearing of the silk-worm desired to have the eggs, but if it is desired to have the
in the works of naturalists. The following is silk, ten days after its finishing the process of weaving
Kazwini’s version of the process: a cocoon, it is left in the sun for a day or part of a
day, upon which it dies. . . Sometimes it is squeezed
.
An account of the silk-worm (düd al-kazz). It is with the hand until it dies, so that the silk may not
a small animal which, when it has been sufficiently be torn and it may come off entire.
2
looked after, seeks its natural habitat among trees 8

Miskawaihi hints at a machine for spin-
and thorns. It passes fine threads from its saliva, and
ning silk, but unfortunately, the text is not
weaves a cocoon round itself like a bag so as to obtain
protection from heat and cold, wind and rain. It really altogether precise.
sleeps until a certain time —
all that by instinct. The “Have you ever seen the ibrism-silk spinner winding
nature of its preservation is one of the wonders of it (silk ?) on a number of distaffs (mighzal) at-
the world. It takes place in this wise, that, at the tached to hooks on polo-sticks (sawladjän) (as it
beginning of Spring (Rabi‘), when the mulberry leaf were) of glass? I said I Do you
had —he went on:
appears, they take the eggs and tie them in a rag, not know worker consists in
that all the trouble of the
then the women place this under their breasts so that setting up and arranging the machine; after that
the heat of the body may affect them for a week, he has only to watch the tails of the distaffs and keep
then they are spread on some mulberry leaves shredded on twisting them ? Now we have arranged the ma-
with the scissors. The thing moves and eats some of chines, the distaffs that are revolving, the silk is taut,
this leaf ;
then it eats no more for three days, and and the winding is proceeding; but if we leave the
they say that it is in its first sleep. Then it starts place, the force of the revolution will weaken, there
eating again, and eats for a week, then leaves off being no motor power to renovate it; it will begin
eating for three days, and they say that it is in its to slacken, the velocity of the revolution of the distaff
second sleep. The same happens once more, and they will be reduced, and they will begin to unwind, re-
say that it is in its third sleep.

volving to the inverse direction. No one will be there
After that a great deal of fodder is allowed to it

1
Kazwini, el-Cazwini’s Kosmographie, ed. F.
so that it may and begin to form the
eat largely
Wüstenfeld (Göttingen, 1846-48), I, 434.
cocoon ( failadj ) Thereupon something like the web
.
2
Damiri, Kitäb al-Hayawän, trans. by A. S. G.
of the spider appears upon its body. If rain falls at
Jayakar (London-Bombay, 1906-8), I, 795. Cf.
this period, the cocoon becomes soft with the moisture
J. Stephenson, The Zoological Section of the Nuzhat-
of the dampness so that the worm pierces it and comes
al-Oulüb of Hamdulläh al-Mustaufl al-Qazwînî
forth from it. When the worm has completed the (London, 1928), text, p. 58, trans., p. 41, and T.
formation of the cocoon it is exposed to the sun so Herbert, Travels in Persia 1627-162Q ed. Sir W.
that the worm may die in it, and the ibrisjrm-silk be Foster, Broadway Travellers (London, 1928), p. 171.
taken from the cocoon. Some of the cocoons however 3
Miskawaihi, The Eclipse of the ‘Abbasid Cali-
are left for the worm to pierce them and come forth phate, ed. and trans. by H. F. Amedroz and D. S.
to lay eggs. These are collected and preserved for Margoliouth (Oxford, 1920-21), text, II, 230,
the coming year in a clean pot of clay (khazaf) or trans., V, 244.
ISLAMIC TEXTILES 63
to attend them, so that, one by one, they will fall off,4 with froth from the vat and return it to the owner.
and finally none remain. It is not long before it reverts to its original color. On
each article, the owner’s name must be written in ink
Regulations for the manufacture of spin-
lest it be changed for something else. Most dyers
dles are to be found in Ibn ‘Abdün “The muh- :
pledge their customers’ property or hire it to persons
tasib must prevent the weavers (ghazzäl) who wear it. This is dishonesty. 6
from nailing the iron of. the spindles (migh- Thus speaks the Egyptian author of the
zal) for they come out by the loosening effect
latter half of the thirteenth century, and simi-
of what is being spun from them, very soon, lar material found Spanish man-
is to be in the
and that is a cause of their crookedness.” ual of hisba by al-Sakati of Malaga about the
Other regulations are given by the Ma‘älim close of the eleventh century .
7
al-Kurba: “Spindle-makers. They must not “Another fradulent practice in the manu-
use any wood for spindles (mirdan) other
facture of veils (kuntV) of silk, and turbans of
than that of the säsam, or red mimosa nilotica twisted silk (‘amä’im maftüla?) or turbans
(sant), free of knots and worm. For if it is
twisted in a ready-made form 8
is that they
,
hollow and a woman spins with it, it breaks

make them of raw silk (harir naiy), dye them
straightaway. The same applies to the copper
kuhli, and pour gum (samgh) on them. That
(nahäs) used therein, which must be ham- is fraud and trickery, because, when worn a
mered brass (nahäs asfar madrüb). They little, the threads give, and the fabric becomes
6
must not make them hollow but solid.” like a net of no use to anybody.” In this con-
The same author informs us about further nection it might be well to quote Bakri who
processes in the preparation of silk:
lived about the same period: “At Awdäghast
Silk-makers. Raw silk (harir al-kazz) must not one sees gum-trees whose products are sent to
be dyed before being bleached in order that it may Spain where they are used to glaze (lustrer)
not afterwards deteriorate. But some do it in order 9
silken stuffs (dibädj ).”
to get an increase in weight. Some mix Syrian silk
(al-harir al-Sha’mi) with local (baladi) silk and sell Despite the injunctions of the muhtasibs,
it as Syrian and they mix dyed kazz-silk with dyed
;
this seems to have been a recognized practice
katärisjj (silk ?). Some weight silk with prepared of weavers for we find a description of it in
starch, others with melted butter or olive-oil. Some the Arabian Nights
10
where the scene is set
mingle with the skein a quantity of some other mate-
in Khurasan, though the final form of this
rial for purposes of fraud.
Dyers. Most dyers of red silk (harir) and other
work took shape in Mameluke Egypt:
thread and materials, dye in their workshops (hänüt) On the following morning the damsel took the
with henna instead of madder (fuwwa) and the dye curtain (she had told her lover to buy “a piece of
appears bright; but when the sun strikes in, its color
6
deteriorates and its brightness disappears. Some take Ibid., No. 176.
money from a customer to dye kuhli (a dark blue 7
Al-Sakati, Un Manuel hispanique de hisba, ed.
verging on black). They dip the stuff into a sub- by G. S. Colin and E. Lévi-Provençal (Paris, 1931),
stance called djarräda (locust), remove and treat it Publ. de l’Institut des Hautes Etudes Marocaines,
XXI, p. 62.
Ibn ‘Abdùn, “Un document sur la vie urbaine
4 8
Compare the turbans made at Kal'a Hammâd
et les corps de métiers à Seville au début du xii-ième (Chapter XVIII, note 79) perhaps after >
this type.
9
siècle: le traité d’lbn ‘Abdün,“ ed. and trans. by Al-’Qskrl, Description de l’Afrique septentrionale,
E. Lévi-Provençal, Journ. Asiatique, CCXXIV trans. by M. de Slane (Alger, 1913), p. 299.
(1934), 251, text, p. 59. “Glaze,” literally “to gum” (samagh), with the gum
5
Ibn al-Ukhuwwa, Ma'älim al-Kurba, ed. R. known as “gum Arabic”?
Levy, Gibb Mem. Ser. (London, 1938), n.s., XII, 10
The Arabian Nights, trans. by E. W. Lane
No. 279. (New York, 1927), p. 493-
)
64 R. B. SERJEANT
silk as much as will suffice for a curtain, and gold baits in the loom, and lighter than eleven ounces in
and silver thread [kasab asfar wa-abyad] and silk weight, is bad, and the manufacture of
it must be
thread of seven different colors”) and worked a border prohibited, and must be cut if found.
to it (tarraza) with colored silk, and embroidered Linen thread differs from silk (harir) thread in
(zarkasha) it with the kasab, and placed a girdle in the loom (minsadj). Whatever is fine has many
it with the figures of birds. Around it she placed fig- baits and is light in weight, that being because silk
ures of wild beasts, and there was not a wild beast in thread is all of one kind, but linen thread is of many
the world that she omitted to portray upon it. She kinds. The bait consists of forty teeth, and the
continued working upon it for eight days and when number of threads is eighty, and the threads of the
it was finished she cut it and glazed it
11
and then warp ( ? muthla) are one hundred and twenty. 13
gave it to her master, saying to him: “Repair with it
Al-Sakati, Ibn ‘Abdiin and the Ma‘älim al-
to the market, and sell it for fifty pieces of gold.”
Kurba all contain regulations for the tailors.
The passage seems to portray a Persian The first tells us:
rather than an Egyptian scene, but whatever
The muhtasib must watch over the tailors to see
the case may be it confirms the supposition that they do not sew with one thread only, nor yet
that a great many of the finest fabrics were with a whole (length of) thread, because it cannot
made in private houses by the women. be strong on account of its length, and the sewing
will be loose. He must be on the watch for loose
Again we must turn to the work of al-
stitching of robes of cloth by the makers of garments
Sakati for information about silk tailoring and
“to order.” Moreover there have been cases of per-
12
marketing :
sons who have fraudulently put sand in the hollow
of the plate of the balance and taken cloth to the
Now the silk-brokers have a kind of trick for rais-
amount of that weight.
ing the price in their selling and buying. It lies in
that they sell, and then buy from another, and take
He must watch the “cutting” (tafsil), for there
both commissions, one from the seller for selling, and

are some rascals among them who cut out the whole
(correctly) but curtail those parts of the garment
one from the buyer for buying. They raise the price
of silk when it is aim
being put up for sale, their which correspond to the hips and the waist. They
act in a similar fashion with regard to the rectangular
being merely to sell it to others, not to buy it them-
pattern in which the garment is placed, so that
selves. This is how they act with silk garments it is
(harir), selling them for ready cash, and on credit.

narrow, and the cloth thus cut is stolen. Similarly
They add borders (rasm) of gold for that is a sought- they make the sleeves of the cloth of the robe (thawb
after thing therein, and a piece of silk is valued
narrow, and tack the sewing in it, wish-
al-kisä’) too
ing to make it (appear) bigger. When the robe is
according to the two borders. All this is profiteering
(ribä’), which is against the law.
worn a little the threads escape, the various sections
of it and the purchaser is at a loss. Simi-
fall apart,
Another of their fraudulent practices is that the
first border (rasm) of the garment does not resemble
larly they make
the necks (tawk) of linen garments
workmanship wide so as to appear complete on inspection. On being

the second in fineness of gold, pleasing
and excellence of manufacture. The garment is lack-
worn they hang down the side of the body of the
wearer. 11
ing in woof (kaiyim) and of little worth for making
into garments, and sometimes its length and breadth Ibn ‘Abdün further says:
are too short, and things after this fashion. The usual
size is sixteen dhirä“ in length and four spans ( shibr He (the muhtasib) must prevent the kamd (ac-
in breadth. It used to be made in fifty-two baits (dition de donner le cati) of thegarment of w r gh näl
visions of a weaver’s comb), and weigh from sixteen (an unknown stuff) for it can scarcely be free from
ounces. Sometimes it is less, but that is fradudulent defects. He must place the control of that in the
and criminal. Material which is less than forty-two
13
Much of the translation of this author is at
This term “sakala” might mean “to iron,”
11 present uncertain, owing to the many strange words
though it is translated thus by Lane as “glaze.” he uses.
12 11
Al-Sakati, op. cit., pp. 61-62. Al-Sakati, op. cit., p. 62.
ISLAMIC TEXTILES 65
hands of a man skilled in the art of hishäya (the Mahäsin al-Tidjära, but even here the descrip-
trade of the maker of padded or thick garments). tion is vague .
17
He must prevent the workers at this trade Of ibrism-silk, the author says: “The best
(hasjhs_hä’) and furriers (farrä’) from making the
variety is pure and lovely-colored in kind, free
openings at the neck of robes very wide; for they
only do that so that the robe may lie flat on the wearer of all variations and (in color or texture)
though it is too short. He must prevent the hashsjrä’ stains which confuse some of its threads. The
from making the front parts of a furred robe (makä- thread should be of one shape, and not some
dim) of the padded garments (mahäsjii), too long. coarse and some fine, nor bulging 18 Good .
If they make the cotton equal it is a fraud and

quality is recognised by the heaviness in weight
a deceitful practice. It is necessary that ordinary
silk should be sewn with a very thick thread for it
and whenever I have seen a web (luhma) of a
is very fine and breaks easily. 15 heavy weight, it is better.”
It seems to have differed from khazz-silk
The Ma‘älim al-Kurba says:
which he describes as follows:
Tailors must be ordered to cut out properly and
Indications as to its quality are sought in its
shape the neck (tawk) well, to make the ornamental
borders (tadârïs) wide, the sleeves of equal length,
fringes (hudb) so as you may ascertain the strength
and the skirts even. Raised seams are better than

of its warp (sadä). By touching it one seeks to ascer-
tain the quality of the tissue (nasadj). Perception of
tacking. The needle is to be fine and the thread
contained in the eye short —a long one frays and
its color adds to one’s knowledge of the
the quality (lams). The it ought
warp and
weakens. A valuable piece of stuff must be measured
largest size that
before it is cut out. Valuable stuff like silk or brocade

to be is fifteen dhirä* by a breadth of four spans
must be accepted by weight only, and when the tailor
(shibr ) ,
but what is lesser is good. The best variety
is that which has a close weave, heavy in weight, is
has sewn it he must return it with the same weight
and most closely resembles the asmatü (?) in its
to its owner. Some will impregnate a piece of
. . .
silk or the like with water and salt in order to

body (djism). The worst variety is that which has
a weak warp, is light in weight, lax of texture, pale
increase its weight to correspond with what they
of color, and of bad silk (harir). 19
receive. . . .
If a customer brings a piece of stuff with orders, Dibädj (brocade) he describes in the fol-
that if it is sufficient, it is to be made into a shirt,
lowing terms :
and the tailor cuts it without measuring and then

finds it insufficient, the amount payable is the differ- There are various kinds. There is a kind used for
ence in value between the cloth as it was whole, and clothing, another that is required for hangings and
after it was cut. carpeting (farsjj). The best variety is that which
Repairers (raffä’) must not repair a khazz-silk has a lovely dye (sibgh), a well-composed design
garment received from a fuller or cloth-beater (dak- (nuküsjr), the silk (harir) of which is fine, the tex-
käk) except in the owner’s presence. Embroiderers ture close, the color of which is bright, the weight
(mutarriz) and ornament-stitchers (rakkäm) must heavy, and which is free of burns in the process of
not transfer embroidery (rakm) from one garment smoothing. The cheapest variety is that which lacks
to another which fullers or cloth-beaters may bring these qualities. The best variety for tailoring (tafsil)
them. On each garment the owner’s name must
. . . is 120 spans ( shibr) the kind used for carpeting
;
be written. 16 (farsjt)and for hangings is a cloth (thawb) of two

hundred spans (sjiibr). If it is less than the kind
usually used for a garment (kiswa) being less than
During the course of this work various
enough in size, it is the greatest of faults for in that
kinds of cloth have been mentioned without
any exact specification as to their precise na- 17
Dia‘far ibn Ali al-DimasJiki, al-Ishära ilä
ture. Some of these stuffs are described in the Mahäsin al-Tidjära (Cairo, 1318 H. [1900 a.d.]),
p. 25.
15 18
Ibn ‘Abdün, op. cit., pp. 57 and 249. Mughaddad, “swollen with anger.”
18 19
Ibn al-Ukhuwwa, op. cit., No. 171 b ff. Dja’far ibn Ali al-Dimas_hkï, op. cit., p. 26.
,
66 R. B. SERJEANT
case it cannot be cut and cannot be used. If a piece The brocade-stuff known as buzyün is
of cloth should be found of a similar kind nobody will sometimes mentioned by our authors, but it
20
allow a piece to be cut from that for it.
seems generally to have been a Byzantine
Of siklâtün, ‘attâbi and “cloth of one (Rümï) fabric and is enumerated by Ibn al-
color” (musmat) which seem to be of the Faklh among a list of imports obtained by the
same nature, he says: “The best of all those venturesomeness of merchants 24 Djähiz de- .
is that which is made with the haff (some kind scribes the various kinds of this brocade:
of weaver’s instrument), and not with the The best buzyün-brocade is the miski (musk-
comb. In quality of silk and conditions it fol- colored or musk-scented) of fine weave, then the
lows what has been described under bro- striped (mukhattat) variety, then the robe which is
21 embroidered with little circles like copper coins (mu-
cade.”
fallas), then the plain variety (without gold-sädhidj )
The stuffs nasäfi (usually made in Bagh-
then the robe embroidered with eyes (like those of
dad) and striped stuffs (abräd) are the sub- —
wild animals mu'aiyan), then the spotted kind
ject of a long notice : (munakkat). The mantle (or head-dress ghifära)
of a musk-color when of fine workmanship and pure,
The best kind of these is that which is free of
sometimes fetches fifty dinars in price. 25
blemishes and das_htaka. The meaning of dashtaka is
that a robe should be worn unbleached (khäm) with This buzyün, like the Armenian stuffs and
its two selvages (häsjriya) joined, and it is sewn so Maisäni, was never interwoven with gold.
that it becomes like the cloak (rida’). Or it is used,
Various kinds of stuffs of this nature can,
then splitand washed. Thus after profiting by its
I think, be seen in the miniatures of the so-
use, they seek that its coarseness should be lessened
and thatshould acquire softness, but the person
it
called “Mesopotamian School” of painting. In
who wears it does not gain any advantage by that plate IV of Blochet’s Musulman Painting, for
at all. The way in which das_htaka is recognised is on the extreme left may be
instance, the figure
that you look at rough garments and find them cut,
wearing a checked (mukhattam) stuff. In
and when you look at them to see through them you
plate VII, the Chinese slave may be wearing
find places in them which have become so thin that
they can almost be opened, and thick places. You look a robe of the type named mudannar (orna-
at the selvages and find them unsound because there mented with golden coins) or muf alias ,
(orna-
are marks of the tailor in them. The quality of mented with copper coins). Again, the youth
striped cloaks (burd) and napkins (füta) and ‘attâbi
in plate XXII, and Iblis in plate XXXII may
is perceived by the threads of different colors. If
be wearing mukhattam (checked) robes.
some of them run into others and they differ in fine-
ness, thickness, and bulge, then they are bad. If they Doubtless a study of the figures in the pottery
are correct and properly arranged in stripes (tarika) of Rayy and other districts would yield quite
this good thread (ghazl) and
indicates excellent a number of identifications of textiles which we
weave (nasadj), and good laundering. 22 only know at present by name .
26
Some of the
The nasäfi seems to have been a robe of white textiles in Blochet have tiräzi arm-bands.
silk and was used by the Mamelukes, but as 24
Ibn al-Fakih, Compendium libri Kitäb al-
far as I know it was not an early type of
Boldân, ed. M. J. de Goeje, Bibliotheca Geogra-
23
material .
phorum Arabicorum ( — B.G.A .) (Leyden, 1885),
V, 50.
20 25 ’
Ibid ., p. 25. Djähiz, “Al-Tabassur bi 1 -Tidjära,” ed. Hasan

21
Ibid., pp. 25-26. H. ‘Abd al-Wahhâb, Rev. de l’Acad. Arabe de Damas,
22
Ibid., p. 27. XII (1351 H. [1932 A.D.] ), 337.
23
M. Gaudefroy-Demombynes, La Syrie à 26
See the plates in E. Blochet, Musulman Paint-
l’Époque des Mamlouks (Paris, 1923), p. Ixxxix. ing, trans. by C. M. Binyon (London, 1929).
ISLAMIC TEXTILES 67
TIRÄZ INSCRIPTIONS embroidered with an all-over pattern with cir-

cles like eyes(mu‘aiyan) and a tiräz-border
A great many garments bore tiräz-inscrip-
;
there is another with a blouse (kamis) of

tions of an official or sometimes sentimental
mulham-stuff, girt with an ornamented belt of
nature, and a number of verses of this latter
gold (wishäh), both the belt and the sleeves
kind have been preserved by two authors, Ibn
having a tiräz-inscription 28 Another girl had
.
‘Abd Rabbihi, and al-Washshä’ author of the

a gown (durrä‘a) of mulham-stuff with orna-
Kitäb al-Muwashshä. While it is impossible
ments of ibrïsm-silk, and a collar (lubna) of
to quote more than one or two of those verses
süsandjird upon which there was an inscription
here, it would be fruitful to notice the varied
as well as on the sleeves. It seems too that
selection of articles of apparel on which it was
Rashidi cloaks (rida’) bore these inscriptions,
customary to embroider them. This fashion
and also mitraf-cloaks of khazz-silk.
was not confined to Baghdad, or even to Iraq,
Al-Washshä’ tells us that a slave girl be-
but was spread all over Islam and imitations
longing to one of Ma’mün’s sons had a kalan-
of such ornamental borders are even found in
suwa-cap of brocade embroidered after this
Christendom as well. The ‘Ikd gives us the
fashion with verses, while Djähiz saw a girl’s
following verse which a lover wrote upon the
headdress (karzan) and ‘isaba each bearing
brow of his mistress, but it is typical of those
couplets in gold. Even the wikäya (a band to
found in the tiräz-borders and cited there :
hold the hair in place) was ornamented.

Across her brow with musk
Again he talks of belts (zunnär), trouser-
Three lines I traced, as stray
Soft moon-entangled clouds;
cords (tikka), and kerchiefs (or napkins,
“God curse those who betray.” mandil) which latter lovers used to send as
Then took her hand and said, presents to one another, all bearing inscrip-
“List what it has to say. tions. The zunnär was a name applied to the
All things but faithlessness
27
bands used to tie up the hair also (zunnär al-
Love can dissolve away.”
wikäya) .
The same author tells us, on the testimony The furnishings of the houses of private
of an eyewitness, that in Harun al-Rashid’s (and wealthy) individuals also had these ama-
court there were girls wearing headdresses tory verses marked upon them. We read of
(‘isäba, a kind of turban), decked with pearls curtains (sutür), pillows (wasïda and mi-
and jacinth, with verses written upon them. khadda) carpets (busut) and cushions marä-
, ,
Another of these girls wore a crescent on the fik) of this kind, and he further mentions a
front of her dress with verses inscribed in it,
curtain of azure silk (killa harir asmändjüni)
and a slave of al-Mutawakkil had a gown with a gold inscription. He includes verses
(kabä’) also inscribed. Other articles which which were seen on a curtain belonging to one
bore such lovers’ verses were tunics (kurtuk), of the children of Mutawakkil, and upon cur-
kalansuwa-caps, girdles (mintak), and shirts tains belonging to al-Hädi ibn al-Mahdi. At
(dir‘) of raw silk (khäm). this early date there were even prayer-carpets
The Kitäb al-Muwashshä gives an even (musallä) with such inscriptions .
29
more varied selection on all kinds of clothing.

We read of a girl who wears a cloak (rida’) 28
Al-Washshä’, Kitäb al-Muwashshä, ed. R. E.
Brünnow (Leyden, 1886), pp. 167, 168 (reading
27
Ibn ‘Abd Rabbihi, al-Ikd al-Farïd (Cairo, öHj*" for ûHA), 169, 170, 173.
29
1331 H. [1913 A.D.] ) IV, 370 if.
,
Ibid., pp. 176, 177, 178.
68 R. B. SERJEANT
LINEN be carded frequently so that the black husks and

broken seeds shall be removed. If the seed is allowed
A very complete account of the prepara- to remain it shows in the weight, and if left in a
tion of the flaxis to be found in Ihn ‘Awwäm djubba (mantle) or blanket (lihäf), and washed
in his treatiseon agriculture, but as it is very and beaten, it will cut the article and the people’s
long and the process does not materially differ clothes will suffer damage.Some card the bad red
cotton and place bottom of the pile with
it at the
from that in use in most countries, it has not
clean white cotton on top and this does not appear
been given here 30 However a short passage
.
in the spinning. . . . The carded cotton when fin-
from the Mahäsin al-Tidjära might be worth ished, must not be placed in cold wet places, for that
quoting: “Many articles have various require- increases its weight which diminishes when it dries.
ments, as in the case of flax (kattän) which, That is fraud. 34
after wettingand maceration, must have the

FELTS
dust shaken off it, and must be beaten and
combed (mashata), spun and prepared (ta- Malaga says: “He (the muh-
Al-Sakati of
bakha) followed by other processes of weav- tasib) must watch that the makers of felts
31
ing.” (lubüd) do not make them of the wool of any
The Maälim al-Kurba says: “The best thing that has died of itself. That is to be
Egyptian flax is the white ( ?) dj nawi variety, perceived by the difference in smell. Nor must
and the best variety of that is the smooth- they be made from the wool of the heads.
leaved, and the worst the short rough variety That is to be perceived by its coarseness. They
which snaps easily. The poor quality must not are made to seem good, and gum (samgh),
be mixed with the good nor that from Lower not starch (nashä) is poured (onto them ).” 35
,
Egypt with that from Upper Egypt, nor that He gives specifications as to the required
from Upper Egypt with the Kürï variety; all length, breadth, and weights of the felts, but
32
such practices being fraudulent.” unfortunately there is a lacuna here in each of
the manuscripts. Ibn ‘Abdün knows a similar
COTTON regulation: “The felt-makers (labbäd) must
The Mahäsin be ordered to perform their work well for they

al-Tidjära says: “Its quality
is perceived by weighing through weight, that
make them (the felts) lax, not close together,
which is lightest indicating that it contains the

with little The wool
wool, and quite useless.
least amount of and by inspection

seed,
must be shaken thoroughly free of gypsum.” 36
through its whiteness and freedom from husks The Ma‘älim al-Kurba of Egyptian origin
(kushra), by easy falling apart, and touch, by adds:
resilience and softness.” 33 A trustworthy member of their profession must
There is a somewhat similar passage in be placed in charge of them. He must prevent them
from using the wool of anything that has died of
the Ma'älim al-Kurba:
itself.That is distinguishable by its softness and ill-
Cotton-spinners. They must not mingle new cot- odor. Further, he must prevent them from using the
ton with old, nor red with white. The cotton must —
wool of the heads this is recognised by its rough-
ness. The weight of a red felt must be four ratls,
u0
Ibn ‘Awwâm, Le Livre de l’agriculture d’Ibn and a blue one and a red saddle-felt (mirs_haha), a
al-Aivam {Kit ab al-felahah) trans. by J. J. Clément-
,
rati and a half. The thread of all felts must be well
Mullet (Paris, 1864-67), II, 106-14.
31 34
Dja‘far ibn Ali al-DimasJikî, op. cit., p. 4. Ibn al-Ukhuwwa, op. cit.. No. 177.
32 35
Ibn al-Ukhuwwa, op. cit.. No. 178. Al-Sakati, op. cit., p. 68.
33 36
Dja‘far ibn Ali al-Dimas_hkï, op. cit., p. 24. Ibn ‘Abdün, op. cit., p. 240.
ISLAMIC TEXTILES 69
made, and the gum must be moistened without any Of Kalansuwa-caps, the Maälim al-Kurba
37
wool-flock. tells us “The makers of kalansuwa-caps must
:
The Mahäsin al-Tidjära written by a Da- use new pieces of stuff, either of silk or linen
mascan, says: and not old dyed pieces. For there are some
The choicest variety is the kind with a fine weave, who (fake) that by starch (nashä) and gum
41
strong web, and pleasing color, and which is strong (samgh )
on account of the amount of its rubbing, and the wool The following general regulations are to
of which is soft. The sign of softness is that when
be found in the Ma‘älim al-Kurba and seem to
looked at from behind it is a uniform piece without
any thin or thick place. The worst kinds are these apply to all kinds of cloth:
which are contrary to these qualifications. He must Regulations for Weavers (häka).
be on the look-out for dust in them. They become The stuff must be well-woven, compact in tex-
worm-eaten when they remain some time without ture, and of the full length, breadth and workman-
38
being used.” ship agreed upon, the thread to be made free of black
According to Dj ähiz :
husks (kushra) by means of rough black stone. The
muhtasib must prevent them from sprinkling flour
“The best felts are the Chinese (Sini), then the
and roasted gypsum over it when it is woven to hide
red MaghribI variety, then the white Tälikän felts,
its roughness and so that it may appear as if closely
then the Armenian variety, and then the Khurasan woven and of good quality. He must enjoin . . .
kind. 89 them, when they weave a new piece of stuff, not to

VARIOUS NOTES dye the thread until it has been bleached, but no
black thread should be bleached for it turns yellow
Of the two varieties of large carpets, and does not hold any (color), to the loss of the
called bisät and tinfisa, the Mahäsin al- purchaser. There are some who weave the surface
Tidjära says: “The best are those, the dye of of the cloth of good and uniform thread, and the
which (sibgh) is good, and which are of close rest of a different kind. When a weaver receives
. . .
thread from a man for weaving him a garment he

weave, and which from outside are firmer than
must take it by weight. When he has woven it he
from inside. For laxness indicates looseness of must return it to its owner by weight so as to ward
weave. As regards softness of wool, it is a off suspicion. If the owner of the thread claims that
40
good quality in all kinds.” the weaver has changed the thread, and if he has a
sample of the thread but the weaver declares it is the
37
Ibn al-Ukhuwwa, op. cit., No. 283. same, the muhtasib must take them before persons
38
Dja‘far ibn Ali al-DimasJ}ld, op. cit., p. 27. of experience. If he has no sample or proof, the
39
Djähiz, op. cit., p. 338. Cf. the quotation in weaver shall swear that he has not changed it. 42
Nuwairï, Nihàyat al- Arab fï Funün al-A dab (Cairo,
41 No. 175.
1923-37), I, 366 . Ibn al-Ukhuwwa, op. cit..
40 43
Dja'far ibn Ali al-DimasJiki, op. cit., p. 27. Ibid., No. 1 7 1 a ff.
70 R. B. SERJEANT
CHAPTER XXIII Benjamin of Tudela gives us the exact

number of (families of) Jews in the various
DYERS 5
places he visited. They were to be found in
Throughout the previous chapters in- Brindisi, Bethlehem, Beit Nuba (near Ramie
cidental notes on dyeing have appeared scat- where there was the Umayyad Dar al-Sab-
tered here and there, but the strange and bâghin, the Dye-house), Jaffa, Zerin (or Jez-
prominent fact is that in all Muslim countries, reel), and Karyatain (a village on the Pal-
the Jews seem to have been the principal work- myra-Damascus route). There were no Jew-
ers in this craft though it was not confined to ish residents among the Druses, “but a certain
them alone. Djähiz tells us that “the kirmiz number of Jewish handicraftsmen and dyers
is a grass in the root of which there is a red come among them for the sake of trade.” Of
worm, which grows in three places in the Jerusalem, he even says: “It contains a
world — in the Maghreb quarter, in the land dyeing-house for which the Jews pay a small
of Andalus, and in a district called Tärum rent annually to the king (Baldwin II, died
(part of Shiraz), and in the province of 1162, succeeded by his brother Almaric) on
Fars. Nobody can recognize this grass and condition that besides the Jews no others be
6
where it likely to be found except a
is allowed in Jerusalem.” Makdisi informs us
sect of the Jews who have charge of pluck- that most of the dyers, bankers, and tanners of
1
ing it each year in Mâh-Isfandârmudh.” Palestine were Jews. 7 Leo Africanus fre-
Thus the Jews possessed trade secrets un- quently talks of Jewish dyers in North Africa
known to other peoples, and obtained a cer- at a later date.
tain monopoly in the art. The best of this seems that some kinds of dyes were
It
kirmiz, according to Ibn al-Baitär comes from taxed in the early period, for Balädhuri dis-
2
Asia, Cilicia, but more especially from Spain. cusses the question of a tax on wars (a yellow-
3
Bar Hebraeus tells us that: “the behavior of brown dye), wasma (a blue dye), katam (a
8
the Arabs hath long been manifest in the variety of henna), and henna. Dyeing was
world, and up to the present day no Jew hath subject to certain social regulations in the
ever been raised to a position of exalted honor cities, probably owing to the dirt and dis-
amongst them; and except as a tanner or dyer, turbance which it The Spanish author
caused.
4
or tailor (the Arab )
doth not appear among al-Sakati of Malaga says: “The muhtasib
the Jews.”
sions. In Southern Arabia to the present day these
1
Djähiz, “Al-Tabassur bi TTidjära,” ed. Hasan three professions are exercised by the Jews.
5
H. ‘Abd al-Wahhâb, Rev. de VA cad. Arabe de Damas, The Itinerary of Benjamin of Tudela, ed. and
XII (1351 h. [1932 A.D.] ) , 339. trans. by M. N. Adler (London, 1907), trans., pp. 25,
2
Ibn al-Baitâr, “Traité des simples par Ibn el- 27, 28, 31, 18, 9.
Beithar,” trans. N. L. Leclerc, Notes et Extr. de la
6
Ibid., p. 22. He mentions 200 Jews living under
Bibl. Nat., XXIII, XXV, XXVI (Paris, 1877-83), the tower of David, but a variant reading gives four
XXVI, only, and this agrees with the account of Rabbi
74 f.
3
E. Wallis Budge, The Chronography of Bar Petachia.
7
Hebraeus (Oxford, 1932), I, 490. Makdisi (Mukaddasï),
Ahsanu-t-taqâsïm fi
4
The translation (which in general is admittedly ma rifat- 1-aqâlïm known al-Muqaddasï, trans. by
as
unreliable) is probably incorrect here and the word G. S. A. Ranking and R. F. Azoo, Bibl. Ind. (Cal-
“Arab” suggested by the translator should be deleted. cutta, 1897-1910, incomplete), p. 301.
8
The sense of the passage is thus altered to convey that Balädhuri, Futüh al-Buldän, trans. by P. Hitti
the Jews exercise only the three above-named profes- (New York, 1916), I, 112.
1
ISLAMIC TEXTILES 7
must prevent the dyers from dyeing red with coasts. Its husk is used to make halters for
brazil-wood (bakkam) for it does not last, riding-animals especially at Gaza and Däran
and from dyeing with every color but sahhäbl where it grows abundantly in the sand.” 14 The
(cloud-blue) in cotton and linen, for the dye Egyptian Ma'älim al-Kurba enlarges on this
in those two does not remain permanent, and subject:
that which is exposed for sale in the market is
Most
dyers of red silk and other thread and ma-
fraudulent and deceptive. Colors only shine dye with henna in their workshops instead of
terials
when they are dyed taking into consideration madder (al-fuwwa) and the dye appears bright; but
the technical necessities of the material.” 9
In when the sun strikes on it, its color deteriorates and
another work of a similar kind by Ibn ‘Abdün its brightness disappears. Some take money from a
customer to dye kuhli (bluish black). They dip the
(of the eleventh to twelfth centuries), also a
stuff into a substance called Djarräda (locust), re-
Spaniard, we find a like instruction: “The move and treat with froth from the vat and return
it
muhtasib must order the tanners (khulläs) it to its owner. It is not long before it reverts to its
and those who dye silk (harir) that they dye original color. 15
10
only outside the town.” The Thousand and One Nights has em-
This regulation also applied to potters; bodied an anecdote on dyers in a story that is
but it does not always seem to have been probably of the late Egyptian period. 16 Ap-
strictly followed, for, during the reign of the parently cloth was not dyed wholesale but the
Almohad Mansur and his son al-Näsir, the customer brought it to the dyer who colored
dyehouses, n6 of them, were inside the walls itaccording to his specification. One of the
of Fez. 11 dyers says : “I dye red of various hues, as rose-
Again Ibn ‘Abdün 12 adds: “The dyers color, and jujube-color; and green of various
must be forbidden to dye the color green with hues, as plant-green, and pistachio-green and
mithnän (according to Dozy “thymélée, garou, oil-green, and parrot’s wing; and black of
trentonel, etc.”), nor yet with brazil-wood various hues, as coal-black and kuhli, and yel-
(bakkam) for azure (lawn samâwi, isatis low of various hues, as orange-color and
tinctoria) 13
and the color disappears quickly.” lemon-color; —
and he proceeded to mention to
Of this mithnän Ibn al-Baitär adds: “It is him all the colors.” This is obviously a list
called mithnän in Egypt and on the Syrian of trade-names of these dyes. The Sultan later
in the story opens a shop under the control of
17
9
Al-Sakati, Un Manuel hispanique de hisha, ed. this dyer called “The Sultan’s Dyeing Shop.”
by G. S. Colin and E. Lévi-Provençal (Paris, 1931),
Publ. de l’Institut des Hautes Études Marocaines , 14
Ibn abBaitär, op. cit., XXVI, 291.
XXI, 63. 15
Ibn al-Ukhuwwa, Ma'älim al-Kurba, ed. R.
10
Ibn ‘Abdün, “Un Document sur la vie urbaine Levy, Gibb Mem. Ser. (London, 1938), n.s., XII,
et les corps de métiers à Seville au début du xii-ième No. 176.
siècle : d’Ibn ‘Abdûn,” ed. by E. Lévi-Proven-
le traité 18
The Arabian Nights, trans. by E. W. Lane
çal, Journ. Asiatique (Paris, 1934), CCXXIV, 240. (New York, 1927), pp. 878, 882.
11
See Chapter XVIII. 17
For further study on this subject, the follow-
13
Ibn ‘Abdün, op. cit., p. 240. ing references may prove of interest.
13
Cf. Makkarî, Analectes sur l’histoire et la lit- Ibn al-Baitär, op. cit., I, 245, etc.
térature des arabes en Espagne, ed. R. Dozy and others Makdisi, op. cit., p. 154.
(Leyden, 1855-61), I, 91 and 92, and I. Epstein, Ibn ‘Abdün, op. cit., p. 250.
The Responsa Rabbi Simon ben Zemah Duran
of Arabian Nights, op. cit., p. 934.
(London, 1930), p. 47, where it is a dye used by the Idrïsï, Géographie, trans. by P. A. Jaubert (Paris,
Jews. 1836-40), I, 74.
.
72 R. B. SERJEANT
Yâküt, Mu djam al-Buldän, Geographisches Wör- Abu 1 -Fidä, Takwitn al-Buldän, trans. T.
’
terbuch, ed. F. Wüstenfeld (Leipzig, 1866-73), III, Reinaud (Paris, 1847-83), II, 131.
101-2. ‘Abd al-Latïf, Relation de VÉgypte par Abd-
Al-Dimasjhkï, Manuel de la cosmographie du Allatif, médecin arabe de Bagdad, by S. de Sacy
moyen âge, trans. M. A. F. Mehren (Copenhagen, (Paris, 1810), p. 19.
1874). P- 96. Dja'far ihn Ali al-Dimas_hki, al-Ishära ilä Mahäsin
Al-Hamdäni, Geographie der arabischen Hal- al-Tidjära (Cairo, 1318 H. [1900 A.D.] ) ,
p. 21 (for
binsel, ed. D. H. Müller (Leyden, 1884-91), I, 53. bakkam )
ISLAMIC TEXTILES 73
CHAPTER XXIV King of Furs.’ The beast itself is about the size
FURS of a marten. The two furs of which I speak

are applied and inlaid so exquisitely that it is
Furs were widely used in the costume of something worth seeing.” 5 The Mongol em-
Abbasid times, and the survey hardly shows peror used them for lining his tents.
how generally they were employed by the Damiri in the Kitâb al-H ayawän, tells us
wealthy and men of fashion. Even the man-
that: “This (the sable, sammür) species of
uals of hisba give regulations for their prepa-
animal is specially selected in making furred
ration. Ibn ‘Abdün says : “The furriers must
garments out of on account of its soft-
its skins
be prevented from using the dung of birds in
warmth and beauty. Kings and
ness, lightness,
the preparationworn-out furs .” 1 The
of
Grandees wear them.” 6
Maälim al-Kurba informs us that “a trust-
Various authors give lists of the precious
worthy person of their craft must be placed in
furs used in Baghdad by the wealthy, and
charge of them. They must not sell sheep-skin
Djähiz says :
furs (al-firä’ al-kibäshiya) ,
etc., unless they
are properly tanned and sewn, closely stitched. The best kind of squirrel fur (sindjäb) is the
No old material may be mixed with new, nor Käkum (ermine), then the backs of it, then the
Khazar kind, then that of Khoresm, then the fur of
any patched article. They must not be taken
hares which has no defect. The best kind of fox-fur
round houses so that some people get a pref-
( tha'lab ) is the black Khazar type with coarse fur
erence over others. Nay, it must be taken to which has not been counterfeited with dye. Then
the market and sold there by roup so that both comes the white kind, then the red kind which is
strong and weak may obtain it.” 2 colored red with clay, then the red Khazar variety,
One of most precious furs was the

the then the poplar-colored kind. The best kind of ermine
(käkum) is that which has the longest tail. The best
sable (sammür), and the Aghäni mentions a
kind of sable is the Chinese (Sïnï) variety, followed
mantle (duwädj) of khazz-silk lined (mubat- by the Khazar kind of a bright white and deep black
tan) with sable 3 while Mustawfi Kazwini in-
, color with long hair. 7
forms us that “the sable is the most expensive
The list given in the Lata if al-Ma‘ärif in
of furs.” 4 Marco Polo adds that “a robe of
the reign of the Buwaihid ‘Adud al-Dawla con-
sable, large enough to line a mantle is worth
sists of “the squirrel of Khirkhiz, the sable
2,000 bezants of gold, or a i,ooo at least, and
(sammür) of Bulghär, the foxes (thadab) of
this kind of skin is called by the Tartars ‘The
the Khazars, the marten (fanak) of Kashgar,
1
Ibn ‘Abdün, “Un Document sur la vie urbaine
the ermine (käkum) of Tughuzghuz, and the
et les corps de métiers à Seville au début du xii-ième soft skins (hawäsil) of Herat .” 8 Nuwairi
siècle: le traité d’Ibn ‘Abdün,” ed. and trans. by
5
E. Lévi-Provençal, Journ. Asiatique (Paris, 1934), H. Yule, The Book of Ser Marco Polo, the
CCXXIV, 240. Venetian (London, 1871), I, 391, II, 479,480, 484.
2 6
Ibn al-Ukhuwwa, Ma’älim al-Kurba, ed. R. Damïrï, Kitäb al-Hayawän, trans. by A. S. G.
Levy, Gibb Mem. Ser. (London, 1938), n.s., XII, Jayakar (London-Bombay, 1906-08), II, 81.
No. 284. 7 ’
Djähiz, “Al-Tabassur bi 1 -Tidjära,” ed. Hasan
3
The 21st volume of the Kitâb al-Aghânl . . . H. ‘Abd al-Wahhäb, Rev. de l’Acad. Arabe de
ed. Brünnow (Leyden, 1888), p. 156.
R. E. Damas, XII (1351 h. [1932 a.d.]), 335 f. Compare
4
J. Stephenson, The Zoological Section of the the passages from Kalkashandï, Subh al-A‘ shâ, cited
Nuzhat-al-Qulüb of Hamdulläh al-Mustaufï al- by the editor here.
Qazwinï (London, 1928), Or. Trans. Fund, trans., 8
Tha‘älibi, Latä’if al-Ma ärif, ed. P. de Jong
p. 18. (Leyden, 1876), p. 132.
,
74 R. B. SERJEANT
copies this Gharnäti 10 says: “We shall

list .
9
craft is the trade in sable (sammür), squirrel,
mention the special products of various coun- and other kinds of fur (wabar ).” 14 Istakhri
tries in regard to furs, as one says the squir- — adds: “From Arthä (the Volga) the black
rel (sindjäb) of Khirkhïz, the sable of Bul- sable is brought. These Russians trade
. . .
ghär, the fox-skins of the Khazars, the soft with the Khazars, who in turn, trade with
skins (hawäsil) of Herat, and the k mäk m 11 Rüm and Greater Bulghär.” 15 Ibn Hawkal is
of Tughuzghuz.” Mustawfi Kazwïnï gives rather better informed:
little notes on the squirrel, marten, ermine,
Fur is only brought to them (the Khazars) from
hyrax (wabar), the foxlike animal called the land of the Rüs and Bulghär, as also the beaver-
washk, and the yämür 12 . skins (djulüd al-khazz) which are exported to all
The post-Mongol author Ibn Batüta de- regions. They are to be found only in these northern
rivers in the country of Bulghär, the Rüs and Kübäya.
scribes the käkum in these terms :
Those beaver-skins found Andalus come from the

in
The ermine is the finest kind of fur. A fur of rivers in the Slav country, and go to the river which
this worth a thousand dinars
kind is in India, which is in the Slav territory. . . . Most of those skins, in
sum (in the Maghreb) is worth 250 dinars. It is ex- fact, the greater part of them are found in the
tremely white, and comes from the skin of a small country of the Rüs. 16
animal a span (sjribr) long. Its tail is long and they
leave it in the fur as it is. The sable (sammür) is
Again he tells us that “from Arthä (the
inferior in value to thekäkum. A fur of this kind Volga) the black sable, black foxfurs and tin
is worth four hundred dinars or less. One of the are brought.” 17 Quoting Ibn Fadlän, Yäküt
qualities of these skins is that lice do not enter them,
informs us that: “Merchants travel on the
so the kings and nobles of China place one attached
Volga (ltd) to Wisü (the Finns ?) and im-
to their furs at the neck. The merchants of Persia
port a great deal of fur (wabar) such as
and Iraq do the same. 13
beaver (kundur), sable (sammür), and squir-
Thesewere derived from several
furs 18
rel, (sindjäb ).”
sources, though most of them came from the
Ibn al-Fakih knew that the Turks were
northeastern areas of the Muslim world, the
famous for their sable and marten and that the
district of Transoxiania, Central Asia, and
Bulkärs have sable, ermine, and squirrel furs.
from Russia. Itwas probably through this
When the ships of the Muslims came to trade
trade that the Muslim coins found as far as
with them they imposed a duty of ten percent 19 .
the Baltic reached there, for the geographers

say that the Russians had very little else to 14
Ibn Rusta, Kitäb al-A'läk al-Nafïsa , ed. M. J.
offer in the way of merchandise. de Goeje, Bibliotheca Geographorum Arabicorum
Ibn Rusta says of the Rüsïya : “Their sole (= B.G.A .) (Leyden, 1892), III, 145.
15
Viae regnorum
Istakhrï, . ., ed. M. J. de .
9
Nuwairï, Nihâyat al-Arab fï Fmiün al-Adab Goeje, B.G.A. (Leyden, 1870), I, 226.
16
(Cairo, 1923-37), I, 369. Ibn Hawkal, Viae et régna ., Descriptio . .
i°
“JPuhfat al-Albäb de Abü Hämid al-Andalusï ditionis moslemicae ed. M. J. de Goeje, B.G.A.
al-Gharnâtï,” ed. and (partially) trans. by G. Fer- (Leyden, 1873), II, 281.
17
rand, Journ. Asiatique , CCVII (1925), 212. Ibid., p. 286.
11
It would seem that the word k mâle m is merely 18
Yäküt, Mudjam al-Buldän, Geographisches
another variant of käkum, and that the translation Wörterbuch, Wüstenfeld (Leipzig, 1866-73),
ed. F.
“camel-hair-fur” given by H. F. Amedroz and D. S. I, 1 1 3. See the notes and index in V. Minorsky’s
Margoliouth in The Eclipse of the Abbasid Caliphate ‘ translation of the Hudüd al- Âlam, Gibb Mem. Ser.
(Oxford, 1920-21), has no foundation. (London, 1937), n.s., XI, for Wïsü and Burtäs.
12
Mustawfi Kazwïnï, op. cit., trans., pp. 23-26. Cf. Narshakhï, Tärlkh-i-Bukhärä, ed. C. Schefer,
13 Publ. de l’École des Langues Orientales Vivantes
Ibn Batüta, Voyages d’lbn Batoutah, ed. and
trans. by C. Defrémery and B. R. Sanguinetti (Paris, ( —P.E.L.O.V.) (Paris, 1892), III, XIII, 287.
19
1853-59). II, 401. Ibn al-Fakïh, Compendium libri Kitäb al-Bol-
—
ISLAMIC TEXTILES 75
Mas‘üdï mentions in particular the Khazar Makdisi has already been quoted under
27
tribe of Burtäs whence Khoresm . Tha‘âlibï notes particularly the
28
the furs of foxes (tha'lab) both red and black are red and black foxes of Transoxiana . Ista-
exported, called Burtäsiya. There are some of these khrï says: “From Saghäniyän and Wäshdjird
skins, especially the black ones which are worth a come saffron exported to other lands, and furs
hundred dinars and more. The red ones sell at a of the sable, squirrel, foxes, etc. which are
lower price. The former are worn by Arab kings and 29
taken to the furthest west.”
Persian ones who are proud to wear them, and value
them more highly than the sable (sammur), the Some furs apparently came from Spain
marten (fanak) and so on. They make kalansuwa- and the Maghreb (North Africa). Ibn Khur-
caps, caftans, and cloaks (dawâwïdj) of them. There dädbih says: “From the Maghreb Sea come
is hardly a king but possesses a caftan or cloak ( duw- beaver skins (djulüd al-khazz) and furs.” 30
wädj) lined (mubattan) with these Burtâsî furs. 20
Both Istakhrï and Makdisi found many sables
Ibn Hawkal states that the Khazars im- (sammur) near Toledo 31 Mustawfi adds that .
ported honey, khazz-silk (or beaver skins), “in the Suwar al-Akàlïm (a work now lost) it
wax, and furs (wabar ), 21 while the Hudüd is stated that in this country there are many
mentions that near Issi-kiil, in the mountain sable-martens (sammur ).” 32
Bakri informs
of Tülas, many sable-martens, gray squirrels, us that in the deserts about Awdäghast and
and musk-deer are found, as well as in the Sidjilmäsa there are martens (fanak) whose
Khirkhiz country 22 From the Turk country,
.
fur is exported to every land .
33
Tha‘älibl enumerates sable, squirrel, ermine

(kâkum), marten (fanak), black fox furs 27
Makdisi (Mukaddasi), Descriptio imperii Mos-
(thadab), and white hares 23 Yäküt notes a .
lemici, B.G.A. (Leyden, 1876; 2d ed. 1906), III,
place, Sarsan in Farthest Turkestan, where, he 325.
28
Tha'âlibï, op. cit., p. 129.
says, “There is a market in which the beaver 29
Istakhrï, op.p. Cf. Yäküt, op. cit.,
cit., 288.
(kundus), Burtâsî furs, sables, etc., are
IV, 399-
24
sold.” 30
Ibn Khurdädbih, Kitäb al-Masälik wa ’l-Mamä-
Khoresm and Transoxiana seem to have lik, ed. M. J. de Goeje, B.G.A. (Leyden, 1889),
been the centers of the fur trade, which inci- VI, 92.
31
dentallywas largely in the hands of Jews, Istakhrï, op. cit., p. 44. Makdisi, op. cit.,
known as the Rahdânïya 25 Discussing the .

P- 239.
32
Mustawfi Kazwini (Hamd-Alläh Mustawfi
town of Khwärizm, probably Kâth, Istakhrï
Kazwini), The Geographical Part of the Nuzhat
tells us that “marten, sable, foxfurs and beaver
al-Qulüb, trans. by G. le Strange, Gibb Mem. Ser.
( al-khazz =djulüd al-khazz) and other kinds (Leyden-London, 1919), XXIII, II, 263. Cf.
26
of furs come there.” The long account of Hudüd al-Alam, p. 155, where Tudela is written
instead of Toledo.
33
dän, ed. M. J. de Goeje, B.G.A. (Leyden, 1885), V, Al-Bakri, Description de l’Afrique septentrio-
255, 141- nale, trans. by M. de Slane (Alger, 1913), p. 322.
20
Mas‘üdï, Murüdj al-Dliahab, Les Prairies d'or, Cf. Géographie, trans. by P. A. Jaubert
Idrïsï,
ed. and trans. by C. A. C. Barbier de Meynard and (Paris, 1836-40), II, 340, 407. Al-Dimashki,
A. J. B. Pavet de Courteille (Paris, 1861-77), II, Manuel de la cosmographie du moyen âge, trans.
14. Cf. the Hudüd al-Âlam, p. 464. M. A. F. Mehren (Copenhagen, 1874), P- 194- Ibn
21
Ibn Hawkal, op. cit., p. 283. Djubair, The Travels of Ibn Diubair. ed. W.
22
Hudüd al-Âlam, pp. 62, 96. Wright and M. J. de Goeje, Gibb Mem. Ser.
23
Tha'âlibï, op. cit., p. 128. (Leyden-London, 1907), V, 228. M. Minovi has
24
Yäküt, op. cit., III, 76. supplied me with a reference to Abu ’1-Fadl Baihaki,
25
See Appendix IV. Târïkh-i-Baihakï (Teheran, 1307 H. [1889-90
26
Istakhrï, op. cit., p. 305. a.d.]), pp. 456-57.
APPENDIX I: COSTUME
In this survey more attention has can) gold, nor ‘attâbî Dabik! with a border, and
been paid to the geographical distribution of embroidered with gold (mu‘lam muthakkal).
manufactures than to costume, and several pas- Nor do your houses and dwellings, places,
I see in
the roofs of which have been covered with ebony
sages of great interest and importance have
(sädj) and the stairs of which have been adorned
only been cited in occasional references. These with ebony and ivory. Nor do I see your houses
. . .
passages give long lists of the famous manu- with their public rooms furnished with carpets (zul-
facturers of the day and those selected here liya) of the Maghreb, nor with Khars_hânï carpets
(tinfisa), nor carpet-strips of Andalus (nakhäkh)
are all who lived at Bagh-
taken from authors
and Cordova, and Armenian carpets (mitrah), and
dad, thus implying that such stuffs were known
Rümi (Byzantine) velvets (katifa), and Tustar!
there. The most interesting of these are to cushion (mik'ad), nor Maghrib! carpets (antä‘), nor
be found in Abu ’l-Käsim of Baghdad, an gold-embroidered pillows (makhädd mudhahhaba) of
author of uncertain date but who probably Dabik, nor square carpets (tarrähät) of Cyprus, nor
lived there about the second or third century. süsandjird, nor Abükalamün, and cushions (num-
1 ruk) a house full of which looks like ground cov-
Satirizing the Isfahänis, he says to them :
ered with flowers.

By do not see a single one of you wear-
Allah, I Nor have you Sämän or ‘Abbadânï mats (husr)
ing a garment of reddish Dabik! (sjjukairl), nor which fold in twm as cloth does, lovelier than carpets
Dabkawi (from Dabkä in the Delta), nor of Kirätl (zurbiya), and softer than Süs khazz-silk, of fine
Zuhairi (perhaps he means a stuff with embroidered workmanship, perfect craftsmanship and fine weave,
all-over patterns in the shape of the coins called and cushions (dusüt) of a reddish color (kusjhairi)
kirät, and manufactured in
a fraction of a dinar, picked out (mufassal) with gold, and cushions (du-
the Baghdad), nor reddish
Zuhairiya Quarter of süt) of mamzüdj (mixed) with Iraqi gold, and gold-
woven stuff (baft kusjhairï), nor Aden cloaks (ridä’), embroidered brocade (dibädj muthakkal), embroid-
nor täkhtandj, nor räkhtandj, nor garments of kasab- ered with pictures of elephant (mufaiyal) and horses
linen of Samannüd 2 and Damsisi (from Damsis in (mukhaiyal 5 ), and carpets (mitrah) stuffed with
Egypt 3 ), and Tinnisi, and Dimyâtî, nor yet Mud] al- feathers of the Indian bullfinch and Tustar brocade
lai! ( nor figured (wasjiï) material of bro-
?) stuff, embroidered (mukassab) with gold.
cade (dibädj) with the woven gold (al-dhahab al-
mansüdj ) and the intermingled ambergris, with beau- He again mentions a pillow (mikhadda)
tiful markings (hasan al-taws_h!‘) as if it were woven of Kubâtï stuffed with the feathers of the
6
of the blossoms of Spring (Rabi‘), nor yet trans- bullfinch Bukhari talks of leather cushions
.
parent Shinizi stuffs like thin air or the mirage, nor stuffed with palm-fiber .
7
napkins (shustakät 4 ) which are used for wiping the

The Nuzhat al-Kulüb mentions several
mouth in polite assemblies, of kasab-linen of unbleached
birds whose feathers are used for stuffing and
material with a border (muffam mukhawwam), nor
striped material (muraiyasji), nor material orna- other purposes:
mented ( muwas_hs_hä ) with Maghrib! (North Afri- Abü Faras_h is a fowl of beautiful form with long
’
neck and legs, and red beak like a stork. It is colored
1
Abu -Mutahhar 1 a\-Azà\,Hikâyat Abi ’l-Käsim, red and yellow and green and blue, appearing a dif-
ed. A. Mez (Heidelberg, 1902), p. 35 ff.
2
A conjectural emendation for . Mez con- 5
Reading mufaiyal for mufattal, and mukhaiyal
siders it to be the same as the French samêt, the for muhaiyil. Cf. the passages from Makrizi, Khitat,
German samât. quoted in Chapter XVI (pt. IV), and note 13.
3
A conjectural emendation for Dasîsï. 6
Abu 1 -Mutahhar al-Azdi, op. cit., p. 52.
’
A word originally meaning an asbestos napkin,

4 7
El-Bokhari, Les Traditions islamiques, trans.
but later applied to any kind of napkin. Cf. Ibn O. Houdas and W. Marçais (Paris, MDCCCCIII-
Khallikän’s Biographical Dictionary, trans. by M. de XIV), Publ. de l’École des Langues Orientales
Slane (Paris-London, 1843-71), IV, 375. Vivantes ( = P.E.L.O.V .), IV, 231.
ISLAMIC TEXTILES 77
ferent color every season. Abükalamün garments are Kälikalä, carpets (mitrah) of Maisän, reedmats
prepared from Hawâsil, Pelican. On
its colors. . . . (husur) of Baghdad. 10
its breast is a skin covered with soft down of which
they make articles of apparel and its feathers are used

Nuwairl seems to derive largely from
for arrows. Farisa (?). On its body are blue
. . .
Tha‘älibi in a chapter entitled “An Account of
feathers which they use for introducing into em- the Different Articles for Which Certain Coun-
broidery (zardüz). 8 tries are Noted.” 11
The geographer Ibn al-Fakih gives us a With regard to the special products in the way
list of articles which are only to be obtained of jewels, one says: ‘The turquoises (fairuzadj) of
by travel in many lands. The following are Nishapur, the jacinth (yäküt) of Ceylon, the pearls
of Oman, the topaz (zabardjad) of Misr (Egypt),
the textiles which he classes under this cate-
the chalcedony (‘akik) of Yemen, the onyx (djaz‘)
gory: of Zafär, and the garnet of Balkh (bidjädi), and the
Chinese saddles (surüdj), Säbiri shirts (or breast- coral (mardjän) of Ifrikiya’.
plates dir‘), Chinese curtains (sutür), the munaiyar With regard to the special products in the way
garments of Rayy, Kazvin robes, Sa‘idi cloth, Yemen of clothing (malbüs), one says: The striped cloaks
cloaks (huila), Egyptian mantles (rida’), the mulham- (burüd) of Yemen, the figured stuffs of San'a
12
stuff Khurasan, Tähirid garments, Andalusian
of (was_hi), the Rait of Syria (Sha’m), the kasab-
cloaks (huila), Chinese silk (harir), khazz-silk of linen of Egypt (Misr), the brocade of Rüm, the
Süs, Tustar brocade, Rümï buzyün-brocade, Egyptian kazz-silk of Süs, the silk of China, the robes of
linen, figured Kufan wasju-stuffs, and the ‘attäbi of Fars, the cloaks (huila) of Isfahan, the siklätün of
Isfahan. 9 Baghdad, the turbans (‘imäma) of Ubulla, the
munaiyar of Rayy, the mulham of Merv, the trouser-
A very similar found in Tha-
list is to be bands (tikka) of Armenia, the kerchiefs (mandil) of
‘âlibï’s Latä’if al-Maärif where a certain wit Damghan, and the stockings of Kazvin.
at the court of the Buwaihid ‘Adud al-Dawla, With regard to the special products in the way
called Abü Dulaf, replies to the satire of an of furs, one says: The squirrel of Khirkhiz, the sable
of Bulghär, the foxfur of the Khazars, the marten of
opponent :
Kashghar, the fine skins of Herat, and the ermine of

May God shower upon me the striped cloaks Tughuzghuz.
(burüd) of Yemen, the kasab-linen of Egypt (Misr), With regard to the special products in the way of
the brocades of Rüm, the khazz-silks of Süs, the silk furnishing (fursh) one says: The carpets (busut)
(harir) of China, the robes (aksiya) of Fars, the of Armenia, the large carpets (zulliya) of Kälikalä,
cloaks (huila) of Isfahan, the siklätün of Bagh- the carpets (mitrah) of Maisän, and the reedmats
dad, the turbans (‘imäma) of Ubulla, the Taw- (husr) of Baghdad.
wazi-cloth of Tawwadj, the munaiyar stuff of Rayy,
the haffi of Nishapur, the mulham of Merv, the squir- An earlier author than some of the pre-
rel-fur of Khirkhiz, the sable of Bulghär, the fox- ceding writers was the writer of belles-lettres
skins of the Khazars, the marten of Kashgar, the er- known as al-Washshâ’ (circa 246-325 H.
mine of Tughuzghuz, the fine skins of Herat, the
[860-936 A.D.] )
who devotes several chap-
trouser-cords of Armenia, the stockings (djawrab) of
Kazvin. May God give me the furnishings of Ar-
ters to describing the types of clothing worn
menian carpets (busut), large carpets (zulliya) of by his contemporaries. The following extracts
10
8
J. The Zoological Section of the
Stephenson, Tha'âlibï, Lata if al-Ma'ärif, ed. P. de Jong
Nuzhat-al-Quliib of Hamdulläh al-Mustaufl al- (Leyden, 1867), p. 132.
11
Qazwïnï, Or. Trans. Fund (London, 1928), trans., Nuwairi, Nihäyat al-Arab fï FunUn al-Adab
pp. 62, 69, 83. (Cairo, 1923-37), I, 369. (Nuwairi died in 734 H.
9
Ibn al-Fakih, Compendium libri Kitäb al-Bol- (1333 A.D. ) .)
dän, ed.M. J. de Goeje Bibliotheca Geographorum 12

See this word in the glossary to Tabari, Annales,
Arabicorum ( — B.G.A .) (Leyden, 1885), V, 50. ed. M. J. de Goeje (Leyden, 1879-1901).
,
78 R. B. SERJEANT
have seemed worthy of presentation as a Kühî stuff either. The best taste in dress is to wear
clothes which one another, with a graduated
suit
whole 13 :
range of color, and materials which have something

in common and do not clash.
Section on the Dress of the Elegant
THE COSTUME AFFECTED BY MEN OF POSITION Section on the Trousercords, Shoes, and Boots
WORN BY THE ELEGANT
You must know that the costume of the elegant,
16
gallant, and cultured man consists of fine shirts They wear Zandji (Negro) shoes (ni'äl) and
(ghiläla), and thick shirts (kamis) of excellent kinds thick Kanbäti shoes (from Cambay), Yemen furred
of linen, soft and pure of colors, such as Dabild and (musjia“ara) shoes (suède ?), fine shoes (hadw),
Djannâbï, and the linings (mubattanät) of täkhtandj and the light checked (mukhattam) type. The black
and raw stuffs (khämät), shirts (durrä'a) of Däräb- colored kind can be worn with the red, and the
djird and Iskandari (Alexandrine stuff), and mulham yellow with the black. They wear Häsjfimi boots
(a stuff with a warp of silk and a woof of some and the split shoes of officials ( ? al-maksüra al-kut-
other material), and khazz-silk, and Khurasan ma- täbiya), firm leather, and heavy black leather with
terial, linings (mubattanät) of soft Kühî stuff, and stockings (djawrab) of khazz-silk, goathair (mir-
14
izärs of aldcasab al-sharb (some kind of linen stuff, ), ‘izzi), and kazz-silk. They buy a red style of boot
Aden cloaks (rida’) with borders ( muhashshät ) and a black leather kind ( därish ) 17 They use trouser-
.
tailasän-hoods (or cloaks) of Nishapur mulham, and bands (tikka) of ibrism-silk, and khazz-silk, and cot-
Dabiki of one color (musmata Dabikiya), Nishapur ton mitraf-cloaks and figured Armenian stuffs (al-
gowns (djubba), and tiräzi stuff of one color (mus- manküsjra al-Armaniya). 18
mata tiräzi), Sa'di figured washi-stuffs, Kufan khazz-
silk, mitraf-cloaks of Süs, robes of Fars, blue Sulülï
Section on Fashionable Ladies, concerning
Kümis 15 tailasäns, and all things after this sort. . . .
those Clothes which differ from those

However it is not considered correct to wear of Fashionable Men
clothes of ugly colors dyed with scent (tib, or some
kind of dye?) and saffron, such as yellow mulham, They wear smoke-colored shirts (ghiläla dukh-
and Dabiki impregnated with ambergris, because khäniya), and Rasjiîdï cloaks (ridä’), and linen with
that is women’s apparel, and the dress of dancing- decorated bands on it (sjjurüb muzannara 19 ) ,
Ta-
girlsand serving-girls that is shirts (ghiläla)
. . . bari cloaks (ardiya Tabariya), colored kasab-linen,
perfumed with musk and shirts (kamis) perfumed silkembroidered with round circles (harir mu'aiyan),
with ambergris, cloaks of various colors (ridä’), and Nishapur veils (mikna'), izärs of Khurasan mulham-
yellow izärs. But, in certain cases, they may use stuff, cords for tying the necks of dresses, open sleeves,
them as coverings and may even don them
(fursjj), white trousers with tails, black veils (mi'djar) per-
at an occasion of revelry and still be considered ele- fumed with hyacinth. They must not wear any
gant in them in the salons; they can also wear shoes trousercords (tikka) nor any garment sprinkled
of them in their houses, though appearance in public (marshüsji) (with perfume
nor perfumed, nor ?),
in this style is bad form. of simple colors, nor any garments of white linen
The elegant find favor with the affluent and rela-
tives of the caliph. No elegant person or man of 16
Al-Wasjisjiä’, op. cit., p. 125. I read Zandjiya
taste will permit himself to wear soiled clothing with for Zidjiya. The text here is dubious being based on
that which has been washed, nor clothing which has a single MS. only. Perhaps
the sandals of Git in
been washed with new nor linen with
garments, Tanükhi, Nisjiwär al-Muhädara, Table Talk of a
Mervian (cotton) stuff, nor bäbiyäf (cotton) with Mesopotamian Judge , ed. and trans. by D. S. Margo-
liouth, Or. Trans. Fund (London, 1921), trans.,
13
Al-Washsjiä’, Kitäb al-Muwashshä, ed R. E. p. 125, should be Zandji sandals. The Abyssinians
Briinnow (Leyden, 1 886 ) ,

p. 124 f. were famous for their leather.
14 17
The insertion of the particle “and” would Inserting “min.”
18
probably give a better sense, i.e., and
sjiarb-linen, With the emendation to the text noted in Chap-
kasab-linen. ter VI, note 9.
19
15
Reading Kümisï for Tümisï. Abu -Mutahhar
’
1 al-Azdi, op. cit., p. 42.

ISLAMIC TEXTILES 79
except that which is colored by nature, or dyed ac- ions, and they do not pass beyond the limits which we
cording to its kind, or altered from being exclusively have demarcated.
the garb of men with some kind of musk or sandal
species and ambergris
(of perfume), or the hyacinth
Our author goes on to describe those points
species so that the perfume makes them a different of women’s dress which differ from men’s in
kind of garb, seeing that the wearing of white is part the way of trouserbands, boots and shoes,
of a man’s dress. Nor can they wear yellow, black, scents, etc .
22
green, rose-color (muwarrad) or red except that

which is by nature yellow, green, blue, rose— colored They wear Kanbâti furred (mus_ha“ara) painted
and red, such as the red silk stuff called lädh, silk green-colored shoes, women’s shoes (khifäf zanä-
23
(harir), kazz-silk, brocade, figured stuff (was_hi), nïya ), and the split (maksür) type, and the Edessa
and khazz-silk, because the rose-color, red, and green (Rahâwî) kind. They wear trousercords of ibrism-
Sinïzi
20
are only worn by Nabatean women,
21
and do men, but they do not also wear, as men do,
silk as
singing-girls of the slave class. White is considered woven trousercords of brocade, and twisted sjjarräb-
abandoned women. Blue and mourn- cloths of ibrism-silk (s_harräbät al-ibrïsm al-maftüla),
as the dress of
ing garments are the colors worn by the bereaved and and broad belts (zunnär). They never wear white
those in trouble. We have described the best fash- nor stuffs with many colors or with stripes for they
consider them colors of bad omen. They sometimes
20
also wear silken trouserbands, and cotton mitraf-
Reading iSJt:r" for
cloaks. 24
21
“Nabatean,” according to F. Krenkow, “The
Oldest Western Accounts of Chinese Porcelain,” 22
Al-Was_hs_hä’, op. cit., p. 127. The text seems
Islamic Culture (Hyderabad, 1933) VII, 226—27, >
corrupt here.
when applied to anything means something that is 23
Perhaps Zandjiya should be read here as supra.
not good, or of an inferior quality. Perhaps the refer-
24 «-SjUäJIj.
ence is to the Aramean Christian women. Reading !
APPENDIX II: KAABA COVERINGS

Wüstenfeld has published an extract ing to Mecca, and it was placed over the covering
with which Abu TNasr al-Astarabâdî covered it
from an Arab author on the different mon-
in the same year. It was covered with a green and
archs and dynasties that gave the Kaaba its It has continued to be covered with
black covering.
annual covering. The importance of this func- black until the present day, with a yellow tiräz in it,
tion, implying the sovereignty of the Muslim previously having been white. On the east side, in
world, was very great. The manufacture was the year 310 H. (922-23 A.D.) cups (djämät 1 ) em-
broidered in white silk (harir) were introduced into
made in different royal factories at different
the covering of the Kaaba, but then this was aban-
periods :
doned in the year 815 h. (1412- 13 a.d.) and the
“The Kaaba was covered, according to al-Azralri three following years. Then the white cups were
with various types of coverings, including white reintroduced in the year 819 H. (1416-17 a.d.) and
Khurasan brocade, and red Khurasan brocade as the the five consecutive years. Then that was stopped in
author of the ‘Ikd (Ibn ‘Abd Rabbihi) has recounted. the year 865 H. (1460-61 a.d.).
Another kind was the white brocade in the time of It was covered with cloth of cotton dyed black
al-Häkim the Fatimid (al'Ubaidi), and his grand- because it was laid bare by a tempestuous wind which
son al-Mustansir, al-Sulaihi the ruler of Yemen and arose in Mecca in the year 643 H. (1245-46 A.D.) ;
Mecca covering it with that material. In the year this is said to have happened in the year 443 H. ( 1051-
466 H. (1073-74 a.d. ) it was covered with yellow 52 a.d. ) The Shaikh of the Holy Place (al-Haram),
.
brocade — this was the covering which the Sultan

Mahmüd ibn Sabuktagin, the ruler of India made. 1
The text of Ibn ‘Abd Rabbihi, al-lkd al-Farld,
Then Nizäm al-Mulk, the vizier of Maliks_häh the has instead of djämät, “cups,” the word därät, “cir-
Seljuk took over this right and despatched the cover- cles,” which is probably the better reading.
, ,
8o R. B. SERJEANT
al-‘Afïf Mansür ibn Sa‘ah al-Baghdâdï had nothing 54. For this author see C. Brockelmann, Geschichte
to use for a cover for borrowed three hundred
it, so he der arabischen Litter atur (Weimar-Berlin, 1898-
dinars and brought white cloth with it, which he then 1902) II, 172. For an Ali-ide Kaaba-covering of the
dyed black and fastened the old tiräz-border to it. year 200 H. (815 a.d.), see Azrakï in Die Chroniken
Another of those who covered it was Ramus_ht, der Stadt Mekka II, 183. See also Ibn Djubair, The
Mecca in the year 532 H.
the governor of al-Ribät in Travels of Ibn Djubair, ed. W. Wright and M. J. de
(1137-38 A.D.). He covered it with striped cloths Goeje, Gibb Mem.
(Leyden-London, 1907) V,
Ser.
(hibara) and other materials. According to Ibn al- 83, 95, X 27 J. von Karabacek, Die persische Nadel-
;
Athir, its covering cost 18,000 Egyptian dinars, but malerei Susandschird (Leipzig, 1881). For an arti-
others say 4,ooo. 2 cle on the manufacture of the kiswa or Kaaba-cover-
ing, see E. Combe, “Notes d’archéologie musulmane,”
2
Al-Fa’si, an extract in Die Chroniken der Stadt Bull, de ITnst. Franç. d’Archéol. or. du Caire XVII
Mekka ed. F. Wüstenfeld (Leipzig, 1857-61), II, (1920), 191-206.
APPENDIX III: INDIAN, CHINESE, AND OTHER INFLUENCES

The textile trade of india with Muslim now no longer in existence, near one of the
countrieswas at all times considerable, but it mouths of the Indus 5 Abu’ l-Fida even at-.
does not come within the scope of this work tributes a Daibuli stuff (mata ) to it
6
The 1
.
to deal with Indo-Muslim relations in any same author, on the authority of Bïrünï men-
7
detail. tions a stuff Tânashï which came from Täna,
The export of Indian stuffs to Persia, etc., near Bombay; both buckram and cotton are
8
was so much of a commonplace that the Per- noticed by Marco Polo there.
9 10
sian poet Minücihri can talk of “a camel of Both Nuwairi and Marco Polo talk of
Multan laden with Mecca.” Chau
stuffs for
1
the cotton stuffs of Kanbäya (Cambay). We
Ju-kua, the Chinese expert on the Arab-China also read of an embassy to the king of
trade in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries Ceylon, including negotiations about trade in
tells us concerning Gujurat: “The native the usual things such as brazil-wood (bak-
products comprise great quantities of indigo, kam), (kumaî), and cloth (bazz) and
stuffs
myrolobans, and foreign cotton stuffs of every jacinth (yäküt). lx With regard to the Sea of
color. Every year these goods are trans-
ported to the Ta-Shï (Arab or Persian) coun- Kramers (2d Leyden, 1938-39), p. 50. Hudiid
ed.,
tries for sale.”

2
Marco Polo, too, describes
al- A lam, by V. Minorsky, Gibb Mem. Ser.
trans.
(London, 1937), n.s., XI, 123. Idrîsï, Géographie,
their “cotton-trees” and embroidered-leather trans. by P. A. Jaubert (Paris, 1836-40), I, 161.
work 3
Ibn Hawkal, the anonymous Hudiid
. 5
See J. Horovitz “Daibul,” Encyl. Islam (Ley-
al-Älam, and Idrîsï, all describe the chief port den, 1913-38), I, 896.
Abu 1 -Fidä, Takwim al-Buldän, ed. T. Reinaud
’
4 6
of the northwest of India, Daibul ,
a place
and M. de Slane (Paris, 1840), p. 349, trans. (Paris,
1
Minücihri, Menoutchehri, poète persan du 1847-83), II, m.
7
xi-ième siècle de notre ère, ed. and trans. by A. de B. Ibid., text, p. 359, trans., II, 118.
8
Kazimirski (Paris, 1886), trans., p. 249. Yule, op. 385.cit., II,
9
2
Chau Ju-kua, Chu-fan-chik, on the Arab and Nuwairi, Nihäyat al-Arab fi Funiin al-Adab
Chinese Trade in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Cen- (Cairo, 1923-37), I, 237. A
chapter here is devoted
turies, trans. by F. Hirth and W. W. Rockhill (St. to India.
10
Petersburg, 1911), I, 92. Yule, op. cit., II, 388-89.
11
3
H. Yule, The Book of Ser Marco Polo, the Makrïzï, Histoire des Sultans Mamlouks de
Venetian (London, 1871), II, 383. l’Égypte, by M. Quatremère (Paris, 1837-42), II, I,
4
Ibn Hawkal, Opus Geographicum, ed. J. H. 176.
ISLAMIC TEXTILES 8l
Harkand (the Gulf of Bengal), Nuwairi in- and the birds called b nä k r k r, and sjiarak (nightin-
The gale), the red jacinth, white sandalwood, ivory, aloes,

forms us : “There are many islands in it.
tutty, cloves, hyacinth, nutmeg, and velvet garments
inhabitants are the most skilled of people in
(thiyäb mukhmala), etc. Thus it possesses more spe-
weaving. They weave a shirt (kamis) with its cial products than Rüm which is only reckoned to
12
two sleeves and seams all in one piece.” have brocade (dibädj), soap, terra sigillata (tin
There are several cities mentioned in India makhtüm), and sundus-brocade which is called buz-
19
by the Hudiid al- Alain generally for their yün, and various different kinds of garments.”
velvets
13
Ibn Batüta 14 tells of the garments
.
Mustawfi Kazwini gives Mansüra, Mul-
which were called Shäliyät 15 .
tan,Lahore, Sultânîya, Peshawar, Malikfür,
More general accounts of the merchandise Kusdär, Nahrawâla, and Kuss as producing
20
of India are given by various authors. Ibn great quantities of stuffs for clothes . Nu-
Khurdädbih says: “From India are derived wairi 21
mentions in his list of the products of
the garments made of grass (hashish), and the country “velvet garments” (thiyäb mukh-
23
cotton garments with a velvety pile (mukhmala), muslin (länis ), and stuffs (kumäsh).
mal.” 18 The grass-woven stuffs were found
17
in other parts of the Islamic world also Of . CHINA
Sind, Makdisi says: “In the whole province
The importation of Chinese silks into
carpets (busut) and that type of article are
Islamic countries was continuous and the au-
made, resembling those made in Kuhistan of
thors frequently mention “Chinese silk” (harir
Khurasan. Many coconuts and lovely gar-
Sini) While it seems unlikely to me that much
.
ments are brought from it, and from Mansura

18
chinaware would be brought to Muslim coun-
the Kanbäti shoes.”
(
tries by land, owing to the difficulties of trans-
The Lata if al-Ma ärif adds :
port through Central Asia, the silk certainly
The land of India is the country which possesses did come by that route, as well as by sea, to
most rare products which are found there alone. Baghdad. Many of the stuffs, however, which
Among those are the elephant, the hippotamus, the
were called “Chinese silks” came from the
panther (babr), the peacock, the parrot, the turkey,
neighboring countries and not from China
12
Nuwairi, op. cit., I, 241. proper. Tibet and Turkestan were sources of
13
Hudüd al- A lam, op. cit., pp. 89, 90. such a supply, especially the latter, which was
14
Ibn Batüta, Voyages d’Ibn Batoutah, ed. and probably less desiccated than today, accord-
trans. by C. Defrémery and B. R. Sanguinetti (Paris, ing to Sir Aurel Stein.
i 853-59), IV, 108.
15
Some records of the Chinese trade with
Mas'üdï, Murüdd al-DJiahab , Les Prairies d’or,
Turkestan and North Persia are to be found
ed. and trans. by C. A. C. Barbier de Meynard and
2S
A. J. B. Pavet de Courteille (Paris, 1861-77), I, in Chavannes’ Documents In 719 a d the . . .
385, and Ibn Hawkal, Viae et régna ., Descriptio . .
19
ditionis moslemicae, ed. M. J. de Goeje, Bibliotheca Tha‘älibi, Lata if al-Mafärif, ed. P. de Jong
Geographorum Arabicorum ( — B.G.A .) (Leyden, (Leyden, 1876), p. 125.
20
1873), II, 228, and H. Yule, op. cit., II, 379. Mustawfi Kazwini ( Hamd-Alläh Mustawfi
16
Ibn Khurdädbih, Kitäb al-Masälik wa ’l-Mamä- Kazwini), The Geographical Part of the Nuzhat al-
lik, ed. M. J. de Goeje, B.G.A. (Leyden, 1889), Qulüb, trans. by G. le Strange, Gibb Mem. Ser.
VI, 51. (Leyden-London, 1919), XXIII, II, 252.
17 21
Idrïsï, op. cit., I, 70. Nuwairi, op. cit., I, 366.
22
18
Makdisï ( Mukaddasï) Descriptio imperii Mos -
,
See Makrizi, op. cit., II, II, 77, and ibid.,
lemici, ed. M. B.G.A. (Leyden, 1876,
J. de Goeje, Khitat (Bulaq, 1270 H. [1853 a.d.]), II, 227.
23
2d ed., 1906), III, 481. E. Chavannes, “Documents sur les Tou-kiue
.
82 R. B. SERJEANT
king of Bokhara sent an embassay to the king this description the silk in question was of a
of China asking for help against the invading Sasanian pattern rather than Chinese.
Arabs 24 sending as presents two mules of In the second century of the Hijra,
27
Persia, an embroidered cloth of Fu-lin (Byzan- Djähiz tells us that there came “from China
25
tium ), thirty His
pounds of perfume etc. (Sin) figured cloth (firind), silk (harir),
wife sent two large cloths of “Tcho-Pi,” and an chinaware (ghadä’ir), paper and (käghid)
embroidered cloth which she gave to the em- inks (midäd 28 ), peacocks, steeds, mules, sad-
press. In return he asked for saddles, bridles, dles and felts.” The felts undoubtedly came
tunics, belts, and garments for his wife, the from the Turkish lands where they were the
Khätün. According to another passage the product par excellence. Tha‘âlibï 29 is prob-
king sent his eldest son A-si-lan (Arslan) on ably copying Djähiz when he tells us that
this mission, which was another form of trad- “they have figured cloth (firind), and painted
30
silk (hârïr madhün on which figures are
ing mission to China. )
A few scattered notes — they cannot claim displayed called kamkhä. They have waxed
to be more —
on the imports of
will be given
1
(musjiamma ) waterproof garments which do
not get wet in spite of much rain. They have
silks from China, for the Arab and Persian
also the coarse napkins (manädil al-ghamar)
writers were usually splendidly vague about
the countries east of Transoxiania. Mas‘üdï
which, when dirty are thrown into the and
fire,
tells us how the Khäkän of the Turks gave

become clean and do not burn.” He mentions
their celebrated felts.
Kisrä Anüshirwän “a robe of Chinese silk,
decorated with gold (harir ‘asdjadi) on which Several cities and islands in the east and in
there was the picture of a king sitting in his

China exporting these silks are mentioned by
81
palace (aiwän) with his regalia (hulya), and
Idrisi and Ibn Batüta also mentions the
stuffs of Thsiuan-tchou-fou (Arabic Zaitün),
his crown. At his side were slaves with fans in
their hands. The
was woven (man-
picture
stating that: “The kamkhä and satin (atlas)
südj) with gold. The background (ard) of is made there which is better than that of the
the robe was lapis-lazuli (läzward) .”

26
From other towns, and which is called after its name.
They are better than the stuffs of Khansä and
(Turcs) occidentaux,” Academia Scientiarium Im-
’
27
perialis (St. 1903), VI, 203 and 139.
Petersburg, Djähiz, “Al-Tabassur bi 1 -Tidjâra,” ed. Hasan
For Chinese sources on western cloth, citing material H. Abd al-Wahhäb, Rev. de V Acad. Arabe de Damas,
of a philological nature, see B. Läufer, Sino-Iranica, XII (1351 H. [1932 A.D.] ) , 341. Besides the Chi-
Field Museum of Natural History, Publ. 201 (Chi- nese silks mentioned incidentally in the previous chap-
cago, 1919), p. 488 ff., where dlbädj and siklätün are ters of this book, see Sechster Band des Kitâb Bagdad
mentioned. von Ahmad ibn abî Tâhir Taifûr, ed. by H. Keller
24
For the history of this area see H. A. R. Gibb, ( Leipzig-Basle 1908), p. 272.
28
The Arab Conquest in Central Asia (London, 1923). The ink mentioned by Djähiz is very likely
25
Idem, “Chinese Records of the Arabs Cen- in Chinese ink in blocks with a decorated surface. See
Central Asia,” Bull. School of Oriental Studies (Lon- Wang Chi-Chen, “Notes on Chinese Ink,” Metro-
don, 1921-3), II, 613-22. In “Documents” Cha- politan Museum Studies (New York, 1930-31), III,
vannes actually identifies Fu-lin with Syria, but he I 4 +- 33 -
29
later again returned to the identification with Byzan- Tha‘älibi, op. cit., p. 127.
30
tium. Cf. H. H. Schaeder, “Iranica,” Abhandl. d. Reading madhün for madfün, but compare the
Gesellsch. d. Wissensch. zu Göttingen, Phil. -Hist. parallel passage in Tha'älibi’s Thimär al-Kulüb
Kl., 3. Folge, Nr. 10 (Berlin, 1934), 24 ff. (Cairo, 1326 H. [1908 A.D.] )
26 31
Mas'üdï, op. cit., II, 201. Idrîsï, op. cit., I, 69, 84, 193, 194-
ISLAMIC TEXTILES 83
32
Khänbälik.” Marco Polo talks of the nasich wax, (khazz) and skins (wabar), they
silk
and naques of Cathay. 33

are imported there. The clothes of the Kha-
The Muslim attitude toward China has zars and the neighboring lands consist of
been ably summed up by Schefer 34 : tunics (kurtak) and cloaks (kabä’), for they
Tous les écrivains orientaux qui se sont occupés

possess no clothing (of their own) which is
de la Chine, sont unanimes à vanter l’habileté des only brought to them from the districts of
Chinois dans toutes les industries, et surtout dans la Djurdjän, Tabaristän, Armenia, Azerbaijan,
peinture, la sculpture, et la fabrication des étoffes les and Rüm.” Al-Nasawï 38 enumerates such
plus riches et les plus fines.
products of the Turks as ingots of precious
Les rapports commerciaux ne furent interrompus 39
metals, rhinoceros horns (khutü ), musk,
ni pendant les troubles qui désolèrent la Chine, ni
pendant les guerres qui ensanglantèrent l’Asie cen- jasper (yashab), stuffs called T rkuwä made
trale à l’époque de la chute de la dynastie des Sâmâ- with the wool of white camels, each piece being
nides. On voit, en effet,mentionés dans les anciennes worth fifty dinars or more.
relations les tissus délicats, les ouvrages en ivoire, et
Of Kashghar, a Chinese traveler of 629
les curiosités de la Chine qui étaient importés dans le
A.D. informs us: “Its manufactures are a fine
Khuräsän.
kind of twill haircloth and carpets of a fine tex-
He quotes the D) âmï al-Hikäyät to say ture, and woven.” 40 Marco Polo,
skilfully
that “On
trouve chez eux toutes sortes centuries later, remarks on its cotton, and Khu-
d’étoffes dont quelques-unes sont apportés dans tan had much cotton flax and hemp. 41 The
le Khuräsän, avec des merveilleuses curiosités.” manufactures of the latter city according to
our Chinese traveler were “carpets, hair-cloth
TURKESTAN of a fine quality, and fine woven silk fabrics.” 42
The Arab and Persian authors sometimes Narshakjii remarks that “there is a great trade
talk of the products of this area imported in Khutan in ibrism-silk and muslin (kir-
43
from early times. Ya‘kübï remarks that “the bäs).”
Turks are the most skilled people in the manu- TIBET
facture of felts (lubüd) because that is what
35 According to the Encyclopaedia of Isläni,
they wear.” Speaking of the Khazar coun-
36 by the term Tibet, the Arab authors usually
try, Istakhri adds: “Nothing is brought to
meant Little Tibet or Baltistän. Occasionally
it which is imported to all provinces apart
37
from furs. As for the quicksilver, honey,
Muhammad al-Nasawï, Histoire du Sultan
38
Djelal ed-Din Mankobirti, ed. and trans. by O.

32
Ihn Batüta, op. cit., IV, 269. Houdas, Publ. de l’Ecole des Langues Orientales
33
Yule, op. 276.
cit., I.
Vivantes (= P.E.L.O. V.) III, IX, text, p. 33, X,
,
34
C. Schefer, “Notice sur les relations des peuples trans., p. 57.
musulmans avec les Chinois depuis l’extension de 39
This seems to apply here to Mammoth ivory
l’islamisme jusqu’à la fin du XV siècle,” P.E.L.O .V ., from Siberia, but Muslim authors are indefinite as to
Centenaire de l’école des langues orientales vivantes, the precise nature of this substance.
1795-1895 (Paris, 1895), P- B. 40
Hiuen Tsiang, Si-Yu-Ki, Buddhist Records of
35
Ya‘kübi, Kitäb al-Boldän, ed. M. J. de Goeje, the Western World, trans. by S. Beal (London,
B.G.A. (Leyden, 1892), VII, 295. 1884), I, 306.
36
Istakhri, Viae regnorum ed. . . M. J. de 41
Yule, op. cit., I, 188, 196.
Goeje, B.G.A. (Leyden, 1870), I, 223. 42
Hiuen Tsiang, op. cit., I, 309.
37
Reading iA. Cf. Yâküt, Mu'djam al-Buldân, 43
Narshakhi, Tärlkh-i-Bukhärä, Description to-
Geographisches Wörterbuch, ed. F. Wüstenfeld pographique et historique de Boukhara, ed. C. Schefer,
(Leipzig, 1866-73), II, 438. P.E.L.O.V. (Paris 1892), III, XIII, p. 269.
84 R. B. SERJEANT
we hear of articles of merchandise coming The beginning, end and middle (of the cloth) are
from this country in such works as the Hitdüd the same without a single thread differing. They are
taken to the Slav lands, and called Rümï linen. The
al-Älam, etc., notably musk. Idrlsi states
Russians live in the Slav country. In Rümiya
that: “It has relations with Ferghana and But- (Rome ?) colored woollen garments, better than the
tam and the subjects of the Khäkän. . . .
Rümï brocade, are made. A dhirâ* is worth a dinar
They make a great number of objects there there. In spite of their smoothness and softness, rain
and export robes, the stuffs of which the tissue does not penetrate them, and their lovely color of a
is thick, coarse and lasting. Each of these blood-red is dyed with kirmiz (qermes). There is a
creature which descends from the sky at a certain
robes costs a considerable sum, for its silk is
44
time in Autumn upon the oak-tree like the red evil-
of a red color.” smelling ant which one sees in houses, red and small
like the seed of the Syrian carob, with an unpleasant
WESTERN INFLUENCES odor like the kirmiz. This latter is also red like the
ant,and wool and ibrism-^silk are dyed with it, but not
Byzantine and European stuffs penetrated cotton or linen, nor anything of the vegetable kind,
into Russia,and thus by devious routes to the but only what is connected with animals. 45
more central parts of Asia, and perhaps even
This passage seems obscure:
to China. Though it is not intended to ex- 46
Yäküt tells us that the Russians (Rus)
amine this trade, the following passage from
covered a dead chieftain with cushions (mu-
Gharnäti’s Tuhfat al-Albäb may prove of in-
darrabät) of Rümï brocade and pillows (mis-
terest. Ele talks of the Nämush (Austrians or 47
nad) of the same material .
Germans) saying:
Linen cloth (thiyäb al-kattän), the like of which 45
“Tuhfat al-Albäb de Abü Hämid al-Andalusï
is not found in the world is made in their country, a al-Gharnäti,” ed. and (partially) trans. by G. Fer-
single piece (thawb) being a hundred dhirä* or more. rand, Journ. Asiatique, CCVII (1925), 198.
46
Yäküt, op. cit., II, 837-
44
Idrisi, op. cit., I, 493. Cf. Ibn Rusta, Kitäb 47
For the products of Turkestan see W. Barthold,
al-A‘läk al-Nafïsa, ed. M. J. de Goeje, B.G.A. (Ley- Turkestan Down to the Mongol Invasion, Gibb
den, 1892), III, 142 ff., and Idrisi, op. cit., II, 215. Mem. Ser. (London, 1928), n.s., V, 283-84.
APPENDIX IV: EA Y TRADE ROUTES

The importance of rayy as a commercial from East West, and from West to East, bearing
to
center was so great that Ibn al-Fakih 1 quoting brocade and from Firandja (France
fine khazz-silk
,
or the Franks) to al-Faramä. They go to sea at

an earlier author, Muhammad ibn Ishäk, de-
Kulzum (on the Red Sea) and take all this to China
votes a long passage to describing the various
(Sin), bringing cinnamon, swallow-wort (mämirän),
routes of merchants, trading with it:
and all Chinese ware to Kulzum, then they make
Rayy has a good climate, spendid buildings; it for al-Faramä. They are Jewish merchants called
is an entry for merchants, and a resort of the opulent. Rähdäniya (Guides, or “those skilled in the ways”),
It is the bride of the world, the highway of the earth, speaking Persian, Greek (Rümï), Arabic, and Frank-
and the intermediary for Khurasan, Djurdjän, Iraq, ish. They come forth from al-Faramä and sell the
and Tabaristän. To it come the wares (tidjärät) of musk, aloes-wood and all the goods of the Franks
Armenia, Azerbaijan, Khurasan, the Khazars, and they have with them. Then they go to Antioch, thence
the land of Burdjän, because the sea-traders travel to Baghdad, then Ubulla.
As for the traders of the Slavs (Sakäliba), they
1
Ibn al-Fakih, Compendium libri Kitäb al-Boldân, from the most distant Slav
take fox and beaver skins
ed. M. J. dq Goeje, Bibliotheca Geographorum Ara- and come to the Roman Sea and the king
territory
bicorum ( —B.G.A .) (Leyden, 1885 ), V, 270-71. of Byzantium (Rüm) imposes the duty of ten per
ISLAMIC TEXTILES 85
cent on them. Then they go by sea to SamkusJ} of travel withthem to the kingdom of France (Firan-
2
the Jews. Then they return to the Slavs or else they dja) and them there. If they wish they take their
sell
go from the Slav Sea in the river which is called Nahr wares from France on the Western Sea and disembark
al-Sakäliba (the Don) until they come to Khalidj at Antioch, travelling by land for three stages to
al-Khazar (Read Khamlidj) where the king of the al-Djabiya. 4 After this they travel on the Euphrates
Khazars imposes a duty of ten per cent on them. Then to Baghdad, then on the Tigris to Ubulla, from
they go to the Sea of Khurasan (The Caspian). Ubulla to Oman, Sind, Hind, and China in suc-
Sometimes they land at Djurdjän and sell all they cession.
have with them, so that all of it comes to Rayy.
The Route of the Traders of the Rüs
A fuller version of this, obviously using the
same source even though no acknowledgment They are a branch of the Slavs, and they carry
beaver and black fox-skins, and swords from the
is made, in the customary fashion of Arab
3 furthest Slav territory to the Roman Sea where the
authors, is to be found in Ibn Khurdädbih :
king of Byzantium (Rüm) imposes a duty of ten

per cent upon them. If they travel on Tanais (the
The Route of the Jewish Rähdäniya Don) the river of the Slavs, they pass Khamlidj,
Merchants the town of the Khazars, and their ruler imposes a
They speak Arabic, Persian, Greek

(Rümïya), tax of ten per cent on them. Then they journey to
Frankish, Spanish, and Slav. They journey from the Sea of Djurdjän (The Caspian), disembarking
East to West, and from West to East by land and on whichever part of its coasts they wish, the coast of
this sea being five hundred parasangs. Sometimes they
sea, importing from the West slaves, girls and boys,
brocade, beaver skins, furs, sables (sammür), and take their wares from Djurdjän by camel-transport
swords. They journey from France (Firandja) in to Baghdad. The Slav servants interpret for them
the Western Sea and come out at al-Faramä, carry- and pretend to be Christians, and they pay the poll-
ing their wares on the backs of animals to Kulzum, a tax.
distance of twenty-five parasangs. Then they travel THEIR ROUTE BY LAND

on the Eastern Sea from Kulzum to al-Djär and
Djudda. Afterwards they proceed to Sind, Hind and The outward-bound voyager goes from Spain or
China. From China they bring musk, aloeswood, from France, crossing to al-Süs al-Aksä (in the
camphor, cinnamon, and other kinds of things brought Maghreb), then travels to Tandja (Tangier), then
from those countries, travelling until they return to Ifrikiya (Kairawän), then Egypt, Ramie, Damascus,
Kulzum, then they carry it over to al-Faramâ. After Kufa, Baghdad, Basra, Ahwäz, Fars, Kerman, Sind,
this they put to sea in the Western Sea, sometimes Hind, and then to China.
turning to Constantinople with their wares so as to Sometimes they take the way behind Byzantium
sell them in Byzantium (Rüm); sometimes they (Rüm) into the Slav country, then to Khamlidj, the
capital of the Khazars. Then they travel to the Sea
2
de Goeje reads here “Samkaras” (?) of Djurdjän, then to Balkh and Transoxiana, and
the Hebrew ^“IDDD. then to Wurut (Yurt) of the Tughuzghuz, then
3
Ibn Khurdädbih, Kitäb al-Masälik wa ’l-Mamä- to China.
likj ed. M. J. de Goeje, B.G.A. (Leyden, 1889), VI,
text, p. 133 ff., trans., p. 114 if.
4
A word of uncertain reading.
,
DIE ENTWICKLUNG DER SASANIDISCHEN KRONE *

VON KURT ERDMANN
J EDER SÄSÄNIDISCHE KÖNIG TRÄGT EINE KRONE eigenen Krone scheint so streng gewesen zu
von besonderer Form 1 Dieses Gesetz der . sein, dass Herrscher, die vorübergehend den
Thron verloren, nach ihrer Wiedereinsetzung
* Die folgenden häufiger zitierten Publikationen eine neueKrone annehmen mussten 2 Die Ele- .
werden in den Anmerkungen in Abkürzungen ver- mente dieser Kronen sind den Kronen der
wendet :
3
Götter entlehnt . Sie stellen, jedenfalls ur-
A.M.I. Archaeologische
Mitteilungen aus Iran, sprünglich, wohl eine Verbindung zwischen
herausgegeben von Ernst Herzfeld, I-IX (Ber- 4
dem König und der Gottheit her Ihre Zusam-
.
lin, 1929-38).
Dalton. O. M. Dalton, The Treasure of the Oxus
with other Examples of Early Oriental Metal- Frage, wie weit diese Kronen tatsächlich getragen
work, Second ed., (London, British Museum, worden sind, vergl. Exkurs I.
2
1926). So Peröz, nachdem er Alleinherrscher geworden
Erdmann, Jb. K. Erdmann, “Die sasanidischen Jagd- war, Kaväd I. nach seiner Befreiung aus dem “Schloss
schalen. Untersuchung zur Entwicklungsge- der Vergessenheit,” Khusrau IL, als er sich gegen
schichte der iranischen Edelmetallkunst unter Varhrän VI. durchgesetzt hatte [A.M.I. IX [1938],
den Sasaniden,” Jahrb. d. Preuss. Kunsts., LIX 114). Auch bei Ardasjnr I. spiegeln sich offenbar die
verschiedenen Etappen seines Aufstiegs in der Form
(1936), 193-231.
Erdmann, K. I. K. Erdmann, Die Kunst Irans zur seiner Krone (vergl. Anm. 14) Unklar ist, warum
Zeit der Sasaniden (Berlin, 1943). der nur drei Jahre regierende Ardashir III. in seinem
Herzfeld, A. T. E. Herzfeld, Am Tor von Asien. zweiten Jahr die Krone gewechselt hat. Zu einem
Felsdenkmale aus Irans Heldenzeit (Berlin, Wechsel der Kronenform bei Narseh, die unter
1920). Umständen auch mit Kämpfen um den, Thron im

Paruck. F. D. Paruck, Säsänian Coins (Bom- Zusammenhang stehen könnte, vergl. Anm. 7.
J.
bay, 1924).
3
Herzfeld, A. T
., S. 90, und A.M.I., IX ( 1938),
1 10 und 155 f.
S.-H. F. Sarre-E. Herzfeld, Iranische Felsreliefs.
4
Deutlich ist diese Verbindung von Königs- und
Aufnahmen und Untersuchungen von Denk-
mälern aus alt- und mittelpersischer Zeit (Ber- Götterkrone, wenn Varhrän II. die Flügel seines
lin, 1910).
Namenspatrons Vröragna aufnimmt. Ebenso erklären
sich wohl die Flügel des Siegesgottes bei der Krone
Sarre, A. P. F. Sarre, Die Kunst des Alten Persien
des Peröz, dessen Name “der Siegreiche” bedeutet,
(Berlin, 1923).
und, auf diese zurückgehend, bei Khusrau IL Parwëz,
Smirnoff. J. J. Smirnoff, Argenterie Orientale (in
dem “Siegreichen.” Gewiss ist es auch kein Zufall,
Russian) (St. Pétersbourg, 1909).
wenn sich Narseh, der die “kannelierte Hohlkehle”
Survey. A
Survey of Persian Art. Ed. A. U. Pope
seiner Krone offenbar der Krone der Anähit entlehnt,
(London and New York, 1938-39).
in Naksjh-i-Rustam darstellen wie er aus der
lässt,
Z.D.M.G. Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländ-
Hand dieser Göttin das Diadem empfängt. Am
ischen Gesellschaft.
deutlichsten wird diese —
man könnte sagen “ma-
1
Das ist da Kronen im allge-
ungewöhnlich, gische” —
Beziehung der Formen, wenn (nach Am-
meinen dazu neigen, eine einmal gefundene Form mianus Marcellinus) Shähpuhr II. beim Kampf um
festzuhalten. Ansätze zu stärkerer Variierung finden Amida an Stelle seiner Krone, die ausserhalb des Pa-
sich schon in arsakidischer Zeit. Ein konsequenter lastes wohl überhaupt nicht getragen wurde, einen ver-
Wechsel von Herrscher zu Herrscher ist, soweit ich goldeten und mit Edelsteinen besetzten Widderkopf
sehe, sonst nirgends belegt allenfalls könnte er beim
; trägt, bei dem man sowohl an die Tierkopfkappen
Diadem der oströmischen Kaiser vorliegen, wo er vieler Sasaniden, wie an ihre gelegentlichen Widder-
dann aber vom Säsänidischen abhängig wäre. Zu der hornkronen denken könnte. Dabei bleibt allerdings
88 KURT ERDMANN
menstellung erfolgte nach bestimmten Über- Bestimmend für die Formgebung ist der
legungen, wobei häufige Rückgriffe beweisen, Zwang zur Variation, der sich anfangs schwä-
dass die bereits verwendeten Formen gegen- cher, später stärker auswirkt. Da das Haus
5
wärtig waren und berücksichtigt wurden . der Säsäniden etwa vierzig Herrscher umfasst,
die Auswahl der zur Verwendung kommenden
offen, ob es sich bei diesem Widderhelm Shähpuhrs II. Symbolformen aber ziemlich eng begrenzt
um eine Beziehung auf Vröragna, zu dessen Inkar- ist
6
,
werden die Kronen im Laufe der Zeit
nationen der Widder gehört, handelt oder um eine
immer komplizierter, ihre Unterschiede im-
Darstellung des xvarnah, das im Kärnämak Ardashir I.
in der Gestalt eines Widders erscheint. Vielleicht
mer schwerer erkennbar.
sind auch beide Vorstellungen miteinander verbunden. Uns sind diese Kronen ohne nennenswerte
5
Ohrmizd I. und Ardasjnr II. greifen auf die Lücken 7 und bis auf Einzelfragen hinreichend
Krone Ardasjnrs I. zurück, ebenso Shähpuhr II. auf
die Shähpuhrs I. Ohrmizd II. geht von der Krone folgenden Neujahrstag stattfand. Da es sich dabei
Ohrmizds I. aus, die er mit Elementen der Krone um von den
eine babylonische Sitte handelt, die schon
Varhräns II. verbindet. Entsprechendes findet sich Achaemeniden aufgenommen wurde, ist es wahr-
bei Varhrän IV. und Varhrän II. Ein Zusammen- scheinlich, dass sie in säsänidischer Zeit nicht nur bei
hang zwischen Thronnamen und Kronenform scheint Shähpuhr I., sondern allgemein eingehalten wurde.
danach, wenn auch nicht regelmässig, so doch vielfach Dafür könnte auch die bei Baidawi berichtete Sage
zu bestehen. Das könnte auch die Wiederaufnahme sprechen, nach der Diamshid. nachdem er den Palast
des Flügelmotivs der Krone des Peröz bei Khusrau II. von Persepolis erbaut hatte, die Gesamtheit der
Parwëz erklären. Unter Umständen waren daneben Könige und Grossen der Weltgegenden zusammen-
andere Momente von Bedeutung. Herzfeld z.B. rief und zur Stunde, da die Sonne den Punkt der
weist ( A.M.Ï. , IX [1938], 1 1 1 ) Erwähnung
bei der Frühlings-Tag-und-Nachtgleiche erreichte, den Thron
der Ähnlichkeit der Kronen Shähpuhrs III. und Nar- bestieg, wonach dieser Tag Nawröz genannt werde (E.
nach einer
sehs darauf hin, dass beide ihrem Vater erst Herzfeld, Altpersische Inschriften [Berlin, 1938],
illegitimenUnterbrechung der Thronfolge gefolgt S. 156). Wenn diese Trennung von Wahl und
seien. Ob die Verbindung der Kronen bei Djämäsp Krönung sich als allgemein säsänidische Sitte heraus-
und Varhrän V. einen inneren Grund hat, entzieht steilen sollte, dürfte sich die Angabe bei Tabari
sich noch unserer Kenntnis. nicht auf die Wahl, sondern auf diese spätere Krö-
Vielleicht darf man annehmen, dass dasselbe Gre- nungsfeierlichkeit beziehen.
mium, das nach dem Tansarbrief unter dem Vorsitz 6
neben der verschiedenen Anordnung
Sie umfasst
des Möbadhan Möbadh den neuen König wählte, von Perlen und Edelsteinen am
Stirnreifen bzw.
auch die Form seiner Krone bestimmte. Wenn Diadem die folgenden Embleme Mauerzinne,
:
Tabaris Nachricht, in der Nacht der Königswahl Strahl, Hohlkehle, Doppelflügel mit oder ohne Vogel-
seien Krone und Thron in den grossen Saal des kopf, Palmette, Mondsichel und sechsstrahligen
Palastes gebracht worden, zutrifft, müsste es sich Stern. Die Mauerzinnen dürften sich auf die Krone
dabei schon um die neue Krone gehandelt haben. Das Ahura Mazdähs beziehen, kommen allerdings auch
wäre selbstverständlich denkbar, da der Wahl meist bei der Krone Anähits vor. Die Strahlen weisen auf
längere Verhandlungen vorausgegangen sein werden, Mithra. Die Hohlkehle findet sich bei Anähit. Der
soweit sie nicht durch die Designierung eines Sohnes Doppelflügel steht ursprünglich in Verbindung mit
zum Thronfolger bereits zu Lebzeiten des alten Vröragna, wenn seine häufige Verwendung in der
Königs entschieden war. Jedenfalls würde im allge- säsänidischen Kunst vielleicht auch, jedenfalls in
meinen Zeit sein, die neue Krone zu bestimmen Bedeutung weisen
späterer Zeit, auf eine allgemeinere
und herzustellen. Einfacher aber wäre diese Frage könnte. Mondsichel und Stern meinen Mäh und Tir-
zu beantworten, wenn die Krönung nicht unmittel- Tishtrya (vergl. A.M.I., IX [1938], 109, und
bar nach der Wahl erfolgte. H. H. Schaeder hat für Herzfeld, A. T., S. 90).
Shähpuhr I. nachgewiesen ( in seiner Besprechung von 7
Von den früheren Herrschern war bisher nur
C. Schmidt und H. J. Polotsky, Ein Manifund aus die Krone des Ädarnarseh (309) unbekannt, der sich
Ägypten, Gnomon, IX [1933], 350), dass seine gegen Shähpuhr II. nicht durchsetzen konnte und
Krönung erst an dem auf seinen Regierungsantritt vermutlich nicht zum Prägen kam. Neuerdings hat
SASANIDISCHEN KRONE
gesichert aus den Darstellungen der Münzen gaben wären, da sie selten Beischriften haben,
bekannt 8 In beschränktem Umfang treten
. ohne die Münzen allerdings im allgemeinen
Darstellungen auf anderen Kunstwerken wie wertlos, in Verbindung mit ihnen sind sie je-
Felsreliefs, Stuckplastiken, Silberschalen oder doch durch die grössere Deutlichkeit ihrer
9
Siegelsteinen ergänzend hinzu . Diese Wieder- Darstellungen gelegentlich von Bedeutung.
Selbstverständlich ist damit zu rechnen, dass in
E. Herzfeld A.M.Î. , IX [1938], 1x2) festgestellt,
( Wirklichkeit ausser der Auswahl und Anord-
dass auch von Varhrän III., der drei Monate des
nung der Abzeichen noch andere Momente,
Jahres 293 regierte, keine Münzen bekannt seien.
vor allem Farben, als unterscheidende Merk-
Die bisher ihm zugewiesenen Stücke trügen, soweit
ihre Inschriften lesbar seien, den Namen Narseh. male zur Verwendung kamen 10 die wir den ,
Danach müsste dieser König also zwei Kronen von

verschiedener Form, eine mit einfacher “kannelierter Iran [London, 1935], S. 70) und in Dukhtar-i-
Hohlkehle” und eine mit ausstrahlenden Palmetten Nüsjiirvän Hackin-Y. Godard-A. Godard, Les
(J.
über dieser “Hohlkehle” getragen haben, (vergl. auch Antiquities bouddhiques à Bämiyän [Paris, 1928],
Anm. 41) Unbekannt sind auch die Krone Ohrmizds S. 65 ff.), ferner der Bronzereiter der Ermitage ( Sur-
III. sowie die Kronen einzelner der kurz regierenden vey , Taf. 240 A, Kronenform post Përôz, aber nähere
Herrscher der letzten Jahre (Khusrau III., Diu- Bestimmung unmöglich), die Bronzestatuetten in Ber-
väns_her, Gusjxnasbandeh, der Königin Azarmidukht, lin (Sarre, A. P., S. 52) und Paris (H. C. Gallois
Khusrau IV. und Përôz II.), von denen manche wohl “Une Statuette sassanide au Musée du Louvre,”
nur in Teilen des Reiches anerkannt worden sind Aréthuse, I [1923], 22-27), die sogenannte “Narseh-
und vermutlich nie geprägt haben. Büste” ehemals in Berlin (Sarre, A. P., S. 51, vergî.
8
So lange eine ähnlich handliche Veröffent- Anm. 41), endlich das Tonrelief mit einem nach
lichung nicht existiert, ist es trotz ihrer bekannten hinten schiessenden König in Berlin (Sarre, A. P.,
Mängel (dazu neuerdings auch E. Herzfeld, op. eit., Taf. 152 oben) und der Terrakottakopf daselbst {Sur-
S. 112, Anm. 1) am einfachsten, für allgemeine Nach- vey, Taf. 169 A, dort fälschlich als Stein bezeichnet,
weise F. D. J. Paruck, Säsänian Coins (Bombay, wenn überhaupt echt, kaum rein säsänidisch) der ,
1924) (zitiert als Paruck) zu benutzen. reitende König auf dem Fayencerhyton der Sammlung
9
Die im Folgenden in den Anmerkungen ge- Kelekian (Sarre, A. P., Taf. 147) und der stehende
gebene Aufzählung dieser ergänzenden Kronendar- König auf der Amphora der Havemeyer Collection
stellungen erhebt keinen Anspruch auf Vollstän- {Survey, Taf. 182 B). Über die Königsdarsteilungen
digkeit. Unbestimmbar sind folgende Bilder von der Silberarbeiten vergl. die folgenden Anmerkungen.
10
säsänidischen Königen: Felsrelief mit einzelnem Rei- Die Geschichte der Säsäniden, die Mas'üdi
terkampf und untere Zone des Felsreliefs mit dem 915/6 in Stakhr sah, eine für den Kalifen Hisjiäm in
Reiterkampf Varhräns II. in Naksh-i-Rustam, ferner der ersten Hälfte des 8. Jahrh. angefertigte arabische
das nur noch in Zeichnungen überlieferte Reiterrelief Übersetzung eines persischen Werkes, und das Bilder-
von Ra3W, das Relief von Boshät und das von Hong buch der Säsänidenkönige, das Hamza al-Isfahäni im
bei Mälamir, wenn dieses nicht überhaupt arsakidisch vierten Kapitel seiner Annalen benutzt, gehen auf die
ist, endlich der zweite Reiter auf dem Relief von gleiche Quelle der Säsänidenzeit zurück, die wohl mit
Salmäs. Dasselbe gilt von den beiden Stuckköpfen aus dem von Ibn Kutaiba erwähnten “Buch der Kronen”
Nizämäbäd in Berlin (breiter Stirnreifen mit seit- {Tädinämeh) identisch ist, in das beim Tode eines
lichen Zinnen, über der Stirn kreisförmiges Schmuck- Königs sein Bild eingetragen wurde. (H. H. Schaeder
stück, oberer Abschluss zerstört. Die unbärtigen “Über das Bilderbuch der Säsänidenkönige,” Jahrb.
Köpfe könnten Prinzen, bzw. Thronfolger darstel- d. Preuss. Kunst s., LIX [1936], 231 f.) In der den
len. Dass sie, wie Survey, Taf. 178 A und C angeben, arabischen Autoren vorliegenden Übersetzung des 8.
weiblich sind, kann ich nicht sehen.) Unbestimmbar Jahrhunderts waren von den ursprünglich wohl
sind auch die stark zerstörte Freiplastik am Täk-i- vollständigen Bildern noch mindestens 27 genannt.
Bustän, die traditionell, aber ohne zwingende Gründe Von ihnen erwähnt Mas'üdi nur das des Ardasjrir I.
als Khusrau II. bezeichnet wird (Herzfeld, A. T., und Yazdegerd das erste und letzte, während
III., also
Taf. LII) und die Könige auf den Fresken am Küh-i Hamza von 26 Bildern Beschreibungen
al-Isfahäni
Khwädja (E. Herzfeld, Archaeological History of gibt (vergl. Survey, S. 595, Anm. 2 mit Wiedergabe
, —
90 KURT ERDMANN
Münzbildern nicht entnehmen können, bei Das ist für die Beschäftigung mit der säsä-
denen überhaupt das kleine Format hier und nidischen Kunst von wesentlicher Bedeutung.
da charakterisierende Details unserer Beob- Diese Kunst ist, jedenfalls in der Auswahl der
achtung entziehen mag. Im Ganzen liegt Monumente, die sich erhalten hat, vorwiegend
jedoch das Bild so weit fest, dass wir die an den grossköniglichen Hof gebunden. Dar-
Entwicklung der säsänidischen Krone in ihren stellung des Herrschers in repräsentativer
grossen Zügen übersehen können 11 . Form spielt daher eine wichtige Rolle. Dabei
wird die eigenartige Stellung deutlich, die
der von J. Mohl, Journal asiatique, 3 e série, XI diese säsänidische Kunst zwischen Westen und
[1841], 259-67 gegebenen Übersetzung). Bei den Osten und zwischen Antike und Mittelalter
Kronen werden in erster Linie Farben erwähnt.
einnimmt. Als Kunst der ersten Hälfte des
Angaben über Embleme kommen nur vereinzelt vor
(so bei Varhrän IL, III., Shähpuhr IL, III., und
ersten nachchristlichen Jahrtausends ist Reprä-
Varhrän IV.) und stimmen durchweg mit dem Befund sentation für sie gebunden an eine eindeutige
der Münzbilder nicht überein. Die Zuverlässigkeit Kennzeichnung des Individuums. Als Kunst
dieser Quelle ist also fragwürdig. E. Herzfeld des Ostens aber, die ausserdem in mancher
( A.M.I. IX
[1938], 103) spricht ihr jeden Wert Hinsicht eine fast reaktionäre Betonung ur-
ab (vergl. dagegen die Bemerkungen in Anm. 35, 37
sprünglich iranischer Elemente gegenüber der
und 63). Die ausführliche Beschreibung der Krone
Ohrmizds IV. bei Theophylactus (IV, 3 angeführt westlichen Überfremdung in der vorange-
bei A. Christensen, L’Iran sous les Sassanides [ Kopen- gangenen Arsakidenzeit bringt, ist eine indi-
hagen-Paris , 1936], S. 393) gibt zwar einen beredten vidualisierende Schilderung im Sinne des Por-
Ausdruck für den Reichtum, mit dem diese Kronen traits mit den ihr zur Verfügung stehenden
ausgestattet waren, enthält aber keine Einzelheiten
Mitteln nicht oderbescheidenem
nur in
über ihre Form.
11
Eine erste zusammenfassende Darstellung der
Maasse erreichbar. Von Inschriften wird nur
Entwicklung der säsänidischen Krone hat E. Herz- selten Gebrauch gemacht. So ist eine ein-
feld in A.T., S. 89-91 gegeben. Ausführlicher sind wandfreie Charakterisierung einer Persönlich-
seine Darlegungen A.M.I., IX (1938), 104-26. An keit nur durch äussere Kennzeichen möglich.
sie schliesst diese Untersuchung an. Es wird dabei In diesem Sinne sind für die säsänidische Kunst
darauf verzichtet, in jedem Fall auf diese Arbeit 12
die Kronen, wenn nicht das einzige so doch
hinzuweisen. Wo
die folgende Darstellung von der
,
dort gegebenen abweicht, ist es in den Ammerkungen

Abb. 1, dritte Reihe von oben, zweite Krone von
angegeben. Die Darstellung von H. Goetz ( Survey ,
rechts) bei der Krone Varhräns
IV. gibt, meinen
S. 2232-35) bringt nichts Neues. Die Zeichnungen
doch die Bindenenden der Kugelabschnürung. Sie
( op .cit., Abb. 745a 11 ) sind unzuverlässig. Um sind auf den Münzen zwar nicht sehr deutlich, aber
nur einige Fehler anzumerken: f, g, o, s, und x sind
es liegt keinerlei Anlass vor, die Querrillung als Perl-
keine grossköniglichen Kronen. Zu 1 siehe Anm. 7.
reihung zu lesen. Reichlich phantastisch und durch
Von r ab entspricht die Angabe der Binden an der nichts auf den Münzen belegt ist die Bildung der
Rückseite des Stirnreifens nicht dem Befund der Scheitelkappe bei z. Nicht gegeben sind die Kronen
Münzbilder. Bei cc, dd, ee und gg ist die Einzeich- Peröz zweite Form, Djämäsp, Kaväd I. erste Form.
nung eines Sterns in die Mondsichel an der Vorder- 12
Selbstverständlich gehört auch die übrige sehr
seite des Stirnreifens falsch, ebenso bei ff das Fehlen reiche Ausstattung des Königs und des königlichen
der Mondsichel über der Stirn. Die kleine Mond- Pferdes in diesen Zusammenhang, allein für die For-
sichel am oberen Rand der Lockenkugel bei q ist mir schung kommt, jedenfalls bis auf weiteres, dieser Ap-
unverständlich. Ich fürchte, sie beruht auf der Be- parat von Binden, Quasten und Schmuckstücken bei
schädigung der bei No. 260 abgebildeten
Paruck, der Identifizierung eines bestimmten Flerrschers nicht
Münze. Und woher stammen die beiden Mond- in Frage. Unzureichend unterrichtet sind wir bisher
sicheln übereinander an der Lockenkugel bei r ? Die auch über die Formen der Kopfbedeckungen der Kron-
beiden Perlstränge bei t, die auch Herzfeld (unsere prinzen (vergl. Anm. 17), der Königin (vergl. Anm.
,
SASANIDISCHEN KRONE 9r
das wesentliche Mittel, einen bestimmten Kö- Scheitel von einem Tuch verhüllt, das seinen
nig darzustellen. 13 Falten nach aus einem dünnen Stoff, vermutlich
Den Ausgangspunkt der Entwicklung bil- Seide, besteht und mit Perlen oder Edelsteinen
det die letzte der verschiedenen Kronenformen
Ardashïrs I. (224-241). 14 Bei ihr ist der History of the Sasanian Empire,” in Paikuli [Berlin,
1924], S. 35 ff.)
1 8 ), und der hohen W

ürdenträger. Wie weit Helmem-
A) Vs. Kopf en face, Rs. Kopf seines Vaters Päbak
im Profil nach links. Der König trägt die
bleme eine ähnliche Rolle spielen wie Kronenembleme,
bedarf noch weiterer Untersuchungen. Herzfeld hohe runde Kappe, wie sie aus arsakidischer
Zeit geläufig ist. Sie wird unten von einem
kommt ( A.M.I. IX [1938], 134 ff.) zu keinem posi-
Stirnreifen oder Diadem mit doppelter Per-
tiven Ergebnis. Dagegen glaubt er (op. cit., S. 107)
lenreihe abgeschlossen. Ihr Rand ist eben-
“als zweites mittel, zu kennzeich-
einzelpersonen
fallsmit zwei Reihen von Perlen besetzt.
nen, die wappenzeichen” gefunden zu haben. Wie
er das meint, ist nicht recht klar. Das Zeichen Q
Vorn eine Mondsichel, die eine kleine
Kreisscheibe umschliesst. Im Rücken zwei
z.B., das der Arsakide Artabän V. auf dem Reiter-
kampfrelief in Firüzäbäd und auf dem Investitur-
Binden. Da das Bild des Vaters auch auf
Relief Ardasjiïrs I. in NaksJi-i-Rustam trägt, kommt,
den Rs. der Münzen von Ardasjiirs älterem
wie Herzfeld selber feststellt, auch auf Münzen des
Bruder Shähpuhr vorkommt, dürfte dieser
Phraates IV., Volagases I. und Volagases II. vor,
Typus der früheste sein und in die Zeit vor
könnte also allenfalls als Zeichen der Arsakidendy- dem Sieg über Artabän gehören.
nastie gelten. Das Zeichen Q, das auf dem Reiter- B) Vs. Kopf im Profil nach rechts, Rs. Feueraltar
kampfrelief von Firüzäbäd Ardasjnr I. als Wappen- ohne Begleitfiguren. Kappe derselben Form
zeichen zu führen scheint, findet sich auch auf den wie A. Der Rand ebenfalls von einer dop-
Münzen Shähpuhrs I., Varhräns I. und II., Shähpuhrs pelten Reihe von Perlen besetzt. Im unteren
II., Narsehs und Varhräns V. Es kommt ferner als Teil der Kappe seitlich ein Bogen aus dop-
Brandzeichen auf der Kruppe und als Abzeichen auf pelter Perlenreihe mit einem sechsstrahligen
dem Sattelgurt beim Pferd der Reiterstatue am Täk- Stern als Füllung. Der Zwischenraum
i-Bustän vor, sowie auf dem Maestrichter Löwen- zwischen diesem Bogen und der äusseren
stoff, auf Siegelsteinen als einzige Darstellung in Perlenreihe bei manchen Stücken mit einem
Kalkutta und Paris, an der Kappe eines Möbadhs Zickzackband aus Perlen gefüllt. Ähnlich
auf einem Abdruck aus Kasr-i-Abü Nasr und vor werden auf den Kappen vieler arsakidischer
einem schreitenden Steinbock im British Museum in Grosskönige die Symbole (Horn, Blüte,
London. Das Zeichen £, das sich in Firüzäbäd und Stern) angebracht. Vergl. auch die Krone
Naks_h-i-Radjab auf Shähpuhr I. als Thronfolger zu Darius IL, Königs von Stakhr ( Survey , Taf.
beziehen scheint, begegnet schon auf Münzen des 1. 126 L). Nach Herzfeld ( A.M.I. IX ,
Jahrhunderts n. Chr. (Abdagasus von Taxila) und [1938], 101) liegt bei dieser Krone
kommt auch bei Varhrän I. und IL, Shähpuhr II. Ardasjiirs I. eine bewusste Anlehnung an die
und Narseh vor. Wie soll man unter diesen Um- Krone des Arsakiden Mithradates II. vor.
ständen diese Zeichen verwenden, um Einzelpersonen Danach ist anzunehmen, dass dieser Typus
zu kennzeichnen ? (vergl. hierzu eine in Vorbereitung nach dem Sieg über Artabän zu datieren ist.
befindliche Studie des Verfassers über die sogenannten C) Vs. Kopf im Profil nach rechts, Rs. wie B.
Monogramme der säsänidischen Kunst.) Der König trägt über dem breiten, von je
13
Auch
heute gilt noch, was Herzfeld 1920 einer Perlenreihe oben und unten gesäumten
A.T 60) schrieb: “Von dem Gesetz der per-

S. Stirnreifen einen Zinnenkranz aus vier
( .,
sönlichen Krone darf nie abgesehen werden, weder dreistufigen Zinnen, deren Mittelgrat je-
von der Kunst, da sie sonst ihr einziges Mittel, eine weils durch eine Perlenreihe betont ist. Im
Einzelperson zu kennzeichnen, aufgeben, noch von uns, Nacken sind zwei breite, quergestreifte
da wir sonst in völlige Willkür verfallen würden.” Binden angebracht. Das lockige Haar ist
14
Nach den Darstellungen der Münzen lassen in zwei Bahnen, auf dem Scheitel
seitlich
sich bei der Krone Ardasjnrs I. folgende Typen un- kugelig frisiert. In gleicher Form erscheint
terscheiden (vergl. auch E. Herzfeld, “The Early auf den Felsreliefs bei der Krone Ahura
92 KURT ERDMANN
15
besetzt ist . Uber der Stirn erhebt sich eine Scheitel-und “Kugel”umhüllung scheinen aus
grosse, ins Hochoval verzogene “Kugel,” die einem Stück zu sein, ebenso der bei manchen
offenbar mit dem gleichen Stoff bespannt ist. Münzen angegebene Nacken- und Backen-
schutz 16 Die “Kugel” ist unten nur leicht
.
Mazdähs Lockenkugel
die unverhüllt abgebunden, ruht also in ziemlich breiter
zwischen den Zinnen. Seltener Typus, nicht Fläche auf dem vorderen Teil des Schädels
sicher fixierbar.
auf. An der Rückseite ihrer Befestigung er-
D) Vs. Kopf im Profil nach rechts, Rs. wie B.
Wie bei C ist das Haupthaar des Königs
scheinen die quergerippten Enden zweier klei-
offenbar doch sind hier

kugelig frisiert,
ner Binden. Gelegentliche unverhüllte Dar-
17
Scheitel und Lockenkugel von einem Stoff stellungen zeigen, das sie das kugelig
verhüllt. Der Stirnreifen ist einfach und
Typus kommt mit
hat keine Zinnen. Dieser (aber mit Krone Ardasjiirs I, Dreiviertelansicht nach
und ohne Nacken- und Backenschutz vor. rechts, Typus D. Zu dieser Übertragung des hi-
An der Abschnürung der Kugelumhüllung storischen Ereignisses auf seinen Vater und Vorgänger
sind zwei an der Rückseite des
kleine, siehe K. Erdmann, Die Felsreliefs des sasanidischen
Stirnreifenszwei grosse Binden befestigt. Iran, im Druck). Dass der beschädigte Kameo mit
Dieser Typus bildet den Ausgangspunkt der einem König, der einen Stier bekämpft, in der Biblio-
weiteren Entwicklung und dürfte daher die thèque Nationale {Cat.., Exposition Paris, 1938, No.
endgültige Form der Ardasjiir-Krone dar- 158) Ardasjnr I. darstellt, ist möglich, aber nicht
stellen. sicher beweisbar.
E) Wie D, nur ist von einem
die Frisur nicht 16
Diesen Nacken- und Backenschutz deutet Herz-
Tuch verhüllt. Am Kopf sind die Locken feld {A.M.I., IX [1938], 108) als die unter dem
in vier, an der Kugel in drei Horizontal- Stirnreifen durchgezogenen Zipfel der Seidenhülle,
reihen angeordnet. die Lockenkugel und Kopf des Königs bedeckt. Er
15
Ich lege meiner Darstellung die von Herzfeld denkt dabei, wie bei dem ganzen Kernaufbau der
in IX [1938], 102 gegebenen Zeichnungen Krone, an eine Verbindung mit der achaemenidischen
zu Grunde ( Abb /), die, abgesehen von Kleinig-
. kyrbasia (so schon Dalton, S. LXVIII, Anm. 3).
keiten, die beste Übersicht dieser Art sind. Zur 17
Unverhüllte Darstellungen, vielleicht als die
Kontrolle füge ich Abbildungen der Münzen, soweit ältere Form, kommen in säsänidischer Zeit besonders
mir diese zur Zeit erreichbar sind, in entsprechender bei Götterkronen vor: so Ahura Mazdäh auf den
Anordnung bei {Abb. 2). Investitur-Reliefs Ardasjiirs I. in Firüzäbäd, Naksji-
Hamza al-Isfahäni schreibt, in dem ihm vorlie- i-Radjab und Naksji-i-Rustam, wohl auch bei der
genden Buch sei die Krone Ardasjiirs I. “grün auf Reiterinvestitur Shähpuhrs I. in Naksji-i-Radjab und
gold” dargestellt gewesen. Andere Darstellungen bei den Investituren Varhräns I. in Bisjiäpür und
dieses Königs sind in erster Linie von Felsreliefs Ardasjiirs II. am Täk-i-Bustän, s.a. die Investitur des
bekannt und zwar: Firüzäbäd, Investitur (Profil nach Peröz im grossen Ivän daselbst, ferner Anähit auf
links, Krone vom Typus D), ibidem, Reiterkampf dem Investitur-Relief des Narseh in Naksjj-LRustam
(Profil nach rechts, Krone vom Typus E), Naksjr-i- und im grossen Ivän des Täk-i-Bustän. Bei Königs-
Radjab, Investitur (Profil nach rechts, Krone vom kronen kommen unverhüllte Darstellungen der Loc-
Typus D), Naksh-i-Rustam, Reiterinvestitur (Profil kenkugel ausser auf den in Anm. 14 genannten
nach rechts, Krone vom Typus D, Detailaufnahme Münzen Ardasjiirs I. und seinem Reiterkampf relief
des Kopfes bei Herzfeld, A.M.I., IX [1938], in Firüzäbäd noch bei der Investitur Ardasjiirs II.
Taf. Ha), Salmäs, Belehnungsszene (Vorderansicht, am Täk-i-Bustän vor. Bei der Statute Shähpuhrs I.
Krone vom Typus D), Boshät, reitend mit Gefolgs- in Bisjiäpür zeichnet Texier {Survey, Taf. 161 C)
mann (Typus nicht sicher bestimmbar, die Beziehung das Haupthaar innerhalb des Zinnenkranzes unver-
dieses Reliefs, das bisher nie herangezogen wurde und hüllt, ob mit Recht lassen die mir zur Zeit zugäng-
nur in einer flüchtigen Zeichung bei C. F. Lehmann- lichen photographischen Aufnahmen nicht erkennen.
Haupt, Armenien, einst und jetzt [Berlin, 1910], Unverhüllte Lockenkugeln finden sich auch bei den
Bd L, 419 vorliegt, auf Ardasjiïr I. ist nicht sicher), Darstellungen von Königinnen, so z.B. auf dem be-
Däräbdjird, Triumph Shähpuhrs I. über Valerian kannten Siegelstein der Sammlung Stroganoff, der die
, , 1 ,
SASANIDISCHEN KRONE 93
18
frisierte, gelockte Haupthaar enthält . Die gezogen und wohl aus edlem
tief in die Stirn
Scheitelumhüllung wird unten von einem brei- Metall zu denken. An ihm scheinen die beiden
ten, unverzierten Reif abgeschlossen. Er ist grossen Binden befestigt, die im Nacken des
Königin Dënak darstellt, und auf einem anepigraphen Münzschneiders erklären zu können und ihm so
Stein früher im Besitz von E. Herzfeld. Dass sich seinen offiziellen Charakter abzusprechen. Dazu K.
die Darstellung eines Würdenträgers mit unverhüllter Erdmann, “Khusrau II. oder Përôz ? Das Datum
Lockenkugel im Gefolge Shähpuhrs I. auf seinem des Täq i Bustän,” im kommenden Bulletin of the
Reiterrelief in Naks_h-i-Radjab auf den Thronfolger Iranian Institute). Aber auch sonst lässt sich diese
bezieht, ist sehr wohl möglich. Auf dem Narseh-Re- Behauptung nicht aufrechterhalten. Die Figur im
lief in NaksJi-i-Rustam trägt der Thronfolger Gefolge Shähpuhrs I. in NaksJh-i-Radjab, die eine
zwischen dem König und der Göttin nach Herzfeld unverhüllte Lockenkugel trägt, ist bestimmt kein
eine Zinnenkrone ohne Lockenkugel. Auf seinen Grosskönig, allenfalls der Thronfolger. Thronfolger
Thronfolgermünzen hat sich Shähpuhr III. mit un- also hätten, was ja auch die Anm. 17 erwähnte
verhülltem Haupthaar ohne Lockenkugel darstellen Darstellung Shähpuhrs III. am Täk-i-Bustän nahe-
lassen, während auf dem Relief neben seinem Vater legt, die Lockenkugel getragen. Das wäre noch kein
Shähpuhr II. im kleinen Ivän des Täk-i-Bustän über sehr schwerwiegendes Gegenargument. Auch dass sie
offenem Haupthaar eine verhüllte Lockenkugel an- bei Königinnen vorkommt, beweist nicht viel, denn
gegeben ist. Die Thronfolgerdarstellungen auf einzelne, wie Dënak (457-459) haben regiert und
Münzen ergeben folgendes Bild Shähpuhr I. auf : waren dann dem König gleichgestellt, jedenfalls führt
Münzen Ardashirs I.: hohe Kappe mit Nacken- Dënak während ihrer Regierungszeit den Titel
schutz; Shähpuhr I. eigene Prägungen: Spitzkappe “Königin der Königinnen.” Ob allerdings der
mit Tierkopf; Varhrän III. auf Münzen Varh- anepigraphe Siegelstein des Museo Trivulci in Mai-
räns IL: Spitzkappe mit Tierkopf; Shähpuhr III. land (E. Herzfeld, Paikuli [Berlin, 1924], S. 31,
eigene Prägungen (s.o.) offenes Haar mit ein-
: No. 4, Abb. 31), der eine Frau mit verhüllter Lock-
fachem Diadem unbekannter Thronfolger auf
;
enkugel zeigt, ebenfalls eine regierende Königin
Münzen des Djämäsp Zinnenkrone mit Globus
: ; wiedergibt, ist fraglich. Andere Frauendarstellungen
Khusrau I. auf Rs. der Münzen Kaväds I. anno 25 : mit Lockenkugel tun es bestimmt nicht, so z.B. die
Krone undeutlich, jedenfalls mit grosser oberer weibliche Figur hinter dem König auf der Silber-
Mondsichel und Kugel. Eine feste Regel scheint es Varhrän V. auf der Jagd im Museum in
schale mit
danach für die Kopfbedeckung des Thronfolgers Kasan (Erdmann, Jb S. 220), die weibliche Gott-
nicht gegeben zu haben, bzw. diese Regel war im heit (Anähit ?) auf der verschollenen Silberkanne
Laufe der Zeit starken Schwankungen unterworfen, der Sammlung (Smirnoff, No. 79), die
Stroganoff
(so auch Herzfeld, [1938], 114). ZurIX weibliche Gottheit an einem Fabeltier in der Mitte
Frage, ob der jagende König in der unteren Zone der Silberschale mit Mondkultszenen in der Bi-
der Silberschale aus Kungur in der Ermitage (Erd- bliothèque Nationale (Sarre, A. P., Taf. 1 7 ) und
mann, Jb., S. 216 f.) einen Thronfolgerdarstellen die Tänzerinnen ( Anähitpriesterinnen ?) auf der
kann, vergl. K. Erdmann, “Zur Chronologie der sas- Silbervase aus Perm
Ermitage (J. Orbeli-C.
in der
sanidischen Jagdschalen,” Z.D.M.G., XCVII ( 1943) Trever Orfèvrerie sassanide [Moscou-Léningrad,
276, Anm. 2. 1 935 1 Taf. 46/7). Auch die von Herzfeld ( A.M.I.
»
18
Herzfeld ersetzt ( A.M.I. IX [1938] 104 f.) IX [1938], 140 ff.) als xvaräsän xvarrah gedeutete
die ältere Bezeichnung “Globus” durch “korymbos.” weibliche Gottheit auf der Rs. der Denkmünzen
Dieser kommt nach ihm nur bei den Kronen von Khusraus II. Taf. VI, 3-4) und auf den
( op . cit.,
Grosskönigen und Göttern vor. Er geht so weit zu Kapitellen aus Bistün, die heute am Täk-i-Bustän
behaupten “nie ohne ihn und nur mit ihm ist eine krone liegen (vergl. dazu K. Erdmann, “Die Kapitelle am
eine grosskönigliche.” Dagegen spricht die Tatsache, Taq i Bostan,” Mitteil. d. Deutsch. Orient Gesellsch.,
dass bei Khusrau IL Parwëz und einigen seiner Nach- No. 80 [Okt. 1943], 1 ff.) trägt einen Kopfschmuck
folger die “Kugel” durch einen Stern ersetzt wird. dieser Form. Danach scheint die Kugel gerade bei
(Allerdings stellt Herzfeld die zitierte Behauptung, weiblichen Figuren (Göttinnen, Königinnen, aber
wie er selbst betont, in erster Linie auf, um eben auch Priesterinnen) gebräuchlich gewesen zu sein.
diesen Stern der späten Kronen für den Einfall eines (Zum Vorkommen bei arsakidischen Frauendarstel-
, ,
94 KURT ERDMANN
Königs nach hinten flattern, wenn sie nicht, desgleichen offenbar die Umhüllung mit einem
19 23
wie Herzfeld annimmt, an einem besonderen Stoff. Entscheidend ist, dass die an sich seit
Diadem angebracht sind, das über den Stirn- längerer oder kürzerer Zeit bekannten Ele-
reifen gelegt ist. Diese Krone Ardashirs I. mente unter Ardashir I. kanonisiert werden.
besteht also aus zwei Teilen: einem Kernauf- Die von ihm mit seiner letzten Krone getrof-
bau aus Scheitelbedeckung und grosser “Ku- fene Verbindung eines Stirnreifens mit einem
gel” und einem einfachen Stirnreifen, der viel- Kernaufbau aus Scheitelbedeckung und um-
leicht noch von einem Diadem mit zwei Binden hüllter Lockenkugel bleibt bestimmend für alle
umwunden ist. Streng genommen kann nur säsänidischen Kronen. Sie behauptet sich in
dieser Reifen, bzw. dieser Reifen mit dem ihrer ursprünglichen Form bis in die mittlere
darüber gelegten Diadem, als Krone bezeich- Zeit der Entwicklung, und ihre Elemente sind,
net werden, denn der Kernaufbau ist ja nichts wenn auch abgewandelt, selbst bei den Kronen
als die Umhüllung des kunstvoll frisierten der spätesten Herrscher noch in Gebrauch.
Haupthaares. Neu ist an dieser Krone im Unter den Nachfolgern Ardashirs I. wird
Grunde nichts. Stirnreifen und Diadem sind der Kernaufbau aus Scheitelumhüllung und
20
bereits im achaemenidischen Iran bekannt. Lockenkugel zunächst nicht verändert. Die
Mit den Binden im Nacken kommen sie unter Münzbilder lassen ihn zwar nicht immer er-
21
den Arsakiden vielfach vor. Auch die kuge- kennen. Bei manchen verschwindet er hinter
22
lige Frisierung des Haares ist arsakidisch, den am Stirnreifen angebrachten Emblemen,
aber wo diese fehlen oder kleiner gebildet sind,
lungen vergl. H. Lenzen, “Die Partherzeit in Assur,”
zeigt er stets seine ursprüngliche Form. Bei
Mitteil. d. Deutsch. Orient Gesellsch, No. fl [Nov.
31). Herzfeld selber weist ( A.M.I. IX
Lockenkugel gross, nicht
allen ist die verhüllte
1932] ,
[ 1 938 ] 104) auf den krobylos der Buddha-Darstel-

,
stark abgebunden und über dem vorderen Teil
lungen hin. Es ist daher nicht angängig, in dieser des Schädels angebracht. Bessere Prägungen
Form ein ausschliesslich grosskönigliches Abzeichen zeigen, dass Lockenkugel und Scheitel nach
sehen zu wollen. Aus demselben Grunde ist auch
wie vor von demselben, meist mit Perlen oder
Herzfelds Deutung {op. 105) auf den polos,
cit., S.
Edelsteinen besetzten, dünnen Stoff überzogen
die Erd-oder Himmelskugel, oder das den iranischen
Königen eigene xvarnah nicht zwingend. Gewiss sind. Die Entwicklung, wie sie sich aus der
wird man zugeben, dass man nach der zentralen Notwendigkeit ergibt, unterscheidende For-
Bedeutung, die der himmlische Lichtglanz für die men zu finden, setzt zunächst ausschliesslich
Vorstellung der königlichen Macht in Iran hat, eine
am Stirnreifen an.
Symbolisierung dieses xvarnah unter den Abzeichen
Krone erwarten sollte. Ich glaube
Shähpuhr I. (241-272) 21 bereichert den
der säsänidischen
auch, dass sie vorhanden ist, nur glaube ich nicht,
dass es richtig ist, sie in dem kugelig frisierten und Volagases IV. ( op cit., Taf. 144 O), in der
.
zu dazu Persis bei Manuchihr III. {op. cit., Taf. 126 P)

Haupthaar des Königs sehen, (vergl.
Exkurs II.). und Artaxerxes IV. {op. cit., Taf. 126 R).
23
19
Vergl. Exkurs II. Vergl. Nike aus Dura (P. V. C. Baur und
20
S. H., S. 67 ;
s.a. R. Delbrueck “Das spätantike M. I. Rostovtzeff, The Excavations at Dura-Europos
Kaiserornat,” Antike, VIII (1932), I—21. Vergl. 1928/9 [New Haven, 1931], Titelbild) und Graffito
fernerden Bindenschmuck der assyrischen Krone aus dem Hause der römischen Schreiber (P. V. C.
(H. F. Lutz, Textiles and Costumes Among the Baur and M. I. Rostovtzeff, The Excavations at
Peoples of the Ancient Near-East [Leipzig, 1923], Dura-Europos, 1932/3 [New Haven, 1936], S. 306).
S. 156 ff ). Es wäre natürlich auch denkbar, dass die hohe Kappe
21
Relief des Gotarzes in Bistün (Herzfeld, A. T., der Arsakiden eine solche Frisur verbarg.
24
Taf. XXIII) und auf vielen Münzen. Das Tädjnämeh zeigte die Krone Shähpuhrs I.
22
So z.B. bei Osroes ( Survey , Taf. 144 G und J) “rot auf grün.” Andere Darstellungen: Naks_h-i-
.
einfachen Stirnreifen seines Vaters und Vor- bildet* sind in reinem Profil nach rechts gezeich-
gängers um die Mauerzinnen der Krone des net, nur bei der Lockenkugel könnte eine
obersten Gottes Ahura Mazdäh 25 Die Münz-
. leichte Verschiebung zur Dreiviertelansicht
26
gemeint sein Die Krone hatte also vier
.
Radjab, Relief des berittenen Königs mit Gefolge solcher Zinnen, je eine vorn und hinten und je
(Kopf stark beschädigt), ibidem, Reiterinvestitur
eine seitlich. Sie sind dreistufig, ziemlich hoch,
(obere Teile zerstört), Naksh-i-Rustam, Relief mit
Triumph über Valerian (gute Wiedergabe im Profil
schlank, leicht nach aussen gebogen und mit
nach links, Detailabbildung des Kopfes A.M.I., IX einer Perlenreihe als Mittelrippe versehen.
[1938], Taf. II b), ibidem, Relief des thronenden Sie verdecken die Scheitelumhüllung nahezu
Königs in Vorderansicht (unveröffentlicht, angeblich
ganz. Die grosse Lockenkugel, deren Stoffal-
stark verwittert), Bisjhäpür, Relief mit Reiter investi-
ten meist deutlich angegeben werden, ist bei
tur (obere Teile zerstört), ibidem, Relief mit Triumph
über Valerian in mehreren Zonen (gute Wiedergabe manchen Darstellungen mit kleinen Dreiecks-
im Profil nach rechts), ibidem, Relief des gleichen gruppen von Perlen gemustert. Der Stirnreifen
Themas mit Feldereinteilung (gute Wiedergabe im ist glatt. Die an seinem unteren Rande er-
Profil nach rechts), ibidem, Relief mit thronendem scheinende Reihe kleiner Perlen dürfte den
König Vorderansicht (unvollendet), ibidem, Frei-
in
statue (beschädigt), Däräbdjird, Sieg über Valerian
Saum der unter dem Stirnreifen durchgezo-
(Krone die seines Vaters Ardasjhïrs I., vergl. Anm. genen Scheitelumhüllung darstellen, da sie auch
15), Silberschale mit König auf der Hirschjagd im den Backenschutz abschliesst 27 Die Nacken- .
British Museum (Erdmann, Jb., S. 199 f.). Die von

Shähpuhr I. beschriftete Gemme in Gotha stellt zwei- ( Catalogue illustré, Exhibition, Musée Cernuschi
fellos nicht diesen König dar (R. Zahn, “Sitzungs- [Paris, 1948], No. Abb.
43, 33; s.a. Illustrated
S.
bericht vom 4, April 1922,” Archaeolog. Anzeiger, London News, 21.VIII. 1948, S. 214). Auf den
XXXVII [1922], Sp. 125 f. betrachtet sie als eine Münzen und auf vielen Siegelzylindern und -steinen
griechische Arbeit in säsänidischem Auftrag). Der trägt der König eine Zackenkrone. Es fragt sich
berühmte Kameo mit einem Reiterkampf in der Bi- allerdings, ob diese “kidaris” (G. Hill, Survey ,
bliothèque Nationale ist wohl auf ihn zu beziehen, S. 398) nicht als Zinnenkrone zu lesen ist. Auch die
zeigt den König aber nicht mit seiner Krone, Krone des Reliefs von Bistün deutete man nach un-
sondern mit einem Helm. zureichenden Aufnahmen als Zackenkrone (S. H.,
25
Zur
Zinnen- (Mauer) -krone vergl. Herzfeld S. Abb. 87) und erst Zeichnungen ( op cit.,
194, .
A.M.I., IX (1938), 109. Die schon in der hethi- S. 197, Abb. 91) ergaben ihre wahre Form. Das
tischen und elamischen Kunst in erster Linie von kleine Format der Wiedergaben in Numismatik und
Göttinnen und Königinnen getragene Form kommt Glyptik könnte eine eindeutige Angabe der Zinnen
auch assyrisch vor. In der achaemenidischen Kunst sehr wohl verhindert haben. Dagegen spricht aller-
findet sie sich gleichfalls bei weiblichen Gottheiten dings die Goldfigur des Oxus-Schatzes (Dalton, No.
(z.B. Siegelring des Oxus-iSchatzes, Dalton, No. 103) 38), bei der die Zacken kaum aus Zinnen entstanden
Nach H. Junker (“Iranica,” O rient alistis che Litera- sein können. Auf stakhrischen Münzen sind Zinnen-
tur Zeitung, XXIX [1926], Sp. 876 f.) könnte die kronen häufiger, auf Arsakiden-iMünzen nur bei Dar-
Beschreibung der Anähit-Krone Yt. 5,128 vielleicht stellungen derTyche gebräuchlich (Vergl. auch einen
als Mauerkrone zu deuten sein. Ahura Mazdäh weiblichen Alabasterkopf aus Susa, R. de Mecquenem,
trägt auf achaemenidischen Darstellungen nicht diese “Archéologie susienne,” Mém. de la Dél. Franç. en
Form, sondern den assyrischen Götterhut. Dagegen Perse, XXIX [1943], Taf. IX). In säsänidischer
findet sich die Zinnenkrone als Königskrone bei Darius Zeit wird die Zinnenkrone von Ahurah Mazdäh und
auf seinem Relief in Bistün und (nach E. Meyer Ge- Anähit getragen. Die Zinnen der Shähpuhr-Krone,
schichte des Alterthums [Stuttgart, 1901, III, 40] auf die auch Ardasjrir I. schon verwendete (Anm. 14,
seinen Stelen am Suez-Kanal. Vergl. dazu die Silber- Typ C) werden von den stakhrischen Münzen ausge-
statuette eines Königs im Oxus-Schatz ( Dalton, No. 1 ) hen und die Krone Ahura Mazdähs meinen.
20
und das neuerdings bei den Grabungen in Persepolis Herzfeld, A.MJ., IX (1938), 1 1 9.
27
gefundene Lapis-Lazuli Köpfchen eines Achaemeniden Vergl. Anm. 16.
, ,
96 KURT ERDMANN
binden sind neben dem reichen Lockenbausch reifens {Abb. 1 ) kann ich auf den mir zur
des nach hinten flatternden Haares nur klein Zeit zugänglichen Münzbildern nicht erken-
gebildet. Wenn sie an einem um den Stirn- nen.
reifen gelegten Diadem befestigt sind, so war Varhrân I. (273-27Ö) 32 trägt eine Krone,
dieses offenbar unverziert. die der Shähpuhrs I. verwandt ist. Das Ver-
Ohrmizd I. (272-273) 28 greift auf die hältnis von Kugel und Scheitelumhüllung ist
Kronenform Ardashïrs I. zurück, 29 wobei er etwa das gleiche, und am unteren Rande des
als unterscheidendes Merkmal am oberen sonst glatten Stirnreifens erscheint wieder eine
Rande des Stirnreifens fünf, in Wirklichkeit Reihe kleinerer Perlen, die auch den lang
also wohl zehn lockenförmige Gebilde an- herabhängenden Backenschutz säumt. 33 Nur
bringt, wie sie ähnlich auch bei anderen säsäni- sind die Zinnen der Shähpuhr-Krone durch
30
dischen Kronen verwendet werden und bereits fünf, in Wirklichkeit also wohl zehn Strahlen
am Diadem arsakidischer Grosskönige Vor- ersetzt. Nicht die Krone Ahura Mazdähs,
kommen. 31 Die Lockenkugel ist, wenn man in sondern die Mithras bildet den Ausgang-
solchen Details den Münzbildern Vertrauen spunkt. 34
schenken noch grösser gebildet als bei
will, Eine andere Variante bringt die Krone
Ardashir I. und stark nach vorn gerückt. Ihre Varhräns II. (276-293) 35 Ihr Stirnreifen
Abbindung und die Anordnung der Falten sind
82
Im Tädjnämeh war die Krone Varhräns him-
schematischer gezeichnet, im Prinzip aber von
melblau dargestellt. Eine gute Wiedergabe im Profil
gleicher Form wie bisher. Kugel und Scheitel-
nach links gibt das Investitur-Relief dieses Königs in
kappe, die hier deutlich zu sehen ist, sind mit Bis_häpür. Die Silberschale der Ermitage mit dem
unregelmässig verteilten Dreiecksgruppen von König auf der Schwarzwildjagd (Erdmann, Jb.,
Perlen verziert. Backenschutz kommt nicht S. 198E) kommt hier nicht in Frage, da sie (nach
R. Vasmer,” Zur Münzkunde von Baktrien im 3.
vor. Die von Herzfeld angegebene Reihe
Jahrhundert n. Chr.,” Zeitschr. f. Numismatik, XLII
kleiner Perlen am unteren Rande des Stirn-
[1932], 24ft.) Varhrän II. mit seiner Krone als
28
Küsjiänsjiäh darstellt (Dazu neuerdings R. Ghirsh-
Das Tädjnämeh zeigte die Krone Ohrmizds I.
man,” Notes iraniennes I. Un plat en argent doré,”
“grün auf gold,” also in der gleichen Farbzusam- Artibus Asiae, X[1947], 96).
menstellung wie die Ardasjiîrs I. Andere als numis- 33
Diese Perlenreihe könnte daher, ähnlich wie bei
matische Darstellungen dieses Königs sind nicht der Krone Shähpuhrs I., auch als Saumbesatz der
bekannt. unter dem Stirnreifen durchgezogenen Scheitelkappe
29
Hamza al-Isfahäni schreibt, Ohrmizd I. habe zu deuten sein (vergl. Exkurs II.).
sehr seinem Grossvater ArdasJjir geglichen. Herz- 34
Vergl. die Darstellung dieses Gottes auf
feld weist ( A.M.I. IX [1938], 110) darauf hin, Küsjiän-Münzen {A.M.I., IX [1938], 109), am
dass das Kärnämak diesen König als den Vollender Nimrud Dagh (Sarre, A.P., Taf. 56) und am Täk-
des von Ardashir I. nicht erreichten Ziels der “Mon- i-Bustän (Herzfeld, A.T., Taf. XXIX).
archie” von Eräns_hahr feiere, und bringt damit die 35
Das Tädjnämeh zeigte Varhrän II. mit einer
Gleichheit der Kronenform in Verbindung. Krone die himmelblau war, auf jeder Seite ein
S0
II. und Varhrän V. Vergl. auch
Z.B. Shähpuhr “mäzaradj” und eine Mondsichel hatte. Nach Sur-
die Krone Ahura Mazdähs auf dem Investitur-Relief vey, S. 595, Anm. “mäzaradj” ein Ornament,
2 ist
Ardasjrïrs II. am Täk-i-Bustän ( A.M.I. IX [1938], das einem Akroterion ähneltund sehr wohl die Flügel
ui, Abb. 7) und die Kappe der Königin auf manchen an der Krone dieses Königs meinen könne. Mas'üdi
Münzen Varhräns II. gebraucht den Ausdruck “sjiurfa,” den H. H.
31
Z.B. Phraates (wo sie allerdings auch das Haupt- Schaeder {Jahrb. d. Preuss. Kunst s., LIX [1936],
haar meinen könnten), Vardanes I., Gotarzes und 231 f.) mit “Erhöhung,” Herzfeld {A.M.I., IX
Artabän IV. Vergl. auch den Gothaer Hyazinth [ 1 938 ],103), mit “Zinne” übersetzt. Einen sehr
mit der Inschrift Shähpuhrs I. zuverlässigen Eindruck machen diesen Angaben
, , ,
SÄSÄNIDISCHEN KRONE 97
trägt vorn keine Embleme und lässt so den Reifen ist unverziert und scheint oben und
Kernaufbau, der unverändert die alte Form unten von einer schmalen Wulstleiste einge-
zeigt, deutlich erkennen. Der ziemlich breite fasst zu sein. Als kennzeichnendes Emblem
ist seitlich ein Flügel angebracht, der etwa in
Hamzas nicht, und das Gleiche gilt überall, wo er der Mitte zwischen Schläfe und Ohr ansetzt ,
36
bei einerKrone Embleme erwähnt. Herzfeld kommt nach hinten gerichtet ist und ziemlich eng am
daher A.M.I. IX [1938], 103), zu dem Schluss,
( 37
Kopf anzuliegen scheint . Hier war also die
dass das Tädinämeh, auf das sich die arabischen
Autoren beziehen (vergl. Anm. 10) keinerlei au- schon im Namen des Königs gegebene Bezie-
thentischen Charakter habe. Für Varhrän II. findet hung auf Vrflragna bestimmend für die Aus-
sich nun aber bei Hamza eine weitere Angabe, die wahl des Emblems 38 .
unter Umständen veranlassen könnte, den Quellen-

wert Buches doch nicht ganz so gering einzu-
dieses Inst. Caucus, d’hist. et d’archéol. à Tiflis, III [1925],
schätzen. Nach
der Beschreibung der Krone heisst 83-86, Taf. II. In den vier Medaillons der Aus-
es, der König sei abgebildet gewesen, wie er auf dem senseite sind Halbfiguren dargestellt und zwar
Thron sass, in der rechten Hand einen Bogen, in der zweimal der König im Profil nach rechts, zweimal
linken einen dreikantigen Pfeil (so nach Survey, eine weibliche Figur —
Königin oder Göttin mit —
S. 595, Anm. 2) haltend. Auf seinem Relief in Tierkopfkappe, die ihm ein Diadem reicht, eine Szene,
Bishäpür, auf dem er die Unterwerfung eines Be- die in ganzen Figuren auch auf den Rückseiten der
duinenstammes entgegen nimmt (Sarre, A.P., Taf. Münzen dieses Königs mehrfach vorkommt.), Schale
79) ist der König zu Pferd dargestellt, in der linken mit König im Kampf mit zwei Löwen, Leningrad,
Hand einen Bogen und drei Pfeile haltend. Dieses Ermitage (Erdmann, Jb., S. 226 f.), die zwar eine
Motiv kommt, so weit ich sehe, in der säsänidischen späte, kaum vor dem 8. oder 9. Jh. entstandene Kopie
Kunst sonst nie vor, und es wäre recht eigenartig, ist, aber auf ein Original des 3. Jh. zurückgeht und
wenn sein Auftreten auf diesem Relief und in der im Aufbau der Krone trotz aller Entstellungen noch
Darstellung dieses Königs im T ädinämeh, wo es auch erkennen lässt, dass diese Vorlage Varhrän II. dar-
nur an dieser einen Stelle erwähnt wird, Zufall sein stellte, was gut zum Stil der Schale, bzw. ihrer Vor-
sollte (vergl. auch Anm. 57 und 63). Andere Dar- lage passen würde. Dieselbe Krone könnte auch die
stellungen Varhräns II. sind: auf Felsreliefs ausser etwa gleichzeitige, stilistisch verwandte Schale mit
dem eben genannten in Bis_häpür (mit guter Wieder- einem auf einem Teppich hockenden König beim
gabe der Krone im Profil nach rechts, Detailaufnahme Gelage in der Ermitage (Smirnoff, No. 64) meinen,
des Kopfes IX [1938], Taf. lila), Relief bei der das säsänidische Vorbild allerdings weniger
des stehenden Königs mit Gefolge in Naks_h-i-Rustam deutlich zu erkennen ist.
(gute Wiedergabe im Profil nach links), ibidem, Re- 36
Herzfelds Zeichnung rückt sie etwas zu stark
lief mit dem König im Reiterkampf (Helm mit nach hinten.
Angabe der Kronen-Embleme) Sar Mashhad, Relief ,
37
Das ist auf den Felsreliefs gut zu erkennen und
mit dem König auf der Löwenjagd (gute Wiedergabe wird besonders Vorderansicht gegebenen
bei der in
im Profil nach links), NaksJi-i-Bahräm, Relief mit Darstellung NaksJt-i-Bahräm deutlich, wo man
in
thronendem König zwischen vier Würdenträgern annehmen muss, dass sie eine eventuell vorhandene
(Wiedergabe in Vorderansicht, leicht beschädigt, seitliche Ausladung übertrieben darstellen würde.
Abb. Survey, Taf. 157 A mit falscher Angabe Vergl. auch die en face Darstellung Varhräns IV.
des Ortes als “Shäpur”), Barm-i-Dilak, König auf einer Münze der Sammlung Bartholomaei
und Grossmöbadfi beim Feuerkult (zu dieser Deu- (Paruck, Taf. X, 6).
tung vergl. K. Erdmann “Die säsänidischen Felsre- 38
Während Herzfeld 1920 ( A.T. S. 90-91) an
lief von Barm Dilak,” Z.D.M.G., IC [1949],
i
die geflügelte Sonnenscheibe des Ahura Mazdäh-
50-57, gute Wiedergabe im Profil nach rechts, die Symbols erinnert, weist er 1938 ( A.M.I. IX, Iio)
Lockenkugel, wie auch auf den anderen Reliefs, auf Vröragna hin, der auf Küsjiän- Münzen den
grösser gebildet als auf den Münzen), Guyum, Re- ganzen Vogel auf dem Kopf trägt ( op cit., S. 109, .
lief mit dem KönigAdorant (unveröffentlicht).

als Abb. 5) und schreibt {op. cit., S. 101) “Die einzei-
Auf Silberarbeiten: Schale von Sargweschi (G. teile dieser kronen sind göttliche, zugleich talismanische
Tschubinaschwili “Der Fund von Sargweschi,” Bull. symbole, z.B. die flügel des väryna-vogels, in dem
98 KURT ERDMANN
Mit Varhrän (293) brachte man

III.
39
noch nicht sicher fixierbaren Zeitpunkt um die
bisher eine kleine Zahl von Münzen in \ er- erwähnten Palmetten bereichert. Bei diesen, die
r
bindung, die bei gleicher Grundanlage über vorn, hinten und in den Seitenmitten über dem
dem glatten Stirnreifen ein etwas breiteres hohlkehlenartigen Zwischenstück angebracht
Zwischenstück zeigen, das man als “kanne- sind, liegt formal eine deutliche Verbindung
lierte Hohlkehle” bezeichnet hat. neue- Nach mit den Zinnen der Shähpuhr-Krone vor. Ein
ren Feststellungen Herzfelds

40
handelt es sich Novum stellt der als “kannelierte Hohlkehle”
bezeichnete Aufsatz des Stirnreifens dar. Bei
bei diesen Prägungen um Münzen seines Nach-
folgers Narseh, dessen geläufige Prägungen
den deutlicheren Wiedergaben am Turm von
Paikuli und auf dem Investitur-Relief von
die Kronenform bereichert um vier
gleiche
Danach be- Naksh-i-Rustam nimmt er fast Polosform an,
ausstrahlende Palmetten zeigen.
und seine Gliederung erinnert an die ägyptisie-
sässen wir von Varhrän III., der nur wenige
renden Blattreihungen in Persepolis, 42 die ja
Monate regierte, keine Münzen, wissen also
auch im säsänidischen Palast von Firüzäbäd
auch nichts über die Form seiner Krone.
41 noch Vorkommen. 43 Eine Verbindung mit äl-
Narseh (293-302) dagegen hätte zwei 44
teren iranischen Kronentypen ist nicht aus-
Kronen von verschiedener Form getragen oder
geschlossen. Für das Auftreten des Motivs an
richtiger die Grundform seiner Krone an einem
dieser Stelle dürfte aber aufschlussreicher sein,
sich nach Yt. XIV,

19 Vröragna verkörpert, symboli-
dass auf dem Felsrelief von Naksh-i-Rustam
sieren bei Varhrän II diesen gott nach Yt. XIV, 34 ;
die Krone der Göttin Anähit, aus deren Hand
macht das bestreichen mit federn dieses vogels schuss- der König das Diadem empfängt, zwischen
fest. . .
.” Nach E. Herzfeld, Archaeological His- Stirnreifen und Zinnenkranz einen zwar klei-
tory of Iran (London, 1935), S. 71 trägt in den
neren, aber entsprechend gebildeten Blattfries
Malereien des Küh-i-Khwädja Vröragna an seinem 45
zeigt. Danach liegt es nahe, die “kannelierte
Helm drei Flügel.
Hohlkehle,” die das kennzeichnende Emblem
39
Das Tädjnämeh stellte Varhrän III. mit einer
grünen Krone dar, die auf beiden Seiten, ein der Narseh-Krone bildet, von der Krone die-
“mäzaradj” (vergl. Anm. 35) hatte. Darstellungen ser Göttin abzuleiten, da es ja auch kein Zufall
dieses Königs sind nicht bekannt. sein wird, dass sich der König auf seinem Re-
40
A.M.I., IX (1938), 112. lief von ihr und nicht, wie alle seine Vorgän-
41
Das Tädjnämeh
zeigte Narseh mit einer grünen
ger, von Ahura Mazdäh investieren lässt.
Krone. Als andere Darstellungen sind zu nennen :
die fünf Büsten am Turm von Paikuli (E. Herzfeld, 42

Vergl. Sarre, A.P., Taf. 12.
Paikuli [Berlin, 1924], S. 8 ff. und A.M.I., IX 43
Ibid., Taf. 67, ähnlich auch die Bassinrahmung
D938], 112, Abb. 8) und sein Felsrelief mit einer in Bisjhäpür.
Investiturdarstellung in NaksJh-i-Rustam (gute Wie- 44
Der “Götterhut” Ahura Mazdähs und der
dergabe im Profil nach rechts, Detailaufnahme des achaemenidischen Könige hat ähnliche, wenn auch im
Kopfes ibid., Taf. III b). Silberarbeiten mit dem allgemeinen höhere Form, ist aber nie gegliedert. Die
Bild dieses Königs sind nicht bekannt. Die Identi- verwandten gefächerten Kopfbedeckungen achaemeni-
fizierung der kleinen Silberfigur, die sich ehemals in discher Hofbeamten und Garden könnten mit der
Berlin befand, mit Narseh (F. Sarre, “Ein Silber- babylonischen Federkrone in Verbindung stehen.
figürchen des Sassanidenkönigs im Kaiser
Narses Eine Kannelierung wie an der Narseh-Krone findet
Friedrich Museum,” Jahrb. d. Kunsts
Preuss. sich schon am Gothaer Hyazinth und an verschiedenen
XXXI [1910], 73-78) ist unsicher, da der König Küshäns_häh-Kronen.
keine Krone trägt. Dass der Dargestellte am Diadem 45
Sarre, A.P., Taf. 81. Am
Täk-i-Bustän zeigt
(oder Stirnreifen) drei kleine, allerdings dreiteilige, die Krone Anähits keine Zinnen, sondern nur die
also mehr lilienartige Palmetten hat, könnte auf “Hohlkehle,” deren Kannelüren breiter gebildet und
Narseh weisen. mit Palmetten gefüllt sind.
,
Ohrmizd II. (302-309) 46 verbindet Ele- nen Shähpuhrs I. wieder auf, wobei er als
mente der Krone seines Namensvorgängers unterscheidendes Merkmal am oberen Rand

Ohrmizd I. mit solchen der Krone Varhräns des Stirnreifens eine Reihe grösserer Schmuck-
II., wobei am Stirnreifen die lockenförmigen stücke anbringen lässt, die zunächst die Lok-
Gebilde durch grosse Perlen ersetzt werden kenform wie bei der Krone Ohrmizds I. zei-
und das Flügelpaar mit einen Adlerkopf über gen, später als Perlen gebildet sind wie bei
der Stirn verbunden wird. Die Flügel liegen Ohrmizd II.
wie bei Varhrän II. seitlich an, scheinen aber Ardashîr II.(379-3S3) 49 greift auf die
etwas steiler gestellt. Der Adler pflegt eine Krone seines Namensvorgängers Ardashîr I.
47
Perle im Schnabel zu halten. zurück, wobei er sie ebenfalls um eine Reihe
Die Krone des Ädarnarseh (309), ist, da grosser Perlen am oberen Rande des Stirn-
wir keine Münzen dieses Herrschers besitzen, reifens bereichert.
unbekannt. Die Krone Shähpuhrs III. (383-388)
50
48
Shähpuhr II. (309-379) nimmt die Zin-
mit König auf der Pantherjagd, Leningrad, Ermitage
46
Das T ädjnämeh zeigte Ohrmizd II. mit einer (Erdmann, Jb., S. 220 f., nahezu Vorderansicht, in
grünen Krone. Andere Darstellungen ausser den Einzelheiten entstellt, da die Schale eine nachsäsäni-
Münzen sind von diesem Herrscher nicht bekannt. dische Arbeit ist, Auswahl und Anordnung der Em-
Die gelegentliche Zuschreibung des Felsreliefs mit bleme aber richtig). Vergl. auch die Krone des
einem einzelnen Reiterkampf in Naksh-i-Rustam an jagenden Königs in der unteren Zone der Silberschale
Ohrmizd II. ist, da der Dargestellte keine Krone mit einem thronenden König aus Kungur in der
trägt, hypothetisch. Ermitage {ibid., S. 216 f.).
49
47
Einen ganzen Vogel trägt VrÖragna auf Im Tädjnämeh war Ardasjiïr II. mit einer
Küsjiän-Münzen als Kopfschmuck ( A.M.l. IX grünen Krone Eine Darstellung ausser-
dargestellt.
[1938], 109 f-> Abb. 5). Vergl. auch die säsäni- halb der Numismatik bringt das Felsrelief mit der
dischen Tierkopfkappen. Investitur dieses Herrschers in der Nähe des Täk-i-
48
Im Tädjnämeh war Shähpuhr II. mit einer Bustän (Dreiviertelansicht nach rechts, Haupthaar
blauen Krone dargestellt, deren Ränder vergoldet und Lockenkugel unverhüllt, die Lockenkugel beinahe
waren und die auf beiden Seiten ein “mäzaradj,” in auf dem höchsten Punkt des Scheitels angebracht und
der Mitte eine Mondsichel zeigte. Diese Beschrei- mit zwei kleinen Binden abgebunden, breiter Stirn-
bung entspricht nicht dem eindeutigen Befund der reifen, an dem zwei grosse, nach hinten flatternde
Münzen. Andere Darstellungen dieses Königs: Re- Binden mit quergestreiften Enden befestigt sind).
50
im Tympanon der Rückwand des kleinen Ivän
lief Die Krone Shähpuhrs III. war im Tädjnämeh
am Täk-i-Bustän (Dreiviertelansicht nach links), grün und rot mit einem goldenen “mäzaradj” auf
Silberschale mit dem König auf der Löwenjagd in jeder Seite. Andere Darstellungen Relief im Tym- :
der Ermitage (Erdmann, Jb., S. 203 f., Profil nach panon der Rückwand des kleinen Iväns am Täk-i-
rechts mit abweichender Form der Kugel), Silber- Bustän (Dreiviertelansicht nach rechts, das Haupt-
schale mit König auf der Schwarzwildjagd in der haar unverhüllt, die Lockenkugel mit einem Stoff
Freer Gallery in Washington {ibid., S. 202 f., überzogen, am Stirnreifen vorn eine ziemlich grosse
Dreiviertelansicht nach rechts mit geriefelter Form Mondsichel. Vergl. Zeichnung in A.M.L, IX
der Kugel, die man lieber als Helm-Emblem be- b 1 938] ,
1 1 3 Abb. 9. Binden an der Abschnürung
,
trachten möchte, dazu Herzfeld A.M.l., [1938], IX der Lockenkugel, aber nicht am Stirnreifen). Unver-
133 ff.), Silberschale mit König bei der Jagd auf hülltes Haupthaar zeigen die Thronfolgermünzen
Argaliböcke, aus dem Poltawaschatz, Leningrad, Shähpuhrs III., doch fehlt diesen die Lockenkugel.
Ermitage (Erdmann, Jb., S. 208 f., Dreiviertelan- Die Krone auf dem Felsrelief weicht also von beiden
sichtnach rechts, die Kugel weggebrochen. Zur Be- aus Münzbildern bekannten Typen ab. Die gross-
stimmung auf Shähpuhr II. vergl. K. Erdmann, königliche Krone Shähpuhrs III. ist sie sicher nicht,
“Zur Chronologie der sassanidischen Jagdschalen,” eher eine Paraphrase über seine Thronfolgerkrone.
Z.D.M.G., XCVII [1943], S. 266 ff.), Silberschale Man wird Herzfeld zustimmen, wenn er es für
. —
IOO KURT ERDMANN
endlich stellt eine Variante der Narseh-Krone Diese Kronen, die die Zeit von 224
elf
dar. Die “Hohlkehle” ist höher und und hat bis 388 umfassen, bilden die erste Gruppe in
fast die Form
Kappe mit schräg nach
einer der Entwicklung der säsänidischen Krone. Bei
aussen ansteigenden Seiten und geradem oder allen bleibt die Zweiteilung des Aufbaus, wie
flachgewölbtem oberen Rand. Die Zahl der sie den Ausgangspunkt bildende Krone
die
Kanneliiren ist im Münzbild auf drei verrin- Ardashirs I. brachte, gewahrt, d. h. alle zeigen
die nicht mehr die Form schmaler Blät-
51
gert, einen Kernaufbau aus Scheitelkappe und Ku-
ter, sondern gedrungener Bogenstellungen ha- gel, der im Grunde nur die mit einem Stoff
ben. Die Palmetten sind nicht mehr wie verkleidete Haarfrisur des Königs ist, und
Zinnen am oberen Rande des Aufsatzes aus- einen Stirnreifen, um den vielleicht noch ein
strahlend angebracht, sondern erscheinen als Diadem geschlungen ist, was sich aber den
Füllungen in diesen Bogenstellungen. 52 Die Münzbildern nicht mit Sicherheit entnehmen
Elemente sind also dieselben wie bei der Krone lässt. Der Kernaufbau bleibt bei allen elf Kro-
des Narseh, die Art ihrer Anordnung ist nen dieser ersten Gruppe unverändert. Die die
jedoch so stark variiert, dass die Übereinstim- einzelnen Kronen unterscheidenden Embleme
mung erst bei genauerer Betrachtung deutlich werden am Stirnreifen, und zwar immer an
wird. 53 seinem oberen Rand angebracht. Sie sind
durchweg den Kronen der Götter entlehnt und
wahrscheinlich hält {ibid., 114), dass das Relief noch
sollen wohl den König unter den besonderen
zu Lebzeiten Shâhpuhrs II., neben dem Shähpuhr III.
dargestellt ist, also ante 379, entstand. Eine Dar-
Schutz der betreffenden Gottheit stellen. Da-
stellung der grossköniglichen Krone Shâhpuhrs III. bei werden jeweils an einer Krone nur Em-
bringt eine Silberschale der Ermitage, die den König bleme einer Gottheit verwendet. Zwei Kronen
zu Fuss auf der Leopardenjagd zeigt (Erdmann, Jb., ( Shähpuhr I. und II. ) zeigen die Zinnen Ahura
S. 205 f., Dreiviertelansicht nach rechts, die “Ar-
Mazdähs, zwei (Varhrän II. und Ohrmizd
kaden” des Aufsatzes sind als Zickzackband gezeich-
II.) die Flügel Vröagnas, eine (Varhrân I.)
net). Vermutlich ist auch die zerstörte Krone der
Schale mit einem stehenden König, der einen Wild- die Strahlen Mithras, zwei (Narseh und Shäh-
esel mit dem Lasso fängt, die Shâhpuhrs III. (Lenin- puhr III.) den “hohlkehlenartigen” Aufsatz
grad, Ermitage, ibid., S. 208). Die gleiche Krone Anähits. Die beiden letzten Kronen (Ohrmizd
scheint der König der geritzten Eberjagdschale der
I. und Ardashir II.) greifen auf die Ausgangs-
Ermitage zu tragen {ibid., S. 222 f.), obwohl diese
eine zwar flüchtige, aber ziemlich getreue Kopie der form, die Krone Ardashirs I., zurück. Wo
Schale in der Freer Gallery in Washington ist, bei zwei Kronen die gleiche Grundform verwen-
deren König es sich trotz der abweichenden Form den, was zum Teil, wie bei Ardashir I. und
der Kugel wohl nur um Shähpuhr II. handeln kann, II. und Shähpuhr I. und II., mit der Gleichheit
(vergl. dazu Elerzfeld A.M.I., IX [1938], 133 ff.
des Thronnamens zusammenzugehen scheint,
und Erdmann, Z.D.M.G., XCVII, [1943], 266,
Anm. 4)
wird als unterscheidendes Merkmal am oberen
51
Dass die Münzbilder, wie bei den bisher be- Rande des Stirnreifens eine Reihe von locken-
sprochenen Kronen angenommen wurde, die Hälfte förmigen Gebilden oder grossen Perlen ange-
bringen, ist in diesem Fall nicht ganz sicher, es
Gruppe könnte
bracht. Innerhalb dieser ersten
könnten im Original auch acht solcher Bogenstel-
lungen vorhanden gewesen sein.
man insofern noch eine Unterteilung vorneh-
52
Darin stimmt die Krone Shâhpuhrs III. mit men als die ersten sechs Kronen (Ardashir I.
der Krone Anähits im Hauptivän des Täk-i-Bustän

genau überein (vergl. A.M.l. IX [1938], 110, folgte Shähpuhr III. erst nach einer —
illegitimen
Abb. 6). Unterbrechung seinem vater,” womit er anscheinend

53
Herzfeld schreibt, ibid., p. in, “wie Narseh die Verwandtschaft der Kronen erklären will.
.
SASANIDISCHEN KRONE IOI
56
bis Narseh) die Grundformen entwickeln, bei allen säsänidischen Münzen werden diese
wahrend die folgenden fünf (Ohrmizd II. bis Binden nicht mehr oberhalb, sondern unter-
Shähpuhr III.) Variationen über je eine dieser halb des Lockenbausches im Nacken des Kö-
Grundformen bringen. nigs gezeichnet. Ihre Anbringung hat also
Mit der letzten Krone dieser ersten gewechselt. Wo von nun an befestigt
sie
Gruppe vollzieht sich eine weitere Wandlung, werden, ist den Münzbildern nicht zu entneh-
die für den Aufbau der Krone zwar ohne Be- men. Sicher ist nur, dass es nicht mehr am
deutung ist, in anderem Zusammenhang aber Stirnreifen, bzw. an einem um diesen geschlun-
umso mehr Beachtung verdient. Bis zu Arda- genen Diadem geschieht. der hintere TeilWo
shîr II. sind die im Nacken des Königs nach des Stirnreifens auf den Münzen zu erkennen
hinten flatternden Binden immer oberhalb des ist, von nun an eine kleine Schleife oder
zeigt er
Lockenbausches der Haare gezeichnet. Deut- ein Schmuckstück mit zwei oder drei Perlen.
lichere Prägungen lassen erkennen, dass sie an Die grossen Binden scheiden also mit Shäh-
der Rückseite des Stirnreifens befestigt sind, puhr III. aus dem Aufbau der säsänidischen
und Herzfeld wird Recht haben, wenn er an- Krone aus. Ihr bleiben nur die kleinen Binden
nimmt, dass die bei manchen Kronen erschei- zwischen Lockenkugel und Scheitelumhüllung
nenden einfachen oder doppelten Perlenreihen des Kernaufbaus.
auf einem Diadem angebracht waren, das über Erst mit der Krone Varhräns IV. (38 8—
den Stirnreifen gelegt und im Nacken mit 57
wird das bisher streng eingehaltene
399)
Hilfe der beiden Binden geschlossen wurde. 54
Mit den Münzen Shähpuhrs III 55 und seitdem . leren Säsänidenzeit macht). Einmal eingeführt wird
das Motiv von fast allen späteren Münzen beibe-
54
Vergl. Exkurs II. halten, obwohl die “malerische” Wiedergabe im
65
In diesem Fall ist die Zeichnung Herzfelds übrigen bald wieder aufgegeben wird.
56
nicht richtig. normale Form der Krone
Die Eine Ausnahme bildet der Aureus Khusraus II.
Shähpuhrs III. zeigt die Binden nicht mehr an der anno 21 {ibid., Taf. VI, 3-4), der auch sonst
Rückseite des Stirnreifens. Dagegen sind bei seinen Abweichungen vom normalen Typ zeigt (siehe
Thronfolger-Münzen an dem Diadem, das er im Anm. 91 )
offenen Haar trägt, zwei Binden befestigt. Eine 57

T ädjnämeh war Varhrän IV. mit einer grü-
Im
weitere Veränderung in der Anordnung der Binden, nen Krone dargestellt, die auf jeder Seite ein goldenes
um das vorwegzunehmen, tritt mit der zweiten “mäzaradj” hatte. Eine andere Darstellung dieses
Krone des Përôz ein, dessen Münzen ja überhaupt Königs findet sich auf einem Siegelstein des British
eine ganze Reihe wichtiger Neuerungen bringen. Museum, der den König mit einer Lanze über einem
Während von Shähpuhr III. bis zur ersten Krone am Boden liegenden Feind zeigt (Abb. Erdmann,
des Përôz die beiden Binden im Nacken des Königs K.I., Abb. 92b, gute Wiedergabe im Profil). Auch
übereinander gezeichnet erscheinen, also in der Form, hier ergibt sich wie bei Varhrân II. (vergl. Anm. 35)
in der sie seit Ardasjnr I. üblich sind, nur dass sie eine Bestätigung für die Glaubwürdigkeit der Dar-
seit Shähpuhr III. nicht mehr vom Stirnreifen aus- stellungen des Tädjnämehs. Nach Hamza al-
gehen, sondern tiefer angebracht werden, werden sie Isfahäni zeigte dieses den König stehend, in der
seit der zweiten Krone des Përôz voneinander ge- Rechten eine Lanze, die Linke am Schwert. Das ist
trennt und einzeln über der rechten und linken Schulter die gleiche Haltung, wie sie der Siegelstein gibt. Als
des Königs dargestellt. Ein nochmaliger Wechsel in stehend mit Lanze und Schwert werden nach
ihrer Anbringung braucht damit nicht verbunden zu Hamza im Tädjnämeh Varhrân L, Varhrän IV.,
sein. Diese neue Anordnung dürfte sich vielmehr aus Ardasjnr II. und Ardasjnr III. wiedergegeben. Von
dem Versuch erklären, eine sehbildmässige Dar- diesen heisst es bei Varhrän I. und Ardasjnr II. sie
stellung zu geben, der die Münzen dieses Königs stützten sich auf ihr Schwert. Offenbar ist also eine
auch sonst kennzeichnet (und sie zugleich zu den andere Haltung gemeint. Dass eine Hand am
unklarsten und unerfreulichsten Prägungen der mitt- Schwertgriff liegt wird ausser bei Varhrän IV. nur
,
102 KURT ERDMANN
Prinzip der Komposition zum erstenmal durch- Vröragna entlehnt. Formal ist der Unter-
brochen. Der Kernaufbau aus Scheitel- und schied, der sich daraus ergibt, zunächst nicht
Lockenkugelumhüllung bleibt zwar auch jetzt gross. Inhaltlich wird man aber diesen Schritt,
noch unangetastet und die unterscheidenden zu dem offenbar der Zwang immer neuer Va-
Embleme am oberen Rand des
sind wie bisher riation führte, nicht unterschätzen dürfen,
Stirnreifens angebracht.Das Neue liegt darin, bedeutet er doch, dass die mehr als anderthalb
dass man dazu übergeht, Embleme verschiede- Jahrhunderte bewahrte Beziehung der einzel-
ner Götterkronen zu vermengen. Die einzelne nen Königskrone auf eine bestimmte Gottheit
Zinne über der Stirn des Königs ist der Krone aufgegeben wird.
des Ahura Mazdäh entnommen, die beiden
Dasselbe gilt auch von der Krone Yazde-
Flügel an den Seiten sind der Krone des 58
gerds (399-420), die zwei an den Seiten
I.
angebrachte Zinnen mit einer Mondsichel über

noch bei Ardashïr III. gesagt. Wenn man den Wert
dieser Angaben über die Haltung des Königs auch
der Stirn kombiniert. Ein hinterer Abschluss
natürlich nicht zu hoch einschätzen darf, für zufällig fehlt. Eigenartig ist, dass die Mondsichel,
wird man Übereinstimmung zwischen dem Bild
diese die schon in arsakidischer Zeit bei Kronen
des Tädjnämeh und dem Siegelstein des British Mu- vorkommt 59
und gelegentlich, aber nur an un-
seum auch nicht ohne Weiteres halten dürfen, um so
tergeordneter Stelle, auch bei früheren säsä-
mehr als andere Beispiele dieser Haltung weder auf
Siegelsteinen, noch auf Felsreliefs oder Silberarbeiten
nidischen Kronen verwendet wurde, 60 erst jetzt
bisher bekannt sind. Nur das Stehen auf dem Feind als bestimmendes Element des Aufbaus auf-
kommt auf den Felsreliefs mehrfach vor. tritt. Die Gründe ihrer Einführung sind noch
Eigenartig ist übrigens die geringe Zahl erhaltener unklar. Es müssen jedoch gewichtige gewesen
Königssiegel, obwohl die Quellen mancherlei Belege
ihrer Beliebtheit und Bedeutung enthalten. Einen 58
Das Tädjnämeh zeigte Yazdegerd I. mit einer
Rubin mit dem Bild des Königs erwähnt z.B. Mas'üdi
blauen Krone. Andere Darstellungen dieses' Königs
unter den Siegeln Khusraus II. Mit ihm wurden
ausser auf seinen Münzen sind nicht bekannt.
Briefe und Urkunden gesiegelt (E. Herzfeld, Paikuli,
59
Z.B. auf den Drachmen Darius I., Autophra-
S. 74 ff. und Survey , S. 784 ff.). Da der Gothaer
dates II. und Darius IL (Persis, 2.-I. Jahrh.
Hyazinth mit der später angebrachten Inschrift
v. Chr.). In arsakidische Zeit könnte auch die
Shähpuhrs I. ausscheidet, besitzen wir ausser dem
verschollene Silberschale mit einem König im Kampf
genannten Stein Varhräns IV. im British Museum
mit einem Löwen gehören, die am Anfang des
nur noch den Amethyst der Sammlung des Duke of
19. Jahrh. aus dem Besitz der Emire von Badakh-
Devonshire in der Ermitage ( Survey Taf. 255 C), ,
shän in die Sammlung Dr. Lord in Kabul über-
der denselben König als Kirmäns_häh, also vor seiner
ging (Erdmann, Jb., S. 226 f.). Sie zeigt den
Thronbesteigung, mit hoher Kappe, an der ein
König mit unverhülltem, lockig frisiertem Haar, das
“Monogramm” angebracht ist, zeigt. Demgegen-
unten von einem Stirnreifen oder Diadem abge-
über haben wir zwei, wenn nicht drei Siegel von
schlossen wird, während auf dem Scheitel eine grosse
Königinnen und alles in allem eine doch recht er-
Mondsichel angebracht ist. Ähnlich auch die Mond-
hebliche Zahl von Siegeln mit dem Bildnis von
sichel auf dem Kopf der säsänidischen (?) Bronze-
Würdenträgern, besonders Möbadhs und Gross-
statuette in der Islamischen Abteilung in Berlin
möbadhs. Unter der an sich kleineren Zahl erhaltener
(Sarre, A.P., S. 50, Abb. 15).
Kameen ist der Anteil der Königsdarstellungen höher.
Khusrau im Zen-
60
Bei Münzen Ardasjiirs I. an der Kappe (Anm.
(Bergkristall mit thronendem I.
trum der Goldschale Denis in der Bi-

aus St. 14, Typ A), gelegentlich an der Umhüllung der
bliothèque Nationale, ferner Kameen mit Büsten des Lockenkugel Shähpuhr I. ( A.M.I. IX [1938],
bei
Peröz oder Kaväd I. in Paris und Kalkutta, vergl. 102, unsere Abb. 1 obere Reihe) und bei Shäh-
auch den Reiterkampf kameo Shähpuhr I. (?)— — puhr III. als Thronfolger (?) im kleinen Tvän des
—
und den Stierkampf kameo Ardasjür I. (?) in der — Tak-i- Bustän {ibid., S. 1 1 3, Abb. 9. Die Angabe
Bibliothèque Nationale.) “Shäpuhr II.” [ibid., S. 110] ist ein Druckfehler).
sein,
01
denn keine der Kronen nach Yazde- Die Krone Varhräns V. (420-438) 63 ver-
gerd I. verzichtet auf das neue Emblem, das wendet die gleichen Embleme wie die Yazde-
mehr und mehr im Aufbau des Kronenganzen gerds I., nur sind die beiden Zinnen vorn und
eine führende Rolle übernimmt und auch sonst hinten am Stirnreifen angebracht, während die
auf den Münzen immer reichlicher verwendet Mondsichel grösser gebildet und leicht gestielt
wird. 62
Musée Cernuschi [Paris, 1948], No. 82; Illustr.
61
Vielleicht käme man in der Beurteilung dieser London News, 21. VIII. 1948, S. 214) ist unik.
und ähnlicher Fragen weiter, wenn die Darstellungen Gleichzeitigwerden seit Kaväds zweiter Regierung
auf den Rückseiten der säsänidischen Münzen, deren Mondsicheln mit Sternen rechts, links und unten
Wechsel die religiöse, oder besser wohl die “kirch- in den Kardinalpunkten des breiten Münzrandes
liche” Entwicklung der Säsänidenzeit spiegeln dürfte, angebracht. Khusrau I. behält diese Form bei, ver-
bearbeitet wären. Leider sind meine Vorarbeiten zichtet aber auf die Sternfüllung. Ohrmizd IV.
dazu wertlos geworden, nachdem die reichen Bestände verwendet sie wieder mit den Sternen. Bei Varh-
des Berliner Münzkabinetts, von denen sie ausgingen, rän VI. sind sie leer, bei Bistäm sterngefüllt. Auch
nach Osten gebracht worden sind. die Münzen Khusraus II. zeigen die Randmond-
62
Zu den ältesten Formen des Auftretens der sicheln immer mit Sternen als Füllung. Bei ihm
Mondsichel gehört das Zeichen das bereits auf treten sie zuerst auch auf der Rückseite der Münzen
Münzen Shähpuhrs I. neben dem Altar vorkommt auf, und zwar hier in den vier Kardinalpunkten, also
und auch bei Varhrän II., Narseh und Shähpuhr II. auch oben, wo es auf der Vorderseite die den Rand
häufig ist. Seit Yazdegerd II. erscheinen einzelne überschneidende Krone des Königs verhindert. An-
Mondsicheln neben dem Schaft des Altars und zwar fangs zeigen sie dabei keine Sternfüllung, später
allein oder zusammen mit kleinen Kreisscheiben, werden auch sie mit Sternen verbunden. In dieser
oft auch verdoppelt übereinander, die Kreisscheibe Form: drei Mondsicheln mit Sternen am Münzrand
zwischen sich. Bei Varhrân V. wird hin und wieder der Vorderseite und vier Mondsicheln mit Sternen
eine einzelne Mondsichel neben dem Feuer, das auf am Münzrand der Rückseite hält sich das Motiv bei
dem Altar brennt, gegeben, seit Peröz erscheinen allen Münzen der letzten Herrscher.
rechts und links des Feuers je eine Mondsichel und Die summarische Beschreibung, die Hamza al-
63
ein Stern. Diese Form wird von nun an kanonisch.

Isfahäni nach dem Tädjnämeh von dem Bild Varh-
Die Stellung der beiden Symbole wechselt, bald steht räns V. gibt, erwähnt die Krone nicht, nennt aber
der Stern rechts, bald die Mondsichel, aber das
einen sonst nicht vorkommenden Zug. Der König
Schema der Anordnung bleibt bei allen Herrschern
sei (nicht wie alle anderen mit Schwert, Lanze oder
seit Peröz das gleiche. Eine Ausnahme bilden nur
Streitaxt, sondern) mit einer Keule dargestellt ge-
die Münzen Varhräns VI. und Bistäms, eigenartiger-
wesen. Die einzige mir bekannte Darstellung eines
weise also gerade der beiden Könige, die nicht zum
keulenbewaffneten Königs bringt die Silberschale bei
Geschlecht der Säsäniden gehören. Seit der ersten
Feuardent in Paris ( L. Delaporte, “Coupe sassanide
Regierung Kaväds I. treten Astralsymbole auch auf
de Bahram Gour,” Aréthuse, III [1926], 143-48,
der Vorderseite der Münzen auf und zwar eine
s.a.K. Erdmann “Zur Chronologie der sassanidischen
Mondsichel über jeder Schulter des Königs und ein
Jagdschalen,” S. 244, Abb. 8), mit der, wenn sie
Stern hinter seinem Kopf. Auf den Münzen seiner
auch erst später entstanden ist, aller Wahrscheinlich-
zweiten Regierungszeit erscheint ein entsprechender
Stern auch vor dem Kopf. Diese Form der Anord- keit nach Varhrän V. gemeint sein wird. Bei der
nung mit zwei Mondsicheln über den Schultern und weiten Verbreitung, die die legendären Züge der
je einem Stern vor und hinter dem Kopf des Königs Geschichte dieses Königs in Iran gefunden haben,
wird von allen späteren Herrschern beibehalten, würde man diesem Zusammenhang kaum besonderen
wenn sie infolge der geringen Qualität der Prägungen Wert zumessen können, Verbindung
wenn er nicht in
auch nicht auf allen Münzen zu erkennen (bzw. stünde mit ähnlichen II. und
Fällen bei Varhrän
angegeben) ist. Diese Astralsymbole finden sich nur Varhrän IV. (vergl. Anm. 35 und 57). Dadurch
auf Münzen. Dass sie auf einer Silberschale Vor- gewinnt er an Gewicht und legt erneut nahe, das
kommen, wie bei der Kaväd I. zugeschriebenen Schale Urteil über die absolute Unzuverlässigkeit des
im Museum in Teheran ( Catalogue , Exhibition, Tädjnämeh (A.M.I., IX [1938], 103) zu revidieren.
104 KURT ERDMANN
an den Seiten befestigt {Abb. j ). 64 Die

ist Krone noch der alten
bleibt also auch diese
Münzbilder zeigen natürlich nur eine von Anordnung Kernaufbau als Haup-
treu, d. h.
ihnen, doch muss eine entsprechende auf der thaarumhüllung und Stirnreifen als Emblem-
65
anderen Seite ergänzt werden . Im Grunde
durch die enge Beziehung dieses Teils der Krone zu
64
Vahräns V. sind nicht bekannt, dage-
Felsreliefs dem in reiner Seitenansicht nach rechts gezeichneten
gen lassen sich eine ganze Reihe von “Jagdschalen” Kopf des Königs nahegelegt wird. Das gilt auch für
mit ihm in Verbindung bringen. Eindeutig ist diese die meisten der späten Formen, bei denen Herzfeld
Beziehung bei den Kamelreiterschalen in Leningrad {op. cit., S. 1 1 7 ) ohne zwingende Gründe Vor-
(Erdmann, Jb., S. 218 f.) und Kasan {ibid., S. 220), deransicht annimmt, obwohl sie vielfach den an der
obwohl beide nicht die richtige Form der Krone Rückseite des Stirnreifens angebrachten Perlen-
zeigen. Bei der Feuardent Schale (Anm. 63) könnte schmuck deutlich erkennen lassen (vergl. K. Erd-
die Krone richtig sein, wenn man annimmt, dass der
mann, “Wie sind die Kronen der säsänidischen
Künstler seinem en face dargestellten König die
Münzen zu lesen?” Z.D.M.G. I [1945-49], 206-
Profilkrone der Münzbilder aufgesetzt hat (vergl.
ix). Bei den Münzen Varhräns V. wäre es im-
Anm. merhin denkbar, dass der erste Versuch, die neue

65). Eine Szene aus der Geschichte VarhränsV.
bringt die Löwenkampfschale des British Museum grosse Mondsichel darzustellen, dazu geführt hätte,
{Abb. 11 ), bei der die Krone in Anbetracht der späten den ganzen Kronenaufbau in Vorderansicht zu geben,
Entstehung des Stückes überraschend genau wieder- obwohl der Kopf die traditionelle Seitenansicht beibe-
hält. Für diese Deutung könnte man die Feuardent-
gegeben ist {ibid., S. 223 f., dagegen Herzfeld,
schüssel heranziehen, die einen en face dargestellten
A.M.I., IX [1938], 118, als Antwort Erdmann,
Z.D.M.G., XCVII [1943], 248 ff. Gegen die Spät- König anscheinend die Krone Varhräns V.
zeigt, der
datierung wenden sich auch M.S. Dimand, “A Re- in der von den Profildarstellungen der Münzen be-
view of Sasanian and Islamic Metalwork in A Sur- kannten Form trägt. Aber dies Schale ist spät-, wenn
nicht nachsäsänidisch, und man muss damit rechnen,
vey of Persian Art,” Ars Islamica, VIII [1941],
dass ihr Verfertiger ohne Bedenken die ihm in der
193 und A. Lane in seiner. Besprechung meines
Buches Die Kirnst Irans zur Zeit der Sasaniden, Seitenansicht der Münzen bekannte Krone seinem
Oriental Art I [1948], 96. Beide übersehen, dass en face dargestellten Herrscher aufgesetzt hat. Auf
die Spätdatierung nicht nur aus stilistischen, sondern
jeden Fall ist die Beweiskraft dieses Stückes gering
auch aus kostümgeschichtlichen Gründen notwendig gegenüber der klaren Aussage der vierzehn Stuck-
ist). Die gleiche Krone mit kleinen Abweichungen
büsten, die im Palast II in Kish gefunden wurden.
zeigt auch die Schale der Sammlung Fabricius

Bei ihnen trägt der König eine Krone mit je einer
{Abb. 13; s.a. K. Erdmann, “Eine unbekannte sa- grossen Mondsichel an der Seite und je einer drei-
stufigen Zinne vorn und hinten. Dass von der
sanidische Jagdschale,” Jahrb. d. Preuss. Kunsts.,
LIX hinteren Zinne rechts und links je ein Stück erscheint
[1938], 209 ff.) Keine dieser Silberarbeiten
stammt aus der Zeit Varhräns V. selber. Zeitge- widerspricht dem nicht. Es bedeutet nicht etwa, dass
nössisch sind nur die vierzehn Stuckbüsten aus dem seine Krone auf der Rückseite zwei Zinnen hatte,
Palast II in Kish {Abb. 10). Was
dazu veranlasst sondern ist eine in der säsänidischen Kunst geläufige
hat, sie auf Shähpuhr II. zu bestimmen {Survey,
Form der Darstellung. Genau so kommen bei der
S. 587 und 634, siehe auch Austeilung New York,
Krone des im Tympanon des grossen Iväns am Täk-
i-Bustän dargestellten Königs hinten zwei Zinnen
1940, Katalog, S. 353, Gall. XI, no. 56 BB) ist mir
unverständlich. Sie zeigen einwandfrei die Krone vor, und entsprechend werden auf den Münzen mit
Varhräns V., ja sie sind trotz ihrer Beschädigungen en face Darstellungen die Perlen der Rückseite des
im oberen Teil bei weitem die aufschlussreichsten Stirnreifens je einmal rechts und links gezeigt.
Wiedergaben dieser Krone. Entsprechendes findet sich bereits in arsakidischer

65
Herzfeld interpretiert diese Krone {op. cit., Zeit, denn die beiden kleinen Schleifen rechts und
S. 1 1 7 ) als “Vorderansicht über einem Profilkopf,” links am Diadem des Bronzekopfes in Berlin (Sarre,
Er nimmt also an, dass die Mondsichel über der Stirn A.P., S. 28, Abb. 6) sind in der gleichen Art zu in-
angebracht gewesen sei. Alle Kronen der säsänidischen terpretieren. Die Stuckbüsten aus Kish zeigen also
Münzen sind, jedenfalls in den am Stirnreifen be- genau die gleiche Kronenform wie die Münzen
festigten Emblemen, im Profil gegeben, was ja schon Varhräns V. und wie die Löwenkampf schale des
—
träger sind voneinander getrennte,

deutlich Vorrat der Götterkronen ist erschöpft. In
selbständige Einheiten. Nur ist die Kugel dieser Richtung ist eine Erweiterung nicht
kleiner gebildet, stärker abgebunden und mehr möglich. So bleibt nur ein Weg: das Grund-
zur Mitte des Scheitels gerückt, 66 wodurch der prinzip des Kronenaufbaus zu variieren, mit
Kernaufbau seine dominierende Stellung einge- anderen Worten, das Gesetz, dass nur der
biisst hat. Die seitliche Anbringung der gros- Stirnreifen Emblemträger sein kann, zu durch-
sen Mondsicheln am Stirnreifen ist wenig brechen, ähnlich wie unter Varhrän IV. bereits
befriedigend und zeigt deutlich, dass das Prin- das Prinzip der Emblemeinheit von Götter-
zip, den Stirnreifen allein als Emblemträger zu krone und Königskrone durchbrochen worden
verwenden, an der Grenze seiner Möglichkei- war.
ten angelangt ist. Offensichtlich ist mit dieser Leider lassen uns die Monumente gerade
Krone Varhräns V. ein kritischer Punkt der an diesem entscheidenden Punkt der Entwick-
Entwicklung erreicht. Die Notwendigkeit, für lung für kurze Zeit in Stich. Die Münzbilder
68
jeden König eine Krone von charakteristi- Yazdegerds II. (438-457) reichen nicht aus,
scher eigener Form zu schaffen, zwingt auch um alle Einzelheiten erkennen zu lassen, und
weiterhin zu immer neuen Variationen. Em- andere Darstellungen stehen für diesen Herr-
bleme stehen nicht mehr zur Verfügung. 67 Der scher nicht zur Verfügung. 69 Die Emblemaus-
6S
British Museum. Wichtig ist dabei, dass diese Büsten, Die Krone Yazdegerds II. soll nach dem
die man als zeitgenössische Arbeiten betrachten muss, Tädjnänieh himmelblau gewesen sein. Andere Dar-
in manchen Punkten deutlicher sind als die Münz- stellungen ausser den Münzen sind nicht bekannt.
69
bilder. Die Lockenkugel allerdings scheint bei keiner Allenfalls könnte die nachsäsänidische Schale
erhalten zu sein, muss aber selbstverständlich der Walters Art Gallery in Baltimore, die den König
übrigens unabhängig von der Frage, welcher König zusammen mit der Königin (?) auf einer Kline
—
gemeint ist ergänzt werden. Dafür lassen sie erken- zeigt (Sarre, A.P., Taf. m)
auf eine Darstellung
nen, dass am oberen Rande des Stirnreifens eine dieses Herrschers zurückgehen (so Herzfeld, op. cit.,
Reihe lockenförmiger Gebilde angebracht ist, wie sie S. 121). Die gleiche Form zeigt auch die Krone
ähnlich schon bei den Kronen Ohrmizd I. und der Kamelreiterschale in Leningrad (Erdmann, Jb.,
Shähpuhrs II. vorkamen. Das gleiche Motiv ist auf S. 218 f.) Danach wäre die obere Mondsichel auf
den Silberschalen des British Museum und der dem höchsten Punkt der Scheitelkappe angebracht.
Sammlung Fabricius angegeben und übrigens auch Aber Kronen dieser Form (geschlossener Zinnen-
auf den Münzen (Paruck No. 313, 315, 318, 326) kranz, grosse bekrönende Mondsichel) haben auch
zum Teil zu erkennen. (Meine falsche Interpre- Valäsjr und Ardasjilr III. getragen, letzterer al-
tation dieser “Lockenreihe,” Jb.,

1936, 224 und
S. lerdings mit deutlich eckiger Form der Kappe. Dass
1938 S. 21 1 habe ich Z.D.M.G., [1943], S. 272 die Kugel in Mondsichel birnenförmig
der oberen
korrigiert, vergl. dazu auch die wichtigen Ausführun- deformiert ist, kommt auch
auf den Silberschalen
gen M.S. Dimands, op. cit., S. 192 ff., die mir leider aus Tcherdyne (Anm. 72) und bei Feuardent vor.
erst jetzt bekannt geworden sind.) Endlich zeigen Auf Münzen finden sich derartige Deformationen
die Büsten deutlich, dass die seitlichen Mondsicheln erst unter den letzten Herrschern. Ich bin jedoch
am Stirnreifen befestigt sind und zwar mit Hilfe nicht ganz sicher, ob man dieses Argument so hoch
einer kleinen Stielung, die auf den Münzen als einschätzen darf, dass man danach Datierungen vor-
Kügelchen wiedergegeben ist. (Die zinnenförmige nimmt. (so Herzfeld, op cit., S. 129). Unter diesen
Stufung dieses Zwischenstücks auf der Schale der Zerfallsformen einen eigenen Typus mit “blüten-
Sammlung wohl auf die Rechnung
Fabricius dürfte förmiger Kugel” auszusondern {ibid., S. 119) scheint
des nachsäsänidischen Kopisten zu setzen sein.) mir nicht berechtigt. Ein Vergleich mit den Münzen
66
Diese Entwicklung setzt schon bei früheren ergibt, dass Herzfelds Zeichnungen {Abb. 1, untere
Kronen ein und ist bei Shähpuhr III. bereits zu Reihe) in diesem Punkt etwas übertreiben. In Wirk-
einem gewissen Abschluss gelangt. lichkeit bleibt der Zusammenhang mit der ursprüng-
67
Das einzige noch neu auf tretende Emblem ist lichen Faltenangabe bei aller Erstarrung und Ver-
der Stern in der Mondsichel der Krone Khusraus II. gröberung immer gewahrt.
io6 KURT ERDMANN
wähl seiner Krone ist die gleiche wie bei nischen Schwierigkeiten wie die Yazdegerds
Yazdegerd I. und Varhrän V., also Zinnen und II., allein hier besitzen wir, jedenfalls für die
Mondsichel, nur ist bei ihr wie bei der Krone geläufige Form seiner ersten Krone auf einer
Shähpuhrs I. und II. der geschlossene Kranz Silberschale des Metropolitan Museum in
von vier Zinnen verwendet. Dadurch bleibt für New York, 72 die ihn bei der Jagd auf Argali-
die Anbringung der Mondsichel, die ähnlich
gross gebildet ist wie bei Varhrân V., kein sichelgetrennt ist. Typ B zeigt auch hinten eine
Zinne, und die Scheitelkappe, die auf den Münzen
Platz am Stirnreifen. Nach den Münzbildern
nicht angegeben wird, scheint niedriger gebildet zu
sieht es so aus, als ob sie auf der Spitze der
sein. Dieser Typ wird am besten von der im Text
seitlichen Zinne ruhe. Das ist kaum an- eingehend besprochenen Silberschale im Metropoli-
zunehmen. Aber ihre wirkliche Anbringung ist tan Museum in New York repräsentiert {Abb. 12,
den Münzbildern nicht zu entnehmen. Die nach AMI., IX [1938], Taf. VIII). Auch der
Formen der früheren Kronen geben auch keine Kameo in der Bibliothèque Nationale (Herzfeld,
Paikuli, S. 76, no. 6, Abb. 32. Die Benennung
Anhaltspunkte, da bei ihnen allen die Embleme
“Khusrau IL Parwëz” nach A.M.I., IX [1938],
ist
am und eben dieses
Stirnreifen befestigt sind
S. Anm. ein Druckfehler für “Khusrau I.”
123, 1
bisher durchbrochene Prinzip bei der
nie Daselbst Herzfeld das Stück der ersten
schreibt
Krone Yazdegerds II. aufgegeben zu sein Regierung des Kaväd I. zu.) könnte Përôz, Typ B
scheint. So sind wir auf Rückschlüsse ange- meinen (s.a. E. Babeion,” Sapor et Valerian. Camée
wiesen, die sich von der Krone sassanide de la Bibliothèque Nationale,” Fondation
seines Nach-
Piot, I [1894], 85-98, Taf. XII, no. 9. Ein ähn-
folgers aus ziehen lassen. 70
liches Stück, bei dem der Kopf des Königs nach
Die Münzbilder dieses Königs, Peröz rechts im Profil gewendet ist, befindet sich in Kal-
71
(457-483), bieten an sich die gleichen tech- kutta). Der spätere Typ C bereichert den Typ B um
zwei Flügel. Diese nochmalige Erweiterung der
70
Die Krone Ohrmizd III., dem Peröz in den Emblemvermengung ist interessant. Von Ardasjiïr I.
Jahren 457 _459 erfolgreich den Thron streitig bisShähpuhr III. wurde jeweils nur ein Götterem-
machte, ist nicht überliefert. Hamza al-Isfahânï blem verwendet. Von Varhrän IV. bis Peröz Typ B
erwähnt diesen König nicht, von dem auch weder jeweils zwei, mit Përôz Typ C zum erstenmal drei,
Münzen noch Darstellungen bekannt sind. Während Valäsji bis Ohrmizd IV. beschränken sich wieder auf
dieser Kämpfe führte die mehrfach erwähnte Dënak, zwei, erst Khusrau II. wählt von neuem drei und
“Königin der Königinnen,” die Regierung, von der dabei bleiben die meisten seiner kurz regierenden
wir zwar keine Münzen besitzen, deren Bild uns Nachfolger.
72
aber von einem Siegelstein bekannt ist. Interessant Die kürzlich in Tcherdyne gefundene Schale
ist, dass sie die offene Lockenkugel trägt. Diese Frisur mit einem stehenden König bei der Jagd auf Ar-
war also in der Mitte des 5. Jh. noch bekannt. galiböcke (C. Trever, “Nouveaux plats sassanides de
71
Die Krone des Peröz soll im Tädjnämeh in l’Ermitage,” Acad, des Sciences de l’URSS, 1937,
Himmelblau und Gold dargestellt gewesen sein. S. 27; s.a. Survey, S. 770, Abb. 265; Erdmann,
Nach den Münzen ist sie in drei Typen belegt. Zwei Z.D.M.G., XCVII [1943], Abb. 11, und Zeichnung
von diesen gehören offenbar der Frühzeit seiner des Kopfes A.M.I., IX [1938], Abb. 14) zeigt,
Regierung an. Typ A, der nur auf wenigen Präg- wenn sie, wie C. Trever meint, Peröz darstellt, eine
ungen vorkommt ( Abb 5, nach .

IX [1938], vierte Variante, nämlich eine Krone des Typs A
Taf. IV, 6) zeigt einen mit grossen Perlen be- (also mit vorderer kleiner Mondsichel und seitlichen
setzten —bzw. von einem mit grossen Perlen besetz- Zinnen ohne hinteren Abschluss) bereichert um die
ten Diadem umwundenen —
Stirnreifen, der vorn Flügel des Typs C. Auf Münzen scheint diese Form
eine Mondsichel und seitlich eine einzelne Zinne nicht belegt zu sein. Herzfeld hält sie ( op cit., .
trägt, also der Krone Yazdegerds I. entspricht, nur S. 129) für die Krone Khusraus II. anno 2-7, die
dass die Kappe sehr steil und hoch gebildet ist und aber, so weit ich sehe, immer eine hintere Zinne hat.
die Lockenkugel auf dem höchsten Punkt dieser Die steile Form der Kappe, die er als Hauptargument
Kappe aufruht und von ihr durch eine grosse Mond- für seine Zuschreibung anführt, lässt sich in diesem
bocke darstellt, eine zeitgenössische Wieder- sicher kein Zufall, dass diese Neuerung, ein-
gabe, die mit ausreichender Deutlichkeit zeigt, mal eingeführt, nie wieder aufgegeben wird.
was die Münzbilder nur ungenügend erkennen Alle Kronen nach dieser ersten Krone des
lassen: den mit Perlen besetzten, tief in die Peröz behalten sie bei. Möglich wird diese
Stirn gezogenen Reifen, an dem seitlich und Neuerung allerdings nur auf Kosten des Kern-
hinten niedrige, dreistufige Zinnen angebracht aufbaus, der sich bis dahin unverändert als
sind, während über der Stirn eine kleine Mond- Umhüllung des kunstvoll frisierten Haares des
sichel erscheint, ferner die Scheitelumhüllung Königs behauptet hatte. Indem jetzt ein Em-
aus einem mit Juwelen geschmückten Stoff, blem, die grosse Mondsichel, mit ihm in Ver-
eine grosse Mondsichel, die durch ein mit zwei bindung gebracht wird, zerstört man seine ur-
kleinen Binden versehenes Zwischenstück ge- sprüngliche Anlage. Die Scheitelumhüllung,
stielt und die von einem dünnen, Falten
ist bisher von dem gleichen Stoff verkleidet wie
werfenden Stoff verhüllte Kugel ( Abb 12). .
die Lockenkugel, wird zur Kappe, die zwei-
Mit Hilfe dieser Silberschale werden die Dar- fellos aus festerem Material gefertigt wurde,
stellungen der Münzbilder, bei denen auf die um die Bekrönung tragen zu können. Die
Angabe der Scheitelumhüllung verzichtet ist, Kugel andererseits, bisher die stoffbespannte
klar, und es dürfte zulässig sein, auch die Lockenfrisur, wird zum selbständigen Gebilde,
Münzen Yazdegerds II. von hier aus riick- dem die Verbindung mit dem Scheitel des
schliessend zu interpretieren
73
Das Neue, .
Königs verloren gegangen ist. Dabei bewahrt
das diese beiden Kronen bringen, ist die Art sie zunächst noch ihre alte Form, es ist auch
der Anordnung der oberen Mondsichel, die keineswegs ausgeschlossen, dass sie nach wie
so gross gebildet ist, dass sie die Kugel des vor Haar enthält, nur das natürliche Haupt-
Kernaufbaus in ihrer unteren Hälfte rahmend haar des Königs kann es nicht mehr sein. 7 *
umschliesst. Sie ist nicht mehr, wie noch bei Mehr als zweihundert Jahre hatte die säsäni-
Varhrän V., am Stirnreifen, sondern auf dem dische Krone aus zwei sorgfältig voneinander
höchsten Punkt der Scheitelumhüllung befe- getrennten Einheiten bestanden, dem Kernauf-
stigt. Das bedeutet einen entscheidenden Schritt
74
Herzfeld erkennt diese Entwicklung auch, nur
in der Entwicklung der säsänidischen Krone,
nimmt er an, dass sie erst mit der zweiten Regierung
denn damit ist das ihr zugrundeliegende Kom- Kaväds I. eingetreten sei. Die Kronen des Përôz in-
positionsprinzip in einem wichtigen Punkt terpretiert er noch im Sinne der bisherigen Form, also
durchbrochen. Zum erstenmal wird ein Em- als reine Umhüllung der Frisur. Wie er sich dabei
blem nicht am Stirnreifen angebracht, sondern vorstellt, dass das Haar des Königs durch das Ideine
Zwischenstück und die trennende Mondsichel in die
mit dem Kernaufbau verbunden. Die Folgen
Kugel gebracht wurde, ist unverständlich. An-
dieser Neuerung sind einschneidend, und es ist scheinend denkt er an eine Perücke. Aber dann wäre
die Trennung ja vollzogen. Mir scheint jeder
Sinne nicht verwerten, denn der Typ A des Pêrôz Zweifel ausgeschlossen, dass die ursprüngliche Form
zeigt sie mindestens so ausgeprägt. Sie wird erst bei des Kernaufbaus mit der ersten Einführung der
B und C zugunsten einer mehr halbrunden Form Mondsichel zwischen Scheitelumhüllung und Lok-
aufgegeben (s.a. Erdmann, op. cit., S. 274-78, wo ich kenkugel zerstört wird. Das geschieht aber nicht erst
allerdings übersehen habe, dass die Angabe bei Trever bei Kaväd I. zweite Regierung, sondern schon bei
und Herzfeld, dieser Typ sei durch Münzen belegt, der frühen Krone des Peröz, ja wahrscheinlich be-
nicht zuzutreffen scheint). reits unter Yazdegerd II. Ausserdem übersieht Herz-
73
Was wiederum der Darstellung auf der Sil- feld, dass die Krone Typ A des Peröz eine stark
berschale in Baltimore (Sarre, A.P., Taf. 111) überhöhte Kappenform zeigt, die nicht mehr Scheitel-
entsprechen würde. verhüllung, sondern ein selbständiges Gebilde ist.
, .
io8 KURT ERDMANN

77
bau als der Frisurumhüllung und dem Stirn- Ansichten : Profilansicht des Stirnreifens und
reifen als dem Emblemträger und damit der der an ihm angebrachten Embleme sowie der
Krone im engeren Sinne. Erst unter Peröz, Scheitelkappe, soweit diese noch gegeben wird,
bzw. unter Yazdegerd IL, wird diese Trennung und Vorderansicht des oberen Abschlusses.
aufgehoben, werden Kernaufbau und Stirn- Allein auch das genügt noch nicht. Die Kugel
reifen, indem beide zu Emblemträgern werden, behält ihre alte Form bei, die als ein leicht zur
miteinander verschmolzen. Damit ist der Weg Dreiviertelansicht verschobenes Profil zu deu-
frei zu jenen komplizierten Formen, die für ten sein dürfte. Die Ansicht wechselt also
die späteren Kronen der Säsäniden bezeich- noch einmal oder einfacher: alle Formen sind
nend sind. 75 nach wie vor im Profil gegeben, nur die obere
Gleichzeitig geht den Münzbildern die Mondsichel und die gelegentlich in der fol-
bisher gewahrte reine Profilansicht verloren. genden Zeit mit ihr an der Scheitelkappe auf-
Ansätze dazu waren bereits mit dem Auftre- tretenden anderen Embleme sind en face
78
ten der kleinen Mondsichel über der Stirn an gestellt.
der Krone Yazdegerds I. gegeben. Eine ver- Schon Peröz zieht mit seiner zweiten
kürzte Darstellung, wie sie sachlich erforder- Krone die Konsequenzen aus dieser Neuerung.
lich wäre, ist mit den Mitteln der säsänidischen Ihr Aufbau ist an sich der gleiche wie der
Kunst nicht möglich. Bei der Mondsichel am seiner ersten Krone: Stirnreif mit Zinnen-
Stirnreifen wird immerhin noch der schwache kranz und vorderer kleiner Mondsichel, halb-
V ersuch einer Wiedergabe in Dreiviertelan- runde Kappe mit grosser Mondsichel und
sicht gemacht. Bei der grossen Mondsichel Kugel auf dem Kappenscheitel. Aber diese
auf dem Kappenscheitel ist das undurchführ- erste Form wird bereichert um ein Flügelpaar,
bar. Also drehte man sie im Bilde um 90 so dass jetzt die Embleme von drei Götter-
Grad. 76 Alle Kronendarstellungen seit Peröz kronen (Ahura Mazdäh, Mäh und Vröragna)
zeigen daher eine Verbindung verschiedener an einer Königskrone zusammen auftreten. 79
Nur werden diese Flügel nicht wie bei Varhrän
75
Es wäre nicht undenkbar, dass hier auch der IL, Ohrmizd II. und Varhrân IV. am Stirn-
Keim liegt für die eigenartige Sitte der “hängenden reifen angebracht, an dem ja auch wegen des
Krone” (Exkurs I). Zinnenkranzes kein Platz wäre, sondern an
76
Dass die obere Mondsichel wie die kleinere am der Scheitelkappe. Leider sind die Münzbil-
Stirnreifen als quergestellt zu denken ist, zeigen die
der zu undeutlich, um uns eine einwandfreie
en face Darstellungen späterer Kronen, so z.B.:
Hauptivän des Täk-i-Bustän, König der Tympanon- Auskunft über die Art dieser Anbringung zu
gruppe ( Abb 14) Stuckplatten aus der Gegend von
.
;
geben. Die mässigen Prägungen sind durch
Rayy im Pennsylvania Museum und in anderen Samm- den misslungenen Versuch, den komplizierten
lungen {Abb. 15 [nach Survey, Taf. 176 C] und Aufbau perspektivisch wiederzugeben, beson-
Abb. 16) Stuckkopf des Art Intitute, Chicago ( op
;
ders unklar. Glücklicherweise sind wir nicht
cit., Taf. 178 B) Goldschale der Bibliothèque Na-
;
tionale und Silberschale aus Kungur in der Ermitage

auf sie allein angewiesen. An der Rückwand
(Erdmann, Jb., S. 216 f.) und die neuerworbene
77
Silberschale des Nationalmuseums in Teheran (M. Vergl. Anm. 65.
78
Bahrami, “Some Objects Recently Discovered in Vergl. dazu K. Erdmann “Wie sind die Kronen
Iran,” Bull, of the Iranian Institute New York, der säsänidischen Münzen zu lesen?” Z.D.M.G.,
VI/VII [1946], 74, Abb. 5 und 6). Für en face I ([1945-49], 206-11).
Darstellungen auf Münzen vergl. Paruck, No. 394, 79
Wobei der Name Peröz (der Siegreiche) die
431, 432, 460; A.M.I. IX [1938], Taf. VI, 5 und Verbindung mit dem Gott des Sieges nahegelegt,
VII, 3, Bartholomaei Coli, bei Paruck, Taf X, 6). wenn nicht hergestellt haben mag.
SÄSÄNIDISCHEN KRONE 109
des grossen Ivans am Täk-i-Bustän hat sich Die Kronen der auf Përôz folgenden
eine Darstellung dieser Krone erhalten, die Herrscher geben diese reiche Form wieder
uns über alle Einzelheiten ausreichend unter- auf. Die Münzbilder bleiben zunächst un-
richtet {Abb. 14 ). 80 Die Flügel sind bei ihr deutlich. Erst als sich unter Khusrau I. ein
seitlich, etwa auf der Höhe der Schläfen hinter mehr zeichnerischer Stil durchsetzt, werden sie
dem Zinnenkranz am unteren Rande der Schei- klarer. 82 Andere Darstellungen fehlen bisher
telkappe befestigt. Dadurch schmiegen sie noch. So können wir noch nicht mit Sicherheit
sich nicht mehr wie früher dem Kopf an, son- sagen, worin sich die Kronen dieser Herrscher
dern laden, durch nahezu die ganze Breite der voneinander unterscheiden. Valäsh (483-
83
Scheitelkappe voneinander getrennt, stehend 488 ) scheint die Kronenform Yazdegerds IL
und leicht gestielt, seitlich kräftig aus und
bilden so einen Rahmen um die obere auf dem unter denen die Schale entstanden sein müsste, wenn
sie Yazdegerd III. darstellt. Unter Umständen
Kappenscheitel ruhende Gruppe aus Mond- würde sich sogar bei einer Zuschreibung an diesen
sichel und Kugel. 81 letzten Herrscher des Säsänidenhauses, der seine
Regierungszeit meist auf der Flucht verbrachte,
80
Zur Zuschreibung
dieses Monumentes, das meine frühere Annahme einer ausseriranischen
landläufig Khusrau II. gegeben wird, an Përôz Entstehung, wenn auch in einem anderen Sinne, be-
vergl. K. Erdmann, “Das Datum des Täk Bustän,” i stätigen. Die Provenienz des Stückes aus dem Besitz
Ars Islamica, IV [1937], 79 ff. und “Zur Chrono- der Emire von Badakhs_hän könnte ja auch in diese
logie der sasanidischen Kunst,” Forschungen und Richtung weisen.
82
Fortschritte, XIII [1937], 169 f. ;
E. Herzfeld, Zur stilistischen Entwicklung der sasanidischen
“Khusrau Parwëz und der Täq Vastän,” i Münzen vergl. Herzfeld, A.M.I., IX (1938), 115-
IX [1938], 91-158; K. Erdmann, “Khusrau II. oder 16, wo er eine frühe Stufe mit Prägungen von guter
Përôz? Das Datum des Täq
Bustän,” im kom-
i Qualität (Ardasjnr I bis Shähpuhr II. mittlere Zeit),
menden Jahrgang des Bull, of the Iranian Institute, eine mittlere Stufe “traurigen Verfalls” (Shähpuhr II.
New York. mittlere Zeit bis Kaväd Regierung) und eine
I. erste
81 späte Stufe linearen Stils (Kaväd I. zweite Regierung
Eine weitere Darstellung dieser Krone bringen
die Stuckplatten mit Përôz auf der Schwarzwildjagd bis Yazdegerd III.) unterscheidet. Zu etwa der
aus der Gegend von Rayy {Abb. 15) bei denen die gleichen Dreiteilung kommt auch C. Trever {Survey,
Kugel in der oberen Mondsichel zwar unverhältnis- S. 819 ff.), Diese drei Stufen decken sich grob
mässig klein gebildet, der seitliche Ansatz der Flügel gesehen, mit den drei Phasen der Kronenentwicklung,
zwischen Zinnenkranz und unterem Rand der halb- sind aber, da die Entwicklung der Kronenformen
runden Scheitelkappe aber deutlich zu erkennen ist nach eigenen, nur sekundär aesthetisch bedingten Ge-
(zwei Exemplare des Königskopfes waren im Besitz setzen verläuft, kaum mit ihnen in Verbindung zu
der Islamischen Abteilung, Berlin [Abb. 16], so dass bringen. Allenfalls könnte man sagen, dass die ein-
ich die Möglichkeit gehabt habe, den Kronenaufbau fachen Kronenformen der ersten Phase sich bei den
genau zu untersuchen.) Bei der Jagschale der Bi- Münzen günstig ausgewirkt haben für die Klarheit
bliothèque Nationale {Abb. 17) neige ich heute dazu, der Prägungen, während die Auflockerung der Aus-
meine Jb., S. 212 f. ausgesprochene und Z.D.M.G. gangsform in der zweiten Phase der Kronenentwick-
XCVII [1943], 254 ff. verteidigte Zuschreibung an lung der “malerischen Tendenz” entgegenkam, die in
Përôz fallen zu lassen, womit nur die von A. Cotte- der säsänidischen Kunst auf allen Gebieten die mitt-
vieille-Giraudet (“Coupes et camée sassanides du lere Periode kennzeichnet die komplizierten For-
;
Cabinet de France,” Rev. des Arts Asiatiques, XII men der dritten Phase dagegen waren nur mit zeich-
C 1 938 J,
52 ff.) vorgeschlagene Deutung auf Yaz- nerischen Mitteln darstellbar, können also ihrerseits
degerd III. bliebe. Vielleicht lassen sich die ver- dazu beigetragen haben, den “linearen Stil” der
schiedenen Unstimmigkeiten, ja Irrtümer, die ich auf- Spätzeit zu verstärken.
83
gezeigt habe, und aus denen ich glaubte, auf eine Im Tädjnämeh soll die Krone des Valäs_h him-
ausseriranische Entstehung schliessen zu müssen, aus melblau gewesen sein. Andere Darstellungen dieses
den schwierigen Produktionsbedingungen erklären, Königs sind nicht bekannt, wenn man nicht die Sil-
,
I IO KURT ERDMANN
wiederaufzunehmen. Die eigene Note könnte bleibt auch sie bei dem
geläufigen Schema der
in der niedrigeren Form der Zinnen liegen, die mittleren Zeit, derenKronen überhaupt keinen
nur zwei statt wie dort drei Stufen haben. so starken Akzent mehr auf die Symbolformen
Kaväds I. Krone seiner ersten Regierungszeit zu legen scheinen wie die der frühen Zeit, was
84
(488-496) entspricht der ersten Krone des ja auch verständlich ist, nachdem einmal die
Peröz, vielleicht wieder mit anderer Form der ursprüngliche Beziehung von Königskrone und
Zinnen als unterscheidendem Merkmal. Diä- Götterkrone aufgegeben wurde. Zinnen und
mäsp (496-499) 85 greift auf die seitlich am Mondsichel am Stirnreifen, Mondsichel und
Stirnreifen befestigte Mondsichel Varhräns V. Kugel auf der Scheitelkappe bilden wie bei
zurück, die er mit der seit Peröz üblich ge- Krone die Auswahl. Das unter-
seiner ersten
wordenen, grossen Mondsichel auf dem Kap- scheidende Merkmal liegt in der Form der
penscheitel verbindet (Abb. 4). Die sich Kappe. Solange diese nur die Umhüllung des
daraus ergebende Staffelung von zwei Mond- Haupthaares war, hatte sie naturgemäss im-
sicheln übereinander stellt, besonders da die mer halbrunde Form. Aber auch nachdem sie
obere um 90 Grad gedreht zu denken ist, eine mit der Einführung der oberen Mondsichel
wenig befriedigende Lösung dar. Ein neues zur selbständigen Form geworden war, be-
Element bringt erst die zweite Krone Kaväds hielt sie diese Form zunächst bei.
86
Erst mit
I. (499-531). In der Auswahl der Embleme der zweiten Krone desKaväd I. wird sie höher
87
gebildet und unter Khusrau I. (53 1-578) 88
berschale der Walters Art Gallery in Baltimore
(vergl. Anm. 69) statt auf Yazdegerd II. auf ihn
nimmt sie einen Umriss an, der fast an die
beziehen will. Kappen der Arsakiden erinnert. Bei Ohrmizd
84
Nach Angaben bei Hamza al-Isfahäni
den IV. (578-590) 89 wird sie noch steiler und
unterschied das Tädjnämeh die Kronen der beiden dominiert so stark, dass die Zinnen als bestim-
Regierungszeiten Kaväds I. nicht. Er gibt nur die
mendes Element im Aufbau der Krone ganz
Farbe grün an. Der Karneol der Bibliothèque Na-
tionale in Paris Survey , Taf. 255 B), der ihm viel-
(
zurücktreten. Im Wesentlichen scheinen die
fach könnte auch Peröz dar-
zugeschrieben wird, Kronen dieser Herrscher durch die Form (und
stellen. (vergl. Anm. 71). Dass die Jagdschale der vermutlich Farbe) ihrer Kappe unterschieden
Islamischen Abteilung, Berlin (Erdmann, Jb .,
5. 217 f.) diesen König meint, also am Anfang des 86
A
Eine Ausnahme bildet der Typ der Krone
6. Jh. entstanden ist (so Herzfeld, IX
des Peröz, bei dem die Scheitelkappe hoch ist.
[ 1 938 J 126)mir nicht vorstellen. Die
kann ich 87
Diese Änderung der Kappenform nimmt Herz-
,
kürzlich vom Museum

Teheran erworbene Schale
in
feld ( A.M.I IX [1938], 121) als den Punkt der
.
mit dem König auf der Wildeseljagd kenne ich bisher
Entwicklung, der in Wirklichkeit bereits unter
nur aus der Zeichnung im Catalogue , Exhibition
Yazdegerd II. oder Peröz mit der Einführung der
Musée Cernuschi (Paris, 1948), No. 82 und der
oberen Mondsichel ereicht wird.
Abbildung in III. London News, 21. VIII 1948,
88
S. 214. Die Angabe der Astralsymbole des Münz-
Hamza al-Isfahänis längere Beschreibung der
bildes ist unik und befremdend (vergl. Anm. 62). Darstellung Khusraus I. im Tädjnämeh enthält keine
Der Stuckkopf des Art Institute in Chicago (N. C. Angaben über die Zu den Münzen treten
Krone.
Debevoise, “A portrait of Kobad I.,” Bull. Art Inst. ergänzend der Bergkristall in der Goldschale aus
Chicago, XXIV (1930), 10; Survey, Taf. 178 B) St. Denis in der Bibliothèque Nationale und die
kann aber muss nicht Kavâd I. darstellen. obere Szene auf der Silberschale aus Kungur in der
85
Dieser König wird bei Hamza al-Isfahäni nicht Ermitage (Erdmann, Jb., S. 216 f.).
89
genannt. Seine Münzen sind selten und in der Prä- Nach dem Tädjnämeh war die Krone Ohr-
gung nicht sehr klar, doch fällt ihre Deutung nicht mizds IV. grün. Andere Darstellungen sind nicht
schwer, wenn man die Entwicklung übersieht. bekannt.
— 1
8ASANIDISCHEN KRONE 1 1
worden zu sein. Die Emblemauswahl ist jeden- ihr auf dieKrone des Peröz zurück, d. h. er
80
falls bei allen die gleiche. verbindet mitdem Zinnenkranz und der klei-
Eine markante neue Form bringt erst die nen Mondsichel des Stirnreifens die grosse
zweite Krone Khusraus II. Parwêz (590- Mondsichel auf dem Kappenscheitel bereichert
628). 91 Offensichtlich greift dieser König mit um das Flügelpaar. Das Ergebnis ist aller-
dings von der Krone des Peröz recht verschie-
90
Khusrau I. wird auf den Münzen in die
Seit Da die Kappe, die in der Zwischenzeit
den. 92
Mondsichel über der Stirn des Königs häufig ein alsKern des ganzen Aufbaus zum wichtigsten
sechsstrahliger Stern eingezeichnet. Die Anm. 88
Element geworden ist, nicht, wie bei Peröz,
genannten besseren Darstellungen zeigen diesen Stern
nicht. Danach dürfte es sich auf den flüchtig ge- halbrunden Umriss zeigt, sondern eine eckige
zeichneten Münzen um den rechten der beiden Sterne Form mit steil ansteigenden Seiten und nur
handeln, die seit der zweiten Regierung Kavâds I. schwacher oberer Wölbung, können die Flügel
vor und hinter dem Kopf des Königs angebracht nicht mehr wie dort an ihrem unteren Rand
werden. Bei Kavâd I. stehen sie noch ziemlich tief,
dem Zinnenkranz, sondern nur, zusam-
hinter
seit Khusrau I. rücken sie höher und kommen dadurch
mit der Mondsichel am Krone in

Stirnreifen der
men mit der oberen Mondsichel, auf dem
Berührung, die ihrerseits ganz vom
nicht selten
Stirnreifen gelöst dargestellt wird. Da aber im all- deransicht zeigen, trägt er auch über der Stirn eine
gemeinen der Stern hinter dem Kopf des Königs Zinne, eine Form, für die uns eine Erklärung noch
angegeben ist, die Ausgangsform also im Prinzip fehlt. Der Aureus des Jahres 21 ( A.MJ ., IX, [1938]
gewahrt bleibt, dürfte es nicht gerechtfertigt sein, Taf. VI, 3-4) weicht von den normalen Münz-
diesen Stern als einen Teil der Krone zu behandeln, bildern darin ab, dass er die Binden wieder an der
(wie es z.B. Survey , Abb. 745 cc, dd, und ee tun.) Rückseite des Stirnreifens ansetzen lässt ( Abh . 7),
91
Nach dem Tädjnämeh hatte Khusrau II. eine was seit Shähpuhr III. nicht mehr vorkam, und unter
rote Krone. Auf den Münzen trägt er zunächst dem Stern vor dem Kopf des Königs eine eigene
(590) eine Krone, die der seines Vaters Ohrmizd IV. kleine Mondsichel zeichnet. Andere Darstellungen
sehr ähnlich ist. ( Abb 6 , nach A.M.I. IX [1938],
.
dieses Königs sind nicht bekannt. Der König der In-
Taf. VII, 5). Herzfeld, der sie in seine Tabelle nicht vestiturszene im Tympanon des grossen Iväns vom
aufgenommen hat, sagt ( op cit., S. 114) er habe “die
.
Täk-i-Bustän (und damit auch der gepanzerte Reiter
krone seines vaters” getragen, was man kaum an- darunter, die kronenlosen Könige der seitlichen Jagd-
nehmen kann, da es dem “Gesetz der persönlichen reliefs und vielleicht auch die wieder gekrönten,
Krone” widersprechen würde. Im zweiten Jahre aber stärker beschädigten Könige auf den Kapitellen
seiner Regierung (591) fügt er, offenbar auf die aus Bistün und Isfahan) stellen Peröz dar. (vergl
Krone des Peröz zurückgreifend, ein Flügelpaar Anm. 80). Die Jagdschalen in Leningrad (Fund
hinzu. Gleichzeitig wird die Kugel in der oberen von Tcherdyne, vergl. Anm. 72) und Paris (de
Mondsichel durch einen sechsstrahligen Stern ersetzt. Luynes Schale, vergl. Anm. 81) können, da sie in
Dieser Wechsel dürfte mit seinem Sieg über den Ge- der oberen Mondsichel eine Kugel statt des Sterns
genkönig Varhrän VI. Zusammenhängen (der Stern Khusrau II. meinen. Viel-
zeigen, auf keinen Fall
als Abschluss einer Krone erscheint schon auf einem leichtwäre das bei der kürzlich vom Museum in
Ziegel des 8. Jh. v. Chr. aus Assur im British Mu- Teheran erworbenen Schale möglich die den thro-
seum Abb. H. Schaefer-W. Andrae, Die Kunst des nenden Herrscher unter einem Baldachin zeigt.
Alten Orients, [Berlin 1924], Taf. XXXI deren — (M. Bahrami, “Some Objects Recently Discovered
Aufbau überhaupt so viel Verwandtschaft mit säsäni- in Iran,” Bull, of the Iraniaji Institute, New York,
dischen Kronen aufweist, dass sie als Kuriosum, eine VI/VII [1946], 74, Abb. 5/6) Bei ihr ist die
Verbindung ist selbstverständlich unmöglich, hier Füllung der oberen Mondsichel nicht zu erkennen,
vermerkt sei). Etwa seit seinem 13. Regierungsjahr (oder weggebrochen?). Nach dem Katalog der
(um 603) geht Khusrau II. zu einer niedrigeren Ausstellung im Musée Cernuschi (No. 83) ist sie
Kappenform über, die den Zinnenkranz kaum noch allerdings eine spätere, nachsäsänidische Arbeit.
überragt. Die Embleme bleiben die gleichen. Nur
92
Was besonders deutlich wird, wenn man dessen
auf seinen eigenartigen Denkmünzen, die ihn in Vor- Krone am Täk-i-Bustän zum Vergleich heranzieht.
I 12 KURT ERDMANN
Scheitel derKappe angebracht werden. Da- sichel, in der sie ruht, immer weiter vom Kap-
durch rücken sie so eng zusammen, dass sie, penscheitel entfernt. Darüber geht schliesslich
fast aus gemeinsamen Schaft herauswach- ihr eigentlicher Sinn verloren. Khusrau II.
83
send, gleichsam einen Doppelflügel bilden, Parwëz zieht nur die Konsequenz aus dieser
der die hoch gestielte, klein gewordene Mond- Entwicklung, wenn er sie bei seiner zweiten
94
sichel rahmt. Die sich so ergebende Krone Krone durch einen Stern ersetzt. Welche re-
hat zwei deutlich getrennte Zonen: den Stirn- ligiösen Überlegungen ihn dazu veranlass-
reifen mit seinen niedrigen Zinnen und seiner ten 95
wissen wir nicht. Jedenfalls ist damit
),
vorderen kleinen Mondsichel, der gewisser- zugleich noch einmal ein Mittel der Variierung
maassen den Sockel bildet, und die Kappe mit gewonnen.
ihrem bekrönenden Aufbau aus Doppelflügel Wie Khusrau II. der letzte bedeutende
und hoch gestielter Mondsichel, die zum domi- Herrscher des Säsänidenhauses ist, so ist seine
nierenden Teil des Ganzen geworden ist. Zu Krone die letzte von ausgeprägter Eigenart.
diesen formalen Unterschieden kommt ein Die Kronen der fünfzehn Könige nach ihm,
Inhaltlicher, der zugleich die letzte Neuerung die sich in den wenigen Jahren, die das Reich
in der Entwicklung der säsänidischen Krone noch besteht (628-633), in rascher Folge
darstellt. In der oberen Mondsichel erscheint ablösen, können, so weit sie uns überhaupt
nicht mehr, wie bisher bei allen Kronen, die bekannt sind 96 und die äusserst mangelhaften
Kugel sondern ein sechsstrahliger Stern. Da- Prägungen eine Vorstellung von ihrem Aus-
rin wird deutlich, wie weit sich die säsänidische sehen geben, kaum Interesse mehr beanspru-
Krone im Laufe ihrer Entwicklung von der chen. Sie variieren die von Khusrau II. ge-
Ausgangsform entfernt hat. Ursprünglich wählte Form, wobei der Doppelflügel zum
hatte die Kugel das Haupthaar des Königs Teil wieder aufgegeben wird und in der oberen
enthalten. Seit der Anbringung eines Em- Mondsichel, Kugel und Stern wechselnd ver-
blems, der grossen Mondsichel, am Kernauf- wendet sind.
97
bau war das nicht mehr möglich. Aber auch

nachdem sie aus der Umhüllung der Locken- 95
Vergl. Anm. 62.
frisur zur selbständigen Form im Kronengan- 96
Unbekannt sind die Kronen der folgenden
zen geworden ist, bewahrt sie zunächst noch Herrscher: Khusrau Diuvänsher, Gushnas-
III.,
ihre alte Form, ja vielleicht, jedenfalls eine bandeh, Azarmidukht, Khusrau IV, und Përôz II.
97
Zeit lang, sogar ihre (jetzt allerdings künst-
Hamza al-Isfahäni nennt nach den Darstel-
lungen des Tädjnämeh nur noch Farben und zwar:
liche) Füllung mit Haaren. Allmählich wer-
Kaväd II. grün, Ardasjiïr III. rot, Börän himmel-
den diese Erinnerungen schwächer. Die Kugel blau, Azarmidukht grün, Yazdegerd III. rot. Nach
wird kleiner und durch die Stielung der Mond- den Münzen zeigen in der oberen Mondsichel einen
Stern: Ohrmizd V. ( Abb
Khusrau V. und
. 9),
93
Herzfelds Zeichnung übertreibt diesen Zug ein Yazdegerd III. erste Form;
Kugel verwenden eine
wenig. Die meisten Münzen zeigen die Flügel mit dagegen: Kaväd IL, Ardashir III., Börän {Abb. S)
getrennter, allerdings eng nebeneinander liegender und Yazdegerd III zweite Form. Meist ist die obere
Stielung. Mondsichel von einem Flügelpaar gerahmt, doch
94
Dabei mag mitgesprochen haben, dass der Dop- fehlt dieses bei Kaväd II. und der ersten Krone
pelflügel, bei dem die beiden Schwingen aus einem Ardasjûrs III. (Über die eventuelle Darstellung
gemeinsamen Schaft wachsen, ein in der säsänidischen Yazdegerds III. auf einer Silberschale vergl. Anm.
Kunst weit verbreitetes Symbolzeichen ist, das auf 81). Eine eigene Note bringt nur die Krone der
Siegelsteinen, Stuckplatten, Silber- und Bronzear- Königin Börän, die über dem Stirnreifen an Stelle
beiten wie auf Stoffen in verschiedensten Verwen- der sonst üblichen Zinnen drei Kreisscheiben zeigt
dungen, immer aber im Sinne einer Auszeichnung oder {Abb. 8 ), eine Anordnung, die an die Krone der
Hervorhebung des begleiteten Bildes, vorkommt. arsakidischen Königin Musa {Survey, Taf. 143 A)
SÄSÄNIDISCHEN KRONE 1 13
Wenn im Einzelnen auch infolge der Un- derung in den Proportionen der Kronen ver-
zulänglichkeit mancher Münzbilder und des bunden. Kronen der frühen Zeit haben eine
Fehlens anderer Darstellungen Fragen offen gedrungene Form, wobei nur die grosse, ins
bleiben müssen, in ihren grossen Zügen ist die Hochoval verzogene Lockenumhüllung eine
Entwicklung der säsänidischen Krone klar. Überhöhung ergibt. Kronen der späten Zeit
Sie wird bestimmt durch den Zwang, immer zeigen eine deutliche Vertikaltendenz, in-
neue Formen zu finden. Unter seinem Einfluss dem die Kappe mit der abschliessenden, oft
werden die Kompositionsprinzipien, von denen stark gestielten oberen Mondsichel und ihrer
man ausgeht, im Laufe der Zeit erst gelockert, kugel- oder sternförmigen Füllung weit über
dann durchbrochen. Die ursprüngliche Form den Stirnreifen mit seinen Emblemen hinausge-
stellte eine Verbindung zwischen der Krone hoben v/ird. Ihren Höhepunkt erreicht diese
eines bestimmten Königs und einer bestimmten Tendenz in der Krone Khusraus IL Parwëz,
Gottheit dar. Dabei werden die Embleme al- die auch in dem Reichtum ihrer Emblemaus-
lein am Stirnreifen angebracht, der im eigent- wahl den Endpunkt der Entwicklung dar-
lichen Sinne die Krone bildet, während der stellt .
99
Kernaufbau aus Scheitelumhüllung und Kugel

selbständig ist und nur die Verkleidung des zeigen 5 einen vollen Zinnenkranz, bei 8 ist er über
kunstvoll frisierten Haupthaars darstellt. Un- der Stirn unterbrochen, 3 zeigen nur vorn und hinten
eine Zinne, 1 zwei seitliche Zinnen, 1 nur eine vordere
ter den ersten elf Herrschern wird dieses Prin-
Zinne. Von anderen Emblemen kommen Strahlen
zip gewahrt. Mit der Krone Varhräns IV.
nur bei 1, die Hohlkehle bei 2, Flügel dagegen bei 8
geht man dazu über, die Embleme verschie- Kronen vor. Von diesen sind sie bei 3 Kronen am
dener Götterkronen zu vermengen, um unter Stirnreifen, bei 5 an der Scheitelkappe angebracht.
Yazdegerd IL, bzw. Peröz, Embleme auch mit Unikum sind die Kreisscheiben der Börän-Krone.
dem Kernaufbau in Verbindung zu bringen. Sehr beliebt ist das Motiv der Mondsichel. Im
Kronenaufbau zeigen es Kronen, davon 9 am
15
Dadurch biisst dieser seinen ursprünglichen
Reifen über der Stirn, 3 seitlich am Reifen, 9 auf
Charakter und verschmilzt, nachdem er
ein
dem Kappenscheitel und zwar meist (bei 6 Kronen)
wie der Stirnreifen zum Emblemträger ge- in Verbindung mit einer Stirnreifenmondsichel. Nur
worden ist, mit diesem zu einer Einheit. Bei in 3 Fällen kommt die Mondsichel auf der Kappe
dieser Form, in der Kernaufbau und Stirnrei- allein vor. Von den herangezogenen 27 Kronen
fen gleichgestellte Teile des Kronenganzen zeigen 9 zwei Mondsicheln, 7 nur eine, 3 einen Stern
an Stelle der Kugel. (Dabei sind in dieser Auf-
sind, wird die Scheitelkappe mehr und mehr
stellung allerdings die wenigen ungeklärten Fragen
zum bestimmenden Element, während auf die der Emblemverteilung als “vorläufig beantwortet”
Variation der Embleme weniger Wert gelegt eingeordnet, da ja nur eine flüchtige Übersicht ge-
98
wird . Mit diesem Prozess ist auch eine An- geben werden sollte.)
99
Die Formen der säsänidischen Krone haben
denken lässt, die ihrerseits wieder an den Schmuck weite Verbreitung gefunden. Die bekanntesten ihrer
assyrischer Tiaren ( Assar-haddon, Louvre) erinnert. Paraphrasen sind Küsjiänmünzen und Afräsiyäb-
Ähnlich die drei Kreisscheiben am unteren Kappenrand Terrakotten. Aber ihre Spuren finden wir nicht nur
eines Mobädh-Siegels aus Kasr-i-Abü Nasr (C. K. in Afghanistan, Nordindien und Turkestan, sondern
Wilkinson, “Notes on the Sasanian Seals Found at auch in Turf an und unter des Schätzen des Shösöin,
Kasr-i-Abu Nasr,” Bull. Metr. Mus., New York, auf byzantinischen Seiden und koptischen Wirkereien,
XXIX [1936],' 180, Abb. 8). in Ms_hattä und Kuseir ‘Amra, auf seldschukischen
98
Zusammenstellung der 27 wichtigsten
Eine Bronzearbeiten wie auf romanischen Miniaturen. Ich
Kronenformen ergibt für die Verteilung der Embleme hoffe in anderem Zusammenhang über das Nachleben
Folgendes: von 27 Kronen haben 18 einen Zinnen- dieser Formen handeln zu können, die auf der einen
kranz, nur 9 sind ohne Zinnen, von diesen 9 sind 3 Seite interessant sind als Belege für den Wirkungs-
ganz ohne Embleme. Von den 18 Kronen mit Zinnen bereich der säsänidischen Kunst, auf der anderen
-
11 4 KURT ERDMANN
In Übersicht (Abb. 18 )
schematischer aufbau. Daraus resultierend
lässt sich Entwicklung der säsänidischen
die Zerfall des Kernaufbaus in
Krone danach folgendermaassen wiedergeben : Scheitelkappe und selbständige
Kugel.
I. Frühe Gruppe (Ardashir I. bis Shäh-
(Yazdegerd II. bis Peröz,
puhr III., 224-388) Kernaufbau :
und Stirnreifen selbständige Teile. 438-483-)

Kernaufbau reine Frisurumhüllung, III. Späte Gruppe (Väläsh bis Yazdegerd
Stirnreifen alleiniger Emblemträger

III., 483-633). Kernaufbau nicht
Emblemeinheit von einzelner Königs- mehr Frisurumhüllung, sondern neben
krone und Götterkrone. Stirnreifen als Emblemträger ver-
wendet, mit diesem zur Einheit der
a) Entwicklung der Grundformen.
Narseh,
Krone verschmolzen. Nachlassen des
(Ardashir I. bis
Interesses an Emblemauswahl und
224-302.)
-variierung. Wachsende Bedeutung
b) Einfache Variation der Grund-
der Scheitelkappe als unterscheiden-
formen. (Ohrmizd II. bis
Shähpuhr
dem Merkmal und Kern des Kro-
III., 302-388.)
nenaufbaus. Vertikaltendenz der
II. Mittlere (
Übergangs -) Stufe (Varhrän
Proportionen.
IV. bis Peröz, 388-483).
a) Endstufe 1 : Stagnation der Em-
a) 1. Stufe der Auflösung der Aus-
blemvarierung. Kappenform
gangsform: Aufhebung der
bestimmendes Element.
Emblemeinheit, sonst wie I.
(Valäsh bis Khusrau II.
(Varhrän IV. bis V arhrän V.,
erste Kronenform, [483-
388-438.)
Stufe der Auflösung der
590 ])-
b) 2.
b) Endstufe 2: Endgültige Auflö-
Ausgangsform: Aufgeben des
sung der Ausgangsform, in-
Stirnreifens als einzigem Em-
blemträger. Verbindung von
dem man die Kugel durch einen
Stern ersetzt.
Emblemen auch mit dem Kern-
(Khusrau II. zweite Kronen-
Seite wichtig als Bestätigung und Ergänzung des hier form bis Yazdegerd III.,
Ausgeführten. 591 - 633 )
EXKURS I. DIE HÄNGENDE KRONE

Bei der Erzählung vom Besuch Königs Nu'mäns Kleiderhülle ab. Wer ihn so zum ersten Mal sah,
von Hira bei Khusrau I. schreibt Tabari (ed. T. der sank vor Ehrfurcht in die Knie vor ihm.”
Nöldeke [Leyden, 1879], S. 221/2) “Der König Von Khusrau II. schreibt derselbe Autor ( op . cit.,
pflegte in seinem Thronsaal zu sitzen, worin sich seine S. 304) “Sein Throngewölbe war so herrlich gebaut,
Krone befand. Diese war so gross wie ein Scheffel- wie man noch nichts gesehen hatte. Darin war seine
maass, mit Rubinen, Smaragden, Perlen, Gold und Krone aufgehängt, und er sass dort, wenn er den
Silber beschlagen und hing an einer goldenen Kette Leuten Audienz gab.”
oben vom Gewölbe des Zimmers herab. Sein Nacken Diese Angaben ergänzt Tha'älibi (ed. H. Zoten-
wäre nicht stark genug gewesen, die Krone zu tragen. berg [Paris, 1900] S. 699 f.) “Sie (die Krone Khus-
Er verhüllte sich also mit seinen Kleidern, bis er auf raus II.) war aus 60 mann reinen Goldes, besetzt
dem Thron dann steckte
sass, er den Kopf in die mit Perlen so wie Sperlingseier und mit
gross
Krone, und wenn er nun recht sass, nahm man die granatfarbenen Rubinen, die die Schatten vertrieben
SASANIDISCHEN KRONE IIS
und in dunklen Nächten wie Lichter leuchteten, und Eng an die genannten Äusserungen arabischer
mit Smaragden, deren Anblick genügte, um Schlan- Autoren schliesst 43,3864 s an. (Abschnitt “Khusrau
genaugen zum Schmelzen zu bringen. Eine goldene Parwëz” Kapitel “Khusrau baut den Palast von
Kette von 70 cuvits Länge hing vom Gewölbe des Madä’in”) Dort heisst es anlässlich der Thron-
Palastes, an der war die Krone befestigt, so dass sie besteigung nach Vollendung des Baus:
den Kopf des Königs nur berührte, aber nicht störte “Ein aus Gold gegossener Ring war in jenem
oder belastete.” Gewölbe aufgehängt,
Bakami (ed. H. Zotenberg [Paris, 1867-74] II, Von dem eine Kette aus rotem Gold herun-
305) fügt noch hinzu, dass diese Sitte des Aufhängens terhing,
der Krone von Khusrau I. eingeführt worden sei und Von der jedes Glied mit Edelsteinen besetzt
seitdem in Gebrauch blieb. 1 war.
Nach F. Justi ( Geschichte des alten Persien [Ber- Wenn der König der Könige den Elfenbein-
lin, 1879], S. 210) soll der Ring, an dem sie befestigt thron bestieg, hängte man an der Kette die
war, erst im Jahre 1812 entfernt worden sein. Krone auf.”
Bei der Eroberung Ktesiphons im Jahre 637 fiel
Ähnlich heisst es I2d 933 (Abschmitt “Kai
die Krone Khusraus II. den Arabern in die Hände. Käüs. Geschichte des Siyäwusji,” Kapitel “Siyäwusji
Man schickte sie mit anderen Beutestücken dem schickt Rustam zu Käüs”) :
Kalifen ‘Umar, der sie in der Ka'ba in Mekka auf- “Siyäwusji setzte sich auf den Elfenbeinthron,
2
hängen liess. Dort hat sie der anonyme Autor der Er hängte über dem Thron die Krone auf.”
Nihäyat noch am Anfang des 11. Jahrhunderts Einen anderen Zusammenhang bringt 41, 1546
gesehen. (Abschnitt “Kisrä Nösjnnravän,” Kapitel “Sie-
bentes Fest Nösjiinraväns mit Büzurdjmihr und den
Die Krone der Säsäniden wurde also, jedenfalls
seit dem 6. Jahrhundert n. Chr., nicht mehr ge- Möbadhs”) :
tragen, sondern auf gehängt. Nach den Angaben “An einem Tag in der Woche darauf hängte er
Tabaris, Tha'älibis und Bakamis scheint es sich dabei
dieKrone auf.
allerdings immer um Krone im grossen Audienz-
die
Er kam und setzte sich auf den Elfenbeinthron.”
saal in Ivtesiphon-Madä’in zu handeln. Wir besitzen und aus dem gleichen Abschnitt (41,2698) im Kapitel
aber andere Quellen, aus denen sich ergibt, dass diese
“Das indische Schachspiel kommt zu Nösjnnravän” :
Sitte der “hängenden Krone” mit dem Zeremoniell “Eines Tages schmückte der König den Hof mit
des säsänidischen Hofes in weiterem Sinne verbunden

rumäischem Brokat.
gewesen zu sein scheint, als es die oben angeführten Er hängte die Krone über dem Teakholz-
4
Stellen zunächst vermuten lassen.
Thron auf.”
Wenn Mirkhönd in seiner Histoire des rois

12,664 (Abschnitt “Kai Käüs,” Kapitel “Rustam
de
tötetden weissen Dëv”) heisst es von dem durch das
Perse de la dynastie des Sassanides (trsl. S. de
Blut des Dev von seiner Blindheit geheilten Kai
Sacy [Paris, 1793], S. 306) berichtet, bei der Wahl
Käüs :
Shähpuhrs II. hätten die Grossen des Reiches über
“Unter ihm errichtete man einen Elfenbeinthron,
dem Kopf des Kindes die Krone aufgehängt und ihm
Über dem Elfenbeinthron hängte man die
ihre Aufwartung nach der üblichen Etikette gemacht,
Krone auf.”
könnte sich dieser Zug aus den besonderen Bedin-
Noch aufschlussreicher ist die Stelle 13 g, 2174
gungen dieser Krönung erklären. Dagegen finden sich
(Abschnitt “Kai Khusrau,” Kapitel “Kai Khusrau
bei Firdösi eine Reihe von Erwähnungen der “hängen-
kehrt von Türän nach Iran zurück,”) wo geschildert
den Krone,” die, wenn man sie natürlich auch nur wird, wie der König auf seiner Reise nach Chädj
mit Vorbehalten als Quelle verwerten darf, auf eine
kommt und dort kurzen Aufenthalt nimmt. Dazu
allgemeinere Verbreitung dieser Sitte zu weisen heisst es :
scheinen.
“Er kam auf diese Weise nach Chädj.
1
Eine Zusammenfassung dieser Stellen bei A. 3
Zählung nach F. Wolff, Glossar zu Firdosis
Christensen, L’Iran sous les Sassanides (Kopenhagen, Shahname (Berlin, 1934).
1936), S. 392. 4
Die Änderung des üblichen “Elfenbein-” in
2
Bei der Zusammenstellung der folgenden Stellen “Teakholz-” oder “Eichen-” hat nach freundlicher
bin ich Herrn Dr. K. H. Hansen, Hamburg, für Auskunft von K. H. Hansen an dieser Stelle
seine freundliche Hilfe zu Dank verpflichtet. euphonische Gründe.
1 16 KURT ERDMANN
Er hängte die Krone über dem Elfenbeinthron Sie hängten über dem Elfenbeinthron die Krone
auf.” auf.”
42,161 (Abschnitt “Ohrmizd,” Kapitel “Ohrmizd Ähnliches wird 13,1651 (Abschnitt “Kai Khus-
tötet Simähburzen und Varhrän Adrmahän”) heisst rau,” Kapitel “Gëv tötet Tazhäv aus Rache für
es ähnlich : Varhrän”) von dem Leichnam Varhräns erzählt:
“Der Weltenherrscher setzte sich auf den Elfen- “Er (nämlich Gëv) füllte sein Gehirn mit
beinthron, Moschus und Ambra.
Und man
hängte jene wertvolle Krone auf.” Er bedeckte seinen Körper mit chinesischer
Entsprechend auch 10,273 (Abschnitt “Garshäsp,” Seide.
Kapitel “Rustam bringt Kai Kobäd vom Berg El- Nach Art des Königs der Könige legte er ihn
burs”), wo die Inthronisation Kai Kobäds als Nach- schlafen auf dem elfenbeinernen Thron.
folger des Garshäsp mit folgenden Worten beschrie- Er hängte über ihm die Krone auf.”
ben wird :
In derselben Art wird 15,4402 (Abschnitt “Gusji-
“Am achten Tage errichteten sie den elfen- täsp,” Kapitel “Tod des Gushtäsp,”) von der Bei-
beinernen Thron. setzung dieses Königs gesagt :
hängten über dem Thron die Krone auf.”

Sie “Man baute ein Grabmal aus Ebenholz und
Kleine Varianten bringen 29,6 und 29,12 (Ab- Elfenbein.
schnitt “Shähpuhr Du’l-Aktäf,” Kapitel “Geburt Man hängte über dem Thron die Krone auf.”
und Thronbesteigung Shähpuhrs”). Vers 6 heisst es Am ausführlichsten sind die Angaben die Nosjtin-
von der kurz vor der Entbindung stehenden Mutter :
ravän seinem Sohn für sein Begräbnis gibt (41,4597
“Uber ihrem Kopf hängten sie eine Krone auf. Abschnitt “Kisrä Nöshinravän,” Kapitel “Nösjnn-
Über jene Krone streuten sie Gold und Münzen ravän belehnt seinen Sohn Ohrmizd”) :
aus.” “Für mich sollgebaut werden ein schöner Palast,

und Vers 12 nach der erfolgten Geburt des Kindes: An einem Ort, an den keiner kommt.
“Es kamen die Helden mit goldenem Gürtel,
Sie hängten über ihm die goldene Krone auf.
Bekleidet uns nach Kayäner Art,
Nach Art der säsänidischen Könige,
Sie legten den vierzig Tage Alten unter jene
Erbaut hiernach einen Elfenbeinthron,
Krone
Aufgehängt über dem Elfenbeinthron die
Und auf den glückhaften Thron seines Vaters.”
Krone.”
Endlich zwei Stellen aus dem Abschnitt “Khusrau
Parwëz”und zwar 43,906 (Kapitel “Thronbesteigung Selbstverständlich enthalten diese Stellen Firdösis,
Varhrän Chöbins”) : von 43, 3864 abgesehen, keine im einzelnen Fall ver-
“Man fegte den Palast aus, (bis er) sauber wie wertbaren, archaeologischen Angaben. Als Ganzes aber
Elfenbein (war). beweisen sie, auch wenn man in Rechnung stellt, dass
Über dem Thron hängte man die Krone auf.” es sich um eine feststehende dichterische Formel
und 43,2187 (Kapitel “Gesandtschaft des Kaisar an handelt, doch so viel, dass die “hängende Krone”
Khusrau Parwëz”) : zusammen mit dem elfenbeinernen Thron eng mit
“Es zog der König das Gewand an
. . . der Vorstellung königlicher Macht in Iran verbunden
Und hängte jene juwelengeschmückte Krone war. Nach Firdösi hing die Krone nicht nur im
auf. Thronsaal des Palastes von Ktesiphon-Madä’ in von
Er man den Vorhang hebe
befahl, dass der Decke herab, sondern überall, wo der König
Und Grossen einlasse in den Saal.”
die residierte, wird sie aufgehängt, gewissermaassen als
Vier weitere Stellen nennen die “hängende Krone” Zeichen seiner Gegenwart, bei der Thronbesteigung,
in einem anderen Zusammenhang: wie bei feierlicher Audienz, bei prunkvollen Festen
6,1141 (Abschnitt “Feridün,” Kapitel “Tod des wie bei kurzem Aufenthalt in einer Stadt auf der
Feridün”) wird von Manöchihr erzählt, dass er die Durchreise. Und nicht nur der lebende König, auch
Beisetzung des Feridün folgendermaassen vornahm: der tote hat sie als Zeichen seiner einstigen Macht
“Nach Art der Könige baute er ein Grabmal aus und Grösse in seinem Grabmal, wo er auf dem elfen-
rotem Gold unf Lapislazuli. beinernen Thron aufgebahrt ruht, über sich hängen.
Sie errichteten unter ihm einen elfenbeinernen Unter diesen Umständen ist wohl die Annahme
Thron. berechtigt, dass der Kalif ‘Umar säsänidischer Tradi-
7
1
tion folgte, wenn er die erbeutete Krone Khusraus IL Staatsschatz bei der Niederlage von Victoria in die
in der Ka'ba zu Mekka aufhängen liess. Hände Parmas fiel und dort bis 13 11 in der Sakristei
Wie Elemente des iranischen Hofzere-
so viele desDomes aufbewahrt wurde, mit ihren vielen erha-
moniells hat auch die “hängende Krone” die Zeit der benen Bildern zu schwer gewesen sein, um getragen zu
Säsäniden überdauert, zwar nicht, wie etwa die For- werden. Dass das Zeremoniell am Hofe Fried-
men des Thrones, am Kalifenhof in Baghdad, sondern richs IL, besonders bei den Sitzungen, denen der
im Palast des byzantinischen Kaisers. Um
1170 be- Kaiser als höchster Vertreter der Justitia auf Erden
schreibt R. Benjamin von Tudela (ed. L. Grünhut praesidierte,in seiner Prachtentfaltung mit dem
und M. N. Adler [Frankfurt am Main, 1903-04] Orient wetteifern konnte, wird in vielen Quellen der
S. 17) seinen Besuch in Konstantinopel: “Der Kaiser Zeit geschildert.
Manuel hat sich einen Palast zu seiner Residenz am Eine andere Frage ist, wie weit die so häufig in
Ufer des Meeres bauen lassen, dem er den Namen der Kanonbögen frühmittelalterlicher Evangeliare
Blachernes gab. Die Wände und Säulen hat er mit dargestellten “hängenden Kronen” mit dieser iranisch-
Gold und Silber belegen lassen, die Malerei stellt die byzantinischen Tradition in Verbindung stehen, und ob
vormaligen Kriege, wie auch diejenigen, die er selbst dieVotivkronen des Mittelalters von ihnen abhängen,
geführt hat, dar. Sein Thron ist aus Gold, besetzt (bzw. direkt auf die byzantinische Kaiserkrone zu-
mit Edelsteinen, über demselben hängt an goldenen rückgehen) oder ob sie ihrerseits die Darstellungen
Ketten die Krone aus Gold besetzt mit Juwelen, deren der Manuskripte beeinflusst haben. Hier muss al-
Wert, unberechenbar ist, indem deren Schimmer das lerdings stärker mit der Einwirkung antiker, über
Licht in der Nacht entbehrlich macht.” Diese
die frühchristliche Kunst vermittelter Formgedanken
Schilderung könnte aus der Feder eines Theophylactus
gerechnet werden. Erst wenn es gelungen ist, sie
oder Johannes Chrysostomus stammen und im Thron-
abzugrenzen, wird man dieser Frage nähertreten
saal von Ktesiphon-Madä’in entstanden sein.
können, die immerhin schon deswegen nicht ganz
Nicht unmöglich ist es, dass noch am Hof des
von der Hand zu weisen ist, als zu der Zeit der
Stauferkaisers Friedrichs II. diese säsänidische Tradi-
“hängenden Kronen” in der Kanonbögen der Evan-
tion, wohl über Byzanz vermittelt, lebendig war.
geliare die säsänidische Krone noch im Thronsaal von
Schon Salimbene ( Monumenta Germaniae Historica,
Ktesiphon-Madä’in über dem Kopf des “Königs der
[I, 4], “Scriptores [rerum germanicarum],” [Han-
nover, 1846], VII, 203) erwähnt eine kaiserliche

Könige” schwebte. Sollte sich dieser Weg als gang-
Krone “grandis sicut una olla, nam magis erat pro dig- bar erweisen, so würde von der “hängenden Krone”
nitate et thesauro quam pro capitis ornamento,” und Irans eine Linie führen sowohl zur byzantinischen
die Chronica Monasterii Casinensi des Leonis Marsi- Krone im Blachernenpalast und zur Krone Fried-
cani und Petri Diaconi {ibid., 808) spricht von “coro- wie zu den Kronendarstellungen der Minia-
richs IL,
nas argenteas totidem pensantes singulae aliae 9, turen, den Votivkronen mittelalterlicher Kirchen und
alliae 12 libras, quas Otto imperator ac Ugo marchio dann wohl auch zum Kron-Leuchter der romanischen
aliique fideles sancto Benedicto obtulerunt.” Ähnlich Zeit, dessen letzte Nachkommen ja heute noch
dürfte die Prunkkrone Friedrichs IL, die mit dem lebendig sind.
EXKURS II. DAS DIADEM

E. Herzfeld beschreibt (“Khusrau Parwëz und Stirnreifen, der zugleich der Träger der ver-
der Täq i Vastän,” IX
[1938], 107) den schiedenen Embleme ist, die Scheitelumhüllung unten
Aufbau der säsänidischen Krone folgendermaassen : ab, während das Diadem um ihn geschlungen und
“Über die seide (der Scheitelumhüllung) ist die im Nacken mit Hilfe der nach hinten flatternden
eigentliche corona gesetzt, ein goldener reif, an dem Binden zusammengehalten wird. 1
die anderen symbole befestigt werden. Um den un- Die Münzbilder reichen nicht aus, um das mit
teren rand dieses Stirnreifens ist ein meist perlenbe- Sicherheit erkennen zu lassen. Bei der Krone Ar-
setztes diadem, mp. deftem, oder eine taenia, griechi-
scher abstammung, geschlungen, mit flatternden 1
Auf arsakidischen Münzen wird das zunächst
enden.” Er trennt also zwischen corona gleich Stirn- im offenen Haar getragene Diadem mit seinen beiden,
reifen und diadem gleich perlenbesetztem Band, das meist schmalen Nackenbinden bei der Einführung der
in Binden endet. Nach seiner Meinung schliesst der Kappe offenbar um deren unteren Rand geschlungen.
I T 8 KURT ERDMANN
dashïrs I. ist der Stirnreifen glatt. Wenn er von Taf. 147), wo der Empfänger ein säsänidischer Gross-
einem Diadem umwunden war, war dieses also un- könig zu Pferde ist. In allen diesen Fällen wäre es
verziert und wäre nur an den Binden im Nacken des sehr wohl denkbar, dass das von dem Putto getragene
Königs zu erkennen. Auch bei Ohrmizd I. kann ich Diadem einem um den Stirnreifen der königlichen
auf den mir zur Zeit zugänglichen Abbildungen die Krone gelegten Diadem entspricht.
von Herzfeld gezeichnete Perlenreiche am unteren Zwei weitere Beispiele stammen erst aus spät-,
Rand des Reifens nicht erkennen. Bei Shähpuhr I. wenn nicht nachsäsänidischer Zeit. Auf der Jagd-
und bei manchen Münzen Varhräns I. erscheint (Erdmann, Jb., S. 217 f ) die ältere
schale in Berlin , ,
zwar am unteren Rande des Stirnreifens eine Reihe Motive kompilierend zusammenstellt, schwebt, wenig
kleiner Perlen, aber gleiche Perlen säumen auch den in den Zusammenhang der Szene passend, über dem
Backenschutz, und da dieser nach Herzfelds wohl König ein gleicher Putto, dessen Diadem vorn an
zutreffender Meinung das unter dem Stirnreifen hin- einem ringförmigen Zwischenstück drei hängende
durchgezogene Ende der Frisurumhüllung ist, muss Perlen zeigt. Perlen dieser Art kommen an der Vor-
man mit der Möglichkeit rechnen, dass es sich bei derseite des Kronenstirnreifens nie vor, sie sind dage-
dieser Perlenreihe um den unteren Saumbesatz der gen häufig, ja bei späteren Königen nahezu die Regel,
Scheitelumhüllung handelt. Die späteren Kronen am Halsschmuck. Damit ergibt sich die Frage, ob
zeigen in der Tat meist einfache oder doppelte Perlen- auf dieser Darstellung unter Umständen nicht das
reihen, die jedoch auch am Stirnreifen angebracht Diadem, sondern der Halsschmuck gemeint sein kann,
sein könnten,während die grossen Binden im Nacken bei dem auch das ringförmige Zwischenstück, an
des Königs seit Shähpuhr III. nicht mehr am Stirn- dem die Perlen befestigt sind, oft deutlich zu erken-
reifen befestigt sind, an dessen Rückseite, so weit über- nen ist. Für diese Annahme könnte es sprechen,
haupt noch erkennbar, mit wenigen Ausnahmen 2 ) dass, wie erwähnt, seit der Zeit Shâhpuhrs III. auf
nur noch eine kleine Schleife oder ein Schmuckstück den Münzen die grossen Binden nicht mehr am Stirn-
aus zwei oder drei Perlen erscheint. Sie können seit reifen befestigt sind. Sie erscheinen bei ihm und bei
dieser Zeit also auch nicht mehr zu einem um den allen folgenden Königen nicht mehr über, sondern
Diadem gehören.
Stirnreifen gelegten unter dem Bausch des Nackenhaares, müssen also
Trotzdem könnte die Herzfeld’sche Unterschei- irgendwo am Hals oder Rücken befestigt sein. Es
dung von corona-Stirnreifen und Diadem zutref- wäre die einfachste Lösung anzunehmen, dass sie seit
fen. Den Beweis brächten allerdings andere Dar- dieser Zeit am Halsschmuck angebracht wurden.
stellungen als die der Münzen. Auf den beiden Fels- Ähnlich wie auf der Berliner Jagdschale schwebt
reliefs, auf denen Shähpuhr I. in Bisjräpür seinen Sieg der Putto über einem König beim Gelage (besser
über den römischen Kaiser Valerian feiert (S.H., wohl bei einer Opferhandlung) auf einer Silberschale
Taf. XLIII und XLV) schwebt dem triumphiernden in Leningrad (Erdmann, K.I., Abb. 68), nur dass
König ein Putto entgegen, der in beiden Fländen ein bei dem von ihm getragenen Diadem die Binden zu
offenes Diadem hält, an dessen Enden je eine der kleinen Schleifen verkümmert sind (was übrigens
grossen Binden mit ihren sich verbreiternden, querge- dem Befund der späteren Münzen entsprechen
streiften Enden befestigt ist, wie sie auch am Nacken würde), während vorn eine grosse Mondsichel ange-
des Königs am Stirnreifen der Krone erscheinen. Die bracht ist. Mondsicheln dieser Art kommen über der
gleiche Darstellung findet sich, allerdings summari- Stirn des Königs seit Yazdegerd I. vielfach vor (auch
scher in der Angabe der Details, auf einer Silberschale bei dem auf der Schale dargestellten König) sie ,
des British Museum

(Dalton, No. 208), auf der der scheinen aber immer zu den am oberen Rand des
Putto das Diadem einem thronenden, nicht gekrönten Reifens angebrachten Emblemen zu gehören. Dass
König bringt, der seinerseits ein bindenloses Diadem sie an einem um den Reifen gelegten Diadem be-
einem vor ihm stehenden Vasallen Noch un-

reicht. festigt waren, wäre möglich, aber doch nicht sehr
deutlicher ist die Wiedergabe des Motivs auf dem wahrscheinlich. Leider sind die beiden Silberschalen,
Fayencerython der Sammlung Kelekian (Sarre, A.P., denen diese Beispiele entnommen sind, so spät, dass
es fraglich, ist, wie weit ihre Darstellungen als zuver-
2
Eine Ausnahme bildet der Aureus Khusraus II., lässige Quelle gelten können.
anno 21 ( Abb 7, s.a. A.M.I., IX [1938], Taf. VI,
. In diesem Zusammenhang wäre auf die ähnlich
3-4), bei dem die Binden wie bei den frühen Münzen als offene Diademe mit flatternden Binden an ihren
am Stirnreifen befestigt zu sein scheinen. Das Stück Enden gebildeten Bogenstirnseiten der säsänidischen
zeigt auch sonst abweichende Züge. Baukunst hinzuweisen. Das bekannteste Beispiel, der
SASANIDISCHEN KRONE I 19
Hauptivân des Täk-i-Bustän, zeigt oben (=vorn) grossen Iväns am Täk-i-Bustän halten. Sie bestehen
wieder eine Mondsichel. Entsprechende Archivolten aus einer doppelten Reihe grosser Perlen, die vorn
aus Stuck wurden in Ktesiphon und Kish gefunden. von einem Juwel in quadratischer Fassung unter-
Da es nicht möglich ist, diese offenen Diademe brochen wird, während hinten die mächtigen Binden
dem Stirnreifen der säsänidischen Krone gleichzu- mit ihren quergestreiften, sich verbreiternden Enden
setzen, und da die an ihnen befestigten Binden zwei- befestigt sind. Entsprechende “Diademe” reichen
fellos an die Nackenbinden der Krone denken lassen, Ahura Mazdäh und Anähit bei der Investitur im
wird man in diesen Darstellungen eine gewichtige Tympanon der Rückwand dem zwischen ihnen
Stütze für die Herzfeld’sche Annahme sehen müs- stehenden König. 5 Auf dem benachbarten Investitur
sen, dass der Stirnreifen der säsänidischen Krone Relief Ardasjnrs II. ist die doppelte Perlenreihe nicht
von einem Diadem umwunden war. Allerdings wird mit Sicherheit zu erkennen, aber die Darstellung ist
man dabei eine Einschränkung machen müssen. An sonst dieselbe, und unter der gleichen Form geht die
einem bestimmten Punkt der Entwicklung, anschei- Investitur des Königs auf allen säsänidischen Felsre-
nend unter Shähpuhr III. (383-388), verschwinden liefs vor sich. Immer hält die Gottheit das geschlos-
die Binden am Stirnreifen der Krone. Sie werden sene “Diadem,” dessen Gliederung im Einzelnen
von nun an tiefer angebracht, und es wäre sehr wohl meist nicht zu erkennen ist (nur bei der Investitur
denkbar, dass der Halsschmuck des Königs zum Varhräns I. in Bisjiäpür scheint es die Form eines
Bindenträger geworden ist. Damit könnten von dieser Lorbeerkranzes zu haben) und immer sind an diesem
Zeit an die “Diademe” in den Händen der Putten “Diadem” zwei schwere, lang herabhängende oder
und an den Stirnseiten der Archivolten auch den lebhaft im Winde flatternde Binden mit breiten,
Halsschmuck des Königs meinen. Für diese Annahme quergestreiften Enden befestigt. 6 So weit diese Dar-
würde das Auftreten von angehängten Juwelen spre- stellungen aus der Zeit vor dem Ende des 4. Jahrhun-
chen, wie sie am Halsschmuck üblich sind, an einem derts stammen, und das ist bei den meisten der Fall,
um den Stirnreifen der Krone gelegten Diadem aber bestehen keine Bedenken in dem bindengeschmückten
nicht gut Vorkommen können und nach den Aussagen Kranz das um den Stirnreifen der Krone gelegte
der Münzbilder auch nie Vorkommen. Selbstverständ- Diadem zu erkennen. Nur bei den Darstellungen am
lich schliesst diese Beobachtung nicht aus, dass auch grossen Ivän des Täk-i-Bustän ergibt sich eine zeit-
nach dem Ende des 4. Jahrhunderts der Stirnreifen liche Unstimmigkeit. In der Zeit, in der sie ent-
der Kronen mit einem perlenbesetzten Diadem um- standen, war das Diadem der Krone nicht mehr
wunden war, 3 nur dass diesem die grossen Binden Bindenträger. Aber es hiesse wohl den realistischen
fehlen würden und dass es mit den bindengeschmück- Charakter dieser Bilder übertreiben, wollte man
ten “Diademen” der Silberschalen und Baukunst nicht daran Anstoss nehmen. Die Investitur im Tympanon
mehr gemeint sein kann. 4
5
Sehr viel häufiger ist die Darstellung des geschlos- Vergl. auch die Investiturdarstellungen auf den
senen “Diadems,” ja Darstellungen dieser Art ge- Kapitellen aus Bisütün (die bisher immer fälschlich
hören gewissermaassen zu den Grundformen der als zum Täk-i-Bustän gehörig betrachtet wurden,
säsänidischen Kunst. Am bekanntesten sind die “Dia- wohin sie erst nach der Mitte des 19. Jahrh. gebracht
deme,” die die Genien in den Bogenzwickeln des worden sind. Dazu K. Erdmann, “Die Kapitelle am
Taq i Bostan,” Mitteil. d. Deutsch. Orient Gesellsch.,
3
Dafür spräche auch die kleine Schleife, die seit No. 80 [1943] 1-24) und Isfahän, ferner die Szene
Shähpuhr III. an Stelle der grossen Binden an der im unteren Felde der Londoner Silberschale (Dalton,
Rückseite des Stirnreifens erscheint und doch nahelegt, No. 208), deren Bedeutung allerdings noch fraglich
dass hier etwas zusammengebunden ist, was nicht gut ist.
6
der Stirnreifen selber sein kann. Vergl. auch die Diademübergaben auf den Rück-
4
Im Kronenaufbau wird seit Shähpuhr III. nur seitenvon Münzen Ohrmizds I. und Varhräns II., mit
noch das kleine Bindenpaar gegeben, das seit Ar- denen die ähnlichen Szenen auf der Silberschale von
dasjiir I. am unteren Teil der Lockenkugel, dort wo Sargweschi und den Felsreliefs von Barm-i-Dilak
diese gegen die Scheitelumhüllung abgeschnürt ist, (beide aus der Zeit Varhräns II.) in Verbindung zu
angebracht ist. Es behauptet sich an dieser Stelle bringen sind. Wenn auf manchen Münzen der neben
auch bei den späten Kronen, obwohl bei diesen die seinem Vater in halber Figur gegebene Thronfolger
ursprüngliche Verbindung von Lockenkugel und ein Diadem in der Hand hält, so ist das dort das
Scheitelumhüllung nicht mehr besteht. Zeichen der erfolgten Designierung.
120 KURT ERDMANN
seiner Rückseite ist ausserdem offensichtlich in enger Häufig tritt in der säsänidischen Kunst das
kompositioneller Anlehnung an das benachbarte Re- “Diadem” in Verbindung mit Tieren auf, allerdings
liefArdasjjirs II. entstanden. Die bindengeschmück- stets ohne szenischen Zusammenhang, also, jeden-
ten Kränze in den Händen Ahura Mazdähs, Anähits falls äusserlich, in ähnlicher Form wie in der
und der Genien am Täk-i-Bustän werden ebenso das römischen Kunst der Lorbeerkranz in den Fängen
Diadem meinen wie alle anderen Darstellungen dieser des Adlers. Eindeutig sind diese Darstellungen, wo
Art auf den Felsreliefs. das Tier das “Diadem” im Maul oder Schnabel hat,
Das Motiv an sich ist sehr viel älter. Schon auf also wie die Niken und Putten als Diademträger
dem Relief des Annubanini in Sarpul (Herzfeld, oder -Überbringer fungiert. So hält auf der Silber-
A.T., Abb. i) reicht die Göttin Innina dem König schale von Tschurinskaja in der Ermitage (Erdmann,
einen Kranz, der allerdings keine Binden hat. Mit K.I., Abb. 74) ein von einer Mondsichel gekrönter
lang herabhängenden Binden kommt dieser Kranz, in Hahn ein “Diadem” im Schnabel, an dessen Vor-
westlicher Einkleidung von einer über dem König derseite, wie bei dem der Berliner Jagdschale, ein
schwebenden Nike getragen, auf dem Gotarzes Re- ringförmiges Zwischenstück drei längliche Perlen
lief in Bistün ( op cit., Taf. XXII) vor. Auf ar-
.
trägt, während die beiden grossen Binden hinter dem
sakidischen Münzen ist das Motiv in dieser Form Kopf des Vogels nach rechts flattern. 9 Verwandt ist
häufig, und auch auf Persidenmünze des 3.
einer eine Höhlenmalerei in Bämiyän, auf der ein Pfau
Jahrh. v. Chr. ( Autophradates I.) krönt eine von ein mit Perlen besetztes “Diadem” im Schnabel hält,
hinten an den vor dem Feuerheiligtum stehenden dem allerdings die Juwelenanhänger und Binden
König herantretende Nike diesen mit einem Diadem. fehlen. (B. Rowland, Jr., “The Dating of the
( Survey , Taf. 126 G) Die einzelnen Perlen, die an Sasanian Paintings at Bamiyan und Dukhtar-i-
diesem frei hängen, finden sich ähnlich auch an dem Nushirvan,” Bull. Iranian Inst., New York, VI/VII,
kranzförmigen Gebilde in der Hand einer thronenden [1946], 39.) Vergl. auch eine ebenfalls in Bämiyän
weiblichen Figur, wohl einer Göttin, auf einem achae- befindliche Darstellung mit zwei adossierten Tauben,
menidischen Siegelstein des Oxus-Schatzes (Dalton, die gemeinsam ein ähnliches “Diadem” im Schnabel
No. 103), das danach ebenfalls ein Diadem sein halten. (J. Hackin, “The Eastward Extension of
dürfte. Auf Siegelsteinen der säsänidischen Zeit Sasanian Motives,” op. cit., IV, 1 [1935], 6.) In
finden sich Darstellungen des bindengeschmückten beiden Fällen dürften säsänidische Stoffe das Motiv
Diadems vielfach. Meist werden
wie auf den sie,
vermittelt haben. Mit drei Perlenanhängern verse-
Felsreliefs und Silberschalen, nicht mehr von Niken, hen kommt ein “Diadem” dieser Art auch auf der
sondern von Putten getragen. Das in Firüzäbäd auf allerdingswohl späten Silberschale mit einer Göttin
dem Reiterkampf-Relief Ardashïrs I. am Panzer und in Weinranken in der Ermitage (Sarre, A.P., Taf.
Streitross des Königs vorkommende Zeichen Q. als 124) im Schnabel eines Pfauen vor. So weit diese von
Tieren gebrachten “Diademe” an ihrer Vorderseite
Nachbildung des Diadems zu interpretieren, wie es
freihängende Juwelen tragen, können sie nach dem
Herzfeld tut, hat unter diesen Umständen zweifellos
oben Ausgeführten mit dem Diadem der Krone
viel für sich.
nicht identisch sein. Wenn die Annahme richtig ist,
An dieser Stelle wäre zu vermerken, dass auf dem
dem Ende
dass seit des 4. Jahrh. die grossen Binden
Zonenrelief mit dem Sieg Shahpuhrs I. über Valerian
in BisJjâpür (S.H., Taf. XLIII) einer der persischen Münze
Parthians” ( Survey , S. 491) zu einer des
Würdenträger hinter dem um Gnade flehenden Pacorus, auf der hinter der Nike, die dem König das
Valerian dem triumphierenden Grosskönig ein binden- Diadem reicht, männliche Figur mit einem
eine
loses Diadem entgegenstreckt, in dem man wohl eine offenen Diadem den Händen steht, in der Newell
in
iranisch formulierte Symbolisierung der dem römi- den besiegten Usurpator Artabän IV. annimmt. Auf
schen Kaiser abgenommenen Caesarenwürde erken- der Londoner Silbers chale (Dalton, No. 208) dürfte
nen darf. 7 Ähnliches scheint schon auf Arsakiden- sich die Bindenlosigkeit des Diadems vielleicht daraus
münzen vorzukommen. 8 erklären, dass der Empfänger kein Grosskönig, son-
dern ein Würdenträger ist.
Auf dem Relief mit der gleichen Darstellung in
7 9
Ähnlich bei Enten auf gemalten Nach-
der
Naks_h-i-Rustam trägt Valerian den bindenlosen Lor- ahmung eines säsänidischen Stoffes in der “Grossen
beerkranz des römischen Kaisers. Höhle” von Ming-Oi bei Qyzyl, Ost-Turkestan
8
Vergl. E. T. Newell “The Coinage of the (Herzfeld, A.T., Taf. LXIII).
1
SASANIDISCHEN KRONE 1 2
im Nacken des Königs an seinem Halsschmuck be- wohl in Verbindung mit ihr bei den säsänidischen
festigtwurden, würde eine Darstellung wie die auf Stückarbeiten) eine so grosse Rolle spielen und von
der Silberschale von Tschurinskaja mit einem Maxi- hier wieder weit nach Osten und Westen verbreitet
mum an Deutlichkeit diesen Halsschmuck wiederge- worden sind, im Grunde das “Diadem” bzw. den
ben. Diese Fragen müssten näher untersucht werden, Halsschmuck meinen und eben dadurch zu einem der
vor allem wäre dabei zu klären, ob, wenn dieser “Leitmotive” der säsänidischen Kunst geworden sein. 11
Wechsel in der Anbringung der grossen Binden in Ich hoffe, diese Fragen gelegentlich eingehender
der hier angenommenen Form stattegefunden hat, behandeln zu können. Zu ihren inneren Zusammen-
damit auch die Bedeutung, die ursprünglich dem hängen mag hier abschliessend ein Hinweis genügen.
Diadem der Krone zukam, auf den neuen Binden- Die Investiturszenen der säsänidischen Felsreliefs
träger, den FI aisschmuck, übergegangen ist. stellen das Übergehen des xvarnah, des himmli-
Vielfach tragen die Tiere der säsänidischen Kunst schen Lichtglanzes, auf den neuen König dar. Erst
das “Diadem” nicht in Maul oder Schnabel, sondern damit, als Träger des xvarnah, ist er rechtmässig und
um den Hals gelegt, was seinerseits ja auch dafür unangreifbar Herrscher Irans, so wie im Kärnämak
sprechen könnte, dass nicht mehr das Diadem der Artabän die Verfolgung aufgibt, als er erfährt, dass
Krone, sondern der Halsschmuck des königlichen das xvarnah in der Gestalt eines Widders den flie-
Ornates gemeint ist. Als Beispiele seien die Stuck- henden Ardasjiir erreicht hat, denn einmal im Besitz
platten mit liegenden Widdern aus Ktesiphon (Erd- der wahren majestas ist dieser für seine Verfolger
mann, K. I., Abb. 42), 10 sowie die Stoffe mit Flügel- nicht mehr erreichbar. 12 Auf den Felsreliefs vollzieht
pferden und Steinböcken in Lyon und in der Moore Übergang des xvarnah vom Gott auf den
sich dieser
Collection ( Survey , Taf. 202 A/B und S. 715, Abb. neuen König unter dem Bilde der Übergabe des
2 49) genannt. Einmal in dieser Weise mit dem Tier Diadems. Damit liegt der Schluss nahe, dass, jeden-
direkt verbunden, degeneriert das Motiv naturge- falls in säsänidischer Zeit, das xvarnah durch das
mäss rasch zur schmückenden Ausstattung der Figur, Diadem symbolisiert wurde. Wenn das zutrifft, Wäre
wobei meist die Perlen verkümmern oder ver- die bisher offene Frage, durch welches Emblem dieses
schwinden und die Binden dominierend werden oder wichtigste Element der iranischen Königswürde im
allein übrig bleiben. Doch kommen auch unter späten Aufbau der säsänidischen Krone vertreten ist, beant-
und ausseriranischen Beispielen immer wieder Dar- wortet. Zugleich wäre auch eine Erklärung gegeben
stellungen vor, die die Einzelheiten erkennen lassen für die so ausserordentlich weite Verbreitung, die das
und zwischen Perlenband und Binden deutlich tren- Diadem, der Perlkreis und die Binden in der säsä-
nen, ja sogar die vorderen Juwelenanhänger noch nidischenund nachsäsänidischen Kunst gefunden
zeigen. haben. Zu untersuchen bliebe die Frage, ob an der
gab es auch andere Wege in der
Zweifellos Wende des 4. zum 5. Jahrhundert del Halsschmuck
säsänidischen Kunst, die dazu führten, Tiere durch des königlichen Ornates an die Stelle des Diadems
Binden auszuzeichnen, ich glaube aber, dass ein getreten ist und ob bei diesem Wechsel, wenn er
Studium des einschlägigen Materials nicht nur erge- stattgefunden hat, die xvarnah-Bedeutung erhalten
ben würde, dass alle die zahlreichen bindenge- bleibt und übertragen wird. Die Tatsache, dass unter
schmückten Tiere der frühmittelalterlichen Kunst den dem Halsschmuck versehenen Figuren
mit
des Morgen- und Abendlandes letzten Endes aus Iran Widder, also Tiere, die ihrerseits das xvarnah sym-
stammen, sondern auch zeigen würde, dass sie dort zu bolisieren, bevorzugt verkommen, könnte in diese
ihrem Bindenschmuck vielfach durch ihre ursprüng- Richtung weisen.
liche Funktion als Träger des “Diadems” bzw. des (Manuskript abgeschlossen im Juli 1948.)
an seine Stelle getretenen Halsschmuckes gekommen
sind. Ebenso werden die einfachen oder doppelten 11
Vermutlich ist es auch kein “Zufall” oder
Perlkreise mit oder ohne quadratische Zwischen- Ergebnis eines “archaeologischen Interesses,” wenn
stücke, die in der säsänidischen Seidenweberei (und noch auf islamisch-iranischen Keramiken des hohen
Mittelalters die Investiturdarstellungen der Felsre-
10
Ähnliche, angeblich aus der Gegend von Susa liefs in überraschender Treue nachgebildet werden.
stammende Platten mit schreitenden Widdern, die 12
Vergl. K. Erdmann, “Zur Deutung der säsä-
ein “Diadem” um den Hals tragen, waren vor dem nidischen Felsreliefs,” Forschungen und Fortschritte,
Kriege im Handel. XVIII [19423,209-211.
—
122 KURT ERDMANN

o^°Oo,
Varhrânl Warst k Qhrm îz.cl T fyahjouJir JJ

^
VulisJ^ KqikùTj.
VarhriK. Y YaxdegerdJ. 'terôz a. Tcyôz &
havae/*1 d WhusranJ — Oh.rm.udjt Kh ns rauJ ^ Kh.j^c
<ß ooocœœcÔMcoooQ)
« .* J7
ûûùOiÂWt'Ooeôiiûoa/
^ ÎJOOOWOOOMO^
KhusrauiL v.wrn* Kavâo £ rkn*. ârdaskcr Jf °- An£.jT& VdictegerdjL
Abb. i Kronen der säsänidischen Könige (nach Herzfeld)

—
Abb. 2 Säsänidische Münzen

Anordnung wie in Abb. 1 (Aber Ohne die Beiden en Face Darstellungen der Unteren Zwei Reihen bei Herzfeld)
Nach Herzfeld
Abb. 6 —Khusrau II., Abb. 7 —Khusrau II., Abb. 8 — Börän Abb. 9 —Ohrmizd V
Anno 1 Aureus. Anno 21
Nach Catalogue, Exhibition, New York, 1940
Abb. 10 —Stuckbüste Varhräns V. Kish, Palast II

Nach Herzfeld
Abb. 1 1— Königskopf der Silberschale im
British Museum
Abb. 12 —Königskopf der Silberschale des Metropolitan Museums
Abb. 13 — Silberschale. Sammlung Fabricius

Aufnahme A.U. Pope
Abb. 1 5 —Stuckplatte aus der Gegend von Rayy.
Abb. 14 —Täk-i-Bustän, Hauptîvân, Rückwand, Philadelphia Museum of Art
Königliche Investitur
Photo Schwarz
Nach Cottevieille-Giraudet
Abb. 16 — Kopf des Königs aus Abb. 15, Berlin, Islamische Abteilung
Abb. 17 —Königskopf der Silberschale der Bibliothèque
Nationale
SASANIDISCHEN KRONE
Yazdegerd I ^ arhrän V
Khusrau Î Ohrmizd IV
Khusrau II c Kavâd II
,
NOTES
NOTE ON THE PHILOSOPHY OF PERSIAN ART miliar with the Sufi denunciations of the carnal
soul as a “dragon” could have seen in the
“What does it profit me to have seen these things, stories of the slmurgh only a meaningless
if I do not know what they mean?” vestige of the old Saena Muruk, Verethragna,
{Shepherd of Hermas Vision, III, 3, I.)
or in the conflicts of heroes with dragons the
In following note, the problem of
the implications of a psychomachy.
meaning in Persian art will be discussed only It will be much the same if we consider
in connection with the representations of liv- other Persian books of poetry, of which the
ing things. The actual existence of such repre- content is rarely secular; in the pictures of
sentations makes it needless to refer at any Lailä and Madjnün, or those of an illustrated
length to the question of the Islamic icono- Haft Paikar, or wa-Dimna, it would
a Kalila
clasm, which might have accounted for their be unreasonable to suppose that what was pre-
absence. We do well to remember that
shall sented to the eye had none of the meaning of
this was a Semitic inheritance and that even what was presented to the ear. In fact, the
the ancient Hebrews had never refrained from subjects of book illustrations are often re-
the representation of supernatural beings, for ferred to by the metaphysical poets in their
which there is ample evidence in the accounts symbolic senses. Rümï, for example, refers to
of the “decorations” of the temple of Solomon, the Story of the Hare and the Elephants, and
and in the fact of the representation of Cheru- calls those blind who do not see its hidden
bim by Sphinxes; what was objected to was meaning 6 and elsewhere to the story of the
,
what Plato calls the making of copies of Hare and the Lion, in which the hare has quite
copies. The instruction to Moses had been to a different significance. It is with reference
“make all things in accordance with the pat- to such well-known themes as that of Siyâwush
1
tern that was shown thee on the mount,” riding the flames that he exclaims, “Blest is
2
“and so it was with the Tabernacle ”; hence, the Turkoman whose horse gallops into the
as was pointed out by Tertullian, the decora- midst of the fire! Making his steed so hot
tions of the Temple were “not images of the
6
that it seeks to mount the zenith of the sky,”
3
kind to which the prohibition applied.” the horse in Sufi symbolism generally meaning
often a supernatural iconography and
It is the body, ridden and controlled by the spirit.
perhaps always a symbolic iconography that Representations of polo games are com-
survives in what we have been so apt to think mon enough, but what they might have sug-
of as a merely “decorative” art. For that gested to a cultivated Persian mind one should
matter, all the earlier part of the Shah Namah consider ‘Ârifi’s Güy u Çhawgân. Alexander’s
itself is really mythological; and it seems to search for the Water of Life in the Land of
me that no one who knew the M antik al-Tair Darkness, a subject of which there are many
or Rümï’s question, “How are ye hunters of is a Grail Quest. The Seven Sleepers
pictures,
the slmurgh of the heart?”
4
or who was fa- with their dog in the cave are depicted on the
1
Ex. 25, 40. and com. by R. A. Nicholson (London-Leiden, 1925-
2
Zohar, IV, 61. 40), book III, line 2712.
3 5
Adversus Marcionem, 2, 22. Ibid., Ill, line 2805.
4 6
The Mathnawi of Jalâluddin Rûmî, ed., tr. Ibid., Ill, line 3613.
1 26 NOTES
pages of manuscripts, and often referred to in losophy, it is to the metaphysicians that we

connection with the inverted senses of sleeping must turn; we cannot expect to learn much
and waking
— “this ‘sleep’ is the state of the from the Mutakallimün whose iconoclasm had
‘ärif even when he is ‘awake’,” and the dog as to do with externals, but may learn something
well “is a seeker after God” in this mundane from the Sufis, whose iconoclasm extended to
cave .
7
the very concept of “self” and for whom to
In all these cases the point is not that the say “I” amounted to idolatry and polytheism.
picture can be explained merely by a reference As in Indian, Greek, and Christian theol-
to the literary sources of which they are illus- ogy, so the Persian in his references to works
trations, but that both must be understood of art has always in mind the analogy of the
with reference to a doctrinal meaning that, as divine and human artists. The divine Artist
Dante said, “eludes the veil of the strange is thought of now as an architect, now as a
verse.” Neither is it only painted pictures painter, or as a writer, or potter, or embroid-

that must be understood in this way; the erer; and none of His works is mean-
just as
anagogical values can be read in a work of no one makes pictures,
ingless or useless, so
art of any kind. Sa‘di, for example, exclaims : even in a bathhouse, without an intention 9 .
“How well the brocader’s apprentice said, “Does any painter,” Rümî asks, “paint a beau-
when he portrayed the ‘ankâ’, the elephant, tiful picture (naksh) for the picture’s own
and the giraffe, ‘From my hand there came sake, or with some good end in view? Does
not one form (
sürat ) the pattern ( näksh ) of any potter make a pot for the sake of the
which the Teacher from above had not first pot, or with a view to the water? Does any
” 8
calligrapher ( khattät ) write with such skill
depicted.’
It would be, then, only a pathetic fallacy for the sake of the writing itself, or to be
to assume for the Persians the same kind of read? The external form {naksh) is for the
esthetic preoccupation that makes ourselves so sake of an unseen form, and that for the sake
indifferent to the meaning and utility of the of yet another ... in proportion to your
work of art; these are its intelligibility. An maturity” —
meaning upon meaning, like the
axe is unintelligible to a monkey, however fine rungs of a ladder 10 “The picture on the wall
.
an axe it may be, because he does not know its is a likeness of Adam, indeed, but see from
intention; and so in the case of the man who the form (sürat) what is lacking, — the
Spirit ”:
11
does not care what the picture is about and “the picture’s smiling appearance is
knows only whether or not it pleases his eye. for your sake, so that by means of the picture
12
We dare not presume that Persian art was as the real theme (
ma‘nä )
maybe established.”
insignificant as our own; their estate was not A fourteenth-century text on pictures in
yet like ours, a Tom, Dick, and Harryocracy. bathhouses, cited by Sir Thomas Arnold, ex-
Rather let us investigate their own conception plains that representations of gardens and
of the purpose and nature of works of art. flowers stimulate the vegetative, those of war
“Aesthetics,” so-called, being a branch of phi- and the chase the animal, and erotic paintings
13
the spiritual principles of man’s constitution .
7
Ibid.,
I, lines 389 f II, lines 1424-25; III,
. ;
9
lines3553-54; cf. Nicholson’s note on I, line 389; Mathnawi, IV, line 3000.
10
Koran, XVIII, 17; see also A. J. Wensinck, “Ashâb Ibid., IV, lines 2881 ff.
11
al-Kahf,” Encyclopaedia of Isläm (Leiden-London, Ibid., I, lines 1020-21.
12
1913-38), I, 478-79. Ibid.,I, line 2769.
8 13
Bustân, V, lines 133-35. Painting in Islam (Oxford, 1928), p. 88.
)) -
NOTES 127
This may seem strange to modern ears, but it the human soul, the tree is the Self of Truth,
20
is precisely one of the things that must be un- and the oil is the timeless Spirit .
derstood if the Persian or, indeed, any other The artist’s procedure involves the two
traditional art is to be understood: Rümï, for operations, imaginative and operative, intel-
example, can both ask, “What is love?” and lectual and manual; the work of art itself
answer, “Thou shalt know when thou be- being the resultant of the four causes, formal,
comest me,” 14 and also say that “whether love efficient, material, and final. “Behold in the
be from this side or from that (profane or architect the idea of the house (
khayäl-i -
15
sacred), in the end it leads up yonder.” khäna), hidden in his heart like a seed in the
All this does not apply only to pictures. earth; that idea comes forth from him like a
21
“One can use a book as a pillow, but the true sprout from the ground” “behold the house :
end of the book is the science it contains,” 16 and the mansions; once they were spells ( af
“or can you pluck a rose from the letters sän) in the architect [that is, ‘art in the art-
rose ?” 17 Similarly for gardens: “This out- ist’]. It was the occasion (' arz
), and the con-
ward springtime and garden are a reflection cept ( andïsha ) of the architect that adduced
of the garden spiritual that thou mayest . . .
the tools and the beams. What but some idea,
with purer vision behold the garden and cy- occasion, and concept is the source of every
press plot of the world unseen.” 18 Again, craft (
pisha ? The beginning, which is
there are few, if any, productions of Persian thought ( fikr ), work

finds its end in the
art more beautiful than the mosque lamps; and {‘ami) and know that in such wise was the
;
herewe can be sure that every Muslim must making of the world from eternity. The fruits
have known the interpretation given in the come first in the thought of the heart, at the
Koran: “Allah is the Light of heaven and last they are actually seen; when you have
earth. The likeness of his Light is a niche in wrought, and planted the tree, at the end you
which is a lamp; the lamp is in a glass; and read the prescription ”; 22 “the crafts are all
the glass is like a brightly shining star; it is the shadows of conceptual forms” {zilli-i-
23
kindled from a blessed tree, neither of the sürat-i-andïsha) . That all amounts to say-
East nor of the West, of which the oil would ing that the actual form reveals the essential
well-nigh burn untouched by fire. Light upon form, and that the proportion of one to the
light Allah guideth unto his Light whomso
!
other is the measure of the artist’s success.
He will; and He speaketh to mankind in alle- Again, “the device on the ring {naksh-i-
24
gories (amthäl) for He is the knower of all
;
nigin) reveals the goldsmith’s concept.” The
things.” 19
Some would have been familiar, whole doctrine is exemplary; the work always
also, with the further exegesis according to the mimesis of an invisible paradigm. “In the
which, as Därä Shiküh says, the niche repre- time of separation Love (' ishk
)
fashions
sents the world, the light is the Light of the forms ( siirat ;
in the time of union the Form-
Essence, the glass through which it shines is
less One emerges saying, T am the source of
the source of intoxication and sobriety both;
’
14
Mathnawî, II, preface. whatever the form, the beauty is mine. . . .
15
Ibid., I, line x 1 1.
16 20
Ibid., Ill, line 2989. Därä Shiküh, Madj.ma ’l-Bahrain, chapter 9.
17 21
Ibid., 3456.
I, line Mathnawi, V, lines 1790-93.
18 22
Shams-i-Tabriz, Dïvân, Tabriz ed., 54.10; and Ibid., II, lines 965-73.
Mathnawi, 23
II, line 1944. Ibid., VI, lines 3728.
19
Koran, XXIV, 35.
24
Ibid., II, lines 1325-26.
, ,
1 28 NOTES
25 32
The form is the vessel, the beauty the wine.” Divine Beauty,” and that of the Buddha
It is precisely this creative Love that Därä who, in connection with the art of teaching,
Shiküh equates with the principle “called Maya said: “The master-painter disposes his colors
28 for the sake of a picture that cannot be seen
in the language of the Indian monotheists ”;
33
and it is Plato’s Eros, the master in all mak- in the colors themselves.”
ings by art ,
27
and Dante’s Amor that inspires Ananda K. Coomaraswamy
his dolce stil nuovo 28 But though Rümï would
.
have agreed that “the invisible things of Him

UNE REPRÉSENTATION DE LA CITADELLE
from the creation of the world are clearly seen,
SEL J OUKIDE DE MERV
being understood by the things that are
29
made,” he knows that the Artist himself is Dans une étude récemment publiée ,
1
je
30
also veiled by his works and would have en- , m’étais attaché à montrer que deux plats de
dorsed the words of his great contemporary, métal habituellement considérés comme sas-
Meister Eckhart: “Wouldst thou have the sanides étaient en fait des oeuvres musul-
kernel, break the shell; and likewise, wouldst manes. L’un de ces objets, conservé à Lenin-
thou find out Nature undisguised, must thou grad au Musée de l’Hermitage (Fig. /), est
31
shatter all her images.” For the Sufi, this particulièrement digne d’intérêt, en ce sens
is what the “burning of idols” means. qu’on y voit figurée une scène de caractère
Unless for a modern whose interest in historique. D’une part, le château qui en oc-
works of art begins and ends in their esthetic cupe le centre est indubitablement “une cons-
surfaces, there will be nothing strange in the truction islamique dont le modèle doit se trou-
concept of art and of its place in a humane ver au Turkestan et qui ne doit pas être anté-
culture, as briefly outlined above. The pri- rieure à la fin du Xlème s. de notre ère.”
mary sources of this Persian outlook may have D’autre part, divers détails caractéristiques
been largely Platonic and Neo-Platonic, but amènent à chercher l’explication de la scène
the position as a whole is quite universal, and “dans le cadre des États turcs du Moyen-Age:
could as well be paralleled from Indian or Seldjoukides et dynasties issues d’eux”: son-
medieval Christian as from Greek sources; it neurs de cor escortant un malimal, souverain
is, in fact, a position on which the whole world se montrant à la tàrima du château, étendards
has been agreed. I shall only hint at this uni- déployés surmontés d’un tügh. Sur ce dernier
versality by a citation of two examples, that point, je puis être aujourd’hui plus affirmatif
of St. Thomas Aquinas in comment on Dio- encore, car je n’avais alors trouvé à m’appuyer,
nysius Areopagiticus, where he says that “the quant à l’aspect du sandjak impérial, que sur
being (esse) of all things derives from the des documents postérieurs aux Seldjoukides,
tandis que je puis maintenant invoquer un texte
25
Ibid., V, lines 3727-28.
26 32
Därä Shiküh, op. cit., chapter 1. Opera Omnia (Parma, 1864), Opusc., VII,
27
Symposium 197, A. C. 4, line 5.
28 33
Purgatorio, 24, lines 52-54. Lankävatära Sütra, II, lines 112-114.
1
29
Romans, I, line 20. “Remarques sur les monuments omeyyades.
Z0
Mathnawi, II, lines 759-62; see also Bhagavad II. Argenteries ‘Sassanides,’ ” Mélanges asiatiques
Gïtâ, VII, line 25. [. Journal asiatique ], 1940-41, 19-57 j’y renvoie pour
>
31
Deutsche Mystiker des dreizehnten Jahrhun- le détail de la discussion, me bornant à rappeler ici
derts, ed. F. Pfeiffer (Leipzig, 1845-57), II, p. 333- l’essentiel.
NOTES 129
contemporain, auquel sa date et la personnalité ment de retrouver la trace dans les chro-
aisé
de son auteur assurent une autorité irrécusable. niques nous pouvions serrer de plus près le
si
Après la prise de Bäniyäs par Nür al-Dïn b. lieu et la date de l’incident.” Des documents
Zengï, en 1157, on vit arriver à Damas les qui m’avaient alors échappé me permettent
“on avait mis sur chaque
prisonniers francs: aujourd’hui de déterminer l’objet de la repré-
chameau deux des plus vaillants de leurs cheva- sentation avec, me semble-t-il, toutes les ap-
liers et, déployé, un de leurs étendards auquel parences de la certitude.
était un certain nombre de peaux de crânes de Deux châteaux comparables à celui qui est
2
Francs avec leurs cheveux.” II n’est de ce figuré sur le plat se voient encore, avais-je dit,
texte qu’une interprétation possible: les ca- au Turkestan: l’un (Giavur-kal‘a) à 150 km.
davres des Croisés avaient été scalpés, et les environ au Nord-Ouest de Khiva, l’autre (Ri-
chevelures pendues, en guise de tügh, aux ban- bät-i-Malik) à une centaine de kilomètres au
nières conquises qui se trouvaient ainsi trans- Nord-Est de Boukhara. Mais il en existe aussi
formées en autant de sandjak, que l’on pro- dans les ruines de Merv que E. Cohn-Wiener
menait déployés pour marquer la victoire du décrit ainsi :
souverain. Et comme ce dernier était un Turc “Sehr auffallend sind noch mehrere Bauten auf
qui peut à bon droit passer pour l’un des plus dem Platz von Sultan-Kala. Zunächst Schahriar-Ark
authentiques représentants de la tradition in der N.O. Ecke, offenbar eine Burganlage in einem
seldjoukide, et que sonarmée était composée Mauerringe aus zwei Gebäuden bestehend, von denen
de Turcs, spécialement de Turcomans, nous eines,dem in seiner ganzen Höhe mächtige Rund-
pfeiler vorgelegt sind, sehr charakteristisch ist. Der
pouvons tenir pour assuré que les étendards
Rest eines gleichen Gebäudes findet sich noch einmal
surmontés d’une touffe de crin étaient bien en in der N.W. Ecke, auch dort steht neben ihm noch
usage chez les Turcs au douzième siècle, c’est-à- der eines anderen, und ein gleiches Paar steht im
dire précisément à la période qui nous inté- freien Gelände südlich Sultan-Kala. Es ist fraglos,
resse. Notons encore que les drapeaux décou- dass diese Gebäude-Paare jungen Datums sind, aus
der wechselvollen Spätzeit seit der Uzbeken-Erober-
pés en flammes à leur extrémité libre, sem-
ung, als Merw dauernd Kampfplatz war. Sie stehen
blables à ceux que l’on voit sur le plat de l’Her-
überall auf dem alten Schutt. Keinesfalls sind sie an
mitage, étaient connus des nomades des steppes die alte Geschichte der Seldschuckenstadt gebunden.” 4
asiatiques dès avant l’époque de Gengis-Khan. 3

Les photographies 5 montrent effectivement
De l’analyse de la scène figurée, j’avais con-
une façade composée de gros contreforts semi-
clu que c’était là “la représentation d’un évène-
ment historique — répression d’un complot
cylindriques jointifs, reposant sur un haut
soubassement {Fig. 2 ), pareille au rez-de-
tramé contre la personne du souverain, évic-
tion d’un usurpateur —
dont il serait certaine-
chaussée du château représenté sur le plat.
La date qu’avait proposée Cohn-Wiener pour
2
Ibn al-Kalânisï, History of Damascus 363-555 les édifices de ce type est sans le moindre doute
A.H., éd. H. F. Amedroz (Leyden, 1908), 342 [et
4
Recueil des Historiens des Croisades , Orientaux, E. Cohn-Wiener, “Die Ruinen der Seldschuken-
(Paris, 1898) IV, 89, publié par les soins de stadt von Merw . . .,” Jahrb. d. asiat. Kunst, II
l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres; où la (1925), 122.
5
traduction est inexacte, ne serrant pas d’assez près la Celle de Cohn-Wiener, op. cit., Fig. 14, est in-
construction arabe]. suffisante pour laisser reconnaître autre chose qu’une
3
P. Pelliot, “Notes sur le ‘Turkestan’ de M. W. silhouette vaguement modelée; j’emprunte ici celle
Barthold,” T'oung-Pao, XXVII (1930), 32, sur de V. A. Zukovsky, Razvalini starogo Merva
l’étendard “à neuf queues” (i.e. neuf flammes) de (St. Petersbourg, 1894; Materialî po arkheologii
Gengis-Khan et ses antécédents. Rossii, izdavaemie A rkheologiceskoi komissilj, no. 6).
— — a
130 NOTES
trop basse: elle a certainement été imposée à ment que le bâtiment à contreforts semi-cylin-
l’auteur par l’aspect massif des murailles, qui driques figuré sur le plat de l’Hermitage doive
peut sembler en rapport avec une utilisation être identifié à cette résidence des Seldjou-
7
d’ordre militaire; mais nous savons que les kides, mais la scène représentée sur ce plat
résidences princières du Moyen-Age étaient répond si bien à un événement survenu à Merv
fortifiées, sans perdre pour autant leur ca- en 538 H./1144 a.d. que je crois impossible
ractère de palais. Au surplus l’édifice est cons- d’imaginer qu’il puisse en aller autrement.
truit en brique crue: son développement ren-
“Atsîz séduisit deux vauriens du Khorezm, ap-
dait inévitable l’emploi sous de grandes épais- partenant à la secte des mécréants hérétiques, acheta
seurs de cette matière, fragile par elle-même, leur vie et, leur en ayant payé le prix, les dépêcha vers
pour obtenir la solidité requise. Disposant Merv, pour qu’ils fassent périr le sultan à l’improviste
aujourd’hui d’un point de repère chronolo- et lui ravissent l’existence. Adïb-Sâbir, ayant eu con-
gique Ribät-i-Malik —nous

pouvons les at- naissance
deux individus
du fait,
et le
mit par
fît passer à
écrit le signalement des
Merv, dans la tige
tribuer à coup sûr à une époque antérieure à
de la botte d’une vieille femme. Quand le sultan
l’invasion mongole, et plus précisément à la reçut la lettre il ordonna de rechercher ces hommes:
fin du onzième ou au début du douzième siècle, on les trouva (cachés) dans des ruines et on les
date imposée par le type de l’inscription de envoya à l’Enfer.” 8

Ribät-i-Malik. Au surplus, des quatre édifices
Nous trouvons ainsi dans l’histoire de
de Merv qui sont construits sur ce modèle, Merv un événement répondant exactement à
trois sont situésdans la partie du champ de la scène figurée sur le plat, comme nous retrou-
6
ruines qui correspond à la ville seldjoukide ;
vons dans les ruines de la ville un bâtiment
comme la dénomination sous laquelle est con- dont le type répond exactement à celui du bâti-
nue cette dernière Sultàn-KaV — rappelle
ment figuré sur le plat; comme en outre les
clairement le souvenir du souverain seldjoukide caractères de l’architecture représentée ra-
qui la fonda, on est en droit de supposer que le mènent sensiblement à la date de l’événement
nom de shahriyâr-ark loin d’être de pure fan- en question, il est impossible d’admettre que
taisie, évoque pareillement la destination pre-
toutes ces correspondances sont fortuites et on
mière du bâtiment: celui-ci ne serait autre que peut considérer comme certain que le plat de
la résidence fortifiée (
ark ) d’un souverain
(shahriyâr ) ,
évidemment le souverain seldjou- 7
On pourrait élever contre cette identification une
kide, puisqu’il s’élève dans la partie de la ville objection que je crois facile à réfuter. Le soubasse-
qui fut fondée par Malik-shâh et détruite par

ment du château figuré sur le plat semble fait de
pierre de taille, ce qui ne conviendrait pas au bâti-
les Mongols. Et cette interprétation permet
ment de Merv. Mais l’on observe exactement la
si
d’expliquer d’une manière simple ce foisonne- manière dont sont représentés les joints on hésitera à
ment inattendu d’édifices d’un type si particu- y reconnaitre l’appareil d’une maçonnerie: ne serait-ce
lier,par l’imitation d’un monument célèbre : le pas là plutôt le placage de faience bleu turquoise dont
palais des Seldjoukides de Merv serait le

on a retrouvé (Zukovsky, op. cit., p. 119) des frag-
ments au pied de la façade du Shahriyâr-ark?
modèle dont se seraient inspirés les construc- 8
Diuwainï. Diahän-aushäv (London, 1916) éd.
teurs des autres châteaux.
M. M. Kazvïnï ( Gibb Memor. ser., XVI), II, 8.
De ces observations il ne découle pas forcé- Mirkhond rapporte le fait à peu de chose près dans
les mêmes termes Hist, des sultans du Kharezm
6
A. Jakoubovsky, “Merw al-Shâhidjân,” En- (Paris, 1842), pp. 5-6. Ces deux textes ont été
cyclopaedia of Isläm, Suppl. (Leyden-London, 1913- résumés par W. Barthold, Turkestan {Gibb. . . .
38), 160-61. Memor., N.S., t.V) (London, 1928), pp. 327-28.

—
Fig. 3 Aiguière de Bronze. Perse, Douzième-

Treizième Siècle. Musée de Louvre
NOTES I3I
l’Hermitage retrace l’exécution des deux Is-

maéliens qui avaient voulu assassiner le sultan
Sandjar, à Merv, en 1154. Désormais tous
les détails de exactement
la scène s’éclairent, et
de la manière que nous avions dite: les deux
cadavres basculés sur le parapet crénelé sont
9
ceux des deux fidaï mis à mort, et “de la
loggia de son palais, le sultan se présente à
10
l’armée, rassemblée “sous la citadelle,” ce-
pendant que sur la terrasse du château on pro-

mène en cérémonie le palanquin royal, au mi-
lieu des fanfares, et que les dames du harem
contemplent la scène, installées dans des bow-
windows grillagés.”
Cette exégèse plus précise entraîne un co-
rollaire qui n’est pas négligeable: le person-
nage qui paraît au-dessus de la porte du châ-
teau n’est autre que Sandjar lui-même. Je Fig. 4—Un Turc de Perse, d’après une céra-
crois distinguer sur les reproductions qu’il mique de Sâvè du Douzième Siècle.
porte sur la tête une couronne. En tous cas
on voit nettement que son visage est encadré vieille coutume des nomades d’Asie, antérieure
12
de tresses de cheveux qui lui tombent sur les aux Seldjoukides et qui devait leur sur-
épaules. C’était là la coiffure normale des

douzième A. U. Pope, “The Ceramic Art
siècle après
Oghuz, comme l’enseignent des documents con-
in Islamic Times A. The History,” A Survey of
;
temporains, à savoir les nombreuses céra-
Persian Art (London-New York 1938-39), V, PI.
miques et bronzes de Perse d’époque seldjou- 652; on en trouvera d’autres dans le même recueil.
kide (jFigs. 3 et 4), qui mettent en scène des J’ai eu jadis en mains la photo d’une statuette en
Turcs, reconnaissables à leurs yeux bridés, à céramique émaillée, datant sensiblement du douzième
siècle et provenant vraisemblablement de Rakka, qui
leur face ronde et à leur barbe rare: du bon-
représentait un cavalier turc frappant de son sabre un
net bordé de fourrure qui leur couvre la tête
serpent enroulé autour d’une jambe de son cheval :
11
s’échappent régulièrement de longues nattes :
lui aussi portait de longues tresses de cheveux. Que
ce soit là des Turcs et non des Mongols, c’est ce
9
Cf. la tête d’un rebelle suspendue au-dessus de qu’atteste la date des objets considérés, tandis que
la porte de la citadelle de Damas en 1424 (H. Sau- leur provenance (Iran et régions limitrophes) établit
vaire, “Description de Damas,” Journal asiatique II que ce sont des Oghuz.
895 )
( 1 287, n. 80): on pourrait multiplier les
»
12
W.
Eberhard, Lokalkulturen im alten China
examples de cette pratique. (Leyden, 1942) (supplément à T‘oung-Pao,
10
Exactement comme Nür al-Dïn b. Zengî parais- XXXVII), I, 222. In der T‘ang-Zeit trug man
sant à la tärima de la citadelle d’Alep, pour montrer gelegentlich Zöpfe, und in einem Bericht wird die
à la population qu’il est encore vivant, lors du coup Zopftracht mit anderen fremden Sitten zusammen in
de force chiite de 1159: Kamâl al-Dïn, Histoire einer Art erwähnt, dass man annehmen möchte, es
d’Alep, trad. E. Blochet (Paris, 1900), p. 24; cf. C. türkische Sitte. Die Juan-juan trugen Zöpfe;
sei eine
Cahen, “Une chronique chiite du temps des Croi- siewaren ein jedenfalls mit Türken untermischtes
sades,” Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, Volk. Es lässt sich aber leicht an Hand der älteren
Comptes-rendus des séances (1935), 267. Texte zeigen, dass der Zopf eine in der Mandschurei
11
Figure 4 est tiré d’une céramique de Sâvè du heimische Modeform ist, die sich zeitweise auch über
) —
132 NOTES
vivre,
13
et dont une lecture attentive décélérait SOME PERSIAN DRAWINGS IN THE JOHNSON
à coup sûr des traces dans la littérature musul- ALBUMS AT THE INDIA OFFICE, LONDON
14
mane. C’est ainsi qu’Ibn Diubair a assisté
Richard Johnson, banker to the great War-
en 1184, dans la mosquée de Médine, à une
ren Hastings and at one time Resident at
prédication faite par un docteur d’Ispahan à
Hyderabad, was a man of some eminence in
des A‘âdjim qui semblent bien être des Turcs
the India of a century and a half ago, but
puisqu’on croit voir, malgré le peu de préci-
today his name is chiefly known as the former
sion du texte à cet égard, que ce sont ceux qui
owner of the sixty-six books and albums of
escortent et accompagnent une khâtün zengide
drawings which he collected. Some of these
de Mossoul: transportés d’émotion religieuse,
manuscripts, now in the Library of the India
ils viennent à l’orateur “lui mettre leurs
Office, may have come into his hands as
tresses dans les mains”; il les coupe avec des
pledges in the course of his business.
ciseaux, et on leur met un turban sur la tête.
I recently had occasion to look through
Il est évident (cf. le fait cité à la note précé-
these albums again after many years. They
dente) que ces deux gestes visaient à retirer à
contain, as is well known, many hundreds of
ces étrangers une apparence qui n’était pas
drawings, mostly Indian, good and bad, of
conforme aux exigences de la Sunna, à leur
every style and period, jumbled together
donner un air plus musulman. Je crois que
haphazardly, according to the almost invari-
l’on peut expliquer de la même façon le fait
able, though to us inexplicable, fashion of col-
que Turcs (reconnaissables à leur kalpak
les
lectors of the eighteenth and nineteenth cen-
figurés dans les manuscrits irakiens des Ma-
turies. A number of the finest miniatures have
kämät n’ont généralement pas de tresses:
been reproduced in various publications, but
déjà plus familiarisés, par la vie citadine, avec
the albums contain, along with a considerable
la coutume islamique, ils ont renoncé à l’ancien
amount of dross, material of finer metal than
usage.
I had thought, and it would be interesting if
Il n’est point indifférent de voir que sur
more of the best specimens could be repro-
ce point Sandjar était resté fidèle à la coutume
duced.
ancestrale. Au surplus, il ne faut pas accorder
This brief note is confined to a few Per-
moins d’attention aux indications nouvelles
sian miniatures of the mid-Safawid period,
qu’apporte cette représentation sur la résidence
none of which, I think, has been previously
impériale de Merv, sur les insignes de sou-
published. All are line drawings, on paper,
veraineté adoptés par les Seldjoukides
with slight touches of color, occasionally of a
d’Orient, et sur l’équipement et l’armement de
delicate duck’s-egg tint. None of them is of
leurs troupes. _ _
Sauvaget ambitious composition. Several are somewhat
J.
marred by inappropriate ornament.
türkische Völker verbreitet hat, nicht eigentlich Figures 1 and 2 bear similar inscriptions
türkisch. that on our first example is certainly not by
trale
13
W. Barthold, Histoire des Turcs d’Asie cen-
(Paris, 1945), 171; Tamerlan et ses guerriers
the artist himself — assigning them to Muham-
mad!, that most charming of all late sixteenth-
avaient conservé l’usage de la tresse de cheveux;
century painters. Neither can be accepted un-
“lorsque l’armée de Timour assiégea Damas, son
petit-fils Sultan Husain le trahit et se rangea du côté reservedly as from his hand, although Mu-
des assiégés: avant tout on lui fit couper sa tresse et hammadi, it is true, was fond of figures hold-
1
on le fit changer de vêtements.” ing pikes and spears as in the second drawing.
14
Ibn Diubair, Travels, éd. M. J. de Goeje (Ley-
1
den, 1907), p. 200; éd. Caire, p. 179. Cf. the lively composition from Ardebil, repro-
Library
Office
India
London,
Drawings.
Persian
1-2
Figs.
Fig. 3
Fig. 4
Figs. 3-4 —Persian Drawings. London, India Office Library

Library
Office
India
London,
Drawings.
Persian
5-6
Figs.
NOTES 133
The left-hand person in Figure 5 also can be of the Islamic countries, with the additional
2
attributed to this master without hesitation. consideration of Iranian metalwork of the
This youth, in fact, bears some resemblance to Sasanian period and that of early Turkish
Muhammadi’s “Young Dervish” (also in the origin. The scope of the subject covers geo-
Johnson Collection). 3 In Figure 5, the artist graphical, historical, social, economic, metal-
of the seated man drinking (right) cannot be lurgical, technological, terminological, epi-
identifiedwith confidence, but this drawing graphic, iconographie, and stylistic aspects of
and the dervish (a little masterpiece) of Fig- metalwork and has been treated in broad re-
ure 3 may well be from the same hand. lation to other branches of Islamic decorative
Number 4 of this series is a rapid sketch arts, as well as to Near Eastern art in general.
which loses something in reproduction. It is Islamic art has hitherto been elaborated
an admirably rhythmic and expressive little upon, with minor exceptions, without any con-
drawing. sideration of literary sources. To overcome
J. V. S. Wilkinson this serious defect, it was necessary to explore
the Arabic, Persian, Turkish, Armenian, Chi-
nese, Greek, Latin, and other Western his-
MEMORANDUM ON THE torical, geographical, scientific, and linguistic
*
“CORPUS OF ISLAMIC METALWORK”
source material of the fourth to the seven-
The Corpus teenth centuries. The result of this investiga-

of Islamic Metalwork em-
braces all periods within the artistic culture tion, methodically conducted during the past
several years, is beyond my own expectations.
duced in F. R. Martin, The Miniature Painting and The material extracted from literary works
Painters of Persia , India, and Turkey . . . (Lon- is of such importance and scope that I am in-
don, 1912), II, PI. 102 (right), which can be un- duced to begin the publication of the Corpus
hesitantly allotted to Muhammadi. with an introductory volume (in two parts)
2
Ustäd Muhammadi, as he is justly styled in
in which this material will be presented and
Rizä-i ‘Abbäsi’s well-known copy (or embellishment)
of a drawing by him of a youth (British Museum). discussed. This volume will also contain the
It is reproduced in E. Blochet, Musulman Painting medieval Arabic, Persian, and Turkish glos-
(London, 1929), PI. CLIV. sary of metal objects.
3
Reproduced in L. Binyon, J. V. S. Wilkinson, In addition to the documentary material,
and B. Gray, Persian Miniature Painting (London,
several hundred photographs of metal objects
1933), PI* XCIX, C, and Sir Thomas W. Arnold,
in public and private collections all over the
Painting in Islam (Oxford, 1928), PI. LXII, a.
* The memorandum as prepared by M. Aga-Oglu world have been assembled. Each object has
is here slightly condensed. Even this shortened version been described and classified. Many orna-
outlines,however, the wide scope of the work, on mental motifs, figurai subjects, and inscriptions
which the author was engaged from 1940 to 1947, decorating the objects have been singled out
and shows also how each of the main volumes was
to be presented in line drawings for the pur-
planned as a complete account of the history of metal-
work in one of the Muslim countries. Fortunately,
pose of comparative and iconographie studies.
the manuscript of the first part of the first volume of The Corpus will also contain a number of
the Corpus was complete at the time of the author’s maps. These are designed to illustrate (1)
death, and a great deal of the material for the other the distribution of metalliferous mines ex-
volumes had been collected. It is urgently hoped that
ploited during the medieval centuries, and the
the great effort put in this work will not be lost for
centers of metal production; (2) the archeo-
scholarship and that it will be possible to bring out
this valuable research in the not too distant future. logical sites where metal objects were exca-
ED. vated or incidentally discovered.

134 NOTES
The Corpus has been planned in twelve Iranian, and post-Sasanian metalwork are followed
volumes as follows: by excurses on the influence of the Sasanian metal-

craft on Chinese and Byzantine metals, and its im-
Volume I, Part I: Introduction to the History of portance for the development of the early Islamic
Metalwork period.
Preface.
Volume III: Early Turkish Metalwork
A. Historical survey of metalliferous mines in
Spain, Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, Egypt, Pal-
A survey of the historical development, religious
and social aspects, art and crafts of the Turkish
estine, Syria, the Arabian peninsula, Iraq, Ana-
peoples, from the earliest period to the tenth cen-
tolia, the Caucasus, Iran, and Central Asia.
tury. The cultural relations with China, the west-
Separately considered are the gold, silver, cop-
ward migrations and the relations with Iran and
per, iron, tin, zinc, lead, and antimony mines.
Byzantium.
B. Traffic in metals, in Islamic countries and with
non-Islamic countries.
The accounts of metalwork deal chiefly with
Altaic (the treasury of Chaa-Tas and the Tadila
C. Precious and base metals :
finds) Avarish (Kunagota, Hungary; Malaya
1. Mineralogical formation of metals accord- ;
ing to Islamic scientists.

Peretchipina, Russia),and Pechenegian (Nagy-
2. Sulphur —mercury theory.
Szent Miklos, Hungary).
3. Arabic, Persian, and Turkish terms for

Volume IV : Early Islamic Metalwork
metals.
D. Alloys, their terminology and metallurgy. Ten The place of metalwork in the early Islamic cul-
ture. Iranian metalwork of the pre-Seljuk period;
different alloys are enumerated and described.
E. Technical processes and their terminology.
Mesopotamian and Syrian; Fatimid metalwork of
C Egypt.
F. Medieval Arabic, Persian, and Turkish glossary
of metal objects, also several maps. Volume V Metalwork
: of the Seljuk Period in Iran,
Volume I, Part 2: Introduction to the History of Anatolia, Mesopotamia, and Syria
Islamic Metalwork The schools of Herat and Nishapur. The school
Preface. of Mosul, the participation of Christian metal-

workers. The influence of Mosul on the craft of
A. Metals in Avesta, Koran, Hadith, and Tafsir.
Iran, Syria, and Anatolia.
B. Historical accounts of the fourth to ninth cen-
turies (25 authors from China to Europe). Volume VI : Metalwork of the Mameluke Period in
C. Historical accounts of the tenth and eleventh Syria and Egypt and of the Rasülids of Yemen
centuries (41 authors).
Damascus and Cairo, centers of production.
D. Historical accounts of the twelfth and thir-
teenth centuries (53 authors). Volume VII : Metalwork of the Golden Horde
E. Historical accounts of the fourteenth and fif- ( Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries )
teenth centuries (30 authors).
Metalwork found at Saray Berke; excavations in
F. Historical accounts of the sixteenth and seven-
theKurgans of Veloretchinsk.
teenth centuries (31 authors).
G. Dates of the authorities. Volume VIII: Iranian Metalwork of the Il-Khâns,
H. Bibliography: a list of 1,031 books and articles Timurid, and Safawid Periods
by medieval authorities and modern students.
Relations with China. The role of the petty dynas-
I. Indexes.
ties. Tabriz and Isfahan, centers of arts and crafts.
Volumes II to XI begin each with a preface and a

Volume IX: Turkish Metalwork of the Fourteenth
historical introduction, and end with bibliog-
Through the Seventeenth Centuries
raphy, index, and from 75 to 150 plates.
The metalwork of the Ottoman period is divided
Volume II : Metalwork of Sasanian Iran into threemain groups, that done before, and after
The chapters treating of the diversity of forms and the conquest of Constantinople, and that showing
aspects of Sasanian, Soghdo-Khwärazmian, Indo- Western influence.
VOL XII Examples
Animal shapes
Architectural Metals
Basins
Arms » Amors
Bottles, Pitchers
Bowls, Cups
Boxes
Buckets
Caldrons
Candlesticks
Coins
Dated Materials
Dishes
Ewe rs
Inkwells
Jewelry
Lamps
Lanterns, Chandeliers
Miscellaneous
Mirrors
Mortars
«
Vol. XII Examples
Pen Boxes
Plates
Shapes of vessels
Stands
Trays
Vases
VOL. XIII Artists
VOL. XIV Subject Matter
VOL. XV Iconography and Symbolism
VOL. XVI Astronomical
VOL. XVII Paleographical Material
VOL. XVIII Miscellaneous
VOL. XIX Sales Catalogues

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NOTES 135
Volume X: Metalwork of Maghrib, Islamic Spain pile is either always inserted under the same
and Sicily warps or, as in the Spanish carpets with
^Volume XI : Metalwork of Islamic India single-warp knots (or at least in most of
them), under alternate warps. It is patent
This volume contains an excursus on Venetian
metalwork of Islamic style. that the “real” Islamic pile carpet is tech-
nically derived from types related to these
Volume XII Systematic Catalogue of Metalwork
:
of All Islamic Countries and Centuries

fragments found in Central Asia, but it would
be surprising if the Abbasid pile rugs of the
Mehmet Aga-Oglu
two classes just referred to had not exerted an
influence on its ornamentation.
A FRAGMENT OF AN EARLY CARPET If proof of this be needed, it is afforded
IN STOCKHOLM by the goose-eye pattern and the double row
of beads which, together with an intermittent
In 1938 I published in Svenska Orient- scroll and some geometric designs, form the
sällskapets Ärsbok (The Yearbook of the
ornamentation of the border fragment here
Swedish Oriental Society) an article (pp. 51- belongs to the collection of
reproduced. It
130) entitled “The Marby Rug and Some fragments which I presented to the National
Fragments of Carpets Found in Egypt.” In 1
Museum of Stockholm in 1939; I acquired it
connection with a detailed study of the famous
in Cairo in 1937, in the spring, unfortunately
Oriental carpet of the fifteenth century found
too late for having it published in my contribu-
in the almost abandoned Church of Marby,
tion to the Yearbook of the Swedish Oriental
in the Province of Jämtland (Northern Swe-
Society, where, however (on p. 66) I could
den), I there published, with reference to
refer to a related specimen from al-Fustät in
other material, twenty-eight fragments of car-
the Metropolitan Museum of New York pub-
pets excavated in Egypt (probably at al-
lished by M. S. Dimand. 2 The fragment in
Fustât) which I had acquired from Arab
antique dealers in Cairo. Out of these frag-
New York (which I have not seen) has a
ments five are described in the paper as be-
border with Kufic ornament, yellow (buff?)
longing to the Röhss Museum in Gothen- on a dark blue ground; the design of the field
burg, eleven to the National Museum in (never reproduced) is said to consist of hooks,
Stockholm, and twelve to the author; in 1939 rows of beads and angular figures in blue,
I handed my own lot over to the last-mentioned green, yellow, and black on a red background.
museum together with a number of other The knots are tied round single warps.
fragments of textiles of similar provenance, Dimand compares this specimen to a fragment
many of which are described in my work, Cot- from Eastern Turkestan in the same museum,
ton in Mediaeval Textiles of the Near East stated to have knots of the same type, and to
(Paris and Cairo, 1937). One chapter of that the Spanish carpets. He assigns it to about
work devoted to a group of Abbasid pile

is the twelfth century and adds that it is not yet
rugs which, unlike a number of fragments
excavated in Eastern Turkestan and the later
1
No. 219/1939 (C.J.L. XI, Id).
Oriental carpets, have the pile formed by

2
M. S. Dimand, “Egypto-Arabic Textiles, Recent
Acquisitions,” Bull. MetropolitanMuseum of Art,
what I have ventured to call the “U” knot,
XXII (1927), 279, Fig. 9; idem, A Handbook of
an open sling which, in the true sense of the Mohammedan Decorative Arts (New York, I93°)>
word, is not a real knot. In these rugs the pp. 232 and 234, Fig. 143.
136 NOTES
possible to determine whether it was made in Il par exemple, que certains

est évident,
Egypt or imported. versets du Coran devaient à une date et dans
In conformity with the catalogue notes in une région déterminées, être utilisés dans cer-
my contribution to the Yearbook, the related taines circonstances à l’exclusion d’autres. Les
fragment in Stockholm, which is rather thin catalogues de stèles funéraires duMusée arabe
2
and must have belonged to a carpet of very du Caire nous montrent à cet égard une
moderate size, may be described as follows: évolution dans la rédaction des épitaphes qu’il
importerait d’étudier en détail. De même, en
Material: All wool, rather harsh.
numismatique, à côté des professions de foi
Warp: On one level. Buff, two-ply with
sunnites ou alides figurent des fragments ou
a left-handed (S) twist.
des paraphrases du Coran dont la diversité
Weft: Buff. Two shoots after each row of
attire l’attention. Plus récemment, la devise
knots.
des souverains de Grenade, paraphrase du
Pile: Two-ply single-warp knots, on every
Coran “la ghälib illâ Allah” qui depuis 629 h.
warp in each row, 41 vertical, 50 horizontal to
(1232 a.d. ) rappelle aux murs de monuments 3
the decimeter, 2,050 to the square decimeter
et sur les monnaies 4
le nom d’al-Ghâlib bil-
( 127 to the square inch) . Five colors: brown-
lâh prouve l’intérêt qui doit s’attacher à l’étude
ish red, buff, light green, dark green, and
de ces formules. Mais si le verset du Trône et
blue.
la sourate al-Ikhlâs apparaissent à première vue
Size: 13x13 cm.
Attribution: Islamic (The Near East), comme des citations fréquentes dans des cas
about the twelfth century {Figs. 1 and 2). très divers certains autres passages du Coran
Carl Johan Lamm sont d’un usage plus rare. C’est pour cette
raison que nous avons cru intéressant de sig-
naler l’emploi d’un texte coranique dans deux
ENCORE UNE “FORMULE BANALE” régions très éloignées l’une de l’autre mais
à une époque sensiblement voisine.
Il est d’usage courant parmi les archéo- Un petit fragment du stuc provenant des
logues et les épigraphistes de l’Islam de fouilles
5
exécutées par M. de Mecquenem sur
grouper sous le nom de “formule banale” les ruines de l’ancienne cité de Suse en Iran
1
toutes les citations coraniques et les eulogies
dont l’historien n’a pu classer la teneur pour 2
Catalogue général du Musée arabe du Caire.
la faire servir à la datation des objets qu’elles Stèles funéraires (Le Caire, 1932 seq.).
3
ornent où à tout autre enseignement. Nous E. Kühnei, Maurische Kunst (Berlin, 1924),
nous sommes maintes fois élevés contre cette Pis. 48-53 entre autres.
4
négligence et il est hors de doute que l’examen H. Lavoix, Catalogue des monnaies musulmanes
de la Bibliothèque Nationale (Paris 1887-96), II,
et la publication de ces nombreux épigraphes
327.
fournirait de précieuses informations sur les 6
Deux autres objets provenant des mêmes fouilles
époques où les documents sont rares et où la portent des inscriptions coufiques d’un style analogue :
moindre précision mérite d’être recueillie. ( 1 ) un petit bol en terre cuite justement célèbre (M.
Pezard, La Céramique archaïque de l’Islam [Paris,
1
Cf. O. Codrington, A Manuel of Musalman 1920], PI. LI, Figs. 5-6 et p. 95) dont l’inscription
Numismatics (London, 1904), pp. 21-39; I. Gold- n’a pu être déchiffrée; (2) et surtout une moitié
ziher, “ÜberEulogien der Mohammedaner,”
die d’ustensile en plâtre composée d’une caisse parallé-
Zeitschr. d. Deutsch. Morgenl. Gesellsch., L (1896), lépipédique évidée en cuvette et reposant sur quatre
105. pieds prismatiques saillants qui porte en coufique à
Fig. 1 —Taken in Ordinary Light Fig. — Taken with a Red Filter
2
Figs. 1-2 — Fragment of a Pile Carpet. Stockholm, National Museum
Fig. 3 — Stuc de Suse

Hofburg
Neue
Vienna,
Canteen.
Lacquer-Painted
1-2
Figs.
NOTES 137
porte en relief les trois caractères suivants: L’emploi de cette phrase coranique est as-
—9. Le fragment mesure 30x21 cm; du côté sez rare, aussi peut-on se demander dans
droit, le mot commence l’inscription car on quelle intention l’artiste l’a fait figurer dans
remarque un léger listel formant bordure; deux textes à peu près contemporains mais
comme les mots commençant par ces trois provenant de deux contrées si distantes l’une
lettres sont assez rares en arabe et que d’autre de l’autre.
part il aucun doute du début d’une
s’agit sans Jean David-Weill
phrase ou d’une citation coranique, il nous a
paru probable pour ne pas dire évident qu’il
*
faut compléter comme suit: [<dJl A LACQUER-PAINTED CANTEEN
(Coran, II, 131). Ce mot est d’ailleurs le
plus long mot du Coran. Cette restitution est In the Arms Collection in the Neue Hof-
d’autant plus plausible que les caractères d’un burg in Vienna, there is an unpublished canteen
type assez archaïque peuvent se comparer avec painted with figurai scenes {Figs. I and 2).
ceux de deux inscriptions sculptées sur le bois The canteen is pear-shaped and made of
6
qui ont été trouvées au Vieux-Caire où s’étale papier mâché. Its form differs only slightly
autour de quatre dans un quadrilobe
trèfles from that of a Turkish canteen in the same
formant le centre d’un médaillon rond, précisé- collection, which is decorated with a colored
ment la même expression coranique. leather mosaic and dates from the middle of
En examinant de près la graphie des deux the sixteenth century. 1 The lids of both have
groupes d’inscriptions : celle de Suse et les the same shape: a semicircular dome with a
deux épigraphes sur bois du Caire on peut small ball on its top and a somewhat broader
noter un certain nombre de traits communs ring at the bottom. The surface of the painted
malgré la différence des techniques qu’imposait canteen is slightly damaged, especially on the
à l’artisan le travail du bois d’une part, du top of the neck. same as
Its technique is the
stuc de l’autre. L’épaisseur relative des carac- that of the lacquered book covers and other
tères, la hauteur relative du fâ
et du yâ qui
lacquered objects. On a thick layer of gesso
montent presque jusqu’au sommet de la bande the decoration is painted and then covered
d’écriture, la forme du sin trois dents de scie :
with a layer of transparent lacquer. The whole
dans les inscriptions sur bois, trois petits lo-
surface of the canteen is covered with a finely
sanges formant comme deux dents de scie
superposées pour le stuc nous amènent à la * This article was submitted by W. Born shortly
même période.
7
before his death in 1949 under the title “A Painted
A quel usage étaient destinées ces frises? Persian Canteen.” Although the author had invited
Sont-ce des inscriptions funéraires ou ornaient the editor’s comments and even asked him to make all
— elles la cimaise d’une habitation? Aucun necessary changes in the text,
call his attention to the fact that the
it was not possible to
voluminous tur-
indice ne nous permet d’en décider.
ban of the figures and certain floral elements, espe-
dents de scie en relief l’inscription “bismi ’llâh cially the tulips, carnations, and hyacinths, indicate
bara(ka?).” (Cf. Pezard, op. cit., PI. LI, Fig. 4 an origin in Ottoman Turkey, though the style was
et p. 95). obviously derived from Persian prototypes. The title
6
Musée arabe du Caire, Nos.
6852 et 6854. Cf. of the article was therefore changed and the parts
J.David-Weill, Les Bois à épigraphes jusqu’à l’époque dealing with the School of Bokhara shortened. Ed.
mamlouke. Catalogue général du Musée arabe (Le 1
W. Born, “The Rearrangement of the Collec-
Caire, 1931 ), PI. 1. tion of Arms in theNeue Hofburg, Vienna,” Apollo ,
7
Vers le huitième siècle. XXIII (1936), 307.
138 NOTES
speckled gold ground, which produces a rich as early as 1483 for the last of the Timurids
and same time soft effect.
at the in Herat. 4 The perfection of this work sug-
The two fronts of the canteen show dif- gests that it was preceded by a long evolution.
ferent subjects: a hunt and a garden party. Not before the reign of the Shah Tahmäsp
The hunt {Fig. 1 consists of two independent (1524-76) did lacquered book covers come
representations, one on the top of the other. into favor on a large scale. They represent
Each of them shows a young man on horse- landscapes, hunting scenes, gardens, and bou-
back. The lower hunter strikes a panther with quets of flowers in the style of contemporary
his broad sword, whilst two young antelopes miniatures. Specimens of the sixteenth cen-
are fleeing; the upper hunter pierces a bear tury are rare. There is one in Istanbul, show-
with his lance. The landscape is suggested by ing flowers and animals, 5 and another in Ham-
conventionalized trees and shrubs covering the burg. 6 In the album of Sultan Muräd III, com-
gold background. piled in 1572 and now in the Nationalbiblio-
The garden
party {Fig. 2) is composed of thek, Vienna, there are two lacquered plates,
three groups of people. In the center is a the one showing persons practicing arch-
first
fountain, surrounded on upper three sides

its ery, on a golden background, the second one
by a girl with a harp, a young man and a girl showing lions in various attitudes, on a black
listening to her; on the lower side is another background. 7 The archers bear turbans with
young man offering a wine bottle to a girl who a high pointed kulah. The mannerisms of the
holds a bowl in her hand. Two amorous figures reveal the taste of the Persian court.
couples are on each side, a kneeling one on Abbas I ( 158 7—
Since the reign of the Shah
the left and a standing one on the right. 1629), lacquer decoration was not only ap-
Lacquer is said to have been introduced plied to book covers, but also to mirror frames,
into Persia by way of China when the Mon- boxes, pen cases, and doors. One of the sub-
gols under Jenghiz Khan conquered the coun- jects of the canteen, the garden party, reap-
2
try in the thirteenth century. There is, how- pears often, i.e., in a very elegant seventeenth-
ever, nothing known about the early develop- century mirror case in the Metropolitan Mu-
ment of lacquering in Persia. 3 Only since the seum, New York. 8 Another mirror case, lac-
epoch of the Timurids certain traces are to quered and painted, in the calligraphic style
be found. Then the Herat Academy seems of Rizä ‘Abbâsï, showing a drinking couple
to have introduced lacquer painting from in a garden, is in the Detroit Institute of Arts. 9
China. There is a splendid lacquered book A similar subject on a black background is to
cover with floral decoration in Istanbul, made be seen in the medallions of a pair of painted
2
J. W. Harrington, “Rare Old Lacquers from 4
M. Aga-Oglu, Persian Bookbindings of the Fif-
Persia,” International Studio, LXXXIII (1926), teenth Century (Ann Arbor, 1933), p. 13.
73 - 76
5
. Ibid., Fig. 11.
3 6
Attention should be drawn, however, to the fact E. Kühnei, Miniaturmalerei im islamischen
that there is a Seljuk Koran stand (rahl), dated Orient (Berlin, 1922), PI. 72.
678 H. (1279-80 a.d. ) in the Museum in Konya, 7
T. W. Arnold and A. Grohmann, The Islamic
whose inside surfaces are decorated with paintings in Book (Leipzig, 1939), PI. 61.
exactly the same technique as the canteen described 8
M. S. Dimand, A Handbook of Mohammedan
in this article (R. M. Riefstahl, “A Seljuq Koran Decorative Arts (New York, 1930), p. 34.
Stand with Lacquer-painted Decoration in the Mu- 9
A. C. Eastman, “A Persian Lacquered and
seum in Konya,” Art Bulletin, (1933), 361-71,XV Painted Mirror Case,” Bull. Detroit Institute of
Figs. 7 and 9.) Ed. Arts, VII (1926), 90-92.
NOTES 139
and lacquered palace doors from the throne school of miniature painting, but as this school
room of Shah Abbas. 10 A lacquered papier already existed in 1520, we may assume that
mâché chest, showing a portrait of Shah Abbas they promoted the rise of the school to its later
himself in its center, and dated in 1609, is in importance. The school flourished until the
11
Berlin. It displays a gold ground strewn middle of the century. Owing to the lack of
with minute black ornaments, obviously a a favorable atmosphere, it deteriorated after
deteriorated imitation of the softly speckled the first generation of artists died out, shortly
gold ground which covers the canteen. As we after 1567. 14
have noticed in the above-mentioned palace The painters of the Shaibänid court pro-
doors, the black ground began to replace the vided their figures with a turban wound closely
gold ground not later under Abbas’
than around a high conical cap. Examples of this
12
reign. In the latest stage of the development type are among others in a manuscript of
the background was realistically painted. The Yüsuf and Zulaikhä by Jam! in the Metro-
Österreichisches Museum für Kunst und In- politan Museum (about 1540) and in the
dustrie in Vienna owns a book cover executed Treasury of Secrets by Nizami, 15 painted by
in this hybrid style dated 1854 and shows,
;
it is Mahmud Mudhahhib in 1537, in the Biblio-
13 16
in a medallion, a drinking couple in a garden. thèque Nationale.
Among all these examples of Persian lac- The paintings on the canteen not only
quering there not a single canteen. As far
is show a close resemblance to the style of these
as the author knows, the Vienna canteen is and other miniatures of the Bokhara school,
unique. Therefore, it can only be dated and but its male figures also wear the typical Bok-
located by means of analogy with miniature hara turbans with protruding conical caps.
paintings. Therefore the canteen must have been made in
If compared with a miniature of Bihzäd’s the latest stage of the development of the
time, the paintings of the canteen appear Bokhara book illumination. The applied arts
coarse and simple. Obviously, this subject usually follow the style of the plastic arts only
represents a later stage of the development, after a certain time. Thus we may date the
when canteen about 1570.

the style of the court painters had passed
into the workshops of the artisans. The use
Wolfgang Born
of a golden background, however, proves that
was made for a nobleman. Shortly
the canteen *
A SASANIAN VESSEL FROM KUNGUR
after Bihzäd’s death,some of his pupils fol-
lowed the Uzbeks to their capital, Bokhara. At Bartym, twenty miles from Kungur, in
They are said to have founded the Bokhara the Berezov region, Molotov district, a plow
10
Ibid., 90 sqq. 14
Blochet, op. cit., p. 98.
11
E. Kühnei, “Die Lacktruhe Shah Abbas I. in 15
M. S. Dimand, “Dated Specimens of Moham-
der islamischen Abteilung der Staatlichen Museen,” medan Art Metropolitan Museum
in the of Art,”
Jahrb. d. preuss. Kunstsamml., LVIIX (1937), 47. Metropolitan Museum Studies I (1929), 218 ft.,
12
In miniature painting the gold ground had dis- Figs. 8 and 9.
appeared as early as about the middle of the sixteenth 13
Blochet, op. cit., PI. CXV (color).
century and was used later only in copies of ancient * Translated by Mrs. Kathleen Price and edited
pictures. (E. Blochet, Musulman Painting, Xllth- by Henry Field. The original publication was in
X Filth Century [London, 1929], p. 90.) Vestnik Drevnei Istorii, No. 25 (1948), 166-69.
13
Arnold and Grohmann, op. cit., PI. 103. Since the poor illustrations of the Russian publica-
140 NOTES
1
at a depth of 22 cm. turned up a boat-shaped file, without a beard, with a protruding nose
silver vessel ( 26 x 9 x 6 cm. ) ,
which was given and fleshy lips. Below, in front of the legs,
to Molotov Regional Museum. The
the there is a third face, although poorly defined.
weight is about 700 grams. The vessel, which In one case this lower representation is remi-
is covered with figures in relief, was damaged niscent of the head of an elephant, owing
at one end by the plow; however, both ends to the long outline of the nose, more accu-
appear to have carried symmetrical orna- rately, of a trunk. The femoral part of the
mentation: two confronted peacocks, sepa- leg appears in the form of a fish with a forked
rated by a small “vessel” on legs {Figs. 1 tail. The back part of the body looks like the
and 2). Each figure is different in detail. On head of a beast of prey with an open mouth
the back of the peacock, instead of folded and large, sharp teeth. This animal is swal-
wings there is represented a human face in lowing a large fish ( ?) ,
replacing the tail of the
profile, with a rather long, straight nose, a big bird. The fish tails are small engraved circles
beard (in one case with a small beard) the ; with eyes, which call to mind in their outline
head carries a high headdress. On the breast the ornamented feathers on a peacock’s tail
of the bird there is also a human face in pro- and partly a fish’s scale. The feet of the bird
have characteristic spurs. Around the neck is
tion, which are based on very bad photographs, do tied a kind of scarf, the folded wide ends of
not lend themselves to further reproduction, the edi-
which are flying over the back. In the oval
tor enlisted the skill of Miss Amy Briggs to make
space on the bottom of the vessel a fish is
drawings after them. This was a nearly impossible
task, because the only parts of the design not difficult
depicted. The inside of the vessel is undeco-
to see in the original are the head, back, and scarf of rated.
the right bird, and the head of the left bird, and also, When the Bartym vessel compared to
is
to a certain extent, the legs and the object between published by Smirnov
similar silver objects as
them. The face on the chest of the right bird is so
and Orbeli-Trever, it appears to have no direct
faint that it can be made out only with the help of
the description and a good deal of imagination. Not
analogy inshape or iconography. Another
a trace can be discerned of the third face in front of silver spoonlike cup, with a fish represented in
the legs, since the photographs are too indistinct in relief on the base, was found at Kulagysh, also
these spots. In view of the unusual character of the near Kungur. Representations of fish have
piece, the editor thought it worth while, nevertheless,
been found more than once, although not fre-
to reprint the article in this provisional form, because,
quently, on Sasanian pottery. Birds are also
owing to the rarity of Russian publications in the
West, the vessel might otherwise remain unknown a motif occurring on Sasanian metalwork;
outside the U.S.S.R. — Ed. water birds (goose, duck) are reproduced in
1
The use of deep tractors for plowing has con- relief. In some instances a treatment entirely
siderably increased the amount of chance for arche- analogous to the bird on the Kungur vessel
ological finds in the Kama region, particularly those
has been found, as in the case of a pheasant
shown, for instance, by the Anik
of oriental silver, as
carrying a necklace in his beak and having a
treasure of silver platters from the Cherdyn region,
published in 1937 by C. V. Trever. During 1946 scarf flapping behind his head.
N. A. Prokoshev listed these objects, now in the Kirov, Regarding the dating of the Bartym ves-
Gorki, and Cherdyn Museums, as well as the Ilinkoye sel, acomparison of the profile with the effigies
silver cup, now in the Hermitage. A. P. Smirnov
on Sasanian coins shows considerable resem-
published an account of a new Sasanian gold vessel
blance to the profiles of Ardashir I, Narseh,
delivered in 1943 to a buying center in Molotov;
later it became the property of the State Historical and Ohrmizd II. A comparison with figures
Museum, Moscow. on silver dishes provides much closer analo-
NOTES 141
gies.This can be said especially of Varhrän I, and Khusrau I. In form and detail they re-
Shähpuhr II, Shähpuhr III, and Varhrän Çhü- semble strikingly the Bartym detail. Thus,
bin. However, such juxtapositions are not also taking into consideration the resemblance
sufficiently conclusive, the more so since the between Varhrän I and the reliefs of the head
faces on the Bartym cup are not necessarily on the back of the peacock, the Bartym cup
those of rulers. Thus the headdresses and may be attributed provisionally to the epoch
beards of the profiles are very similar to the from Varhrän I to Shähpuhr III (273-388)
heads of the military leaders surrounding and not later than the reign of Varhrän V
Figs. 1-2 — Sasanian Silver Vessel From Kungur.

(Drawn by Amy Briggs After V estnik Drevnei Istorii, No. 25 [1 948] .
Khusrau I on the silver dish from Strelki. (420-438). In all probability it was made
These comparisons merely confirm the Sasa- during the fourth century of our era.
nian origin of the Bartym cup. O. N. Bader
The peculiar scarf fastened to the neck of
the pheasant is the more revealing for the Postscript
matter of dating. Scarves are often found on
Sasanian vessels. They belong to the costume The shape of the Bartym bowl is not
of the ruler and flutter over his back, being unique, since there is another Sasanian silver
fastened to the headdress, belt, behind the vessel with the same boat-shaped form (deco-
shoulders, and sometimes even in miniature rated, in low relief, with a king, apparently
size to the ruler’s bow and the harness of his Përôz [457-63], seated on an eagle-leg throne
horse. and attended by two standing persons, and
Such scarves are present in those of Varh- with a nude scarf-dancer in each of the
rän I, Shähpuhr II, Shähpuhr III, Varhrän V, pointed ends) ;
it is in the Walters Art Gal-
142 NOTES
2
lery (No. 57.625 ) and is soon to be published. a Persian origin. One of her arguments was
This Baltimore piece thus provides another based on an unusual Sasanian gem with a
clue for the Sasanian date of the Bartym bowl. grylli-type human head which dated from a
The new piece is also significant in con- period when the grylli were no longer popular
nection with the grylli, popular on Roman in the West, so that the piece seems to repre-
gems for more than three hundred years. It sent the survival of a native art form and not
will be recalled that these decorations are one created under Roman influence. The
“either a composition of various human and Bartym bowl with its grylli-type birds would
animal heads, sometimes with birds added to represent another example of the persistence
them, or they consist of the body of a bird to of the same type of symbol and thus lends
which heads and masks are attached in dif- further support to the Roes theory of the
ferent ways.” These motifs have usually been

Iranian origin of the motif.
R. E.
called Graeco-Phoenician, for want of a bet-
ter explanation, but, more recently, Miss Anne 2
A. Roes, “New Light on the Grylli,” Journ.
Roes has put forward some good reasons for Hellenic Studies , LV (1935), 232-35.
MUSEUMS AND
EXHIBITIONS
THE ISLAMIC DEPARTMENT OF THE BERLIN Department. In most cases, some fragments
MUSEUM *
could be rescued from the debris and are now
There have been many unreliable rumors being restored (in a way that they may, at
about the war losses of the Islamic Depart- least, serve for study purposes). 2
ment of the Berlin Museum and about its The most important and valuable collec-
present condition, so that a matter-of-fact actions of Muslim minor arts metal, — glass,
count seems urgently needed. ceramics, —
and ivory had been deposited in
At the beginning of the war, all first-rate the salt mine of Grasleben. They were, to-
objects on exhibition were at once packed in gether with many thousands of objects from
previously prepared boxes and tubes and re- nearly all other departments, continuously
moved After that we took continu-
to safety. cared for by our staff. After the occupation
ous care of the remaining movable exhibition by British troops, this stock was brought to
pieces and the objects in the storerooms. They
2
were first taken to the well-constructed cellars Larger portions remain of the well-known ani-
of the museum; later they were moved to mal carpet, of which the Metropolitan Museum owns
a companion piece from the C. H. Mackay collection,
other places in Berlin, and finally, a part was
of the famous Graf carpet with dragon pattern
shipped to abandoned salt mines in Western
(F. Sarre and H. Trenkwald, Altorientalische Tep-
Germany. As far as possible, the built-in ob- piche [Wien-Leipzig, 1926-29], II, PI. 3), and of
jectsand those which could only be removed the animal carpet with ascending design from the
with great difficulty received special protec- Schlossmuseum (K. Erdmann, Orientteppiche [Ber-
lin, 1935], No. 8) smaller fragments of the beauti-
tion to make them safe against bombing ;
ful vase carpet Sarre-Trenkwald, op. cit., II, PI. 7),

(
attacks.
of the large garden carpet (F. Sarre, “Ein neuerwor-
During the first war years no serious dam- bener Gartenteppich,” Amtliche Berichte, XLII
ages were reported. It was only in 1945 that [1920-21], 54-59), and of the vigorously designed
several attacks completely destroyed the win- medallion piece without animals (K. Erdmann, “Zwei
dows and skylights of the museum, so that Medaillonteppiche der Islam. Abteilung,” Amtliche
from then on the galleries were exposed to Berichte, LVI [1935], 34). Only insignificant shreds
recall the so-called Portuguese carpet (F. Sarre, “A
the weather; a direct hit demolished entirely
Portuguese Carpet from Knole,” Burlington Maga-
the left tower of the Mshattä Façade, tearing zine, LVIII [1931], 214-19), our two splendid clas-
a large hole in the floor; and the subterranean sical Ushaks (W. Bode and E. Kiihnel, Antique Rugs
vaults in the New Mint Building, reputed to from the Near East, third edition translated by R. M.
be extremely solid, were burst by a powerful Riefstahl [New York, 1922], Figs. 73 and 74) and
our finestspecimen of the late Cairene group (so-
time-bomb. On this occasion eighteen of our
called “Turkish court manufacture”; Sarre-Trenk-
oriental carpets were burned, among which
1
wald, op. cit., II, PL 53). No trace remains of the
were our best-known pieces of large size. rare but less important swastica rug (F. Sarre, “The
This is the only major definite loss of the Hittite Monument of Ivriz and a Carpet Design,”
Burlington Magazine, XIV [1909], 143-47). The
* Translated by R. Ettinghausen. early Holbein carpet with small pattern (Bode-
1
They had not been evacuated on account of their Kühnel, op. cit.. Fig. 82) was safe, but has been stolen
dimensions, unsuitable for transportation to the mine. from our cellar since the conquest.
144 MUSEUMS AND EXHIBITIONS
the Castle of Celle in the Province of Han- able manner with the offices of the Monu-
over, where they are still kept, all packed in ments, Fine Arts, and Archives Section of the
boxes. When, in April 1947, a special exhibi- United States Military Government. In July
tion of Islamic art was arranged at Celle and August 1948 the whole property of the
(without my knowledge), it was reported Berlin Museum was transferred to the cus-
that many ceramic pieces had been more or tody of the Hessian Government, and until
less broken and some had been lost entirely.
3 further arrangements are made will remain in
The Zonal Fine Arts Repository of Celle has Wiesbaden.
now passed from the control of the British Early in 1946 a Soviet commando took
Military Government to German custody into custody and shipped away, besides many
(Land Niedersachsen). other holdings, several categories of Islamic
antiquities such as wood carvings, specimens
About forty cases of exhibition objects,
of calligraphy, book bindings, Turkish tiles,
mostly of secondary importance, such as stucco
and pottery pieces, with quantities from our
as well assome carpets, textiles, and ceramics.
These had been left in the Berlin Museum,
study collection, as well as some carpets, were
primarily for proper safekeeping, and had
deposited in another salt mine in Thuringia,
remained undamaged in the cellars until the
After the conquest by the United States Army
end of the war. So far, we have not learned
they were brought to the Landes-Museum in
anything about their whereabouts and their
Wiesbaden where a Central Collecting Point
had been established. I checked these collec-
state of preservation. We have been assured
that these objects would not be regarded as
tions during several visits and found them to
reparations and that the possibility remains
be intact. All the other departments of the
that they may be restored. Since May 1946
Berlin Museum collaborated in equally agree-
no further action of this kind has been taken
by the Russians.
3
When I personally had the opportunity to check
the Islamic objects in October 1949, I found the We do have, however, besides the Façade
damages confirmed, but not beyond repair. They and other architectural fragments from
were probably due to a hurried unpacking and re- Mshattä, the Mihrab of Kashan, dated a.d.
packing of some contents in connection with a fire in
1223, the stone niche of Damascus, and the
the mine. Among the pieces missing are a Rakka
Hispano-Moresque wooden window. The
bowl with extremely fine luster ornamentation
(F. Sarre, “Neuerwerbungen syrischer und persischer
well-known Aleppo Room lacks a good many
Keramik,” Amtliche Berichte XXXI [1909/10], of the screwed-on decorative boards; other-
Fig. 72), an early Gabri bowl with fabulous animal wise the walls are preserved, but the lacquer
(K. Erdmann, “Islamische Keramik aus Persien im painting has suffered, partly due to dampness.
Kaiser-Friedrich-Museum, Berlin,” Kunstchronik und In any case, at least half of the room can be
Kunstliteratur, Beilage zur Zeitschrift für Bildende
put up again. The stucco decorations from
Kunst, LXII, Nos. 11/12 [1929], 128), a Gabri
bowl with turquoise glaze (A. U. Pope, “Ceramic
Samarra were kept in the cellar; they are
Art in Islamic Times. A. History,” A Survey of nearly perfectly preserved. The stucco finds
Persian Art [London and New York, 1938-39], II, from Ctesiphon are to a large extent in Berlin;
Fig. 540), a Persian bowl with sgraffito sphynx the rest, together with those from Persia, are
( Persian Art. An Illustrated Souvenir of the Exhibi-
in Wiesbaden. The carved decorations from
tion ... at Burlington House, London, IÇ31.
Second Edition [London, 1931], p. 55 B), some
Tabgha are available for exhibition, as are the
Turkish vessels from Isnik and a few unpublished tombstones with Arabic inscriptions.
pieces of Persian ware. We have at our disposal, also, a good
MUSEUMS AND EXHIBITIONS 1 45
many Persian and Indian miniatures, as well half the former exhibition area. Our special
as a number of our fine small-size carpets. library, the archives of photographic nega-
Only single, outstanding examples of metal tives, reproductions and slides, as well as all
work, ceramics, and glass remain in Berlin. the other working materials, are safe and
Small excavation finds are still packed in boxes, waiting to be reinstalled in the former offices
partly in Berlin, partly in Celle. Owing to the of the Department. For the time being they
destruction of the cupboards, the otherwise are still kept in the basement of the Museum.
systematically organized collections of shards Even with the planned reopening of a part of
in our department became totally disarranged its collections, however, the reorganization of
and partially destroyed. So far, we have not the Islamic Department of the Berlin Museum
yet finished the sifting, putting in order, re- can on no account be called completed.
pairing and storing of this material. Ernst Kühnel
A new arrangement of the galleries and
the return of out-of-town deposits, due to
political difficulties, is not yet feasible (fall
ISLAMIC ART AT THE INDIAN EXHIBITION,
ROYAL ACADEMY, LONDON, NOVEMBER
of 1949). The rebuilding activities, which
1947 TO FEBRUARY 1 948
are progressing slowly because of scarcity of
money and now reached that
materials, have There never can have been such an oppor-
point where at least the newly glassed, window- tunity as has been offered by the Exhibition in
lighted rooms can be used again, the walls and the Royal Academy Galleries of the art of
ceilings having been cleaned and painted. Only India and Pakistan to see the full range of
part of the cases, however, are usable. The Islamic painting in India. The other arts of
galleries with skylights are now provisionally Islamic India are represented mainly by ex-
protected by a wood roof. Since these galleries hibits transferred for the occasion from the
are insufficiently lighted, they can be used for Victoria and Albert Museum, but among the
storing purposes only. The great hole in the jades and jewelry there are some very fine
Mshattä Hall caused by a bomb is again com- pieces lent by Her Majesty Queen Mary, and
pletely closedand the destroyed brick wall the carpets from the Palace of the Maharajah
rebuilt, so that the reconstruction of the shat- of Jaipur are not only of first-class importance
tered tower can soon begin. It will show some but make a magnificent display.
lacunae, since we estimate that about 10 per- It is possible here only to outline some of
cent of the limestone blocks are lost. Af- the more notable groups among the 262
ter extended work the badly damaged steel Islamic paintings which occupy the walls of
structure of the whole roof has been com- three of the galleries and are supported by a
pletely repaired; as soon as the material is distinguished collection of fifteen manuscripts
available, the provisional covering of boards and albums. The collections drawn upon are
and tar paper can be replaced by wire glass. for the most part those in India and the United
Also, the radiators of the whole wing are Kingdom, but some very important examples
again in order and heat can be provided. have been lent from the French National
In the hope that the work now in progress Museums and from three leading collections
will not suffer any extended interruption, it is in the United States. The Exhibition Com-
planned to reopen the Department in 1951. mittee made a special effort to illustrate on
We could then show at least the pieces avail- this occasion the little-known schools of paint-
able in Berlin, which will require only about ing which flourished outside the Mughal Do-
minion, especially in kingdoms of the

the as some later portraits. The portraits from
Deccan. Among these, the most striking as Golconda are of a better-known type repre-
well as the earliest are three paintings which sented in many collections, but there are sev-
are, strictly speaking, not Islamic; for they eral other paintings which must be attributed
illustrate the Hindu Rägmäläs, but at the same on stylistic grounds to the schools of the Dec-
time bear witness to the policy of toleration can, of which the most striking are Nos. 1 171
and patronage of Hindu painters pursued by and 944, also from the India Office Library,
the ruling houses of Bijapur and Ahmadnagar. and No. 1143 {Fig. 3) from the collection of
One of these has already been reproduced by Mr. Pendarves Lory, C.I.E. The last also is
H. Goetz in The Baroda State Bulletin where a Hindu subject, but the coloring, rich and
he attributes it, apparently with good reason, delicate, and the architecture connect it clearly
to about 1570. The other two are from the with the Deccani school.
Bikaner State Collection, which has also been It is well known that even after the Mu-
studied by Dr. Goetz and will be fully treated ghal conquest of the Deccan some local schools
in his forthcoming volume to be published by of painting survived there, and retained some-
the Royal India Society. These are assigned thing of the special quality of the older Dec-
to Ahmadnagar, apparently by comparison cani schools. Among the criteria for attribut-
with a miniature reproduced by Stella Kram- ing paintings to this school would be the pref-
1
risch. Since Dr. Goetz has not yet stated his erence for using white, fullness of drapery and
case for assigning these paintings to two dif- richness of coloring, and predominance of blue
ferent centers, we must reserve judgment in the palette. It is interesting to have evi-
for the time being, recognizing that after the dence from Indian collections of the kind of
fall of Vijayanagar, its court painters are paintings and
drawings attributed to the
have found refuge at both the courts
likely to Southern Deccani schools of Kurnool and
of two principal Muslim opponents, Husain
its Süräpur which had been mentioned in Stella
Nizam Shah and Ali ‘Ädil Shah of Bijapur. Kramrisch’s A Survey of Painting in the Dec-
In any case Bijapur is represented at the can.* Even farther to the south, the nawabs
Exhibition by a very distinguished little group of the Carnatic seem to have been the patrons
of portraits, of which the two elegant minia- of a school of miniature painting at Arcot,
tures illustrating a cookery book (Nos. 937 which is represented at the Exhibition by
and 938) of Ibrahim ‘Ädil Shah II have al- Nos. 1159 {Fig. 4) and 1166. This school
ready been published by G.Yazdani. 2 A portrait probably survived until the last nawab re-
of an unknown Courtier from the India Office signed his dominion to the East India Com-
Library, No. 934 {Fig. /), can be assigned pany in 1781.
to the latter part of Ibrâhîm ‘Ädil Shah IFs There is one other notable Islamic draw-
reign by comparison with two drawings ac- ing at the Exhibition that cannot be described
quired by the British Museum in
3
1936, as well as Mughal and yet does not seem to be at-
tached to any of the schools so far considered.
1
S. Kramrisch, A Survey of Painting in the Dec- This No. 1127 {Fig. 2) and is lent by the
is
can (London, 1937), PI. XII.
Central Museum, Lahore. In the Lahore Mu-
2
G. Yazdani, “Two Miniatures from Bïjapür,”
Islamic Culture IX (1935), 211-16, and colored seum Catalogue (F. 51) it is described as
frontispiece. “Mughal, late 1 8 th century,” in the Exhibi-
3
B. Gray, “Deccani Painting: the School of tion Catalogue as “Deccani, early 1 8 th cen-
Bijapur,” Burlington Magazine, LXXIII (1938),
75-76, and Figs. B and C. 4
Kramisch, op. cit., pp. 117, 183.
Century.
Seventeenth
Library
of
Office
Quarter
India
First
London,
Bijapur.
1
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MUSEUMS AND EXHIBITIONS 1 47
tury,” but neither description seems to be ex- traits of the calligrapher and the young painter
actly correct. The subject — a Dance of Der- who Manohar, who was
illustrated the book,
vishes — and the composition are particularly to become so well-known an artist in the next
fine and unusual. It is rather reminiscent of reign. Since he appears to be no more than
the enigmatic miniature from the Warren thirteen or fourteen years old, it is quite pos-
Hastings Collection that was reproduced by and that this son
sible that the date is correct,
Laurence Binyon and Thomas Arnold in Court of Basäwan may have been born in 1567 or
Painters of the Grand Moguls , 5 which is also 1568.
to be seen in the same Gallery at the Exhibi- An equally precocious work is to be seen
tion(No. 1202). One cannot help wondering in a drawing signed by the even more famous
whether this may also perhaps be from some artist Abu’l-Hasan (No. 820)
6
and expressly
other center with its strange union in the ex- stated to be executed in his thirteenth year,
quisitely finished predella of Hindu religious 1009 H. ( 1600 A.D.) This, it is true, is a direct
.
teachers, mostly the pupils of Rämänanda, and copy of the figure of St. John from Diirer’s
its far less competent and sensitive drawing engraving of the Crucifixion from the Little
of the Dervishes’ Dance, as well as its curi- Passion, dated 15 11 A.D. (Campbell Dodgson,
ously inappropriate European
background. No. 53). He too was a son of one of Akbar’s
The Lahore drawing on plain green ground
is court painters, Riza (Ridä), who was the
and has smooth facture, which is characteristic instructor in painting of the future Emperor
of the later Deccani painting, but it is far su- Djahängir, and this miniature bears at the top
perior in invention to anything known from hisname as Prince, Shah Salim; and Abu’l-
that school. It could hardly be much later Hasan describes himself as “Ibn Ridä Murid.”
than 1700, but at present no local attribution M. Ivan Stchoukine has already called atten-
can be attempted. tion to his being a Khänazäd, that is, born in
The most interesting new material for the the Royal Household, 7 and the opportunity
study of the Mughal school at the Exhibition has been taken at the Exhibition to hang side
is to be found among the Akbari paintings. In
by side his famous signed portrait of Djahän-
addition to the famous dated manuscripts of gir from the Louvre (No. 917), and the Dur-
bar scene from the Boston Museum of Fine
1570 from the School of Oriental Studies
(No. 1223) and the Bodleian Library of Arts (No. 918) which Stchoukine had attrib-
uted both to Abu’l-Hasan and to the same
1
595 (No. 1 225 ), and others less well known
year, 1619. The attribution would seem to be
from the Chester Beatty Collection, the Royal
confirmed by this confrontation.
Asiatic Society and the Royal Collection at
Windsor (No. 1220), a manuscript of the
Among the detached miniatures a group
has been included to illustrate the early work
Gulistän of Sa‘di, dated 990 h. (1581 a.d. )
of the school when it was still largely Persian.
from the Royal Asiatic Society Library, ap-
Among unpublished material is a Portrait
pears to be unknown to literature, yet con-
{Fig. 5) described in the Catalogue (No.
tains acolophon not only stating that it was
854) as Tttrki nobleman. It still retains the
copied at Fatehpur Sikri by Husain Zarin
Kalam al-Kashâni, but also provided with por- 6
E. F. Wellesz, “Mughal Paintings at Burling-
ton House,” Burlington Magazine XC (1948), 46,
5
L. Binyon and T. Arnold, Court Painters of the and Fig. 25.
Grand Moguls (London, New York, etc., 1921), 7
I. Stchoukine, “Portraits Moghols. Ill,” Revue
Pis. XVIII and XIX. des Arts Asiatiques, VII ( 193 1 ) ,
Pis. 2, 3, 4.
combination of bold curvilinear design and was published by E. Cohn-Wiener, 9 but he was
delicate handling which characterized Bihzäd’s unaware that they had passed through the
“Turkish page” and other single figure com- London sale room in 1921, when 170 minia-
positions dating from about the year 1500; tures were sold with the greater part of a
but the rather heavy coloring, purple and manuscript, including the colophon, which bore
mauve predominating, as well as the rather the date 1007 h (1598 A d .). 10 These are
. .
hard treatment of the carpet, point to the painted on a much smaller page but are by
continuation of the Timurid tradition in many of the same artists as in the Jaipur book,
Transoxiana. The heavy shading of folds and and so therefore, presumably, illuminated in
curtains is apparently especially characteristic the Imperial Library. They are in a style tran-
of the very early Mughal school, and is found sitional from the Akbari to the Biahängiri,
in many of the Hamza-näma pages. The iden- more intimate and more unified in color. The
tity of this fat young prince remains uncertain, example here reproduced {Fig. 8 ) by Bhanü
but the features seem to be Turkish rather (No. 821) shows Sahadeva consulting the
than Persian. stars. The deep red screen and the glorious
Two unpublished miniatures from a pri- night sky of deepest blue serve as a foil to
the group of figures which seems to revolve
vate collection (No. 883) {Fig. y) repre-
sent the well-known T'ärikh-i-Alfi manuscript,
around the up-raised finger of the Prince.
which is in the fully formed Mughal style of There is no space here to go through the
list of artists whose work was represented in
the late Akbar period, probably about 1 590.
8
the seventeenth-century section in the Exhibi-

They have all the dramatic power of well-
tion, but some idea of the opportunity for
conceived large-scale compositions, less elabo-
studying the work of the Mughal masters may
rate and perhaps therefore more effective than
be given by recording that there were no less
theÄkbar-näma of the Victoria and Albert
than seventy signed miniatures by forty-two
Museum, some miniatures of which, purposely
different artists. It was disappointing that it
hung alongside (Nos. 879, 882, 886), seemed
proved impossible to find any good flower
richer in coloring but less simple in composi-
drawings by Mansür, but his animal paintings
tion.
were represented by a distinguished group,
Although
proved impossible to obtain
it
including the now famous chameleon lent by
the loan of the famous Razm-näma manu-
His Majesty the King from Windsor Castle, 11
script from Jaipur, miniatures were shown
from two other manuscripts which must be 9
E. Cohn-Wiener, “Miniatures of a Razm Nameh
assumed to be broken up. Two lent by the from Akbar’s Time,” Indian Art and Letters, XII
museum at Jodhpur cannot be far in date from (1938), 90-92, and Figs. I-VI.
10
the original manuscript of 1584: while five {Sale) Catalogue of Persian Indo-P ersian and
Indian Miniatures, Manuscripts and PPorks of Art
pages were shown, out of thirty-two, which
from various sources and Private Collections. (Lon-
were acquired about twenty-five years ago by
don: Sotheby, Wilkinson & Hodge, October 24th-
the Baroda State Museum. A note upon them 25th, 1921), Nos. 203-79 and 3 pis.; and Maggs
Bros. Bibliotheca Asiatica, I, Catalog No. 452 (Lon-
don, 1924), No. 252, A-M and Pis. XXXV-XL.
8
In the upper scene the wife of the Caliph Harun
al-Rashid awakes from a dream foretelling her death 11
Reproduced in Wellesz, op. cit.. Fig. 29; and
on the morrow, which came to pass. In the lower H. F. E. Visser, “Tentoonstelling der Kunst van
scene the Caliph is seen praying before the Ka'ba at India te Londen,” Phoenix, III (February, 1948),
Mecca. 16, and Fig. 10.
MUSEUMS AND EXHIBITIONS 149
and by a very interesting figure painting which later paintings did not perhaps present the
actually includes two charming plants. This is same surprises, but it should be recorded that
a portait of a musician playing the vinä the well-known painting of “Prince Muham-
(Fig. 6 ) (No. 942) which formerly belonged mad Murâd on an Elephant” (No. 1100) 14
to the Oriental scholar Jonathan Scott, and was found to be signed by the famous artist
was recorded on a note on the reverse to have Biçhitr, and dated 1030 H. (1620-21 A.D.) ;
been given in 1790 by him to a certain Panton which incidentally rules out the possibility of
Plymley. It now belongs to Mr. E. Croft the subject being any of the sons of Shah
Murray. has not been possible to identify
It
Jahan. This is certainly one of the finest ele-
the subject of this portrait, but he may perhaps
phant drawings that has survived from the
be one of the musicians trained in the famous Mughal school, but it is, unfortunately, very
school at Gwalior. It is just possible that he
difficult to reproduce since it is mainly drawn
is the same Nawbat Khan Kalâwant as in the
12 in gold paint. The majority of the eighteenth-
Boston Museum of Fine Arts painting, who
century paintings were lent from English col-
is mentioned by the Emperor Djahângir as
13 lections, and among them the most interesting
having been one of his father’s servants. The
group was that of the hunting scenes, which
12
A. K. Coomaraswamy, Catalogue of the Indian seem to have been a special feature of the
Collections in the Museum of Fine Arts , Boston reign of the Emperor Bahadur Shah.
Part VI, Mughal Painting (Cambridge, 1930) p. ,
Basil Gray
39, No. LXIII, and PI. XXVIII.
13
A. Rogers and H. Beveridge, T üzuk-i-J ahängiri
or Memoirs of Jahänglr (London, 1909-14), I, ill.
Private Collections,” Eastern Art, II [1930], 15 1,
The vinä player formerly in the Goldschmidt Col- and Fig. 5).
14
lection in Berlin named Parasuräm, and also a ser- Brown, Indian Painting under the Mughals,
P.
vant of Djahângir, is out of the question (see H. A.D. to A.D. 1750 (Oxford, 1924), PI. 56, “as
1550
Goetz, “Indian Miniatures in German Museums and by Ghuläm.”
LITERATURE ON ISLAMIC ART, 1939 TO 1945, PART II *
Editorial Note E. Diez, Glaube und Welt des Islam (Stutt-
With the following contributions this series

gart, 194O1 197PP-, 6 figs., 6 pis., and a
chronological table.
will be finished. The most important lacuna
E. Diez, Iranische Kunst (Vienna, 1944), 240
is a list of Russian publications brought out
during the war years. It seems unnecessary to pp., 130 figs., 16 color pis.
print this information, however, since Rudolf K. Erdmann, “Der Taq Bostan und das i
Loewenthal has compiled a “Bibliography of Problem der sasanidischen Kunst,” VI. In-
Russian Literature on the Orient, 1937- ternationaler Kongress für Archaeologie.
Bericht (Berlin, 1939), pp. 249-51.
1947,” which will be published in the Bulletin
of the New York Public Library about the
K. Erdmann, “Einige Bemerkungen zu den
middle of 1951. gegossenen Bronzegefässen des und 7. 6.
The Editor wishes that he had been able Jahrhunderts nordwärts der Alpen,” Bon-
to include the books and articles of a few ner Jahrbücher, Heft 143/44 (1939),
other countries in which a more limited num- 2 55~6o, 3 figs., 3 pis.
ber of publications were brought out, but he Discussion of Iranian elements in these objects,
has been unable to find collaborators for this taking for point of departure a bronze ewer in the
Bonn Museum.
K. Erdmann, “Ein sasanidisches Stuckrelief,”

BM, LX I (1940), 47, i fig.
BIBLIOGRAPHY OF CONTRIBUTIONS ON ISLAMIC K. Erdmann, “Ein Teppichfragment des 15.

ART PUBLISHED IN GERMANY AND AUSTRIA Jahrhunderts,” BM, LXI (1940), 48-50,
DURING THE WAR YEARS, 1939-1945 f 1 fig.
By D. S. Rice K. Erdmann, “Islamische Bergkristallar-

beiten,” JPK, LXI ( 1940) , 125-46, 2 5 figs.
C. Diehm, Asiatische Reiterspiele, Ein Beitrag
First publication of some thirty new samples of
zur Kulturgeschichte der Völker (Berlin, rock crystal objects of the Tulunid and Fatimid
1942), 292 pp., 120 figs., 8 color pis. periods (not listed by Lamm) . Attempt at segrega-
tion of the Tulunid group.
* Part I, with bibliographical data on publications
brought out in France, England, India, and Turkey, K. Erdmann, “Neuerwerbungen der islami-
was published in Vols. XIII-XIV (1949), 150-79. schen Abteilung: Fragment eines ‘Holbein-
t This bibliography is part of a larger one which teppichs,
’
” BM, LXI (1940), 48-50, 1 fig.
includes all publications of German Islamists during

Proves that the fragment (previously in the Düs-
the years 1939-45. The other sections will be pub-
lished in Der Islam. In the bibliography, the fol-
seldorf Museum) belongs to the fifteenth century.
lowing abbreviations have been used :

K. Erdmann, “Neuerwerbungen der islami-
BM , Berliner Museen. schen Abteilung: Sasanidische Stuckplatte,”
JPK, Jahrbuch der Preussischen Kunstsamm- BM, LXI ( 1940), 47 »
1 fig-
lungen.
kVI, W eit des Islam. Stucco panel with senmurv in a circle of pearls
ZDMG, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgen- probably belonging to the same mural decoration as
ländischen Gesellschaft. the pieces in the Philadelphia Museum.
152 LITERATURE ON ISLAMIC ART
K. Erdmann, Das iranische Feuerheiligtiim K. Erdmann, “Die Kapitelle am Taq-i-

[
= Sends cliri ft der Deutschen Orientgesell- Bostan,” Mitteilungen der Deutschen
schaft, II] (Leipzig, 1941), 93 pp., 492 Orientgesellschaft, No. 80 (Oct. 1943),
notes, 14 text illus., 8 pis. 1-24, 9 figs.
K. Erdmann, “Dasiranische Feuerheilig- K. Erdmann, Die Kunst Irans zur Zeit der
”
tum, Forschungen à? Fortschritte, XVII Sasaniden (Berlin, 1943), 137 pp., 100
(1941). 277-78, 3 figs. figs., 2 pis.
^
K. Erdmann, “Iranische Silberschalen des
General survey based on material available in
Mittelalters,” BM, LXII (1941), 9-16, 1939-
6 figs.
K. Erdmann, “Teppicherwerbungen der Is-
Attempt at chronological classification of six lamischen Abteilung,” BM, LXIV (1943),
Iranian silver plates in the Berlin Museum.
5- H, 12 figs.
K. Erdmann, “Neue orientalische Tiertep- K. Erdmann, “Zum Orientteppich,” Asien-

piche auf abendländischen Bildern des XIV. berichte, V (1943), 3-20, 8 figs.
und XV. Jahrhunderts,” JPK, LXIII K. Erdmann, “Zur Chronologie der sasanidi-
( 1941 ) ,
121-26, 8 figs. schen Jagdschalen,” ZDMG, XCVII
K. Erdmann, “Zu einem Bronzegefäss in (i943)* 239-83* 18 figs.
Vogelform im Besitz der islamischen Ab- K. Erdmann, “Die Formenwelt des Orient-
teilung,” BM, LXII (1941), 33“3 6 2 figs. > ZDMG, XCVIII (1944), 16-
teppiches,”
K. Erdmann, “Die Bergkristallarbeiten der 17 -
Islamischen Abteilung,” BM, LXIII K. Erdmann, “Die Teppichsammlung Pohl-

(1942), 7-10, 10 figs. mann, Berlin,” Pantheon, XVII (1944),
K. Erdmann, “Die Keramik von Afrasiab,” 129-36, 10 figs.
BM, LXIII (1942), 18-28, 13 figs. K. Erdmann, “Iranische Silberarbeiten,” At-

K. Erdmann, “Eberdarstellung und Ebersym- lantis, XVI (Feb. 1944), 60-62, 4 figs.
bolik in Iran,” Bonner Jahrbücher, Heft K. Erdmann, “Neue Wege zur Erforschung
147 (1942), 345-82, 6 pis., 4 figs. der sasanidischen Kunst,” Der Orient in
K. Erdmann, “Fastigium montis Barmak,” deutscher Forschung (Leipzig, 1944) 170-
Mitteilungen der Deutschen Orientgesell- 81, 16 figs.
schaft, No. 79 (Aug. 1942), 25-27, 12 figs. K. Erdmann, “Zur Formenwelt des Orient-
Description of a high altar on Mount Barmak, teppichs,” Forschungen und Fortschritte,

near Baku (according to travelers of the seven- XX
(1944), 147-49* 3 figs-
teenth and eighteenth centuries), which may have K. Erdmann, “Feuerglaube und Feuerkult im
been connected with fire worship. XVII
alten Persien,” Atlantis, (June
K. Erdmann, “Neue Wege zur Erforschung 1945)* 3°2-4* 4 figs.
der sasanidischen Kunst,” ZDMG, XCVI E. Kühnel, “Bihzad,” Méritoires du IIIe

(1942), 42-45- Congrès international d’ art et d’ archéologie
K. Erdmann, “Orientteppiche in deutschen iraniens (Leningrad, 1935: Moscow,

Provinzmuseen,” ZDMG, XCVI (1942), 1939), 114-18,2 figs., PI. LUI.
393-4H* 9 figs., 2 color pis. E. Kühnel, “Die Bagdader Malerschule auf

K. Erdmann, “Zur Deutung der iranischen der Ausstellung iranischer Kunst in Paris
Forschungen
Felsreliefs,” & Fortschritte, 1938,” Pantheon, XXIII (1939), 203-7,
XVIII (1942), 209-11, 2 figs. 7 figs-
LITERATURE ON ISLAMIC ART 153
E. KüHNEL, “Islamische Brotstempel aus K. Otto-Dorn, Das islamische Iznik : Mit

Ägypten,” BM, LX (1939), 50-56, 30 figs. einem quellenkundlichen Beitrag von Ro-
E. Kühnel, Eine Stammtafel der Moghul- bert Anhegger [—Arch. Inst. d. Deutschen
kaiser in Miniaturbildnissen, BM, LXII Reiches, Istanbuler Forschungen, 13] (Ber-
(1941), 30-33, 3 figs. lin, 1941), xvi -j- 209 pp., i plan, 58 figs.,
The album of Akbar, his son and grandson, in 52 pis.

the Islamic Department, Berlin.
a. Historical introduction and description of
E. Kühnel, “Jagdbilder aus Indien,” Atlan- early Ottoman architecture.
tis, XIII (Oct. 1941), 417-24, 9 figs, (in- b. Studies on Iznik ceramics and attempts at
cluding four in color). new classification of uncertainly dated fayence, in
E. Kühnel, “Der Maler Mu’în,” Pantheon, the light of new material.
XXIX (1942), 108-114, 8 figs, (including

K. Otto-Dorn, “Die Isa-Bey Moschee in
three unpublished drawings).
Ephesus,” Festschrift Schede (Berlin,
E. Kühnel, “Hän ‘Aläm und die diploma-
1945), 16 pp.
tischen Beziehungen zwischen Gahängir und
A. M. Schneider, “Die Mosaiken von Chir-
Schah ‘Abbäs,” ZDMG, XCVI (1942),
bet el-Minje,” Das heilige Land in Vergan-
171-86, 8 figs.
genheit und Gegenwart, Vol. I (Cologne,
E. Kühnel, Islamische Schriftkunst [=Mo-
nographien künstlerischer Schrift, 9] (Ber- 1939). 3°-33-
lin, 1942), 86 pp., 89 figs, (including eleven A. M. Schneider, “Die Bauinschrift von
in color) .
Chirbet el-Minje,” Oriens Christianus,
E. Kühnel, “Das Qazwini-Fragment der XXXVI (1939), 115-16.

Islamischen Abteilung,” JPK, LXIV A. M. Schneider, “Brände in Konstantino-
(i943)> 59-7 2 .
18 figs-, 2 pis. pel,” Byzantinische Zeitschrift, XLI
E. Kühnel, Kirnst und Kultur der arabischen (1941), 382-403, 2 pis.
Welt [= Arabische Welt, 2] (Heidelberg,
Use is made for the first time of diplomatic dis-
1943), 66 pp., 11 text 90 figs.
illus.,
patches in the Viennese Archives.
E. Kühnel, “Neuerwerbungen an islami-
schem Gerät,” BM, LXIV (1943), 27-34, A. M. Schneider, “Das Serai des Ibrahim
16 figs. Paschaam al Meydan zu Konstantinopel,”
Minä’i, Gabri and Rakka ware, Seljuk and
Revue Historique du Sud-Est Européen,
Mameluke objects. XVIII (Bucarest, 1941), 131-36.
E. Kühnel, “Ergebnisse und Aufgaben der A. M. Schneider, “Giovanni Bellinis Ansicht

islamischen Archäologie,” Beiträge zur von Konstantinopel,” Jahrbuch des deut-
Arabistik, Semitistik and Islamwissenschaft schen Archäologischen Instituts, LVII
(Leipzig, 1944), 254-63. (1942), 221-31.
E. Kühnel, “Ergebnisse und Aufgaben der A. M. Schneider [together with M. I. Nomi-
islamischen Archäologie,” Der Orient in dis], Galat a: Topographisch-archäologi-
deutscher Forschung (Leipzig, 1944), 255- scher Plan mit erläuterndem Text (Istan-
59. 8 figs. bul, 1944), 60 pp., 1 map.

E. Kühnel, “Kunst und Volkstum im Islam,” A. M. Schneider, “Sophienkirche und Sul-
WI, XXV (1943-45), 122-39, 37 figs. tansmoschee,” Siidost Forschungen, IX/X
This issue of WI had not appeared in 1947. (1944-45), 362-68, 8 figs.
LITERATURE ON ISLAMIC ART PUBLISHED IN winter after winter for the last thirteen years.
PALESTINE, IRAQ, AND EGYPT DURING During the period under review, the excava-
THE WAR YEARS tor,D. C. Baramki, Inspector in the Depart-
By L. A. Mayer ment of Antiquities, published the results of
the excavations conducted in 1938-1940, 1 as
Introduction well as the first study of the pottery. 2 This
sober presentation, illustrated by a series of
Although all big centers of Islamic studies
well-drawn specimens, will materially con-
in these three countries remained mercifully
tribute to our knowledge of Umayyad ce-
untouched by war activities, archeological
studies had to —
slow down and with the excep-
ramics and repay careful examination and
tion of Iraq — much less progress can be regis-

comparison with contemporary examples from
other Islamic countries.
tered and fewer publications noted than during
Of special importance is the stone sculp-
any other six years of the last two decades.*
ture of the palace. 3 As was to be expected, it
proves both the continuity of local tradition

I. Palestine
and the formation of the new style from old,
Excavations . —The major enterprise of partly misunderstood, motifs. Owing to its
the last decade in the field of Muslim archeol- richness and variety it helps considerably to
ogy in Palestine, and perhaps in the whole of understand not merely the ornament of the
the Near East, is the excavation of Khirbat Umayyad period, but the composition of Mus-
al-Mafdjar near Jericho. Work on this site lim geometric design in general, more particu-
was started in 1935 almost accidentally, but which unfinished panels
larly in those cases in
the remains were soon recognized as an Umay- show us the method of work employed by the
yad palace, most likely erected by Hishâm, stone carvers. But there is every reason to
and a monument of paramount importance. believe that the real place in the history of
The Department of Antiquities of the Govern- Muslim art will be accorded to Khirbat al-
ment of Palestine (the last director of which Mafdjar on account of its sculpture of human
has, during the war, rendered many signal beings and animals. This Umayyad palace is
services to Muslim archeology —most im- so rich in them, and has revealed such a variety
portant by saving the Umayyad woodwork of types, that for a long time to come its series
of the Aksä Mosque and by carefully record- of statutes and statuettes will form the back-
ing the various phases of the rebuilding car-

bone of the history of Muslim sculpture the —
Supreme Muslim Coun- very thing that a mere quarter of a century ago
ried out therein by the
excavated
would have been considered a contradiction in
cil) has systematically this site
terms.
* This article was written in 1947 and the early 1
D. C. Baramki, “Excavations at Khirbet el
part of 1948 and thus, as far as “Palestine” is con-
Mefjer, IV,” ODAP, X
(1942), 1 53— 1 59, 1 plan,
cerned, reflects the political situation and organiza-
XXX-XXXIV.
tions as they existed before May 15, 1948. —Ed. Pis.
2
D. C. Baramki, “The Pottery from Kh. el
The following abbreviations should be noted :
Mefjer,” ODAP, X (1942), 65-103, 16 figs., Pis.
BIE, Bulletin de l’Institut d’Egypte. XVI-XXI, i plan.

JPOS, Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society.
3
R. W.
Hamilton, “Khirbat Mafjar. Stone
PEQ , Palestine Exploration Quarterly. Sculpture,” Part I, ODAP, XI (1944), 47-66, 21
QDAP, Quarterly of the Department of Antiqui- figs., Pis. XIII-XVI; Part II, QDAP, XII (1945),
ties, Government of Palestine. 1-19, 35 figs., Pis. I-X.

The fifth and last season of excavation at additions erected most likely after 1187,
Khirbat Minya near Tiberias conducted dur- when the Muslims constructed the now ad-
ing the winter and spring of 1939, made the jacent mosque. 7
Islamic origin of this site even more probable In Trans-Jordan, Franciscan Fathers
than was thought before. It revealed various headed by Father S. J. Sailer excavated on
groups of rooms and halls and brought to Mount Nebo. Among the results are Arabic
light a fair quantity of potsherds and small glass weights, graffiti, inscriptions, and pot-
4 8
finds, including a dinar of al-Walïd I. tery.
During the period under review, no other A general survey of recent excavations in
excavation was carried out with the main Palestine (up to 1940) was given by W. A.
intention of elucidating problems of Muslim Heurtley in his “Presidential Address” to the
archeology in Palestine. But several sites ex- Palestine Oriental Society. 9
cavated with other aims in view, either during Epigraphy. —
In the field of epigraphy only
the war or immediately before, yielded Mus- two inscriptions were published, the most im-
lim material of some importance. portant of them a text recording some restora-
The excavations at the Citadel of Jerusa- tion work at the facade of the Aksä Mosque
10
lem, conducted by C. N. Johns on behalf of in Jerusalem and a rather difficult Circas-
the government during several seasons in the sian Mameluke inscription from Gaza, deal-
nineteen-thirties, proved, among many other ing with abolition of taxes in 815 H. (1412
11
valuable results, the existence of a large resi- A.D.).
dence in Umayyad style.
5
Numismatics. —
Coins apart from those
described by R. W. Hamilton
12
With the aim of clearing up a much dis- were published
13
cussed problem of local topography of the by J. Baramki. They form part of a hoard
period of the Second Temple, R. W. Hamil- of Venetian and Ottoman coins.
ton, Director of Antiquities, undertook exca- Diplomatics. —A document of the sorely
vations at the present North Wall of Jerusa- neglected Turkish period dealing with a his-
lem. It yielded material for the Muslim period torical monument in the Old City of Jerusa-
as well, particularly pottery, including a
6
7
Anonymous, “Abu Ghösh (Qiryat el ‘Inab),”
stamped handle, lamps, and coins.
QDAP, XI (1944), 13; followed up, ibid., XII
1
Père R. de Vaux, of the Dominican Fath- (1946), 103 f. cf. ;

also the excavator’s report, Re-
ers of the École Biblique et Archéologique vue Biblique, 53 (1946), 125-134, Pis. I-IV.
Française in Jerusalem, cleared the base-
8
Sylvester J. Sailer, The Memorial of Moses on
ment vault of the monastery at Abü Ghösh, Mount Nebo, 2 vols. (Jerusalem: Franciscan Press,
probably Crusaders’ work of

1941), viii + 371 pp. ;
frontispiece, 37 figs., 161 pis.
1 141, with Arab Publications of the Studium Biblicum Franciscanum,
No. i.
4
Anonymous, “Khirbet Minya,” QDAP, IX 9
JPOS, XIX (1941), 129-135. Byzantine and
(1941), 209 f.; cf. also Das Heilige Land, Heft early Islamic periods discussed on p. 133.
i 7-20. 10
S. A. S. Husseini, “Inscription of the Khalif el-
Anonymous, “Jerusalem, the Citadel,” QDAP,
5
Mustansir billâh 458 a.h. (1065 a.d.),” QDAP,
IX (1941), 208 f. cf. C. N. Johns, “Excavations at
; IX (1939-41), 77-80, illus.
the Citadel, Jerusalem, 1934-9,” PEO, 1940, 36-58, 11
L. A. Mayer, “A Decree of the Caliph al-Mus-
Pis. III-VIII. QDAP, XI (1944), 27-29, PI. X.
ta'in billâh,”
6
R. W. Hamilton, “Excavations Against the R. W. Hamilton, v. supra, footnote 6.
12
North Wall of Jerusalem, 1937-38,” QDAP, X 13

“Coin Hoards from Palestine,” QDAP, XI
(1940), 1-54, 23 figs., Pis. I-XI. (1944), 30-36.
lem, which has puzzled several scholars be- joins the art of the Ancient East to that of
fore, was published by St. H. Stephan. 14 It is Islam. Consequently, the article throws light
one of many forming the archives of photo- on the origins of such aspects of Islamic art
stats and verified copies of the Department of as the formation of the human figure, repre-
Antiquities in Palestine built up in the course sentations of buildings and ships which stand
of the last twenty years, a collection unique revealed as based on the principles of art, cur-
and a mine of information for
in its richness, rent in the east before Hellenism. 17
the archeological history and topography of
Palestine during the Ottoman period. II. Iraq
Texts. — St. H. Stephan continued his an- Archeological publications of Iraq within
notated translation of Evliyä’s diary of a the scope of this bibliographical sketch were
journey through Palestine, a source of con- all issued by the Directorate General of An-
siderable importance, although as a rule,
tiquities of the Government of Iraq, and rep-
Evliyä was an easy and credulous prey of the resent almost exclusively the activities of that
dragomans of his time. The portions include department. Relevant work of other schol-
the description of the Haram in Jerusalem and ars from Iraq was published outside that coun-
its immediate neighborhood. 15 try and consequently could not be dealt with
Arts and Crafts .
—
Jews in Yemen, having in this chapter.
practically a monopoly of metalwork there, In January 1945 the Directorate of An-
developed a style of their own, although suf- tiquities of the Government of Iraq started a
ficiently under Muslim influence to be included half-yearly periodical of its own called Sumer,
in this survey. Hardly ever has it been com- partly in Arabic and partly in English, cover-
petently studied before. The material is ing the whole field of Mesopotamian archeol-
housed mainly in the Ethnographical Museum ogy. During the period under review, only
in Hamburg and in the Bezalel-Museum in one volume was published; it contains several
Jerusalem. The director of the latter ex- articles dealing with Muslim archeology.
amined this little-known province of oriental In a survey of activities of the Directorate
1
popular art, to the elucidation of which lin- in general by the Technical Adviser a chap-
and ethnographical studies by D. S.
guistical ter was devoted to Arabic antiquities, men-
2
Goitein and the late E. Brauer have con- tioning the excavations at Samarra and at
16
tributed so much already.
Islam and Classical Art. M. Avi-Yonah — 17
Palestine
M. Avi-Yonah, “Oriental Elements in Art of
in the Roman and Byzantine Periods,”
endeavored to trace the Oriental undercurrent
Part I, ODAP, X (1942), 105-51, 18 figs., Pis.
which traverses the classical centuries and XXII-XXIX Part ;
II, QDAPXIII (1948), 128-
65, 67 figs., Pis. XL-XLVII.
14
St. H. Stephan, “An Endowment Deed of 1
S. Lloyd, “Note on Wartime Archeological Ac-
Khässeki Sultan. Dated the 25th May 1552,” tivity in Iraq,” Sumer, I, 1 (1945), in English,
QDÀP, X
(1944), 170-194, Pis. XXXVI-XL. 5-1 1 ;
in Arabic under the title “Al-Madjhüdät al-
15
St. H. Stephen, “Evliya Tshelebi’s Travels in athariya fi’l-‘Iräk fi khiläl al-harb,” 14-20. Re-
Palestine,” QDAP
, IX (1939-41), 81-104. printed from Journ. Roy. Central Asian Soc., XXXI
16
M. Narkiss, The Art craft
Yemenite Jews of the (1944), 308-12.
2
(Jerusalem: Central Press, 1941), VII, 40 pp., 42 Excavations at Samarra, IÇJÔ-IÇ3Ç. 2 vols.
figs, on 16 pis. Studies of the Jewish National (Baghdad, Iraq Government Press, 1940), Vol. I,
Museum-Bezalel, I (in Hebrew, with English sum- Architecture and Mural Decoration, 56 pp. (Ara-
mary.) bic) and 25 pp. (English), 26 figs, and 120 pis.;
LITERATURE ON ISLAMIC ART *57
Wäsit, as well as the installation of a Museum vey continued later in postwar volumes by
of Arab antiquities in the Khan Mirdjän and Näsir al-Nakshabandi, an Inspector in the
a Museum of Costumes at al-Bäb al-Sharki. Directorate, who contributed also an article
But more important even than the excava- on the dinar for this number. 7
tions at Samarra are those at Wäsit conducted
by the Government of Iraq from 1936 until III. Egypt
1942. Valuable as the results are for our
knowledge of early Muslim architecture and
Architecture. — Generally speaking, books
and articles about Muslim architecture, pub-
town-planning, the most spectacular find is that
lished in Egypt, deal with buildings erected
of 400 terra cotta figurines of men, animals,
in Cairo; only a few are devoted to other
and birds, the former clearly representing
places or to neighboring countries. Among
Mongols (another contribution to the chapter
3
those surveying many monuments in one pub-
of Muslim sculpture).
lication pride of place belongs to the last two
The Librarian of the Iraq Museum, best
fascicles of the Comité de Conservation des
known for his excellent critical bibliographi-
Monuments de l’Art Arabe which valiantly
cal surveys published in Egyptian periodicals,
wrote about the Madrasa of al-Mustansir in
continues this tradition of many decades, al-
though its volumes, which used to appear an-

Baghdad, which had served for many years
as customshouse and was recently restored.
4 nually, are now published once in several years
Dr. Mustafa Jawäd, Technical Supervisor,
only. 1 The late Director of the Administra-
tion of the Committee for the Conservation of
wrote a historical-topographical-antiquarian
study of the remains of an Abbasid building in Arab Monuments published a well-illustrated
the citadel of Baghdad, identified by the author guidebook to Cairo 2 in which four churches
with the Dar al-Musannäh erected by the are mentioned alongside Muslim buildings.
Caliph al-Näsir li-Din Allah in 1180 A.D

5
.
The second edition of a history of the Egyp-
James Kirkman inaugurated a series of ar- tian originally prepared for the
capital,
ticleson the numismatic collection 6 of the planned celebration of a millennium of its ex-
Directorate of Antiquities, with a general sur- istence, by the Director of the Army Museum
in Cairo, gives the monuments their due.
3
We
Vol. II, Objects, 21 pp. (Arabic) and 13 pp. (Eng- owe same author a special monograph of
the
the Muslim house as well. 4 A former member
lish), 144 pis.
3
The best reproductions of these figurines are in
IllustratedLondon News, Vol. 201 (July 25, 1942), 7
Näsir al-Naksjiabandî, “Al-Dinär al-isläml,”
108 ff. I understand that a comprehensive report
Sumer, I, 2 (1945), 1 15-35, 1 pb (in the Arabic
about the excavations at Wäsit was printed in Cairo
section )
during the war, but it is not yet published.
1
4
Gurgis Awad, “Al-Madrasa al-Mustansiriya bi- Procès-Verbaux des séances du comité et Rap-
Baghdäd,” Sumer, I, 1 (1945), in Arabic, 76-130, ports de la section technique. Exercices IQ33-IÇ 35 ,
with 3 plans, 12 pis., and an English summary on fasc. 37. (Le Caire: Imprimerie Nationale, 1940),
VI, 464 pp., 14 pis., 1 plan; Exercises 1936-1940,
pp. 12-25.
5 ’
fasc. 38 (X944), 406 pp., 25 pis.
Mustafa Jawäd, “Al-Kasr al-‘Abbâsï fi 1 -kal‘a
bi-Baghdäd wa-hua Där al-Musannäh al-‘atika min
2
Mahmud Ahmed, Guide des principaux monu-
äthär al-Näsir li-Din Alläh al-‘Abbäsi,” Sumer, I, 2 ments arabes du Caire (Le Caire: Imprimerie Na-
( 1945), 61-104, 3 figs., 8 pis. (in the Arabic section) .
tionale 1939), XVII, 285
pp., 40 pis.
3
6
J. Kirkman, “The Mints of Iraq During the ‘Abd al-Rahmân Zakï, al-Kâhira (Cairo, 1943),
Omayyad and Abbasid Periods,” Sumer, I, 2 (1945), 253 PP-
15 - 36
4
. ‘Abd al-Rahmän Zakï, “Al-Där aTislâmïya fï
I
S8
LITERATURE ON ISLAMIC ART
of the Museum of Arab Art in Cairo wrote Under the general title, “The Ayyubid
a survey of the mosques of Cairo before the Monuments of Damascus,” As‘ad Talas has
Mamelukes. 5 studied the Kubbat Safwat al-Mulk, dated
Among the detailed studies devoted to 504 no more in existence, the
H., a building
single buildings, a book about the Mosque of Dâr al-hadith of Nur al-Din and the Madrasa
‘Amr b. al-‘Äs should be mentioned first. It Amdjadiya, so-called after Bahramshäh b.
gives the history of the monument, a technical Farrukhshäh. 12 The former Director of An-
analysis and copious notes from Arab his- tiquities in Iraq wrote a note about Samarra, 13
6
torians. Another volume presents the history and its librarian a long article about a building
of the al-Azhar Mosque during the Fatimid which once stood in the center of interest. 14
period. 7 For many years Flasan ‘Abd al- General Fine Arts. — Islam and fine arts
Wahhäb, an Inspector of Antiquities, used to was the subject of a series of articles by Mu-
write short articles for the daily press about hammad ‘Abd Marzük, 15 published
al-‘Aziz
various mosques of Cairo, thus systematically afterward in book form under the same title. 16
spreading the knowledge of Cairene architec- Zaki Muhammad Flasan published two books,
ture. Although articles of this kind are out-
one dealing with Persian art during the Mus-
side the scope of this survey, one, at least,
lim period, 17 and one with China and Islamic
dealing with a less-known mosque should be 18
art.
mentioned as an example of this work of popu-
larization.
8
A
more technical study presents
Painting and Book Illumination. The —
9 most important book published on this subject
his article on the Mosque of Ibn Tülün.
during the war years is Ahmed Pasha Tay-
Leaving Cairo we have to register a few
mur’s volume on Painting, Sculpture, and the
publications of a more general nature: an
10 Reproduction of Living Figures among the
article on the fortress of Sinai, a book about
11
Muslim places of pilgrimage, and three long- 12
As‘ad Talas, “Al-Athâr al-Ayyübiya Di-
fï
ish studies of Syrian and Mesopotamian monu- mis_hk,” al-Muktataf, CII (1943), 274-79; CIV
ments written by scholars of these countries. (1944), 132-38; CV (i944), 338-40; CV (1944),
429-33-
Misr,” al-Muktataf, XCIX (1940), 105-12, 217- 13
Abü Khaldün Sät“ al-Hisrï Beg, al-Thakäfa
24, illus., 3 pis. (Feb. 13, 1940), pp. 62 f.
5
Muhammad ‘Abd al-‘Aziz Marzük, Masädjid 14
Gurgis Awad, “Al-Där al-Mu‘izziya bi-Bagh-
‘
al-Kähira kabl asr al-Mamälik (Cairo, 1943), däd,” al-Thakäfa (Mar. 16, 1943), pp. 15-17;
122 pp. (Mar. 23), pp. 11-13; (Apr. 6), pp. 4-6; (Apr.
6
Mahmud Ahmed, The Mosque of 'Amr ibn al-
13), PP- 23 f (Apr. 27), pp. 23 f (May 4), pp. 20-
; ;
‘Äs at Fustät (Cairo: Government Press, 1939),

22; (May 11), pp. 23 f.
x+58 PP-> 30 pis. 15
“AlTsläm wa’l-funün al-diamila,” al-Risäla
7
Muhammad ‘Abdallah ‘Anän, Ta’rlkh al-Diämi
(Sept. 20, 1943), PP- 754 U' (Sept. 27), pp. 774 f.;
al-Azhar fi’l-asr al-Fätiml (Cairo, 1942), 175 PP-
(Oct. 4), pp. 792-94; (Oct. 11 ), pp. 814 f. (Oct.
8
Hasan ‘Abd al-Wahhäb, ‘The Mosque of Lady ;
18), pp. 833 L; (Oct. 25), pp. 854 L; (Nov. 1),

‘Ä’isha,” al-Ahräm (Feb. 16, 1940).
9 pp. 874 f.; (Nov. 15), pp. 916 f.; all illus.
Hasan ‘Abd al-Wahhab, “Al-Djämi‘ al-Tulünï,”
16
(Cairo, 1944), 32 pp., 15 Pis.
Madjallat al-Tmära (Feb. 1940).
10
‘Abd al-Rahmân Zakî, “Ba‘d kilâ‘ Sïnâ,”
17
Zaki M.
Hasan, Al-Funün al-lräniya fi’l-asr
Madjallat al-D iaish (Apr. 1945), pp. 401-10, illus., al-isläml Egyptian Library Press, 1940),
(Cairo:
continued (Oct. 1945), pp. 97-104. 361 pp., 177 figs, on 160 pis., I map.
11
Hasan Kasim, Al-Mazärät al-islämiya wa’l- 18
Zaki M. Hasan, Al-Sln wa-funün al-Isläm
äthär al- arably a (Cairo, 1939—1040). (Cairo, 1941 ), 148 pp.
19
Arab, edited by Zaki M. Hasan, who not and an unfinished one about Layla and
only saw it through the press after the death Madjnün. A similar article by ‘Umar Hamdï
25
of the author, but added copious notes, doubly about the Prophet’s steed and his ascension to
precious because they give a digest of Euro- heaven, 26 called forth an immediate answer
pean and Oriental relative literature, as well pointing out that the article was merely a
as very full additional pictorial material. How translation of Arnold’s Painting in Islam, pp.
much the book stirred its public is best proved 1
1
7— 1 22. 27
by a series of articles, which mostly, starting Zaki M. Hasan described as one of the
as reviews (otherwise not listed in this sur- artistic treasures of Egypt a manuscript of
vey), go far beyond it and deal mainly with Sa‘di’s Bustän with a colophon dated Radjab
20
the problems raised by the editor. The prob- 893 H., in the Egyptian Library in Cairo. It
lem of representation of living beings in art has four miniatures attributed to Bihzäd. 28 In
has called for two more articles by Zaki M. an article devoted to quite different problems,
21
Hasan, one about statues in pagan Arabia the late Max Meyerhof published several
and another about figures on tombs and miniature paintings of plants, from manu-
mosques in Persia. 22 Muhammad Mustafa scripts of Dioscorides (1224 a d .) . and al-
started a series of articles dealing with the Ghafiki (1256 and 1582 a d .). 29
.
iconography of various themes popular in Per-

Bahram Gür 23
Other Fine Arts. —Two leading Egyptian
sian book illumination, about periodicals, al-Risäla and al-Thakäfa. have es-
(discussing, of course, merely all types, not tablished as a permanent feature, articles on
24
the scene with Äzäde), Khusrau and Shinn, various aspects of Islamic art, usually about
the same subject, but viewed from a different
19 Arab (Cairo, 1942), 324
Al-Taswir ‘hula ’l-
angle, the former engaging the pen of Dr.
pp., illus.
20
Muhammad Mustafa, “Al-Taswir ‘inda T‘ Ar-
Muhammad Mustafa, Curator in the National
ab,” al-Risäla (June 29, 1942), 659 f. Salâh al-Bïn ;

Museum of Arab Art in Cairo, 30 the latter
al-Munadjid, “Al-Taswir ‘inda ’l-‘Arab,” al-Risäla that of Dr. Zaki Muhammad Hasan, Pro-
(Sept. 1942), pp. 864-66; Mustafa Jawäd, “Al-
7, fessor of Islamic Fine Arts at the University
Taswir ‘inda ’l-‘Arab,” al-Thakäfa (Nov. 2, 1943 ), Fuad Cairo. 31
I in They both wrote about the
pp. 11-14.
The last provoked a rejoinder by Zaki M. Hasan,
Muhammad Mustafa, “Laylä wa TMadjnün,”
25
“Hawla ’l-taswir ‘inda al-Thakäfa (Nov.
’l-‘Arab,”
al-Risäla (May 3, 1943), PP- 353~55 (May 17,
23, 1943), P- 15; and a final article by Mustafa
!
1943), PP- 393-95! (May 31), PP- 433-36; all illus.

Jawäd, “Nazarät fi ’l-taswir ‘inda T'Arab,” al-Tha- 26
‘Umar Hamdï, “Al-Burak al-nabawi,” al-Muk-
käfa (Oct. 10, 1944), pp. 14-17.
tataf, C (1942), pp. 168-72, i pi.
21
Zaki M.
Hasan, “Al-Asnäm ‘inda ’l-‘Arab fi 27
Al-Sayyid al-‘Adjami, “Al-Buräk al-nabawi wa-
’l-Djähiliya,” al-Thakäfa (July 7, 1942), pp. 15-17.
kissat al-mi‘rädj fi ’l-taswir al-islämi,” al-Risäla
22
Zaki M. Hasan, “Al-Suwar wa-’l-nuküsh wa-’l-
(Mar. 1942), pp. 283 f.
2,
tamäthil,” al-Thakäfa (Sept. 17, 1940), pp. 22-25,
1 fig '
28
Zaki M. Hasan, “Min al-kunüz al-fanniya fi
23
Muhammad Mustafa, “Bahräm Gör fi ’l-taswir
Misr,” al-Thakäfa (Jan. 16, 1940), pp. 29-33, illus.
29
al-islämi,” al-Risäla (Feb. 16, 1942), pp. 211-16, M. Meyerhof, “Etudes de pharmacologie arabe,”
illus. BIE, XX
(1940), 133-52, 157-62; XIII (1941),
24
Muhammad
Mustafa, “Khusraw wa-Shïrïn fi T 13-30, 89-101, 4 pis.
taswir al-islämi,” al-Risäla (Apr. 13, 1942), pp.
30
Zaki M. Hasan, “Shababïk al-kilal al-Thakäfa
434-33; (Apr. 27), pp. 480-83; (May 4), pp. (Feb. 18, 1941), pp. 13-17, illus.; (Mar. 11, 1941),
499-501; (May 11), pp. 520-22; (May 18), pp. pp. 28-32, illus.
542 f. (May 25), pp. 558-60; all illus.
;
31
Muhammad Mustafä, “Shabalik al-kilal,” al-
i6o LITERATURE ON ISLAMIC ART
perforated and decorated neck stoppers of with bareheaded appearance in public during
medieval, mainly Mameluke, clay jugs. Zaki the Abbasid period. 38 Mïkhâ’ïl ‘Awäd pre-
M. Hasan also wrote about a bronze jug in sented also an abstract of his commentary on
32
the Cairo Arabic Museum; Gaston Wiet Hiläl b. al-Säbi’s Rusüm där al-khiläfa, edited
about another in the collection of Ali Pasha by him. 39 Is‘âf al-Nashâshïbi dealt mainly with
Ibrahim. 33 the headgear of women. 40
Muhammad ‘Abd al-‘Azïz Marzük pre- Epigraphy. —
During the period under re-
sented in his thesis a new classification system view, three volumes of the invaluable Réper-
34
of woven decoration in Fatimid textiles. toire
‘11
appeared, covering the years 626-
Zaki M. Hasan surveyed the types, decora- 705 H., as well as four additional volumes on
tions, and inscriptions of Mameluke glass Arabic tombstones, in the National Museum of
lamps, describing their countries of origin Arab Art, Cairo. 42 S. Reich has published an
43
and the identity of the glassmaker Ali b. inscription of Sultan Shaikh and ‘Abd al-
Muhammad. 35
Wahhäb ‘Azzäm an article on Arabic script in
Costumes. —The Director of the Army general, past and present, dealing en passant
Museum, Cairo, has added to his numerous with other scripts as well. 44 Yüsuf Ahmed, a
monographs of arms and fortresses one deal- calligrapher by profession, produced a book
ing with some late medieval pieces of arms on the Kufic script, containing to a large extent
and armor from the Hall of Arms at the forms created by the author himself. 45
Top Kapu Saray Museum, Istanbul, and Heraldry. —
The general principles of
the Kunsthistorisches Museum in Vienna.
36
38
The problem of headgear seems to have been ‘Abd al-Madjid al-Säkini, “Al-Bay‘a wa-naz‘
al-‘amä’im,”al-Risäla (Sep. 22, 1941), p. 1191;
the main theme of all the rest that was writ-
Mïkhâ’ïl ‘Awäd, “Naz‘ al-‘amä’im fï dür al-khulafä’
ten about costumes during the war, starting
wa ’1-umarä’ wa Tsalätln wa-bi-hadratihim,” al-
with an article by the late Father Anastase Risäla (Mar. 9, 1942), pp. 310 f.
Marie de St. Elie about the kufiya and ‘akäl, 37 39

Mïkhâ’ïl ‘Awäd, “Al-‘Amä’im,” al-Thakäfa
and finishing with articles which deal mainly (June 13, 1944), PP- 16-19.
40
Is'äf al-NashâsJiïbï, “Na‘l al-adïb,” (Chapter
Risäla (Feb. 24, 1941), pp. 221 f.; (Mar. 17, 1941), 585), al-Risäla (1944), P- 636.
41
Répertoire chronologique d’ épigraphie arabe,
PP- 332 f.
publié sous la direction de Et. Combe, J. Sauva-
32
Zald M. Hasan, “Ibrik min al-bronz yunsab lil-
. . .
khalïfa al-Umawï Marwän bin Muhammad,” al-

get et G. Wiet (Le Caire), XI (1941-1942) XII ;
(1942) XIII (i944).

Thakäfa (Oct. 7, 1941), pp. 19-21, illus. ;
42
33
G. Wiet, “Une Aiguière persane du Xlle siècle G. Wiet, Stèles funéraires, vol. VII (Le Caire:
[Collection Aly Ibrahim Pacha],” BÎE, XXIII Imprimerie de la Bibliothèque Egyptienne, 1940), IV,
(1941), 63-66, Pis. I-III. 184 pp., 32 pis.; idem, vol. VIII (1941), 184 pp.,
34
Muhammad ‘Abd al-‘Azïz Marzük, Al-Zakh- 12 pis.; vol. IX (1941), 236 pp., 12 pis.; vol. X
rafa al-mansüdja fi " l-akmisha al-Fâtimïya (Cairo: (1942), 214 pp., 20 pis.
43
Arabie Museum, 1942), 199 pp., 24 pis. S. Reich, “Une Inscription Mamlouke sur un
35
Zakï M. Hasan, “Al-Mis_hkäwät al-zudj adjya fi dessin italien du quinzième siècle,” BIE, XXII
asr al-Mamâlïk,” al-Thakâfa (Mar. 26, 1940), pp. (1939-40), 123-31, 4 pis.
44
31-35, 5 figs. ‘Abd al-Wahhäb ‘Azzäm, “Al-Khatt al-‘arabï,”
36
‘Abd al-Rahmân Zald, “Ba‘d kita‘ al-asliha alal-Thakâfa (Apr. 4, 1944), pp. 12-14; (Apr. 18,
islâmiya fï Istanbül,” al-Muktataf XCVI (1940), 1944), pp. 7-9; (Apr. 25, 1944), PP- 12-15; (May 2,
393-97, 3 Pis. 1944), pp. 13-15.
45 f’
37
Anastase Marie de St. Elie, “Al-Kufïya wa ’1- Yüsuf Ahmed, “al-Kliatt al-Küfï (Cairo:
‘akâl,” al-Muktataf, XCVIII (1941), 237-48. Studio Ahmas, 1940).
LITERATURE ON ISLAMIC ART 1 6
Mameluke heraldry were presented almost Saray, was made by the author of this survey
46
simultaneously in two articles, the second by and then discussed in a subsequent article. 51
47
a newcomer to this field. Finally, this writer The 47 handsomely painted cards represent
could settle a much-debated question, viz, the the first Saracenic set ever discovered, and
interpretation of a heraldic emblem originally four of its five different suits (the cup, the
called by him, with great hesitation, “horns coin, the sword, the staff, and the polo-stick)
or trousers of nobility,” and given by others form the prototypes of the Italian and Span-
as many as eight different designations. The ish cards, as already indicated by a fourteenth-
solution of the puzzle was due to a communi- century source, though repeatedly denied in
cation by Ralph A. Harari to the author in modern times.
Avhich “powder horns” was suggested. This
interpretation fits perfectly and explains in
particular why the emblem did not occur be- BIBLIOGRAPHY OF WARTIME PUBLICATIONS IN
fore 1438, that is, the time before firearms SCANDINAVIA, I939-I945
were introduced into the Mameluke army. 48 By Carl Johan Lamm
Collections and Exhibitions. — The exhibi-
tion of Turkish rugs in the National Museum General
of Arab Art in Cairo, called for an article by
49
Ragna Thus and Leif Östby, Verdens kirnst-
the Curator, besides a catalogue and notices
(Art History of the World) (Oslo,
historié
in the daily press. The private collection of
1940), De tusen hjems bibliothek, VII,
Ali Pasha Ibrahim, famous for its rugs and
350 pp., illus.
other objects of art, shown on several occa-
Kai Birket-Smith, Kultur ens V eje (The
sions in Egypt, was described by Zaki M.
Paths of Civilization) (Copenhagen, 1941-
Hasan. 50
Varia. —An unexpected find of an incom-
42), I— II, 320 +
368 pp., illus.; Swedish
transi. (Stockholm, 1943), I — II, 652 pp.,
plete set of Mameluke playing cards, prob-
illus.
ably of the fifteenth century, in the Top Kapu
Nils Aberg, “Bysans och Orienten vid över-
gângen till medeltid” (Byzance and the
46
Muhammad Mustafâ, “Al-Runük fi ‘asr al-
Mamälik,” al-Risäla (Mar.
East at the Dawn of the Medieval Period).
3, 1941), pp. 268-71,
illus. Suomen Muinaismuistoydistys Aikakaus-
Djamäl Muhammad Muhriz, “Al-Runük
47
al- kirja,XUV (Helsinki, 1945), 147-53. On —
Mamlükïya,” al-Muktataf, XCVIII (1941), pp. Umayyad art.
461-68, 3 pis.
48
L. A. Mayer, “Une Enigme du blason musul-
Architecture
man,” Bull, de l’Institut d’Égypte, XXI (1939),
141 -43 .
Iran: Erik Lundberg, Arkitekturens form-
49
Muhammad Mustafâ, “Sudjdjâd al-Anâdôl,”
sprak (The Language of Form in Architec-
al-Risäla (Feb. 28, 194-96; (Mar. 6,
1944), pp.
ture) (Stockholm, 1945), 455 pp., illus.
1944), pp. 215-16; (Mar. 27, 1944 ), PP- 272-75;
Pis. 1-2: Persian mosques.
all illus. [Not finished.] Cf. also al-Muktataf, (Mar.
1944 ), PP- 283 f.
50
Zaki M. Hasan, “Al-Doktor ‘Ali Bäs_hä Ibra- 51
M. L. Mayer, “Mamluk Playing Cards,” Bull,
him wa-hawäyät al-äthär al-islamïya,” al-Thakäfa de l’Institut français d’archeologie orientale,
(Oct. 15, 1940), pp. 19-24, illus. XXXVIII (1939), 113-18, Pis. X-XIV.
1 62 LITERATURE ON ISLAMIC ART
T opography Henrik S0dal, Til Saharas grense. Reisemin-

ner fra Marokko (To the Border of Sa-
Historical Geography
hara. Travelling Memories of Morocco)
Georg Wasmuth Sejersted, Det hemmelig- (Oslo, 1943), 187 pp., illus., i map.
hets fülle Arabia (Mysterious Arabia) H. Nyberg, “En Mekkapilgrim pâ Saladins
S.
(Oslo, 1944), 240 pp., illus. tid” (A Pilgrim to Mecca at the Time of
T. J. Arne, Europa Rysslandupptäcker Saladin), Kungl. V etenskaps-societetens
(Europe Discovering Russia) (Stockholm, Arsbok (Uppsala, 1945), 35-62, 1 fig.
1944), 200 pp., 43 figs. About Ibn Diubair.
Travel Fine Arts

Georg Wasmuth Sejersted, Garib. Over Ceramics
kong Salomos fjell til det urolige Palestina
Vagn Poulsen, “Middelalderkeramik fra
(Over King Solomon’s Mountains to Un-
Hama” (Medieval Pottery from Hama),
restful Palestine) (Oslo, 1939), 184 pp.,
Nyt Tidskrift for Kunstindus tri, XVII
illus.; Swedish transi. (Stockholm, 1939),
(Copenhagen, 1944), 3~i3> I 5 figs.
204 pp., illus.
C. G. Mannerheim, Resa genom Asien (A Glass
Journey Through Asia) (Stockholm, 1940), Carl Johan Lamm, Oriental Glass of Me-
I (Journey, 1906-07), 414 pp., illus., 1
diaeval Date Found in Sweden and the
map; II (Journey, 1907-08), 431 pp., illus.,
Early History of Fustr e-painting Kungl.
i map; Danish transi. (Copenhagen, 1941),
Vitterhets Historie och Antikvitets Akade-
640 pp., illus., i map.
miens Handlingar, L: 1 (Stockholm, 1941),
W. Unander, det inre av Mindre
“Strôvtâg i
1 14 pp., 18 figs., 24 pis.
Asien” (Rambles in Central Asia Minor),
Dealing equally with lustre-painting on pottery:
J or den Runt, XII (Stockholm, 1940),
Rev.: W. Ganzenmüller, Glastechnische Berichte
237-47> illus.
(Frankfurt a/M, 1942), 126; U. Monneret de
Lotti Jeanneret, “Djerba, lotosätarnas ö” Villard, Orientalia, XII (1943), 271-73; E.
(The Island of the Lotos Eaters), Jorden Kühnel, O rie ntalis tische Literaturzeitung , XLVI
Runt, XIII (Stockholm, 1941), 128-145, (1943), cols. 293-95;
“ D. B. Harden, Antiquity,
illus.
XIX (1945), 160.
Alf Lombard, “I Karl XII :s Render” (In Chr. Axel Jensen, “Syriske Glasskaar. Et
the Bender of Charles XII), Jorden Runt,
1942) Minde om en Pilgrimrejse, fundet paa
XIII (Stockholm, 1941), 1-15, illus. Riberhus Voldsted” (Syrian Glass Frag-
Ellen Rydelius, Pilgrim i Persien (Stock- ments. A Memory from a Pilgrimage
1943)
holm, 1941), 145 pp., illus. Found in the Basement of [the Ruined
Astrid Lind, “Bland djävulsdyrkare i vara Castle of] Riberhus), Fra Ribe Amt, XI
dagars Mesopotamien” (Among Devil (1945)» 243-5 L i fig-
Worshippers in Mesopotamia of the Pres- Twofragments of an enameled goblet belonging

ent Day), Jorden Runt, XIV (Stockholm, to the “Syro-Frankish group.”
, 333~47> illus.
Georg Wasmuth Sejersted, Orient. Fra Metal

Bagdad til kong Ibn Sa‘uds land (Oslo, Holger Arbman, “Einige Orientalische Ge-
i 263 pp., illus. genstände in den Birka-Funden,” Acta Ar-
chaeologica, XIII (Copenhagen, 1942), Vivi Sylwan, Woollen Textiles of the Lou-
303-15, 14 figs. Lan People. Reports from the Scientific
Holger Arbman, Birka, I: Die Gräber, Expedition to the North-Western Provinces
Kungl. Vitterhets Historie och Antikvitets of China under the Leadership of Dr. Sven
Akademien, I: Tafeln (Stockholm, 1940), Hedin, VII (Stockholm, 1941 ), Publication
7 pp., 282 pis.; II: Text (1943)* 5 2 9 PP-> 15, 107 pp., 34 figs., 15 pis., 2 maps. Appen-
461 figs., 5 folding maps. dix by G. Montell, “Spinning Tools and
I, Pis. 88-91 and 95-96: Oriental metalwork. Spinning Methods in Asia,” 109-127, 13
figs., 4 pis.
T. J. Arne, “Ett gâstrikefynd frân Harun-ar-
Ingegerd Henschen, Tygtryck i Sverige, I:
Raschids välde” (A Find from Gästrikland
Före i poo (Textile Printing in Sweden, I:
from the Empire of Harun-al-Rashid)
Before 1700), Dissertation, Uppsala, Nor-
Frân Gästrikland (Gävle, 1943; printed diska Museets Handlingar, XIV (Stock-
1944), 7-24, H figs-
holm, 1942), 142 pp., 82 figs.
A domed fire-pan of post-Sasanian type found at
Indian and Islamic connections discussed.
Abyn in the parish of Hamränge.
Agnes Geijer and C. J. Lamm, Orientalische
Painting Briefumschläge in schwedischem Besitz,
Kungl. Vitterhets Historie och Antikvitets
C. J. Lamm, “Indiska miniatyrer i National-
Akademiens Handlingar, LVIII (Stock-
museum: I-Mogulskolan II-Räjputskolor,”
+4
;
holm, 1944), 47 pp., 40 figs.

Nationalmusei Jrsbok (Stockholm) Ny
serie, XII-XIII (1942-43), 7-38, 17 figs.; Textiles of the seventeenth century from Persia,
XVI Turkey, and above all, the Crimean Tartary.

(1946), 7-43 1
2 3 figs-
Collections
Textiles
Sofus Larsen, Nordisk og Guldspinding

Museums
Guldbroderi i den tidlige Middelalder Gothenburg (1940): “Nyförvärv” (Recent
(Northern Gold-spinning and Gold Em- acquisitions), Röhsska Konstslöjdmuseets
broidery in the Early Middle Ages) (Co- Ars try ck, 7-1 1. 5 figs.
penhagen, 1939), 171 pp M illus.
Fig. p. 8 : Caucasian carpet from the first half of
Carl Johan Lamm, “An Indian Cotton the nineteenth century showing European influence.
Fabric,” N ationalmusei Arsbok (Stock-
holm) ,
Ny serie, IX ( 1939) , 27-37, 8 figs. Sale Catalogues (Selections)
A reserve-dyed fabric found in Egypt.
Stockholm (1939): Sigge Björck, May
Carl Johan Lamm, “En turkish fana” (A 9-1 1 Property of the late G. and Ellen
:
Turkish Banner), Malmö Musei V ärmer, Ivihlmark and others. No. 855, kelim; Nos.
Jrsbok, III (Malmö, 1940), 5-15, 7 figs. 656-663, Persian carpets Nos. 1065-1 1 1 8,
;
Elisabeth Thorman, “Koptiska vävnader Oriental arms and armor (5 figs.).

och svenska” (Coptic and Swedish Tex- Stockholm (1939): H. Bukowski, April
tiles) Hemslöjden (Stockholm, Oct. 1940),
,
17-18; objects from the collection of the
99-112, illus. late C. R. Lamm and others. No. 521,
The reproductions comprise some important Turkish (Mongolian) helmet, 13th cen-
Islamic textiles. tury; Nos. 549, 551-54, Oriental arms and
armor;Nos. 591-99, Oriental carpets; Oriental Influences

No. 601, Turkish kelim; No. 602, Persian
Nils Äberg, Keltiska och orientaliska stilin-
shawl; Nos. 638-40, Persian miniatures.
flytelser i vikingnatidens nordiska konst
Borâs, Sweden (1941-43): J. Pedersen,
(Celtic and Oriental influences on style in
Myntkatalog (Catalogue of coins), I— II,
Scandinavian Art of the Viking Period),
73 pp., 128 pis. in separate volumes.
Kungl. Vitterhets Historie och Antikvitets
Akademiens Handlingar, XLVI (Stock-
Script
holm, 1941), 99 pp., 90 figs.
Epigraphy Wilhelm Holmqvist, “Den romanska djur-
Carl Johan Lamm, “Dated or Datable växtgroteskens föregängare,” Vorgänger

Tiräz in Sweden,” Le Monde Oriental, der romanischen Tierpflanzengroteske,
XXXII (Uppsala, 1938: printed for the Fornvännen, XXXVII (Stockholm, 1942),
first time as extract in 1939), 104-25, 33 1:75-93, (German summary.)
figs.
figs, on 12 pis. Wilhelm Holmqvist, Kunstprobleme der

Merowingerzeit, Dissertation (Stockholm,
Thirty-three specimens described.
1942), 328 pp., 146 figs., 46 pis.
H. S. Nyberg, “Tydd ringskrift” (Decy-
Coptic and other Oriental influences.
phered inscription on a ring), Svenska Dag-
bladet (Stockholm, Nov. 28, 1939), 10, Carl Nordenfalk, “Eastern Style Elements
i fig. in the Book of Lindisfarne,” Acta Archaeo-
Kufic inscription on a seal stone of carneol.

logica, XIII (Copenhagen, 1942), 157-69,
14 figs.
Numismatics Nils Aberg, The Occident and the Orient in
Ulla Linder-Wallin, “Ein grosser Fund

the Art of the Seventh Century: I The —
arabischer
S.
Münzen aus Stora Velinge, Got-

British Isles, II —Lombard Italy. Kungl.
Vitterhets Historie och Antikvitets Akade-
land,” Nor disk Numismatisk Arsskrift
miens Handlingar, LVI (Stockholm, 1943),
(Stockholm, 1941), 74-120, 19 figs.
135 PP-, 85 figs.; LXI (1945)» 122 PP-»
2,673 coins, 708-911 a.d.
105 figs.
Arms and Armor Ethnography

Bengt Thordeman, Armour from the Battle
EIilma Granquist, Arabiskt familjeliv (Ara-
of Wishy 1 361 Kungl. Vitterhets Historie
.
bic Family Life) (Stockholm, 1939), 232
och Antikvitets Akademien, I (Stockholm,
pp., illus.
1
939 ) 480 pp., 426 figs.; II (Stockholm,
>
Gunnar Jarring, “An Uzbek’s view of his
I 94°)
, 7 PPm 145 Pis-
Native-Town and its Circumstances, “Eth-
Contains a general discussion of lamellar and nos, IV (Stockholm, 1939), 73-80, 2 figs.
scale armor.
Gunnar Jarring, On the Distribution of
Kalervo Huuri, Zur Geschichte des mittelal- Turk Tribes in Afghanistan, Lunds Univer-
terlichen Geschützwesens aus orientalischen sitets Ärsskrift,följd, Avd. 1, XXXV
Ny
Quellen. Dissertation (Helsinki, 1941), (i939)i io 4 PPmmap. i
261 pp., 19 figs. G. Montell, “Mongolian Chess and Chess-

men,” Ethnos, IV (Stockholm, 1939), 81— the North-Western China

Provinces of
104, 5 figs- under the Leadership of Dr. Sven Hedin,
VII (Stockholm, 1945) (Publication 27),
Fig. 5 — Chessman from Afräsiyäb. Connections
with India and the Muslim world. 367 pp., 730 figs., some of which on 92
pis.
Henry Hellesen, De sorte T ehe (The
Pp. 331-44: “The Mussulman Finds.”
Black Tents) (Copenhagen, 1943), 158
pp., illus.
Personal
Kaarlo Hilden, “Abdalerna, ett asiatiskt
tiggarfolk med tusenäriga traditioner” T. J. Arne, “Stämmor som tystnat, I,” Stim-
(The Abdales, an Asiatic Tribe of Beg- men, die verstummt sind. Fornvännen,
gars with Traditions from the Remote XXXIII (Stockholm, 1938), 300-03; Ger-
Past), Jorden Runt, XV (Stockholm, man summary, p. 319.
1943 )> 53-66, illus. Contains a bibliography of the numismatical
Sam Mark, “Kalmuckernas land,” Jorden works of Richard Vasmer.
Runt, XVI (Stockholm, 1944), 261-70,

Exhibitions
illus.
Aage J0rgensen, Kaukasus (Copenhagen, Stockholm, National Museum, Oct.-Dec.,

1944), 198 pp., illus. 1939: Exhibition of Persian and Indian
C. G. Feilberg, La tente noire. Contribution Miniatures.
ethnographique a Vhistorie culturelle des Gothenburg, Röhsska Konstslöjdmuseet,
nomades, Nationalmuseets Skrifter, Eth- Nov.-Dec., 1939: Exhibition of Oriental
nografisk Raekke, II (Copenhagen, 1944) Carpets.
xiv +254 pp., 19 figs., 3 maps (also used as Stockholm, National Museum, May-Oct.,
a dissertation) 1940: Exhibition of Fragments of Textiles
C. G. Feilberg, Afrika. En V erdensdel luk- Excavated in Egypt.
ker sig op (A Continent Disclosing Itself) An important display of specimens in Swedish
(Copenhagen, 1945), 160 pp., 41 figs. museums.
Stockholm, Statens Historiska Museum, 1945 :
Excavations
Exhibition of Oriental Textiles. Catalogue :
Harald Ingholt, Rapport préleminaire sur Agnes Geijer, Orientalisk textilkonst

sept campagnes de fouilles à Hama en (Stockholm, 1945), 13 pp., illus.
Syrie (1Q32-38 ) Det Kgl. Danske Viden-

,
The exhibition contained chiefly brocades and
skabernes Selskab, Archaeologisk-kunsthis- embroideries.
toriske Meddelelser, III (Copenhagen,
1940), 154 pp., 7 figs. 48 pis.
BIBLIOGRAPHY OF SPANISH MUSLIM ART
A preliminary report of the first campaign i
939 -i 946
(1931) was published in 1934 (Ibid., I).
By Leopoldo Torres Balbâs
P. J. Riis, Hama-Samlingen. Nationalmuseets
Gule Bpger (Copenhagen, 1943), 39 pp., In the year 1492, with the conquest of
25 figs.
Granada by the Catholic Sovereigns, Isabella
T. J. Arne, Excavations at Shah Tepé, Iran.
Reports from the Scientific Expedition to * Translated by Stefi Reiss.
and Ferdinand, the Islamic domination of the erous mirage of remote America, so men of
Iberian Peninsula came to an end; and as the outstanding intellect were blind to the Islamic
first waves of the Renaissance reached these culture of the Occident. This they overlooked
new shores, Christopher Columbus discovered completely, and following European trends of
a new continent and the Jews were expelled thought they turned their eyes with enthusiasm
from Spain. From this critical moment on- toward remote classical antiquity, trying to
ward the strong ties, which for many centuries revive it. All the Spaniards of the Renais-
had united Spain with Islam, were severed and sance, whether they were of adventurous and
the outstanding influence which Muslim civili- dynamic character, or of more spiritual bent,
zation had had on Spanish culture during the aimed at distant goals; geographically to far
Middle Ages was completely forgotten. off lands and historically to antiquity.
The African enterprises of the Spaniards There were still a few Moors in Spain in
at the end of the fifteenth and the beginning the sixteenth century, since they were ex-
of the sixteenth century were confined to mili- pelled only in 1610; however, they were, ac-
tary expeditions and were made only to safe- cording to repeated testimonies, almost exclu-
guard navigation in the western Mediterra- sively rural people, simple peasants, plain, in-
nean and to combat piracy which was a con- dustrious and honest and with a rudimentary
stant menace to the eastern and southern culture.
shores of Spain. Spaniards, eager for adven- It is hardly necessary to mention that art
ture, riches, or proselytism went to distant had suffered the same fate as the rest of Span-
America, ignoring and despising nearby ish Muslim culture. From the sixteenth to the
Africa. One could say that the Straits of nineteenth centuries its previous manifesta-
Gibraltar with their maximum width of twenty- tions were almost completely forgotten. The
one kilometers had turned into a deep gap, traces, however, have continued to live, espe-
separating for centuries two peoples who, cially in the most intimate recesses of the
until then, had lived in close communion. popular spirit. They have persisted in the
The differences in languageand religion, customs and legends of the people, and it is
as well as the triumph of Renaissance culture, to this tradition that contemporary writers are
finally effected Spain’s complete break with referring when they speak of “eternal Anda-
the Muslim past. The most famous men of lusia.”
Spanish genius, including those of interna- One of the consequences of the romantic
tional renown such as the great Cervantes, movement in the first half of the nineteenth
ignored the importance of Muslim influence century was rehabilitation of Spanish Muslim
of the Middle Ages and judged Islamic cul- culture and art. The dream palace of the
ture by the coexisting rudimentary and primi- Alhambra at Granada, miraculously preserved
tive civilization of North Africa which was a in spite of its extreme provided a
fragility,
nest of pirates at that time. The same Cer- most appropriate stage for the revival of an
vantes, fighting at Lepanto against the Turks, imaginary world of knightly adventures and
and imprisoned branded
at Algiers, carried, mysterious legends which had been refined
on his body and soul, the painful marks of five and brought to life again by the literary art
years of captivity in a primitive and half bar- of various writers, chiefly Washington Irving.
baric society. Just as the Spaniards of action, This was also the inception of interest in the
eager for a free life of adventure, ignored culture of Muslim Spain, an interest which
neighboring Africa for the more or less treach- has continued to grow through the years.
From the studies of the last few years, it of Islamic art in its entirety cannot be fully
is obvious that the great distinction of the achieved without a knowledge of the contribu-
Spanish culture of the Middle Ages lies in the tions of the Iberian Peninsula, one of the
several centuries of close contact between the finis terrae of Muslim where artistic
culture,
civilizations of the Orient and the Occident. movements, born in Syria, Iran, Mesopotamia,
If there is such a thing as an original Span- or Egypt, were reflected and where an original
ish art, it owes its origin to the mixture of style was evolved from these elements, a style
those two currents which produced works per- which forms an integral part of Muslim art.
plexing to strangers in their radical dissimilar-
ity to the art of the rest of Europe. I. Spanish Muslim Art
Knowledge of Spanish Muslim art as a
Architecture
whole, as well as a more thorough examina-
tion of the archeological and cultural remains, During the recent restoration of the
has made great progress in recent times, cloister of the Collegiate Church of Tudela
thanks to the publication of a great number (Navarra), construction of which was started
of studies. Nevertheless, there is still a wide somewhat before 1200, remains were found
field for investigation of its many aspects and which undoubtedly belonged to the mosque that
a need for detailed analysis of the monuments preceded the Christian structure on the same
which are still extant. site. They are singularly interesting since no
During the last few years activity in the previous knowledge existed of any Islamic cul-
study of Spanish Muslim art has continued at ture in this frontier province antedating the
a normal pace. As a consequence of the Civil remains of the Aljaferia of Zaragoza which
War of the years 1936 to 1939 we deplore the dates from the eleventh century. Manuel
loss of two monuments of the “Mudéjar” Gomez-Moreno, the great master of Span-
period; that is to say, buildings constructed on ish archeology, dates the remains of Tudela
Christian territory but under Muslim influ- as of the ninth century, during the reign of
ence. The more important of the two, the ‘Abd al-Rahmän II. 1 They are a merlon like :
Infantada Palace at Guadalajara, was an ex- those of the Cordoban mosque; a carved stone
ample of which, from origi-
this architecture with a design similar to the one painted on a
nality, and pictorial value, is
anticlassicism,
door of that building, made under the reign
exclusively Spanish and has no parallel out-
of al-Hakam II; a column with a capital de-
side of this country. The other building, which
rived from the Corinthian, but without any
contained Mudéjar ceilings, plasterwork, and
similarity to any other known; as well as sev-
glazed tiles of great artistic value, was the
eral loose pieces. Of special importance,
convent of San Juan de la Penitencia of To-
whether of the ninth or tenth century, are a
ledo, founded in 1514 by Cardinal Cisneros.
series of brackets and a series of lobes or
It was also destroyed by fire.
cylindrical scrolls, beveled, and of a Byzantine
In the following pages, studies of Spanish
type. Some of these are used in the roof cor-
Muslim art published during the period from
nices, installed in the church after 1200,
1939 to 1946 will be reviewed. At another
while others appeared in the walls of the
time I shall write more extensively as to the
present status of these studies, to the blank 1
Manuel Gomez-Moreno, “La Mezquita mayor
spots which still persist, and to the problems de Tudela,” Principe de V iana, VI (Pamplona,
which continue to arise. A full comprehension 1945), 9-27.
cloisters. In the mosque of Tudela, which sur- ings of the façade and cross sections of the
vived to the end of the twelfth century, the former arches. On the other hand, his plan
Romanesque artists could, therefore, see of the entire mosque is the rather inexact one
these remains and were able to copy them later firstpublished by Carpenter in 1883 and re-
in certain French churches, thus originating the published in 1905 by the French architect
bracket that Viollet-le-Duc called, inappropri- Nizet.
ately, a copeaux. Creswell mentions, only in passing, the re-
Several studies have been published about pair and enlargement of the main Cordoban
buildings of outstanding importance such as mosque by ‘Abd al-Rahmän I and his son
the mosque of Cordoba. Some of these texts Muhammad in the eleventh century, without
refer to the event which occurred shortly after justifying the reason for this omission. Nor
the conquest of that city by the Muslims when does he allude to the documentary data re-
half of the Christian church was expropriated cently discovered by Lévi-Provençal concern-
by the conquerors in order to install an Islamic ing these renovations which had been com-
prayer niche. Somewhat later, under the reign mented on previously by Lambert and then
of ‘Abd al-Rahmän I, they acquired the rest of more fully by the author of this survey. 4 The
the premises, intending to demolish the church detailed study of the monument by its archi-
and to create a new mosque in its place. Ocana, tect Hernandez Jimenez, roundly contradicts
after having accumulated all references by the newly found data according to w hich
T
the
Arab authors, states that this partition of the mosque of ‘Abd al-Rahmän I had nine naves
Church is in no way substantiated. The church and that ‘Abd al-Rahmän II, in addition to
may have had to establish itself elsewhere in other enlargements, added one more on each
the immediate neighborhood when the build- side, making eleven. According to a hypothe-
ing became a mosque. His deductions regard- sis that puts the building data in accordance
ing the decadence of Cordoba after the con- with documentary evidence, the mosque of the
quest by the Arabs are also very interesting. first Umayyad emir consisted of eleven naves,
The bridge caved in and the city walls were as has been maintained so far. The outermost
2
half destroyed. sections, however, destined for the women,
Creswell dedicates a large part of a chap- were not connected with these naves, and the
ter in his monumental work —which is rather work of ‘Abd al-Rahmän II may have con-
a series of monographs than a real history of sisted in adding them to the others and in
architecture — to the description, origin of placing the stands for the women in another
shapes, and analysis of themosque of Cordoba part of the mosque. For this latter change,
constructed by ‘Abd al-Rahmän I. 3 There is there exists documentary reference.
little information in Creswell’s book on this Castejon, author of this ingenious hy-
particular monument that has not been pub- pothesis, has recently published an article on
lished previously. It however, accompanied
is,
by excellent plans of the old part, and by draw- 4

E. Lambert, “Histoire de la Grande Mosquée
de Cordoue aux VIII e et IX e siècle d’après des textes
2
M. Ocana Jimenez, “La Basilica de San Vicente inédits,” Antiales de l’Institut d" Etudes Orientales, II
y la Gran Mezquita de Cordoba,” Al-Andalus, VII (Paris, 1936), 165-79 (Faculté des Lettres de l’Uni-
(1942), 347-66. versité d’Alger) L. Torres Balbâs, “Nuevos datos
;
3
K. A. C. Creswell, Early Muslim Architecture, documentales sobre la construccion de la mezquita de
‘
Umayyads Early Abbäsids, Tülünides,
, II (Oxford, Côrdoba en el reinado de ‘Abd al-Rahmän II,” Al-
1940) 138-61. Andalus, VI (1941), 411-22.
the added by Muhammad I to the

portal Toledo, parts of which, he believes, date from
mosque of Cordoba. The portal is dated by 222 H./837 A.D. 7
an inscription in the year 241 H./855 A.D. Ob- In Al-Andalus I commented upon the work
sessed by the recently discovered data, Caste- published by Lambert on the cupolas of the
jon believes that the decorations of the sides, main mosques of Tunisia and Spain of the
which have greatly deteriorated, date from ninth and tenth centuries 8 This French .
the same epoch and not from the mosque of Hispanist finds some relation between the
the seventh century as has been supposed up to cupolas of the mosques of Kairouan and
now. He maintains that the portal with its Tunisia and those of the enlargement by al-
carrying arch, where a beveled decoration is
Hakäm II of the one at Cordoba. I believe
that the two types are independent and that
in a state of perfect preservation, was restored
during the nineteenth century 5 the model for the Spanish ones, together with
Both these hy- .
several other artistic elements, must have

potheses are inadmissible, which fact I am
trying to prove in a work now being printed.
come from the eastern Mediterranean during
9
the reign of that ruler .
Creswell has not published anything on
In some pages, I dealt with the origin of
another architectural remain of the ninth cen-
the Cordoban cupolas on crossed arches, a
tury which still exists in- Seville and which I
problem which may prove to be very contro-
described in Al-Andalus .
6
I am referring to
versial. In doing so I picked out and de-
the lower part of the minaret of the main
scribed samples of Roman vaults, semicircular,
mosque, erected by ‘Abd al-Rahmän II in
214 H./8 29-30 A.D. — according to an inscrip-

barrel, or groined; the French vault in arc-de-
cloitre; and cupolas, with projecting arches
one of its columns
tion carved in the shaft of
preserved at the Archeological Museum of
in the soffit of their vaults all of which have —
hardly been mentioned by the historians of
Seville; this is the most ancient Arabic inscrip-
architecture. It is my belief that from these
tion known in Spain. The minaret of stone,
examples stem the Armenian vaults of the
square on the outside and circular inside, con-
tenth and later centuries, examples of which
tains a winding staircase. were published by Baltrusaitis and perhaps ;
Hernandez Jimenez describes

In Creswell, even those of Iran and Mesopotamia, known
the Alcazaba of Merida (Badajoz) and also mainly through Pope, although their forms
publishes several good plans. According to an are very remote from the Roman styles. Af-
inscribed flat stone exhibited today at the Ar- ter they had been brought to Spain from the
cheological Museum of that same city and eastern Mediterranean during the tenth cen-
which originally was over the main portal, tury, it is probable that the French vaults of
‘Abd al-Rahmän II erected it in 220 H./835 the eleventh and twelfth centuries described
A.D. Following this monograph, Hernandez by Lambert, were created under their influence.
adds a note on the walls and the ramparts of It is also probable that the Lombardian and
5
R. Castejon y Martinez de Arizala, “La portada 7
Creswell, op. cit., pp. 127-207.
de Mohamed I (Puerta de San Esteban) en la Gran 8
E. Lambert, “Les coupoles des grandes mosquées
Mezquita de Cordoba,” Boletîn de la Real Academia de Tunisie et d’Espagne aux IX e et e
siècles,” X
de Ciencias, Bellas Letras y Nobles Artes de Cordoba, Hespèris, XXII (Paris, 1936), 127-32.
XV (1945), 491-509. 9
T., “Las cüpulas de las mas importantes mez-
6
L. Torres Baibas, “La primitiva mezquita mayor quitas espanolas y tunecinas,” Al-Andalus, IV ( 1939),
de Sevilla,” Al-Andalus, XI (1946), 425-39. 391-96.
Norman vaults of the eleventh century, the a large hall was discovered which had three
real ogive vaults, derive from Roman construc- naves of arches resting on columns, rich with
tion, and they survived in these territories all decorations cut in plates of stone. Parts of
through the late Middle Ages 10 For the odd . them are in situ but many fragments are lying
history of these vaults and their possible ori- around {Figs, d- 9). 13 Pavement and socles
gin it may be interesting to note that the are of marble. Several inscriptions name ‘Abd
French word “ogive,” used to designate their al-Rahmän III and give the date of 342
diagonal arches or ribs, comes, as demon- H./953-54 a.d. and 345 H./956-57 A.D., dur-
strated by Colin, from the Spanish Muslim al- ing which period this part of the palace seems
djubb and was converted to al-djibb in some to have been erected. The capitals, bases, and
Arab dialects of the peninsula, which in turn piers of marble and the stone decorations of
originated the Castilian word “algibe.” 11 the walls reveal great wealth, and once the
The royal city of Madinat al-Zahrä’ near fallen fragments are put back in their original
Cordoba founded by ‘Abd al-Rahmän III in places and the rest restored, the sumptuous
325 H./936 A.D. is famous today and will be- halls of this lfegendary castle will provide a
come more so in the future. The excavations rich field for the study of the elaborate deco-
there were begun in 1910. In a recent pub- rations which bear the traditions of Syria and
lication,Rafael Castejön records them from Byzantium.
1926 to 1936 and informs us that the excava- Ocana Jiménez published a series of capi-
12
tions were started again in 1943. During tals thathave inscriptions alluding to al-
some dwellings were exca-
these years halls of Hakam and are dated between the years
II
vated, probably belonging to some important 362 H./972-73 a.d. and 364 H./974-75 A.D.
persons connected with the court; and a house, and which have been distributed to various
which may have belonged to the chief of the collections today
14
No doubt they belonged to
.
guards and which furnishes valuable data the palace of Madinat al-Zahrâ’, and from
about the domestic architecture of the tenth their examination it may be deduced that dur-
century. However, the most important exca- ing the first ten years of his reign, the work
vations in this field of ruins, the complete ex- on the caliphal residence was of minor im-
ploration of which will take a long time, was portance and did not get into full swing until
made during the year of 1944. In this period 360 H./970-7 1 a.d. It was con-
after the year
tinued at somewhat the same pace until 364
10
Idem, “Bovedas romanas sobre arcos de resalto,”
H./974-75 a.d.
Archiva Espanol de Arqueolog'ia, No. 64 (Madrid,
1946), 173-208.
Gaya Nuno 15 dedicated a monograph to
11
Idem, “Origen arabe de la palabra francesa
13
VIII (1943), 475-82; G. S.
‘ogive,’” AI-Andalus, R. Castejön, “Nuevas excavaciones en Madinat
” al-Zahrä’: el salon de ‘Abd al-Rahmän III,” Al-
Colin, “Origine arabe du mot français ‘ogive,’
Romania, LXIII (1937), 377-8 1. Andalus, X (1945), 147-54; Ocana Jiménez, “In-
12
R. Castejön y Martinez de Arizala, Excava- scripciones arabes descubiertas en Madinat al-Zahrä’
ciones del plan nacional en Medina Azahra ( Cor-
en 1944,” loc. cit., 154-59.
doba ), Campana de 1943, Ministerio de Educacion
14
M. Ocana Jimenez, “Obras de al-Hakam II en
Nacional, Comisaria General de Excavaciones Ar- Madinat al-Zahrä’,” AI-Andalus, VI (1941), 157-68.
15
queologicos, Informes y Memorias, No. 8 (Madrid, J. A. Gaya Nuno, “Gormaz, castillo califal,”
1945) L. Torres Baibas, “Excavaciones en Madinat
;
AI-Andalus, VIII (1943), 431-50; M. Ocana Jimé-
al-Zahrâ’ (1926-1936 y 1943),” AI-Andalus, XI nez, “Lapida arabe de la ermita de San Miguel de
(1946), 439-42. Gormaz (Soria),” loc. cit., 450-52.

the castle of Gormaz (Soria), the most im- the Wise, 18 the Muslim oratory was rebuilt
portant remaining from caliphal
fortress under the direction of the Moorish master Ali
Spain. Situated on the banks of the river in order to remake it into a church in the sec-
Duero, it occupied the top of a large ridge, ond half of the thirteenth century. Thanks to
where its still imposing remains lie. Accord- ancient documents, dating from before its de-
ing to Makkarï, it was rebuilt in 354 H./ 965 struction during the eighteenth century, I was
6 6 a.d. A fragment of an Arab slab, pre- able to reconstruct the original layout of an-
served nearby, refers to al-Hakam, since ap- other mosque of the eleventh century, the main
parently it was he who ordered the erection one of Granada, constructed between 407
of the fortress. H./1016-17 a.d. and 429 H./1038 a.d. It had
Bessie H. Weber 16 dedicated a few pages eleven naves, the center one wider than the
19
to the Umayyad art of Spain. Compiled from rest. Of the mosque of the Alcazaba of
previous publications, they lack interest. Badajoz there remains a plan made before its
Among other errors, there is a wrong date for destruction during the nineteenth century. It
the end of the reign of the Umayyad dynasty. had been converted into a church and rebuilt
After having cleaned off, between 1934 during the thirteenth century. It seems that
and 1946, the coating of the walls of the mina- it had five naves, the middle one wider than the
20
ret which now serves as the bell tower of the others.
church of San José at Granada, I was able to The
existence of an Arab bridge at Guada-
study it in some detail. It is a square tower of lajara,which undoubtedly dates from before
hewn stones which are alternately placed fac- 1085, the year in which that city passed under
ing and sidewise. This arrangement reveals Christian domination, was unknown. When
great precision and gives a rusticated effect. I revealed its existence, I also alluded to other
21
The comparison with other, similar construc- Muslim bridges in Spain.
tions of Cordoba and Granada and a few his- Recent discoveries in the Alcazaba of Ma-
torical references induced me to date this laga augmented our knowledge, which had
minaret of Granada between the second and previously been so meager, of the art under
fourth decade of the eleventh century. 17 Some the rule of the “Talfas,” the government
archeologists believe it to be older. formed after the fall of the Caliphate of Cor-
I published some notes on three other doba (Figs, i and 15). As a military edifice
mosques, dating from before the twelfth cen- it is the most important of the Muslim Span-
tury. One of them, rebuilt, later became the ish types. It is probable that part of it dates
church of the castle of St. Mark at the port of from the ninth or tenth century, but it was re-
Santa Marfa (Cadiz). There remains the built during the eleventh, and considerably
mihrab with a square base, covered by a ribbed reinforced from the thirteenth to the four-
vault (an arc-de-cloitre ) and with two diago-
18
nal projecting bands. It had three naves. Ac- Idem, “La Mezquita de al-Qanâtir y el santua-
cording to the Cantigas written by Alphonse rio de Alfonso el Sabio en el Puerto de Santa-
Maria,” Al-Andalus, VII (1942), 417-37.
19
16
B. H. Weber, “Mohammedan art in Spain dur- Idem, “La Mezquita mayor de Granada,” Al-
ing the Ommiad period: 756-1031,” The Moslem Andalus, X
(1945), 409-32.
World, XXXVI (1946), 46- 53 .
20
Idem, “La Mezquita de la alcazaba de Bada-
17 joz,” Al-Andalus, VIII (1943), 466-70.
L. Torres Baibas, “El alminar de la iglesia de
21
San José y las construcciones de los zïrîes granadinos,” Idem, “El puente de Guadalajara,” Al-Andalus,
Al-Andalus, VI (1941), 427-46. V (1940), 449-58.
teenth centuries. In its last and highest ram- rranas” comes from the Arabie barränl which
26
part, I found remnants of a palace which means exterior or outside .
had decorations of plaster similar to those at We owe to Hernandez Diaz, Sancho Cor-
Cordoba and to the ones at the Aljaferia of bacho, and Collantes de Teran the publica-
Zaragoza, which was erected in the second tion of a monograph on the castle of Alcala
22
half of the eleventh century . de Guadaira, the most important one of the
In the Alcazaba of Malaga; there was dis- district around Seville, reconstructed to a large
covered a small group of suburban houses, extent during the Christian era but which
probably dating from the twelfth century; preserved previous plans. The same mono-
however, only the lower parts of the walls graph contains plans, photographs, and a de-
remained. When I first mentioned these exca- scription of the Almohade mosque of Cuatro-
vations, I drew special attention to the excel- habitan which was preserved in a clearing of
lent city planning and to the perfection of all the province of Seville near Bollullos de la
hygienic services. The drainage of polluted Mitaciön. It may have belonged to a village
water was a problem admirably solved in which disappeared. It still has the minaret
Islamic Spain 23 .
as well as three naves separated by horseshoe
27
From an examination of several fragments arches supported by brick piers .
of inscribed marbles at the Museum of the With the pretext of publishing an old
Alhambra of Granada and the one of the Al- reproduction of the great minaret of the main
cazaba of Malaga, Ocana was able to conclude Almohade mosque of Seville known since the
that they belonged to socles of palaces of the sixteenth century as the Giralda, I collected
twelfth century .
24 all preserved data regarding its construction
Knowledge of Spanish Muslim military and compared it to the minarets of the Kutu-
architecture is almost nonexistent, although a biya of Marrakesh and the tower of Hasan
great number of and fortresses of this
ruins of Rabat, the three being almost contem-
period are still surviving. I wrote a few pages, porary. The one of Seville was started around
accompanied by plans, about the Almohade Al- 580 H./1184 A.D. and was finished in 594
cazaba of Badajoz, which dates from the sec- H./1198 A.D. when the pinnacle balls of the
ond half of the twelfth century, and I stressed djämür were placed in position 28 .
its importance therein

25
.
The grouping of some known names of
A note on watch towers, that is to say
Andalusian architects of the Almoravide and
those towers that are outside the walled en- Almohade periods who worked in Africa
closures, much used in the Almohade architec-

proves the influence exercised by the Spanish
ture and later on taken up by the Mudéjar, 26
E. Tormo, “El problema de las torres albar-
completes these pages. Their name “alba- ranas,” Boletin de la Sociedad Espanola de Excur-
siones, XLIX
(Madrid, 1941), 139-42; L. Torres
22
Idem, “Excavaciones y obras en la alcazaba de Baibas, “Las torres albarranas,” Al-Andalus, VII
Malaga (1934-1943),” Al-Andalus, IX (1944), (1942), 216-19.
173 -90 .
27
J. Hernandez Diaz, A. Sancho Corbacho and
23
Idem, “El barrio de casas de la alcazaba mala- F. Collantes de Terân, Catàlogo arqueolôgico y ar-
guena,” Al-Andalus, X
(1945), 396-409. tistico de la provincia de Sevilla, I (A.B.) (Sevilla,
24
M. Ocana Jimenez, “Zocalos hispanomusul- 1939), 62-70 and 219-24.
manes del siglo XII,” Al-Andalus, X (1945), 164-69.
28
L. Torres Balbâs, “Reproducciones de la
25
L. Torres Balbâs, “La alcazaba almohade de Giralda anteriores a su reforma en el siglo XVI,” Al-
Badajoz,” Al-Andalus, VI (1941), 168-203. Andalus, VI (1941), 216-29.
architecture on the northern part of that It had a courtyard with a pool in the center,
29
continent. and on one of the smaller sides a portico of
I thought it useful to assemble all the data three arches facing south. The rooms have
referring to the Alhambra of Granada which painted socles decorated with beautiful inter-
existed prior to the thirteenth century when lacings {Figs. I and 2). In the same place
the Nasrid reign was formed. I also added the there are still buried the ruins of a suburb,
information, known for a long time, that fig- deserted since the middle of the fourteenth
ures in the memoirs of ‘Abd Allah and which century. 31
was recently published by Lévi-Provençal. Don Carlos Sarthou Carreras described
From these memoirs it may be deduced that briefly the wooden framework that covered
<0 dm.
Fig. i —Almeria, Painted Dado Decoration, Twelfth Century?
a room of the palace of Pino Hermoso at

Jativa (Valencia) and the decorations cut in
plaster on the entrance door. They seem to be
from the first half of the thirteenth century.
In 1931 they were moved to the Municipal
Museum of that 32
Fig. 2 —Almeria, Painted Dado Decoration,
Of the
city.
Alhambra of Granada, the restora-

Twelfth Century?
tion of which I directed from 1923 to 1936,
the Alhambra, prior to the thirteenth century, I published information and plans of the Royal
contrary to Dozy’s supposition was a small mosque (destroyed), as well as of the adjoin-
fortress and did not as yet contain a palace ing bathhouse {Fig. /o), 33 a small oratory in
or feudal residence of any importance. 30
31
While excavating a house in Almeria, the
una casa arabe en Almeria,” Al-
R., “Restos de
foundations of a house of the Muslim period,

Andalus , X
(1945), 170-77.
32
Ministerio de Educaciön Nacional, Direccion
probably of the twelfth century, came to light. General de Bellas Artes, Inspeccion General de
Museos Arqueologicos, Memorias de los Museos Ar-
29
T. B., “Arquitectos andaluces de las épocas queologicos Provinciales (Extractos), VI, 1945 (Ma-
almorâvide y almohade,” Al-Andalus, XI (1946), drid, 1946), 198-99-
214-24. 33
L. Torres Baibas, “La Mezquita real de la Al-
30
L. Torres Baibas, “La Alhambra de Granada hambra y el bano frontero,” Al-Andalus X (1945),
antes del siglo XIII,” Al-Andalus, V
( 1940), 155-74. 196-214.
34
the gardens (Fig. i /) and the dungeons that Imperial Roman period, the importance of
35
still exist .
J. Bermudez Pareja, director of which as a source of medieval architecture is
the Archeological Museum of the Alhambra, becoming more and more recognized.
is some notes on the vicissitudes
the author of The bathhouse is a type of Muslim con-
of the most important pieces of the collection struction that has survived frequently in Spain.
36
under his charge . I have already referred to one at Granada, and
In the publications dedicated to gardens, further on descriptions of the baths at Ronda
the authenticity of the remaining Arab sec- and Gibraltar are mentioned. The baths at
tions of the celebrated gardens of the Gene- Valencia 41 as well as another one discovered
42
ralife of Granada has not been properly es- at Cordoba were the subject of recent
tablished. I tried to clarify this matter with articles.
37
the help of ancient testimonies . In a few pages I catalogued the still pre-
In short monographs I described other served minarets of Spanish mosques, describ-
Nasrid monuments of the fourteenth century: ing their characteristics and mentioning pro-
the Märistän of Granada demolished during portions ofsome of them 43 .
the nineteenth century, but of which there still At Ronda (Malaga) there are still remains
38
exist plans and drawings and a funduk, now ; contemporary to the reign of Granada which
called the Corral del Carbon which I restored I discussed in Al-Andalus ; that is to say, forti-
more than twenty years ago (Figs. 3 and 4 ), 39 fications, a bathhouse, a minaret, the remains
and finally I discussed the edifice called in of a mosque, and some dwellings (Fig. 12).
Spanish “atarazanas” from the Arabic där al- In the same journal I also dealt with a bath-
sanä'a (arsenal) and enumerated those that house, walls, and a large tower — all of the
existed in the Middle Ages and described in fourteenth century —which are still to be found
particular the one of Malaga that collapsed in Gibraltar .
44
In these two articles as well
40
during the last century . The funduk as well as in the aforementioned study on Badajoz I
as the dar al-sana a stem from buildings of the tried, after a short historical synopsis, to col-
lect all historical mementoes that are still pre-
3i
Idem, “El oratorio y la casa de Astasio de
served, both documentary and archeological.
Bracamonte en el Partal de la Alhambra,” Al-
Andalus, X
(1945), 440-49. 41
35 E. Tormo, “Los banos arabes del Almirante,
Idem, “Las mazmorras de la Alhambra,” Al-
en Valencia”; el Baron de San Petrillo, Cortina
Andalus, IX (1944), 190-218.
36 arqut 0“Copia del informe de una ponencia de la
J. Bermudez Pareja, “El Museo Arqueologico
,
Academia de San Carlos sobre la casa y los banos del

de la Alhambra,” Memorias de los Museos Arque-
Almirante de Valencia,” Boletin Real de la Real
ologicos Provinciales, 1942 (Madrid, 1943), 47 - 53 !
“El Museo Arqueologico de la Alhambra,”

Academia de la Historia, CXIII (Madrid, 1943),
T. B.,
241-48 and 415-20.
Al-Andalus, IX (1944), 236-41.
42
37
L. Torres Baibas, “Con motivo de unos pianos D. Angulo, “Banos arabes de la Pescaderia de
del Generalife de Granada,” Al-Andalus, IV (1939),
Cordoba,” Boletin de la Real Academia de la His-
toria, CXVII (Madrid, 1945), 53-55.
436 - 45 .
43
38
Idem, “El Märistän de Granada,” Al-Andalus, L. Torres Baibas, “Alminares hispanomusul-
IX (1944), 481-98. manes,” Cuadernos de Arte, IV-VI (1939-1941),
39 ^
Idem, “Las alhondigas hispanomusulmanas y el 59-90 (Facultad de Letras de Granada).

44
Corral del Carbon de Granada,” Al-Andalus, XI Idem, “La acropolis musulmana de Ronda,” Al-
(1946), 447-80. Andalus, IX (1944), 449-81; “Gibraltar, Have y
40
Idem, “Atarazanas hispanomusulmanas,” Al- guarda del reino de Espana,” Al-Andalus, VII
Andalus, XI (1946), 175-209. (1942), 168-216.
75
Figs. 3 and 4 — Granada. “Corral del Carbon,”

Section and Plan
In the pages of a review dedicated to end of that century painted ones of the most
municipal studies, I analyzed the urban or- ingenious and complicated interlacing designs
ganization of a Spanish Islamic city and de- were beginning to be used, some of the most
scribed its houses and streets as well as the beautiful examples with floral motifs being in
transformation they underwent after having the Alhambra. I listed the preserved exam-
50
passed under Christian rule, particularly dur- ples of painted socles ,
but those that have
ing the sixteenth century when the Renaissance since appeared at Almeria will have to be
45
was triumphant . added.
Included in this group is a paper about the Besides the Spanish Muslim capitals of
comparison (frequent Muslim literature) in Madinat al-Zahrä’ already mentioned, Manuel
of the cities of Damascus and Granada and the Gomez-Moreno and Manuel Ocana Jiménez
reason for this comparison 46 There is also . described some Spanish Muslim capitals, the
51
an article in which various aspects of Muslim dates of which were verified . The four of
Seville are described, such as bathhouses and the mihrab of the mosque of Cordoba are of
47
dwellings . ‘Abd al-Rahmän II’s reign as well as several
others from the enlargement of that oratory.
Architectural Decoration: Sculpture in Stone The capitals of the ninth century have a
and Marble molded abacus in contrast to those of the fol-
lowing century which are plain. There is one
Camon Aznar published some short notes
dated 320 H./932 a.d. at the Alcazar of Se-
on the decorations of the palace of the Alja-
ville; another one of the same date was at the
feria of Zaragoza, erected during the second
48 Berlin Museum. There are also capitals of
half of the eleventh century .
the years 340 H./951— 52 A.D. (whereabouts

For the study of the Almohade decora-
unknown) 342 H./953-54 A.D. (at the Alca-
;
tions in Spain the sepulchral stele “mkä-
brïya
”
—
of Malaga, dated 618 H./1221 A.D.,
49
zar of Seville) and 348 H./959-60 a.d.
;
(whereabouts unknown). They belong to the

is of importance. It was described by Ocana .
reign of ‘Abd al-Rahmän III. Of his son

I mentioned before the marble socles with
al-Hakam II’s reign, there are two others,
inscriptions that decorated the Spanish Mus-
dated respectively 353 H./954-55 a.d. (made
lim palaces of the twelfth century. At the
for the Alcazar of Cordoba) and 363 H./973-
45
Idem, “Las ciudades hispanomusulmanas y su 74 a.d. (at Granada). At the Archeological
urbanizaciön,” Revista de Estudios de la Vida Local, Museum of Toledo there is a capital of the
I (Madrid, 1942), 59-80. eleventh century, carrying the name of the
46
T. B., “Damasco y Granada,” Al-Andalus, VI monarch of that city, al-Ma’mün, and the date
(1941), 461-69.
47
453 H./1061 a.d.
Idem, “Notas sobre Sevilla en la época musul-
Another capital that belonged to the pal-
mana: los banos, las casas, los alcâzares de la Bu-
hayra,” Al-Andalus, X ace of the Aljaferia of Zaragoza and is pre-
(1945), 177-96.
48
J. Camon Aznar, “Los motivos ornamentales
Universidad, XIX (Zaragoza,
50
de la Aljaferia,” L. Torres Baibas, “Los zocalos pintados en la
1942), 1-8. arquitectura hispanomusulmana,” Al-Andalus, VII
49
M. Ocana Jimenez, “Una ‘mqâbrïya’ almohade (1942), 395-417.
malaguena del ano 1221 J.C.,” Al-Andalus, XI 61
M. Ocana Jiménez, “Capiteles fechados del
(1946), 224-30; idem, “Nuevos datos sobre la X,”
siglo A l- ndalus, V ( 1940), 437-49 M. Gomez- ;
‘mqâbrïya’ almohade malaguena del ano 1227 J.C.,” Moreno, “Capiteles arabes documentados,” Al-
loc. eit., 445-46. Andalus, VI (1941), 422-27.
served at the Archeological Museum of Ma- what later date, probably the eleventh century
drid has an inscription containing the name of and Almoravide period, is another font which
king Abu Dja‘far who ruled from 441 H./ 1049 bears an inscription and is now preserved at
a.d. to 474 H./1061 Dubler has published
a.d. the Archeological Museum of Cordoba. 55
a capital, previously unknown, which is now in
the Museum of Gerona and which is made of Industrial and decorative arts
marble with a double row of plain acanthus
José Ferrandis’s publication on the Span-
leaves and with elephant heads at the cor-
52 ish Muslim ivories is an important work. The
ners. It is probably of the eleventh century.
first volume, containing ivories of the tenth
The contention that the Muslims did not
and eleventh centuries was published in 1935
represent living beings in the decoration of
In some {Fig. IQ ) ;
the second deals with those from
their edifices is slowly disappearing.
the eleventh to the fifteenth centuries. These
Umayyad palaces of Syria, sculptures in high
relief representing human figures have been en- later ivories are less known and the classifica-
countered. With new finds, the use of animals
tion is more complex because of the difficulty
in sculptural decorations becomes more preva-
in localizing many of them. The two volumes
lent in Islamic Spain, particularly during the
constitute an excellent catalog. The last chap-
period of Almanzor (the last years of the ter of the second one is devoted to ivory
56
tenth century and the first of the eleventh), intarsia. Ferrandis, in another publication,
when some of the best-known examples were described Spanish Arab furniture made in this
made. Their importance is great even with technique, namely of inlaying into the wood
regard to the history of origins of Romanesque pieces of the same material or of ivory, either
sculpture, some of which strangely resemble in the natural color or dyed. The most out-
their Islamic prototypes. Rafael Castejon has standing work of this art are mimbars. Fer-
collected and published some of the most im- randis listed and reproduced a series of boxes
portant examples of these sculptures represent- and chests of marquetry, most of them having
ing living beings of the tenth and eleventh been preserved in Spanish churches. 57
53
centuries {Fig. 14). An extremely rare piece of great historical
On the other hand two marble fonts re- and archeological value, previously unknown,
cently studied are undecorated. One of them was revealed by Gömez-Moreno. It is the
serves as a baptismal font at the church of sceptre of the Nasrid kings of Granada {Figs.
Santo Domingo of Jaca (Huesca) and seems , 20-26). It was later used as a staff by Cardi-
54
to be a work of the tenth century. Of a some- nal Cisneros and is today displayed at a con-
vent of Alcala de Henares. Its material is
52
C. E. Dubler and R., “Capitel musulman del
ebony with inlays of bone combined with other
Museo Arqueologico de Gerona,” Al-Andalus , X
woods, probably cedar, and is probably the
(1945), 161-64.
53
R. Castejon, “La nueva pila de Alamiria y las
representaciones zoomorficas califales,” Boletin de la
55
M. Ocana Jimenez, “La pila de abluciones del
Real Academia de Ciencias, Bellas Letras y Nobles museo de Cordoba,” Al-Andalus, VI (1941), 446-
Artes de Cordoba, XN
I, 1945 (Cordoba, 1946), 197— 51 1-
56
21 . J. Ferrandis Torres, Marfiles hispanomusul-
54
Camon Aznar, “Restos del siglo XI en la manes, (Madrid, 1935); II (Madrid, 1940).
I
J.
57
iglesia de Santo Domingo de Jaca,” Archiva Espanol Idem, “Muebles hispano arabes de taracea,” Al-
de Arte, n° 50 (Madrid, 1942), 112-13. Andalus, v ( 1940), 459-65.
,
only Muslim ebony work preserved in the peacock in the Louvre of Paris, are certainly
68
Occident. examples of Spanish workmanship, according
The beautiful swords of Granada of the to the opinions of Camps Cazorla. 60
Nasrids or of Nasrid tradition called “de la Also made of bronze are a small jug and
jineta” were the subject of a study by Pro- the handle of a cauldron, which have been
fessor Ferrandis. There are eleven samples added to the collection of the Archeological
preserved. He mentions, in addition, three Museum of Cordoba {Fig. 5). The jug is
ivory hilts, a bronze pummel, the rapier of 10 cm. high and its neck is formed like the
59
Boabdil, and a small dagger. head of a bird. The handle is circular and
Recently a cast bronze stag was found at three of its sides are engraved with a burin. 61
Cordoba {Fig. 17). On the gilding that Manuel Gomez-Moreno has published the
Fig. 5 — Handle of a Bronze Cauldron. Cordoba,

Archeological Museum
covers it, there is, worked with a burin, an section of the inventory of Isabel, the Catholic
engraved decoration representing wide curved Queen, that refers to various Arab jewelry. 62
stems, forming a series of circles with caliphal The crystal chessmen carved in
rock
flower motifs in their interior. This piece Fatimid which were at the church of Ager
style
that may have served as spout on the font in (Lérida) and later in the possession of the
some palace, together with the other stag now
in the Museum of Cordoba, and the royal 60
E. Camps Cazorla, “Un ‘ciervo’ califal de
bronce,” Archivo Espanol de Arte, n° 58 (Madrid,
68
M. Gomez-Moreno, “El baston del Cardenal 1943), 212-22; T. B., “Un nuevo ciervo califal de
Cisneros,” Al-Andalus, V ( 1940), 192-95 E. Varela
;
bronce,” Al-Andalus, IX (1944), 167-71.
61
Hervias, “Mas sobre el baston del Cardenal Cisneros,” S. de los Santos Jener, “Nuevos bronces his-
loc. cit., 467-68. panomusulmanes del Museo de Cordoba,” Al-Andalus,
69
J. Ferrandis Torres, “Espadas granadinas de VII (1942), 165-68.
Archivo Espanol de Arte n° 57 (Madrid,
la jineta,”
62
M. Gomez-Moreno, “Joyas arabes de la Reina
1943), 142-66. Catölica,” Al-Andalus, VIII (1943), 473 ~ 75 -
Fig. 7 —Detail of Fig. 6
Fig. 6 —
Pilaster, Hall of Fig. 8 —Marble Base
‘Abd al-Rahmän III
Fig. 9 —Arch
Figs. 6-9 —Madinat al-Zahrä’
. I’lUM T.UIVA GENERAL Jj-
7
Fig. 10 —Alhambra, Bath House
Fig. 11 —Alhambra, Small Oratorio Fig. 12 —

Honda, Puerta de los Molinos,
Thirteenth to Fourteenth Century
Century
Eleventh
Arches
Alcazaba,
Malaga,
13
Fig.
— — — —
Photograph Mas Fig. 17 Gilded Bronze Stag from Cordoba

Fig. 16 Luster Vase, Fourteenth Century
CpSpf n
i
i
t: — r—
W§MMß L-iui LÏLYLYiïYû u 1 2 ï'ifç.
Photograph Mas Photograph Mas
Fig. 18 Detail of Fig. 16 Fig. 19 —Ivory Chest from San Isidoro de Leon, Eleventh Century
Figs. 16-19 Objects in the Museo Arqueolögico Nacional, Madrid
Details
and
View
Full
Kings,
Naçrid
of
Sceptre
20-26
Figs.
Huelgas
Las
of
Convent
Burgos,
Century,
Thirteenth
Decorations,
Stucco
28
and
27
Figs.
Countess of Béhague at Paris —with the ex- the Iberian peninsula. He also discussed the
ception of one that is now in the Victoria and luster technique and he believes that the frag-
Albert Museum, and those preserved in the ments found at Malaga were manufactured in
monastery of Celanova (Orense) —have been that same city. They also have an extraordi-
studied by Camon Aznar. 63 nary resemblance to the famous bacini inlaid
We owe it to Guerrero Lovillo that he in some church spires of northern Italy, the
noticed the similarity of the lamps reproduced origin of which is unknown. He further deals
in the miniatures of the Cantigas of Alphonse with other luster fragments in relief and made
the Wise to some Muslim oriental ones of in a mold, which he attributes to the eleventh
glass of the thirteenth and fourteenth cen- and twelfth centuries. In the thirteenth century
turies.
64
we find a second period for this class of luster
The caliphal ceramics of the tenth cen- ware. 66
tury of which there exist abundant examples, I dealt with the large and exceptionally
found mostly at Madinat al-Zahrä’, have not important “Alhambra vases” in an incidental
yet been the subject of any publication. A manner when I published a notice on the vase
brief notice concerning those which came from decorated entirely with gold luster, which
Elvira (Madinat Ilbira), in the Archeologi- turned up unexpectedly 1927 in in Jerez de la
cal Museum of Granada, was published by the Frontera (Cadiz), and which now in the
is
65
director, Joaquina Eguaras. There has not Archeological Museum of Madrid (Figs. 16
yet been any publication on those of the elev- and 18). The Alhambra of Granada acquired
enth to the thirteenth centuries, which were through purchase another such vase of which
found at the Alhambra of Granada, at the only the gold decoration on the neck is still
Alcazaba of Malaga, and at various other well preserved. This piece, in addition to the
places. one which is now in the Ermitage of Lenin-
The primitive gold luster ware of Malaga grad, had formerly belonged to the collection
has been described by Gomez-Moreno from of the painter Fortuny. Another of these vases
the few remaining fragments found in this which have returned to Spain and which had
fortress among the ruined dwellings of the been sent by Raoul Heilbronner to the exposi-
twelfth century. The author refers to the tion of Muslim art in Munich in 1910, was
Oriental influences which led to the importa- destroyed in the fire of the custom-house of
tion of gold luster ware into Spain during the Irun in July of 1936.
67
tenth century and to various pieces found in

In the same article I presented information
68
about the discovery of thirty-five Muslim
J. Camon Aznar, “Las piezas de cristal de roca
Granadian azulejos of the fourteenth century
y arte fätimi encontradas en Espana: lote del monas-
terio de Celanova,” Al-Andalus, IV (1939), 396- in the chapel of San Bartolome of Cordoba.
405. These tiles (now kept in the Archeological

64
Guerrero Lovillo, “Las lamparas de las
J. Museum of the same city) are molded in re-
‘Cantigas,’ ” Archiva Espanol de Arte, n° 63
lief and decorated in blue and gold; they
(Madrid, 1944), 148-70.
65 deserve to be better known. We owe to E.
J. Eguaras Ibanez, “La ceramica de Elvira,”
Ministerio de Educacion Nacional, Direccion Gene-
ral de Bellas Artes, Inspeccion General de Museos
66
M. Gomez-Moreno, “La loza dorada primi-
Arqueologicos, Memorias de los Museos Arqueolo- tiva de Malaga,” Al-Andalus, V (1940), 383-98.
gicos Provinciales (Extractos), VI, 1945 (Madrid,
67
L. Torres Baibas, “De ceramica hispanomusul-
1946), 73-77- mana,” Al-Andalus, IV (1939), 412-32.
i8o LITERATURE ON ISLAMIC ART
Kühnei an interesting paper about the frag- This, as well as the previous finds, together
ments of the Hispano-Moresque luster ware with older ones, show the esteem in which
found during excavations in the Near East; the Arab textiles of Andalusia were held in
they are almost always of the luster type of Christian Spain; they served not only as gar-
the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. They ments for persons of high social position but
were exported from Malaga and Manises were also used in wrapping the wooden coffins
(Valencia) to Egypt, where they were much that contain their mortal remains.
appreciated, as well as to Syria, Palestine, Asia In the spring of 1943 the Sociedad Espa-
Minor, and Turkey. 68 nola del Amigos de Arte, which has done so
For knowledge of Spanish Muslim fabrics much for the recognition of ancient Spanish
of the thirteenth century, the exploration of art, organized an exhibition of leather craft,
the royal cemetery of the monastery of Las an artistic industrial art which, according to
Huelgas of Burgos was of extraordinary im- early manuscripts, had flourished on the Penin-
portance. Save for one, all the thirty-five sula since the eighth century and which con-
sepulchres had been opened upon previous tinued until the end of the seventeenth cen-
occasions and despoiled of parts of their fune- tury. Also exhibited were Arab samples of
real apparel. Nevertheless they afford a splen- the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. The
did collection of Arab and Mudéjar fabrics guide book was edited by Ferrandis, who
as well as several other objects, which attest treated the subject in detail in an academic
to the craftsmanship and perfection of the discourse, adding interesting technical notes. 71
Spanish looms of the thirteenth century. The various applications of this industry em-
Among the former, there are beautiful rich brace everything from the decoration of walls
brocades and tapestries of silk and gold, some and floors to small domestic articles. Thanks
with a design forming large wheels with pairs to these publications it will be easy from now
of lions and Kufic lettering. Their manufac- on to formulate a more complete picture of an
ture is doubtlessly Arab-Andalusian and has art that had great importance in Spain for
no similarity to the known Nasrid textiles, several centuries and which has now become
though quite like some Oriental ones. They almost entirely forgotten.
will continue to be exhibited at the same mon-
astery. Gomez-Moreno has studied and pub- IL Mudéjar Art
lished them with his usual competency. 69 The Muslim art of Spain originated in
Another textile of the same period has the Orient but upon reaching the Iberian Penin-
been found in a sepulchre at Valladolid. It is sula it developed definite and distinguishing
of colored silk with cursive Arab script. It characteristics when it came into intimate con-
also belonged to a person of the royal family. 70 tact with Western Christian art on the same
soil. While Christian art had very little in-
68
Kühnei, “Loza hispanoârabe excavada en
E.
fluence on the art of Islam, the inverse influ-
Oriente,” Al-Andalus, VII (1942), 253-68.
69
M. Gomez-Moreno, El Panteon Real de las ence of the latter was extraordinarily fecund,
Huelgas de Burgos (Madrid, 1946). manifesting itself in a new mixed art which
70
S. Rivera Manescau, “Una urna sépulcral y
71
unos tejidos del Museo Arqueologico de Valladolid,” Sociedad Espanola del Amigos de Arte, Exposi-
Ministerio de Educacion Nacional, Direccion Gen- tion de cordobanes y guadamecies, Catâlogo-guia,
eral de Bellas Artes Inspeccion, Memorias de los Madrid, 1943; ( Guadamecies ) Real Academia de
Museos Arqueologicos Provinciales (Extractos), V, Bellas Artes, Discurso leido por el Ilmo. Sr. Don José
1944 (Madrid, 1945), 150 and 154—55- Ferrandis Torres (Madrid, 1945).
1
is characteristic of Spain. From the twelfth The subject of Lambert’s other mono-
century to the seventeenth, influences and re- graph was the church of Saint-Pé de Bigorre,
percussions of Muslim culture may be encoun- a chapel of the Benedictine monastery. It had
tered all over the peninsula, touching every a cupola which collapsed in the seventeenth cen-
field of artistic production from such notable tury and which, at the time, was compared to
architectural creations as the cathedral of the dome of St. Peter’s of Rome for its monu-
Toledo and the monastery of Las Huelgas of mentality. We do not know the interior plan
Burgos to crafts of the most humble and com- of the church, but it was undoubtedly also
mon origin. Altogether these various works derived from the Spanish Muslim type. Draw-
form the extremely complex Mudéjar art ings executed prior to its destruction permit
which has no definite style owing to its enor- us to examine its exterior, to which windows
mous variety and to the lack of unity of the with lobed arches added an original touch that
73
creations of this period. In the following gives the church an Oriental aspect .
paragraphs, let us see how the study of this The vault of the chapel of Talavera, the
era has progressed. ancient chapter hall of the old cathedral of
Salamanca, erected in the last years of the
Architecture and Archeological Decoration twelfth or the first of the thirteenth century,
was inspired by a Spanish Muslim prototype.
We
owe to the French Hispanist Lambert
two monographs on several French churches This vault was designed by an artist who,
which were near the Pyrenees and on the road though of Occidental background, had been
influenced by Muslim work he had seen.
followed by the pilgrims during the Middle
Ages who were on their way to Santiago de
Camon Aznar described it in a few pages 74 .
Compostela. One of the monographs dealt

The same author studied the church of San
with the church of the Hospital of St. Blaise
Roman of Toledo which had been cleaned of
its surface whitewash and repaired a few
which was erected during the last years of the
years ago. It was consecrated in 1221. It is
twelfth century or the first of the thirteenth.
a Mudéjar brick building, the interior of
The center of the crossing of nave and
which was covered by paintings of religious
transept is surmounted by a cupola on crossed
subjects deriving from Christian art but com-
arches which leaves an open space in the center. 75
bined with Muslim decorative elements .
The outline of the opening is the same as

The recent restoration of Santa Clara of
another in the mosque Cristo de la Luz of
Guadalajara which was stripped of its deco-
Toledo, erected about 1000 A.D. Other ele-
rations of the seventeenth century, disfiguring
ments of the architecture and decoration of
its interior, revealed a Mudéjar church of the
this French church also stem from Spanish 76
beginning of the fourteenth century .
Muslim art. An almost identical cupola may

be observed near Santa Cruz de Oloron, an- 73
Idem, “L’ancienne église de Saint-Pé de Bi-
other of the stations on one of the roads to gorre,” Al-Andalus, VIII (1943), 189-209.
72
Compostela .
74
J. Camon Aznar and T., “La boveda gôtico-
morsica de la capilla de Talavera en la catedral vieja
72
E. Lambert,
“L’Hôpital Saint-Biaise et son de Salamanca,” Al-Andalus, V (1940), 174-78.
église Al-Andalus, V (1940),
hispanomauresque,” 75
Camon Aznar, “La iglesia de San Roman
J. de
179-87; idem, “L’Hôpital Saint-Biaise,” Congrès Toledo,” Al-Andalus, VI (1941), 451-59.
archéologique de France, CII e session tenue à Bor- 76
F. Layna Serrano, “La iglesia trecentista de
deaux et Bayonne en 1939 (Paris, 1941), 426-35. Santa Clara de Guadalajara,” Arte Espanol, XIII
,
i 82 LITERATURE ON ISLAMIC ART
Some chapels in the cloister of the convent this purpose were erected in the reconquered
of the Cistercian nuns of Las Huelgas of cities. In the sixteenth century, during the
Burgos have a definite Almohade character Renaissance period, this hygienic custom was
and are, therefore, of special importance for discontinued except in some Andalusian towns,
the history of Spanish Muslim art. Inci- as for instance Seville. Recently published ar-
dentally, I referred to them in a work on ticles deal with some aspects of the bathhouses
carved stucco decorations discovered in the on Christian territory.
80
A publication dealing
vaults of the cloister of San Fernando in the with this subject as well as the Muslim baths
same monastery. These carvings of the thir- in detail would be of extraordinary interest
teenth century are extremely beautiful and since it would help to illuminate the heretofore
completely dissimilar to any of the better- ignored aspects of the intimate life of the
known decorations 2J and 28). They
{Figs.
Spanish Muslim society of the Middle Ages.
can probably be attributed to Andalusian Mus-
In continuation of the pages previously
lim artists; however, nothing else resembling
cited dealing with the funduk I added a few
them can be found in this region. 77 The same
about Christian graneries (alhondigas) ,
inns
artists may have worked on the nearby Hos-
(posadas), and lodging houses (mesones)
pital del Rey, an edifice which has since dis-
that continued after the reconquest to serve
appeared. Plans and drawings are preserved,
the same function as the Spanish Muslim fun-
however, and with the help of these I have
duk and also followed its ground plan. In the
been able to formulate an idea of its shape. 78
same way, after studying the atarazanas, or
In the two volumes so far published of the
arsenals, I turned to the same constructions
Catàlogo arqueolôgico y artistico de la pro-
erected on Christian territory but built after
vincia de Sevilla, an ambitious, richly illus-
Islamic prototypes.
trated work with a great number of drawings
and photographs, there are various mono- At the beginning of this review I referred
graphs of Mudéjar churches and castles of the to the Infantado Palace at Guadalajara, the
fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. 79 burning of which during the Civil War in
The custom of frequenting bathhouses was 1936 was a regrettable loss to Spanish art. It
not exclusively Muslim in Spain. The Chris- was erected between 1480 and 1495. Layna
tians bathed too, and buildings destined for has published documents on these last years of
Moorish which he has pointed out the
rule in
(Madrid, 1941), 1 1— 1 7 T., “La iglesia mudéjar de
; collaboration of the Moorish and Christian
Santa Clara de Guadalajara,” Al-Andalus, IX
workmen from this region of Guadalajara.
(1944), 225-32.
77 These artisans included such skilled labor as
L. Torres Baibas, “Las yeserias descubiertas
recientemente en las Huelgas de Burgos,” Al-Andalus,
J. M. Sanz Artibucilla, “Los banos moros de
80
VIII (1943), 209-54; F. Iniguez, “Las yeserias
descubiertas recientemente en ‘Las Huelgas’ de Tarazona,” Al-Andalus, IX (1944), 218-26; L.
Burgos,” Archiva Espanol de Arte, n° 45 (Madrid, Torres Baibas, “Notas sobre Sevilla en la época
1941), 306-08. musulmana: los banos,” Al-Andalus, ( 1945), I 79X-
78
L. Torres Baibas, “El Hospital del Rey en 86; A. Ruiz Moreno, “Los banos püblicos en los
Burgos,” Al-Andalus, IX (1944), 190-98. fueros municipales espanoles,” Cuadernos de Historia
79
Hernandez Diaz, Sancho Corbacho and de Espana, III, 1 52-57 (Facultad de Filosofia y
J.
F. Collantes de Terân, Catàlogo arqueologico Letras, Buenos Aires, 1945) L.T.B., “Los banos
y ;
artistico de la provincia de Sevilla, I (A-B) (Sevilla, püblicos en los fueros municipales espanoles,” Al-
1939) ; II (C) (Sevilla, 1943). Andalus, XI (1946), 443-45.
LITERATURE ON ISLAMIC ART i83
carpenters, makers of lattices (rejas) and the fifteenth century by Moorish artists and
81 84
glazed tiles (azulejos) . destroyed during the fire of 18 62.
G. Marçais, Director of the Museum Two notes published in recent years deal
Stephen Gsell at Algiers, informed us about a with architectural carpentry. In one of them
decorative fragment in his collection repre- the oldest alfarje (flat roof with dwellings
senting a lion. He believes it to be of the elev- on it — a kind of penthouse) preserved in
Spain is described. It is Mudéjar work dating
enth century. I referred to this article when
comparing the fragment to some plaster brack- from the end of the twelfth century, doubt-
lessly derived from Spanish Muslim carpentry,
ets, cut in the form of lion foreparts that prop
and is found in the monastery of Santa Maria
an arch of the royal chapel of the mosque of
de Huerta (Soria ). 85 The other note is de-
Cordoba. These are attributed to the thir-
voted to the framing timbers with important
teenth century by some archeologists and to
remains öf painted decorations used in the
the fourteenth by others. In a short com-
cloister of San Juan de Castrojeriz (Burgos).
mentary I pointed out the existence of analo-
It is also a Mudéjar work of the fourteenth
gous brackets at the Hospital del Rey at 88
century .
Burgos and in various sepulchres of Toledo 82 .
There is a book of Pérez Embid on the

The similarity of these brackets to the lion
Mudéjar architecture of Portugal but it is of
figures supportingmany tombs of the thir- small value because of its superficial study of
teenth and fourteenth centuries is unques- that art and the author’s lack of knowledge of
tionable. 87
the art in Spain .
Among the forms that passed from Span-

ish Muslim prototypes into Christian archi- Industrial and Decorative Arts
tecture and whose origin is not known are
Almost all Spanish industrial arts of
some Aragonese gables of the sixteenth cen-
medieval origin stem from Muslim roots. This
tury and some cornices on brick brackets with
extensive field is one of the most brilliant
the profiles of circular arches that appear in
chapters of art history in Spain.
Andalusian churches from the thirteenth to
Marquetry work did not end with the ter-
the fourteenth century; they are inspired by
mination of the Islamic reign of the Peninsula.
similar architectural features occurring in Al- Ferrandis states in the above-mentioned article
mohade buildings 83 .
The Marquess of Lozoya commented on 84

Marqués de Lozoya, “La Sala ‘del Solio’ en el
the Mudéjar decorations of the halls in the Alcazar de Segovia,” Archivo Espanol de Arte, n°
Alcazar of Segovia, which were made during 45 (Madrid, 1941), 261-71; T., “La Sala ‘del
Solio’ en el Alcazar de Segovia,” Al-Andalus, VIII
(1943), 470-73-
81
Layna Serrano, El palacio del Infantado en
F. 85
T. B., “El mas antiguo alfarje conservado en
Guadalajara (Obras hechas a fines del siglo XV y Espana,” Al-Andalus, IX (1944), 441-48.
artistas a quienes se deben) (Madrid, 1941). S6
Idem, “La armadura del claustro de San Juan
82
G. Marçais, “Sur un lion de marbre trouvé de Castrojeriz (Burgos),” Al-Andalus, XI (1946),
à la QaTa des Béni Hammâd,” Revue Africaine, 230-35-
LXXXIII (Alger, 1939), 182-91. 87
F. Pérez Embid, El mudejarismo en la arqui-
83
L. Torres Balbâs, “Dos formas olvidadas de tectura portuguesa de la época manuelina (Sevilla,
la arquitectura hispanomusulmana,” Al-Andalus, 1944) ; T. B.,“El arte mudéjar en Portugal,” Al-
VIII (1943), 453-65- Andalus, X (1945), 214-19.
92
that its artistic products have continued to be centuries. It is a pity that this publication
manufactured up to the present day. was not preceded by another one dealing with
In studying the miniatures of the Cantigas Spanish Muslim ceramics from the caliphal to
by Alphonse the Wise, Guerrero proved that the Nasrid period, since the Christian pottery,
88
in them Mudéjar furniture was reproduced. the subject of this work, is based on them.
In 1938, when some laborers started the The statements of the author are often con-
foundations of a building in the immediate troversial; however, the quantity of reproduc-
neighborhood of the cemetery of Briviesca tions in this study increase its importance.
(Burgos), they found a small cask that con- Sr. Bofill has published a catalog for the
tained a silver tray and a copper pot in which ceramics exhibition held at Barcelona. 93
there were several small silver objects. Some Glazed Catalan ceramics of the sixteenth
of them, as well as the tray, have Mudéjar and seventeenth centuries are just beginning to
decorations and seem to have been made in be fully appreciated, since these products have
the second half of the fourteenth century. 89 up to now been considered of Valencian origin.
Samuel de los Santos has described the Many of the decorative motifs used on them
collection in the Archeological Museum of are Mudéjar. Alice Wilson Frothingham has
Cordoba of well curbstones (brocales) made devoted an article to these ceramics. 94 As to
of baked clay. The decorative motifs of some the wares of Manises, E. Kühnei, in his afore-
of them are archaic but must have been made mentioned work, refers to the discovery of
during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, fragments from this locality in many of the
probably already within the Christian period. 90 excavations of the Orient — in Cairo, Syria,
The large Mudéjar earthen jars of the Toledo Asia Minor, and Istanbul.
Museum were the object of a paper attempt- Together with the Spanish Muslim tex-
ing to place them in their correct chronologi- tiles found in the royal cemetery of Las Huel-
91
cal order. gas of Burgos were Mudéjar fabrics which
Gonzalez Marti has published a richly Gomez-Moreno likewise describes in his afore-
illustrated and voluminous work on ceramics mentioned work.
from eastern Spain. In it he has studied partic- The only Spanish Arab rug in existence is
ularly the products of Paterna, Manises, and preserved in a very poor condition in the
Teruel, between the fourteenth and eighteenth Archeological Museum of Granada. In the
Mudéjar rugs, undoubtedly made in imitation
88
Guerrero Lovillo, “Muebles hispanoârabes
J. of the Spanish Arab prototypes, the Islamic
en las ‘Cantigas’ de Alfonso el Sabio,” Al-Andalus,
techniques persisted throughout the period
X (1945), 32-40.
89 from the fourteenth to the seventeenth cen-
Monteverde, “El Tesorillo de Briviesca,”
J. L.
Revista Geogrdfica Espanola, n° 5 (Zarauz, 1939), turies and these rugs are a match for any
63-71-
90
S. de los Santos, “Nuevos brocales de pozo his-
92
M. Gonzalez Marti, Cerdmica del Levante
panomahometanos,” Bolet'm de la Real Academia de espanol, siglos medievales, loza (Barcelona 1944).
08
Ciencias, Bellas Letras y Nobles Art es de Cordoba, F. de P. Bofill, Cerdmica espanola, Catàlogo de
XV (Cordoba, 1944), 187-202. la Exposicion organizada por los Amigos de los
91
M. L. Herrero Escudero, “Las Tinajas mude- Museos en el Palacio de la Virreina de Barcelona
jares del museo de Toledo. Intento de sistematizaciön” (Barcelona, 1942).
(Inspeccion general de museos arqueolögicos), Me- A. W. Frothingham, “Lustre Pottery Made in
94
morias de los Museos Arqueolögicos Provinciales, IV, Cataluna,” Notes Hispanic, II (New York, 1942),
1943 (Madrid, 1944), 146—55- 31-49.
—
Oriental types. The two oldest groups of I. Livres et Brochures

Mudéjar rugs are: the one known under the
Sauvaget et M. Ecochard, Les Monu-
J.
name of “del Almirante” because three of
ments ayyoubides de Damas, livraison II
them show the same coat of arms as the one (Paris, 1940), 116 pp., 8 planches hors
ascribed to this noble Castilian family; and texte (I.F.D.).
the others, known “Holbein” type be-
as the
Ce livre comprend une étude de plusieurs ma-
cause this famous painter reproduced one of drasas et bains de Damas. M. Sauvaget y a étudié
them in one of his pictures. Ferrandis deals les madrasas suivantes: (a) Raihâniya, constituée
with this latter type in the Archivo Espaiiol wakf par l’Emir Raihân en 575 H. (1180);
de Arte 95 while Mrs. Florence Lewis May (b) ‘Adhrâwïya, fondée par al-Sitt ‘Adhrâ, fille de
,
describes the former group of which almost— Shâhinsjiâh, frère de Saladin avant 593 H. (1196) ;
(c) Tzzlya, extra-muros, constituée wakf en 621 H.
all are now in the United States of America
(1224) par ‘Izz al-Dîn Aïbag, Majordome d’al-
in the publication of The Hispanic Society of Mu'azzam (d) ‘Adilïya, commencée par Nür al-
;
America for 1945. 96 Dïn, puis continuée par al Malik al-‘Adil et achevée
par al-MYazzam. 1
The artistic Mudéjar leathers have been
M. Sauvaget, dans l’étude méthodique de ces
analyzed by Ferrandis right after the Spanish madrasas ajoute aux éléments historiques qui parais-
Arab ones in the two publications mentioned sent souvent peu riches, une profonde connaissance
above. architecturale, et donne un modèle type de l’étude
d’un monument historique.
Dans la seconde partie du livre, M. Ecochard
parle des trois bains ayyoubides suivants: (a) Bain
BIBLIOGRAPHIE DES PUBLICATIONS DE L’ART
de Sitti ‘Adhrâ; (b) Bain de Nür al-Dîn; Bain de
ISLAMIQUE PARUS EN SYRIE, 1939-1945 Usâma.
Par Salahud Din Munajjid M. Ecochard a repris l’étude de ces bains dans
son livre Les Bains de Damas.
une Au cours de ces sept années écoulées, certains de

Nous donnons dans cet article biblio-
ces monuments ont subi quelques modifications;
graphie des plus importants livres et articles
d’autres ont été restaurés. Des parties couvertes alors,
parus dans le domaine de l’archéologie et de ont été mises à jour. Il y aura lieu donc de faire un
l’histoire de l’art au cours des années de guerre appendice. Etant sur place, nous espérons pouvoir
et publiés par des établissements faire ces “Notes sur les monuments ayyoubides de
I 939~ I 945
Damas” nous-mêmes.
syriens, tel que la Direction Générale des An-
tiquités en Syrie (D.G.A. — Damas) ou étran- M. Ecochard et E. le Coeur, Les Bains de
gers, tel que l’Institut Français de Damas Damas (Beyrouth, 1942), 2 parties, 58
(I.F.D.), et dans des revues ou bulletins de pp. + 132 pp., 2 cartes (I.F.D.).
langue arabe, tel que la Revue de l’ Académie La première partie est consacrée à un exposé gén-
Arabe (R.A.A.D.), la Revue de Dimashk éral sur le bain damasquin. Elle comprend : (a) L’eau
(Rev. Dimasjik ), ou de langue française tel

de Damas; (b) description du hammam; (c) dis-
positif de l’eau; (d) technique de la construction;
que le Bulletin d’ Études Orientales (B.E.O.).
(e) fonctionnement du bain; (f) vie sociale du bain;
(g) l’avenir du bain. Dans cette partie manque
95
J. Ferrandis Torres, “Alfombras moriscas ‘tipo
Holbein,’ ” Archivo Espaiiol de Arte , n° 50 (Madrid, 1
Pour l’histoire de ces madrasas voir: Salahud
1942), 103-11. Din Munajjid, Les Madrasas de Damas, d’après
86
F. L. May, “Hispano-Moresque Rugs,” Notes ‘Almawi (texte arabe traduit par Sauvaire au J. As.).
Hispanic , V (New York, 1945), 31-69. Publication D.G.A. (Damas, 1947).
. —
quantité de renseignements sur l’histoire du hammam. tours et les portes de Damas corrigées et complétées.
Jurisconsultes et historiens musulmans ont beaucoup (Une nouvelle édition augmentée en cours de
parlé du bain et de ses politesses et lui ont con- préparation.)
sacré de livres entiers. Tel al-Sayyid al-Husainï (d.
765 H.), al-Munâwi (d. 1031 H.), Ibn ‘Abd al- II. Articles
Hâdi (d. 90g H.). Ces livres sont encore en manu-
scrits. Il y aura lieu donc de renouveler des parties Cheik Muhammad Duhmän, “Dâr al-
2
entières dans plusieurs chapitres, après exploitation hadith al-Ashrafiya” (Maison d’enseigne-
de ces manuscrits. 3 La deuxième partie comprend les ment de tradition Ashrafïya), Rev. Di-
monographies des plus intéressants bains de Damas,
mashk I,io (1940), 23-32.
avec une étude archéologique de leur évolution.
Quelques indications topographiques sont à revoir. Définition du muhaddith (professeur de tradi-
L’ouvrage dans son ensemble reste original. tion). Création des maisons d’enseignement de tradi-
Compte rendu: As‘ad Talas, R.A.A.D., XVII tion (Dâr al-hadïth) dans l’Islam. Dâr al-hadïth
al-AsJirafïya et sa fondation. L’auteur a bien analysé
(1942), 369 (louange).
l’acte de wakf et a mis en lumière le règlement de
As‘ad Talas, Les Mosqués de Damas d’ après cet établissment.
Ibn ‘Abdul Hadi (Beyrouth, 1943), 332
As'ad Talas, “Al-Madrasa al-‘Umarîya,”
pp., 2 planches hors texte, 1 carte (I.F.D.).
Rev. Dimashk, 1,7 (1940), 19-39.
C’est le Timär al-makäsid fl djiikr al-masâdjid,
Le fondateur de cette madrasa, sa construction,
rédigé en 883 H. M. Talas, a donné le texte, l’a fait
sa description d’après Ibn Tülün, son aspect de nos
précédér par une introduction sur la personnalité et
jours (1940), les lieux constitués wakfs en sa faveur,
l’oeuvre de Ibn ‘Abd al-Hâdï et a donné en annexe
les professeurs qui y ont enseigné, sa bibliothèque.
un inventaire des 308 mosqués qui se trouvent ac-
Compilation ordonnée.
tuellement à Damas. Ce travail paraît hâtif. Des
parties entières du texte restent à établir. Dans l’an- L’Emir DJa'far ‘Abdel-Kader, “Mathaf
nexe, certaines inscriptions rapportées sont mal dé- Dimashk al-djadïd” (Nouveau Musée de
chiffrées ou mal lues. Certains renseignements sont
Damas) Rev. Dimashk, 1,8 ( 1940) 36-42.
, ,
érronés. L’auteur ne distingue pas les mosqués, pro-
prement dits les salles de prières, des anciennes L’Emir Dja‘far décrit dans cet article le Nouveau
madrasas. Toutefois l’introduction est intéressante. Musée de Damas situé à l’Ouest de la Grande
Takkïya. Il parle surtout de la synagogue de Doura,
Salahud Din Munajjid, Dimashk al-kadï-
du Tombeau de Yarhâ’ï découvert à Palmyre et
mat: aswâruhâ, abrâdjuhâ abwâbuhâ (L’an- reconstruit au Musée, et de Kasr al-Hair du Calife
cienne Damas, ses murailles, ses tours et Hisjiâm ibn ‘Abd al-Malik.
ses portes) (Damas, 1945), 64 pages, Cheik Ahmad al-Käsimi, “Al-A‘mäl al-wak-
10 planches hors texte (Publ. D.G.A. flya fï Sürïya” (Les Travaux de la Direc-
Damas) tion des Wakfs en Syrie), Rev. Dimashk
Etude succinte sur le mur d’enceinte de Damas, 1,8 (1940), 52-56.
au temps des Romains et des Arabes (Omeyyades,
Une intéressante partie sur les monuments his-
Abbassides, Fatimides, Seljoukides, Mamluks, et Ot-
toriques appartenant à la Direction des Wakfs qui ont
tomans). L’auteur a utilisé dans son étude des manu-
été restaurés en 1939-1940.
scrits du douzième et treizième siècles encore inédits.
On y trouve toutes les inscriptions gravées sur les Cheik Muhammad Duhmän, “Al-Turab
wa’l-madâfîn al-khâssat fi’l Islam (Les Tur-
2
Voir bibliothèque Zâhiriya de Damas, principale-
bas et les mausolées privées dans l’Islam),
ment : Munâwï.
3
Voir Salahud Din Munajjid, Textes inédits con-
R.A.A.D., XVI (1940), 1 10-14.
cernant les Bains de Damas, d’après Ibn ‘Assaker, Fondation des turbas privées dans l’Islam. Sens
‘
Al Irbili, et Ibn Abdul Hadi (Beyrouth, 1947). du “Tirbâl.” Son évolution au cours des siècles.
Mausolées où l’on lit le Coran et où l’on enseigne la J. Sauvaget, “Une Ancienne Représentation
“science noble.” de Damas au Musée du Louvre,” B.E.O.,
L’Emir Dja‘far ‘Abdel-Kader, “Kusur al- XI ( 1945-1946), 5-12, avec 3 planches.
Umawiyyïn fî’l-Sha’m” (Les Châteaux des Il s’agitdu tableau attribué à Gentile Bellini qui
Omeyyades en Syrie), R.A.A.D., XVII représente le Sultan Kânsüh al-Ghürï reçevant, dans
la Citadelle du Caire, un envoyé de la République de
(1942), 214-31.
Venise. M. Sauvaget croit au contraire, que ce tab-
Introduction sur toutes les constructions des Omey- leau représente une audience accordée par le préfet
yades en Syrie (châteaux, maisons,
etc. Ex-
) . . .
de Damas à des commerçants “francs” de la ville. On
posé sur:Kasr al-Hair al-Gharbi; Kasr al-Hair al-
y distingue la Grande Mosquée avec deux de ses
Sharkï Kasr Khirbat Mafdjâr Kasr al-Tawba;
; ;
minarets. M. Sauvaget donne ses preuves. Il y a
Kasr Kharâna; Kasr Khàn Minya. Une carte indique lieu de discuter certains points de l’article.
les châteaux mentionnés dans l’article. Résumé clair
et complet.
Cheik Muhammad Duhmân, ‘Alâ Hâmish A SELECTIVE BIBLIOGRAPHY OF AMERICAN

PUBLICATIONS ON ISLAMIC, PARTHIAN,
al-bïmâristânât, fî’l-Islâm (En marge des
SASANIAN, AND COPTIC ART PUBLISHED
bïmâristâns dans l’Islam) R.A.A.D., XVIII
,
FROM 1939-1945 *
(1943), 62-73.
By Helmut von Erff a
Il s’agit du fameux livre du Docteur Issa Bek:
al-Bimäristänät fî’l-Islâm. Identification du Bï-
Description du Bimâristân Index to Subheadings Page
märistän al-Dukakï. al-
Kaimarï, d’après Ibn Tülùn. L’auteur donne les in- General 187
4 Architecture 189
scriptions découvertes au Bimâristân de Nür al-Dîn
et l’inscription qui est au-dessus de la porte d’entrée Illumination and Miniature Painting 191
du Bimâristân Kaimari. Ceramics 194
Carpets and Rugs 196
L’Emir Dja‘far Abdel-Kader, “Kabr Mu- Textiles 197
‘äwiya ibn Abi Sufyân (Tombeau de Mu- Wood, Ivory, Bone, and Glass 199
‘äwiya ibn Abi Sufyän), R.A.A.D., XIX Metalwork 200
Stone and Semiprecious Stone 201
(1944), 434-41-
Epigraphy, Paleography, and Calligraphy. . . 201
Découverte du Tombeau de Mu’âwiya fondateur Iconography 202
de la dynastie Omeyyade.
Preuves historiques et Non-Islamic Arts 203
topographiques. L’auteur détermine
le lieu de ce Parthian and Sasanian Art 203
tombeau au cimetière de Bâb Saghir (Petite Porte) Coptic Art 203
au sud de Damas. Article intéressant et original. Exhibitions 205
Cheik Muhammad Duhmân, “Turbat Ibn Expeditions and Excavations 206
Bibliographies 208
al-Musadjdjif” (Mausolée d’Ibn al-Mu-
Miscellaneous 208
sadjdjif), R.A.A.D., XX (1945), 229-33. Obituaries 209
Histoire du Mausolée ayyoubide de Abu’l-Kâsim Reviews of The Survey of Persian Art 209
ibn Ghanâ’im ibn Yüsuf, connu sous le nom de “Al-
Musadjdjif.” Description du mausolée biographie ; General
du fondateur les inscriptions qui s’y trouvent les
;
travaux de restauration faites par l’architecte Robert

;
M. S. Dimand, Handbook ofMuhammadan
Amy. Art in the Metropolitan Museum of Art,
4
Pour ces inscriptions et d’autres voir: Salahud * In the tedious task of finding titles, Miss Helen
Din Munajjid, Bimâristân de Nurud Din (Damas, Ladd has done a major task. I want to thank her
1946). very much for her help.
2d ed. (New York, Metropolitan Museum, N. A. Faris and others, Arab Heritage, ed.
1944 )- by N. A. Faris, P. K. Hitti, R. Etting-
hausen, and others (Princeton, N. J.,
Added to the second edition are chapters on “The
Origins of Islamic Art” and on “Calligraphy and Princeton University Press, 1944; new edi-
Illumination.” The latter replaces a chapter on tions, 1945, 1946).

Ornament. Other additions are the finds of the
In a chapter, “The Character of Islamic Art” (pp.
Nishapur excavations and some new stone and
251-267), R. Ettinghausen lays down the founda-
stucco objects, as well as some important jewelry.
tion for certain characteristics of Islamic Art and
That in spite of all this new material there are
its religious and sociological origin: humble and
only sixty more pages than were in the first edition
transitory material, nomadism and foreign origins
was made possible by omitting footnotes and by
for most crafts as a consequence. The permanence
condensing the text without losing anything of the
of Allah, the transitoriness of life, and the im-
content. The bibliography is competently brought
portance of the spiritual element expressed in the
up to date. Some changes of dates and spelling oc-
dematerializing effect of ornament on the solidity
cur in the bibliography. A useful map complete
for the minor arts might have included archi-
of art objects. How these basic laws are affected
by the artistic traditions of the various countries
tectural sites of the Maghreb ( Madïnat al-Zahrä’,
is briefly suggested in a concluding paragraph. One
Tozeur, Sfax), since sites of similar importance
might differ with the author in the case of Egypt.
are included in Iran.
Here it was perhaps less “political aspect of the
“Iranian Art in the Metropolitan Mu- hieratically organized state” but Egypt’s tradition
seum,” Metropolitan Mus. Bull., XXXV of massiveness and solidity which is responsible for
the appearance of Fatimid and Mameluke archi-
(1940), 110-116.
tecture.
Popular summary of the more important Iranian
art objects in the Museum. A. U. Pope, Masterpieces of Persian Art
(New York, 1945).
“New Galleries of Pre-Islamic and Early
Islamic Art.” Metropolitan Mus. Sections on Prehistoric Pottery, the Luristan
Bull.,
Bronzes, Sasanian silver are by P. Ackerman who
XXXIV (1939), 122-126.
also collaborated on the Textile section. E. Schroe-
Coptic and Nishapur objects newly displayed. der wrote the section of the Arts of the Book,
Calligraphy and Miniature Painting. Architec-
“Turkish Art of the Muhammadan Period,”
ture, not included here, is planned as the subject
Metropolitan Mus. Bull., N. S., II ( 1944), for a volume in the same series, Masterpieces of
21 1— 1 7. Oriental Art. Nearly all objects of this book
were shown in the exhibition of 1940.
This excellent summary includes architecture and
is based mainly on objects owned by and loaned Rev.: M. Aga-Oglu, Art Bull., XXIX
to the Museum. Of especial importance is the
(1947), 53-60; Pope’s answer: loc. cit.,
reference to color in miniatures and ceramics.
pp. 284-87; Aga-Oglu’s final reply: ibid.,
R. Ettinghausen and E. Schroeder, Ira- XXX (1948), 162-64.
nian and Islamic Art. University Prints,
A. Sakisian, “Thèmes et motifs d’enluminure
Inc. (Newton, Mass., 1941).
et de décoration arméniennes et musul-
A most useful collection of loose prints beginning manes,” Ars Islamica, VI (1939), 66-87.
with Pre-Achaemenian art. The majority are
after actual photographs, many of them not easily An attempt to establish the “autonomy” of Ar-
accessible. menian art and its Islamic art by
influence on
treating various themes, animal style, geometric
Rev. A. C. Weibel, Ars Islamica,
: X (1943), ornaments, floral ornament and the stylized pal-
169-170. mette, here called “rinceaux de rümï.” On the
, ,
credit side a wide knowledge of the material and “Introduction of the Bulbous Dome into
of bibliography, inclusive of little-known objects Gothic Architecture and its Subsequent De-
and of Turkish and Armenian publications. On
the debit side, a biased approach which makes the
velopment,” Speculum XIX (1944), 208-
21.
author often overstate his case. Nothing speaks
more eloquently against the “autonomy” of Ar- A continuation of B.’s article in Journ. Amer. Soc.
menian art than the thoroughly Muhammadan Architectural Historians, III (1943), 32 ff. B.
character of the twelfth-century wooden door of sees Persian influence in the cupolas of St. Mark,
Erivan. Venice, and sees the influence of the “spindle-
shaped” minarets (!) on late Gothic bulbous
Architecture domes.
W. Born, “Spiral Towers in Europe and their E. Cohn-Wiener, “A Turanic Monument of

Oriental Prototypes,” Gaz. des Beaux-Arts, the Twelfth Century A. D.,” Ars Islamica,
Series 6, XXIV (1943), 233-48. VI (1939), 88-91.
The spiral minarets of Samarra and Cairo and The mausoleum of Shah Fadl near Käsän in the
their influence on Baroque buildings, clocks, and northern part of Farghäna is here republished with
Gothic miniatures and other works of art. It is photographs in addition to those in the author’s
suggested that the spiral tower of Borromini’s T uran and dated middle of twelfth century on the
St. Ivo may have been influenced by a book on
evidence of three mausoleums at Uzgand.
Automata which had spiral towers. The reiter-
ated suggestion that the Malwiya may have been H. Field and E. Prostov, “Soviet Archaeol-
influential throughout the Middle Ages and the ogy To-day, II,” Asia, XL ( 1940) 327-30.
,
Renaissance will hardly be accepted by Islamic

scholars since was almost
it inaccessible after the At Urgench (the old Djurdjaniya capital of
ninth century. The Mosque of Ibn Tülîin is per- Khwäräzm until its destruction by Timur) several
haps a more likely prototype. mausoleums are mentioned at Anau, two of the ;
fifteenth century (pp. 327-8). The rest of the

“Origins and Distribution of the Bulbous report is devoted to non-Islamic art and archeology.
Dome,” Journ. Amer. Soc. Architectural
T. Hamlin, Architecture through the Ages
Historians III (1943), 32-48.
(New York, Putnam, 1940).
Accepts the origin of the bulbous dome from the
lost wooden Indian architecture. Although B. be-
The chapter on Islamic architecture has been re-
viewed by Ettinghausen in this magazine with
lieves that bulbous domes developed from small
great fairness. Some minor errors have been pointed
wooden structures into monumental architecture
out there. To this one might add: Umayyad
in Syria during the eleventh-twelfth centuries he
sees the origin of the bulbous dome of Timur in
Mosque of Damascus does not “follow the basilican
scheme” and its mosaics are not Byzantine “in de-
Russia where it existed from the twelfth century
sign, color and workmanship” but a mixture of
on. This is contrary to Creswell’s theory that
East Christian (not Byzantine) and Sasanian
Timur introduced the bulbous dome through ar-
motifs.
tisans transplanted from Damacus after 1400. B.
bases his disagreement on the fact that the mauso- Rev.: R. Ettinghausen, Ars Islamica, IX
leum of Shirin Biki Akä is fifteen years earlier
(1942), 232-34.
than 1400, the time of Damascus’ destruction. B.
certainly goes too far in denying any influence E. Herzfeld, “Damascus: Studies in Archi-
from Syria. Timur actually brought all artisans
from Damascus to Samarkand. To strengthen his
tecture — I, II,” Ars Islamica, IX (1942),
argument of Russian influence B. sees no evidence

1-53; X ( 1943 ) >
13-70-
of native wooden architecture. In view of the rich Original material, architectural and epigraphical.
wooden carving of the Damascus region the absence Instead of a catalogue of buildings in the manner
of wooden architecture would seem surprising. of Sauvaget for Aleppo and Damascus and Cres-
) 7 .
IÇO LITERATURE ON ISLAMIC ART
well for Cairo, the author assembles building types, IL Caravansérails mamelouks, ibid., VII
the “Mukarnas Dome,” the “Syrian Madrasa,”
(1940), 1-19.
the “Turba,” and the “Mosque.” Monuments
from Iraq and Iran are included but none from Thirty-three caravansaries or “khäns routiers” in
Cairo. The analysis of the type is always con- contrast to the “khâns urbains” rating from the
tinued after the description of a building. twelfth to the fifteenth century are here systemati-
cally investigated architecturally and epigraphi-
K. Lehmann, “The Dome of Heaven,” Art
cally. In conclusion the general type which varies
Bull., XXVII (1945), 1-27. little is summarized. Lack of known monuments
The throne of Chosroes and the “Dome of Heaven” makes it impossible to relate the Syrian khan to
at Kusair ‘Amr is included in this important study that of Persia or to Byzantine architecture.
without, however, adding much new information.
M. B. Smith, “Material for a Corpus of
B. Miller, The Palace School of Muhammad
the Conqueror (Cambridge, Mass., 1941).
Early Iranian Islamic Architecture — III.
Two Dated Seljuk Monuments at Sin (Isfa-
This “history of the training school of government han), Epigraphical Notice by George C.
military officers, and court functionaries
officials, Miles,” Ars Islamica, VI (1939), 1— 1 5
which was established by Muhammad II” contains
a chapter (II, pp. 45-69), “The plan of the build- The small mosque and minaret are dated 1134-35
ings,” i.e., the “Grand Seraglio,” which became and 1132 a.d. respectively, thus adding two more
the Topkapu Museum in 1924. By plan the author dated Seljuk monuments to those already known.
means lay-out and function; Tavernier’s and The hypothesis of the isolated sanctuary type of
Bobovi’s accounts are among the sources judiciously Iranian mosque, suggested once by the author and
used. carried through by Godard is here abandoned for
structural and climatic reasons. Of great interest
Rev.: S. Rentz, Moslem World, XXXII
is the hidden and partly conjectural armature of
(1942), 81-83. on which the cupola (calotte)
intersecting arches
H. P. J. Renaud, “Orientation du mihräb and which make the mukarnas nonstructural.

rests
The cupolas of Cordoba, earlier than known
dans les mosquées,” Isis, XXXIV (1942),
Iranian examples, may be independent of Iran.
24 -
Information in addition to earlier articles on the “Three Monuments at Yazd-i Khwäst,”

orientation of the mihrab ( Isis XX, 262-64; Ars Islamica, VII (1940), 104-6.
XXIV, 109-10). Southerly orientation in Ma-
Corrections and additions to the architectural ma-
ghrebine mosques is often due to a Hadith which
terial in H. Field “Contributions to the Anthro-
indicates south as the kibla direction.
pology of Iran,” Anthrop. Ser., Field Mus. Nat.
D. Russell, “A Note on the Cemetery of the Hist., XXIX (1939), Nos. I and 2 passim.
Abbasid Caliphs of Cairo and the Shrine The ruined mosque possibly pre-Seljuk (Saffarid?).
of Saiyida Nafisa,” Ars Islamica, VI The caravanserai inscription refers to Shah Abbas
the Great.
( 1 939 »
168-74.
A careful, but confusing attempt to reconstruct M. B. and K. D. Smith, “Islamic Monuments
one of the most difficult of all “palimpsest sites” of Iran,” Asia, XXXIX (1939), 213-19.
in Cairo, which, although leaving many questions
open, is at least the groundwork for further inves- A record of Smith’s scholarly activities during
tigations. Valuable plans. 1 933 - 3 : Measuring the Isfahan Djum'a, dis-
covering monuments unrecorded by the Iranian

J. Sauvaget, “Caravensérails syriens du Archeological Service, studying the Seljuk mosque
moyen-âge I. —
Caravansérails ayyübides of Demavend and the “essentially Sasanian” cita-
II,” Ars Islamica, VI (1939), 48-55; del of Takht-i-Sulaimän.
.
M. Voronets, “The Beauty that was Samar- M. Avery, “Miniatures of the Fables of Bid-
kand,” tr. by H. Field and E. Prostov, Asia, pai and of the Life of Aesop in the Pierpont
XLI (1941), 7 2 3 - 27 - Morgan Library,” Art Bull., XXIII
(19411), 103-16.
Detailed account of restorations by the Committee
for the Preservation of Monuments of Material Twenty-one Bidpai miniatures, part of the Greek
Culture of Buildings in Samarkand and Bukhara. MS. 397 which is attributed by E. Husselman to
At the Mausoleum of Isma'il at Bukhara a Kufic Southern Italy and ca. 980-1050. The miniatures
inscription on wood was found bearing the name are considered contemporary with the script and
Isma'il. definitely related to other South Italian miniatures.
Miss Avery, contrary to Mrs. Husselman, seems
D. N. Wilber, “Old Persian Brickwork,” to think that no Islamic Bidpai miniature provides
Pencil Points, XXI (1940), 491-98. a clue to the archetype for the Morgan MS. In
fact she “found it impossible to establish the prob-
Technical discussion of bricklaying methods in Iran. ability of an Arabic prototype for the Bidpai
One page of text and ten excellent illustrations. scenes.”
D. Brian, “A Reconstruction of the Minia-

Illumination and Miniature Painting
ture Cycle in the Demotte Shah Namah,”
Anonymous, The Animal Kingdom: Illus- Ars Islamica, VI (1939), 97-112.
trated Catalogue of an Exhibition of Manu- The miniatures of this famous Shah-Namah, now
script Illumination, Book Illustrations, widely scattered, are here re-assembled and many
Drawings, Cylinder Seals, and Bindings are reproduced for the first time. The study is
(Pierpont Morgan Library, New York, restricted to iconography and a valuable bibliog-
raphy. Of the fifty-eight miniatures thirty are
1940).
illustrated.
Sources, literary content and style of the Manäf“

al-Hayawän
W. N. Brown, MS. Illustrations of the Ut-
(pp. 11-12), non-Islamic versions of
Bidpai (pp. 17-21). Two astrological leaves (Sol
tarâdhyayana Sütra. Amer. Oriental Ser.,
in Leo), Indian and Turkish (p. 25; the Indian XXI (New Haven, American Oriental So-
example illustrated). ciety, 1941).
“Gift of Persian Miniatures,” Minneapolis Four Jaina manuscripts of the late fifteenth and
the sixteenth centuries are discussed. Two manu-
Inst. Bull., XXXIV ( 1945 ), 45-5 1.
scripts have the dates 1583 and 1591. Interesting
Especially mentioned are : a leaf from the Manäfi‘ to the Islamist is the influence of Persian paint-
al-Hayawän (2 stags), a leaf from Rashid al- ing in style and iconography (hunting scenes!) or
Din’s History of the World (“Black Lighting” the giving way of the early Western Indian to the
Chasing Wolves), two miniatures attributed to Rajput style which blends native Indian and
the Shiraz School and a “King Picnicking” from Persian characteristics.
a Nizami MS., Safawid period. Rev.: A. C. Eastman, Journ. Amer. Oriental
M. Aga-Oglu, “A Note on the Study of Per- Soc., LXII (1942), 77-80.

sian Miniature Painting,” Parnassus, XII, H. Buchthal, “Early Islamic Miniatures
4 (Apr. 1940), 29-30. from Baghdad,” Walters Art Gall. Journ.,
Necessity of a knowledge of art, historical methods,

V (1942), 19-39.
and “the language, literature and history of Islamic The style of the school of Baghdad is here analyzed
people” stressed by pointing out errors by some in a scholarly convincing way by relating the
great Orientalists (Blochet, Sir Th. Arnold, and Dioscorides and the Schefer Hariri MSS. to the
Migeon) Hippiatrica, the earliest dated manuscript of this
school and the only one with colophon evidence R. Ettinghausen, “Painting in the Fatimid
of Baghdad. Important are the author’s refer- Period: A Reconstruction,” Ars Islamica,
ences to Byzantine and possible East Christian
IX ( 1942), 112-24.
sources.
In this period where pictorial remains are very
“
‘Hellenistic’ Miniatures in Early Islamic rare, E. succeeds in distinguishing three main
Manuscripts,” Ars Islamica, VII (1940), trends: 1, a Perso-Iraqian one with the ceiling of
125-33- the Capelia Palatina as the main example; 2, a
Hellenistic style; 3, a popular style with Coptic
Two illuminated MSS. usually considered of the
Art as its base.
Baghdad school, the Hariri Bibliothèque Nationale,
Arabe 6094, and the Bidpai Bibliothèque Na-
G. D. Guest, “Notes on the Miniatures on
tionale, Arabe 6465, are compared with East Chris-
a Thirteenth Century Beaker,” Ars Is-
tian miniatures and localized somewhere in Syria
(near Aleppo). A third manuscript, a Coptic Gos- lamica, X (1943), 148-52.
pel, Bibliothèque Nationale, Copte 13, from Dami-
Shah-Namah scenes from a goblet in the Freer
etta dated 1180 a.d., is stylistically related to the
Gallery. Important since no thirteenth-century
two Arabic manuscripts and has Syrian character- Persian miniatures preserved. The author may
istics, although mixed with Islamic elements. The them
find related to the wall paintings of the Torre
stylistic grouping is thoroughly convincing but the
de las Damas at Granada.
Syrian provenance necessarily tenuous.
B. Gray, “Fourteenth Century Illustrations

M. S. Dimand and H. E. McAllister, Per-
of the Kalilah and Dimnah,” Ars Islamica,
sian Miniatures, enlarged 2d ed. (New
VII (1940), 134-40.
York, Metropolitan Museum, 1944).
Only four of a planned seven manuscripts are dis-
A “picture book” with a brief text aimed at the
layman and providing an excellent historical sum-
cussed in this first of two studies. Two are as-
signed to Shiraz and dated 1333 and about 1330;
mary of Persian miniature painting from the
and two to Tabriz, about 1330 and about 1380-
Manäfi al-Hayawän to Ridä-i- ‘Abbäsi. Twenty
90. The incomplete footnote 13, p. 135, should
illustrations, several of them details.
read: Bull. Amer. Inst. Persian Art Arch., &
A. C. Eastman, “An Illustrated Jain Manu- V, 2 (1937)» 137-44-
script Transitional to the Rajput Style,”

Persian Painting from Miniatures of the
Journ. Amer. Oriental Soc., LXIII (1943),
Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries (New
285-88.
York-Toronto, 1940).
A more intensified study of one of the four MSS.
Twelve color plates with an introductory essay
studied by W. Norman Brown in his Uttarädhy-
and catalogue.
ayana Sütra series and its Persian influences. Not
illustrated.
Rev.: R. Ettinghausen, Ars Islamica, VII
“Iranian Influences in Svetämbara Jaina (1940), 121-22; A. P. McMahon, Parnas-
Painting in the Early Western Indian sus, XII (1940), 51; M. A. Simsar, Mos-
Style,” Journ. Amer. Oriental Soc., LXIII lem World, XXXI (1941), 198-99.
(i943)> 93-113-
H. Hollis, “Bahram Gör Slays a Dragon;
The mainly based on various orna-
investigation is
Illustration from the Shähnäma,” Cleve-
mental patterns as found in pottery, textiles, etc.
land Mus. Bull., XXXII (1945), 85-86.
This study was written before W. N. Brown’s
publication of Uttarädhyayana Sütra. A leaf from the Demotte Shah-Namah.
.
“Three Iranian Miniatures,” Cleveland MSS., among them the famous Bihzäd miniatures.
Mus. Bull., XXII Single leaves and one album, pp. 87-94.
(1945), 4.
Three miniatures acquired from the Philip Hofer Rev.: Calverley, Moslem World,
E. E.
Collection: 1, the unfinished “Gardenscene” is XXX M. D. Donaldson,
(1940), 203-4;
here not attributed to Bihzäd becaüse it lacks the Moslem World, XXX (1940), 420-21;
“flick of the lower edge of all robes, as though
R. Ettinghausen, Ars Islamica, VII
they had been caught in a draft” 2, “Camel and ;
Attendant” is cautiously not assigned to any par- (1940), 120-21 (provides additional infor-
ticular artist ; 3, “Picnic in the Mountains” is
mation about the illuminated manuscripts
perhaps overcautiously called “style of Muham- and miniatures)
madl” because it seems “less vigorous” than a
similar one in the Bibliothèque Nationale ascribed
A. R. Nykl, “Ali Ihn Abi Talib’s Horoscope,”
to the master. Ars Islamica, X (1943), 152.
“Two Mughal Miniatures,” Cleveland The horoscope and miniature of the fourth caliph
Mus. XXVII at the Harvard College Library is a leaf from a

Bull., (1940), 91-97.
manuscript in the H. Kevorkian collection, dated
Spirited, sensitive description of a Pastoral Scene (by E. Scnroeder) first half of the fourteenth
from the period of Akbar and a Hunting Scene century and attributed to Central and Southern
from Djahangir’s time or possibly somewhat Persia.
earlier. The latter has the signature of Govardhän.
E. Schroeder, “Ahmed Musa and Shams al-
H. M. Johnson, “Jain Patterns, a Reply to
Din: A
Review of Fourteenth Century
A. C. Eastman,” Journ. Amer. Oriental
Painting,” Ars Islamica, VI (1939), 113-
Soc., LXIV (1944), 3 2 -
42.
J. is in favor of a native origin of Jain patterns in
the Early Western Indian style, especially the
An attempt to date the Istanbul Bidpai 1320-40
and the Demotte Shah-Namah 1350-75 by a com-
Hansa pattern.
parison of hats and coat lapels. The outstanding
L. A. Mayer, “A Hitherto Unknown Damas- quality of both works tempts the author into as-
cene Artist Ars Islamica, IX (1942), 168. signing the Bidpai to Ahmed Musa and the Shah-
Namah to Ahmed Musa and Shams-al-Dïn. The
Ghâzï, son of ‘Abd al-Rahmân, al-Dimasjiki, who former is mentioned by Dust Muhammad as the
signed the Hariri manuscript, Or. 9718, in the
inventor of “the kind of painting which is current
British Museum. at the present time.” Especially interesting are
H. E. McAllister, “Shah-nama of 1482,” the assignments of different hands in the Shah-
Metropolitan Mus. Bull., N.S., II (1943),

Namah in which he differs from other scholars.
One cannot help worrying a little about the method
126-32.
of dating by hats.
Acquisition report of two miniatures, attributed
to the school of Tabriz and compared to related Iranian Book Painting. The Persian Exhi-
miniatures. bition ,
New York, 1940 (New York, Ira-
nian Institute, 1940).
M. E. Moghadam
and Y. Armajani, De-
scriptiveCatalog of the Garrett Collection A brief introduction of principles and history.
Illustrated.
of Persian, Turkish and Indie Manuscripts
Including Some Miniatures in the Princeton “Painting from the Hamza Romance,”
University Library (Princeton University Fogg Mus. Bull., IX (1941), no.
Press, 1939).
Acquisition notice of a page from the famous
The introduction by P. H. Hitti contains brief Hamza MS., the bulk of which is in the Museum
descriptions of the most important illuminated for Art and Industry in Vienna.
—
Persian Miniatures in the Fogg Museum of Ceramics

Art (Cambridge, Mass., Harvard Univer- (Pottery, Tiles, and Mosaic Faience)
sity Press, 1942).
Anonymous, “Iranian Pottery,” Toledo Mus.
Introductory chapter covers the history of Persian News, No. 96 (Dec. 1941), 1-16.
miniature painting (p. 10 a discussion of Persian
Sixteen examples chosen from a newly acquired
esthetic terms). Each miniature is not only fully
catalogued but discussed in relation to other known group of Islamic pottery are discussed here.
Samarra, Rakka and Rusäfa types are all included
works by the same painter.
under “Iranian.”
Rev.: F. S. Berryman, Mag. Art, XXXVI M. Crane, “A Fourteenth Century Mihrab
(1943), I57; A. K. COOMARASWAMY, Art from Isfahan, “Ars Islamica, VII (1940),
Bull., XXV
(1943), 380-82; A. C. East- 96-100.
man, Journ. Amer. Oriental LXIII Soc.,
From the Madrasa Imâmï in Isfahan, now in the
(1943), 179-80; M. A. Simsar, Moslem
Metropolitan Museum. Dated 1354 A.D.
World, XXXIII-XXXIV (1943-44),
145-47 (corrections some mistransla-
of F. E. Day, “Early Islamic and Christian
tions) ; J. V. S. Wilkinson, Ars Islamica, Lamps,” Berytus, VII (1942), 64-79.
XIII-XIV (1948), 193-95- A most useful study of four types of lamps dated
on epigraphical evidence Umayyad and Abbasid.
“Persian Painting,” Parnassus, XI (1939), One of them, previously published, is dated
No. 7, 28-32. 746/7 A.D.
Warning against “lyrical” praise and finding need “The Islamic Finds at Tarsus,” Asia, XLI
for “critical” praise. Schroeder suggests eloquence (1942), 143-48-
as the quality of Persian painting on which “we
might profitably expend our critical,and not our Most important is a molded Umayyad pottery
He Persian painting type with green lead glaze, found only in Tarsus,
lyrical, powers.” defines
further: “Representation is developed as an ex-
and another, found only in Tarsus and Antioch,
ploration of decorative principles, not an explora-
late Umayyad or early Abbasid, a spotted ware
with a translucent lead glaze. The latter type is
tion of nature.” The very musing, lyrical style of
comparable to a type of Samarra ware. Later pot-
the author seems to defy the purpose of the article,
tery types found at Tarsus were either well-known
namely, to define the essential quality of Persian
types or their local derivatives; among them, By-
painting to the layman.
zantine sgraffito ware. Part of the article is a
lively, well-documented account of the history of
“Persian Painting,” Parnassus, XII
Tarsus.
(1940), No. 2, 31-33.
M. S. Dimand, “A Fourteenth Century
Valuable for the interpretation of Persian terms
Prayer Niche of Faience Mosaic,” Metro-
of esthetic criticism, giving us an understanding
politanMus. Bull., XXXIV (1939), 136-
of what qualities the patrons of Persian painting
sought. Three of the terms are illustrated by ex- 37-
amples. Cf. other article Parnassus, XI, No. 7, For a fuller treatment see the article by M. Crane
p. 28, by the same author. inArs Islamica, VII (1940), 96 ff.
A. C. Weibel, “Young Man Contemplating a “Gift of Islamic Pottery: Persian Tiles

Flower, signed Aka Riza,” Detroit Inst. of the 13th and 14th Centuries, a Turkish
Bull, XXIV (1944), 15. Tile of the 16th Century and a Turkish
,
Vase of the 17th Century,” Metropolitan H. Hollis, “Two Fustat Bowls,” Cleveland
Mus. Bull., XXXVI (1941), 70-72. Mus. Bull., XXXII ( 1945), 94-95.
Two tiles are dated 1211 A.D. and 1265 A.D. Fatimid luster, eleventh century.
E. C. Elkins, “Persian and Turkish Pottery,” “Two Near Eastern Lustered Bowls from
Philadelphia Mus. Bull., XXXIX (1944), Rusapha and Rayy,” Cleveland Mus. Bull.,
31 - 32 . XXXI (1944), 158-60.
Acquisition report of eight pieces given by H. Mc- A twelfth-century Rusäfa bowl and a thirteenth-
Ilhenny, followed by a catalogue of four Turkish century Rayy bowl (Kashan?) both from the V. E.
pieces of pottery from the Mcllhenny bequest. Macy collection.
H. S. Foote, “Gold-luster Dish,” Cleveland A. Lane, “Glazed Relief Ware of the Ninth
Mus. Bull., XXXII (1945), 46-47. Century A.D.,” Ars Islamica, VI (1939),
Hispano-Moresque, Valencian, third quarter fif-
56-65.
teenth century. The coat of arms may be related to This type of pottery found in two countries, Meso-
that of René of Anjou but is not actually
potamia and Egypt, is here dated early in the
identified. Samarra period and its origin sought in Egypt for
reasons of a continuous tradition dating back to
A. Frantz, “Turkish Pottery from the
Hellenistic times.
Agora ''Hesperia, XI (1942), 1-28.
Tentative grouping of material in need of systema-
H. E. McAllister, “Persian Storage Jar,”
tic study. The earliest group is attributed to the
Metropolitan Mus. Bull., XXXVII ( 1942)
sixteenth century. The only group with a definite 74 - 75 -
ante quern date is the “blue and white painted

Jar with turquoise blue glaze; about 1200 A.D.
ware” which cannot be later than the first half of
the seventeenth century. Kiln evidence. Most of
A. C. Weibel, “Hispano-Moresque Luster
the other groups are related to this group.
Plate,” Detroit Inst. Bull., XXII (1942),
A. W. Frothingham, “Aragonese Luster- 18-20.
ware from Muel,” Notes Hispanic, IV While “practically a companion piece” of a dish
(1944), 78-91. in the Victoria and Albert Museum with the arms
Excavated kiln evidence from Muel serves as evi- of Queen Maria (1416-58), the author assigns a
dence for classifying Aragonese pottery at the His- somewhat earlier date to the Detroit piece (first
half fifteenth centry).
panic Society of America and other museums. A
bowl dated 1603 and with Muel mentioned in the
D. N. Wilber, “The Developmenut of Mo-
inscription at the Walters Art Gallery is illustrated
saic Faience in Islamic Architecture in Iran,”
on p. 83, text pp. 86-87.
u
Ars Islamica, VI (1939), 16-47.
“Luster Pottery Made in Cataluna, Notes
After some preliminary discussion of the three suc-
Hispanic, II (1942), 30-49.
cessive stages of Iranian architectural surface
A valuable but too sketchy contribution to our decoration of patterned brick, stucco, and mosaic
knowledge of late seventeenth-century Hispano- faience, this important article gives a brief sum-
Moresque pottery. Some localization at Reus, mary of pre-Islamic “glassy faience” in order to
Teruel, Muel, and some dated pieces. An inscrip- demonstrate the uninterrupted tradition of this
tion on a plate from Madrid is used, not too con- technique. This is followed by a skillful summary
vincingly, for evidence that some Moorish potters of early monuments and of literary evidence up to
were tardy in leaving Spain. By 1650 luster ware the end of the Mongol period. The evidence for
peters out. the imperfectly understood importance of Kashan
for mosaic faience is judiciously weighed. The Metropolitan Mus. Bull., XXXV (1940),
latter half of the article is devoted to the develop- 250-52.
ment of mosaic faience from its timid beginnings
at Damghan (1058 a.d.) to the fully developed On loan from Mr. J. Paul Getty. The medallion-
stage at the mausoleum of Olcaitu at Sultânîya type rug is compared to one in the Poldi-Pezzoli
(1310 A.D.) as shown by dated and datable Museum, dated 1522/3, and to the famous animal
buildings. carpet from Ardabil dated 1539/40. The inscrip-
tion here quoted may refer, according to the au-
Carpets and Rugs
thor, to the commissioner rather than to the maker
Anonymous, “Isphahan Rug,” Baltimore of the carpet.
Mus. News (June 1942), 48-49.

“A Persian Garden Carpet in the Jaipur
The Vase Carpet, formerly in the collection of
Museum,” Ars Islamica, VII (1940), 93-
Clarence H. Mackay, given by Mrs. Saidie May
96.
to the Baltimore Museum. Poor illustration.
Inventory entries date this rug, “the finest and

“Silver-woven Landscape Rug with
Silk
most sumptuous Persian Garden rug in existence,”
Animals and European Figures, ca. 1640,”
before 1632 or between 1622 and 1632. It is the
Art News, XL (Apr. 15, 1941), 22. earliest garden rug known. Garden rugs may have
Color print of a Persian silk rug, attributed to been made near Isfahan.
ca.1640 and to Yezd by Martin. Mrs. H. Walters
Collection. “Rugs of the Near East in the Metropolitan
Museum of Art,” Metropolitan Mus. Bull.,
A. Briggs, “Timurid Carpets I. Geometric
“
— XXXIV (1939), 90-95.
Carpets, Ars Islamica, VII (1940), 20-
41 .
A summary description of the most important rugs
owned by or lent to the Museum. Iranian rugs are
Timurid miniatures are studied to recapture the stressed Indian rugs and those from Asia Minor,
;
designs of lost Timurid carpets. The view is held the Caucasus and Turkestan (Ballard Collection)
that “the rugs represented in Timurid miniatures
are briefly treated. The stylistic difference between
depict, if not actual carpets, designs of the same
Iranian and Indian rugs is here more clearly stated
type, general composition, and character, as those
than in the author’s Handbook of Muhammadan
used in the rugs of the period.” Five basic plans
Art.
are distinguished, squares, stars, octagons, hex-
agons, and circles. In conclusion, the origin of
geometric Timurid carpets is sought in a Turko-
I. Dmitreivsky, “The Carpets of Turkmenis-
man style. An appendix contains “a list of fif- tan,” Asia, XLI (1941), 708-9.
teenth-century Persian manuscripts and single mini-
atures which contain representations of geometric
A Russian journalist points with pride to the re-
and non-geometric rugs.”

vival of an ancient craft. “Within the framework
of the Turkmenian line the field (in the rug) is
M. Dimand, “Loan of a Caucasian Rug,”

S. filled with portraits of living people, etc.” One
Metropolitan Mus. Bull., XXXVI (1941), page of illustrations.
185-87.
E. C. Elkins, “Mcllhenny Collection, “Phila-
Date early seventeenth century.
:
delphia Mus. Bull., XXXIX (1944), 20-
“Loan of Two Sixteenth Century Persian 3 °-
Rugs: Medallion Rug with Animal Design A brief description of the rugs now in the Phila-
and Rug from a Tomb Mosque at Ardabil,” delphia Museum, followed by a catalogue.
. .
K. Erdmann, “Kairener Teppiche. Teil II: A. C. Weibel, “Persian Silk Rug of the So-
Mamlüken-und Osmanenteppiche,” Ars Is- called Polish Type.” Detroit Inst. Bull.,
lamica, VII (1940), 55-81. XXII (1943), 65-67.
The first part of this study {Ars Islamica, V A “Polish” rug, gift of Edsel Ford, without metal
C Ï938] 179-206) deals with literary sources of
5
threads.
Cairene rugs of the fifteenth to seventeenth cen-
turies which E. assumes are the so-called Damascus T extiles
rugs and the Turkish court rugs (“Osmanentep-
piche”). The second part gives convincing argu-
M. Aga-Oglu, Safawid Rugs and Textiles:
ments that these rugs were made in Cairo. (Styl- The Collection of the Shrine of Imäm All ‘
istic relations with Coptic rugs and the appearance at al-Najaf (New York, Columbia Univer-
of a Mameluke emblem.) After a valuable chrono- sity Press, 1941 )
logical development the Turkish court rugs are
This hitherto unknown collection consists of rugs,
carefully analyzed.
velvet and brocaded silks, tapestry, and embroid-
F. L. May, “Hispano-Moresque Rugs,” Notes eries. Several of the velvets and silks are dated.
Hispanic, V (1945)» M~69 -

Rev. P. Ackermann, Art News, XLI
: (June,
Several fifteenth-century Spanish rugs are under M. Aga-Oglu, “Reply,” Art
1942), 6;
discussion. The latter part of the article is devoted
News, XLI (Nov. 1, 1942), 4 (answer to
to literary and pictorial sources for Spanish rugs
among which a miniature from the Manfred Bible, Dr. Ackermann’s criticism) L. D. Long- ;
thirteenth century, in the Vatican with an armorial man, Parnassus, XIII (1941), 184; A. C.
rug is the most notable. Weibel, Ars Islamica, IX (1942), 230-
“The Single-warp Knot in Spanish Rugs,” 32 .
Notes Hispanic, I (1941), 93-99. N. P. Britton, “Pre-Mameluke Tiräz in the

A technical study with excellent photographic en- Newberry Collection,” Ars Islamica, IX
largements to illustrate the technique under dis- (1942), 158-66.
cussion.
Some of these pieces, although found in Egypt,
A. B. Thacher, “Fifteenth Century Design may have come from other parts of the Near East.
in a Nineteenth Century Rug,” Art Bull., Two mention the place of manufacture: Tinnis,
XXI 288 h., and el-Khassa (time of al-Muktadir),
(1939)) 397-401.
tenth century.
The rug in question is a Kazak rug with an ab-
stract design of octagons in squares. The author M. D. Crawford, “Peru and Persia : A Study
relates it to a rug in Memling’s “Madonna and of Supremacy in the Textile Arts,” Mag.
Child” in Vienna, a Seljuk rug, similar to the Art, XXXVI (1943), 260-63.
famous “Dragon and Phoenix” specimen. T. offers
two hypotheses: (1) the Turkish peasants passed Although there was no direct cultural contact be-
the motif on to their Kazak neighbors; (2) it tween the two countries, Persia and Peru used the
originated with the Turkomans and was carried same dye stuffs (shield louse and murex shellfish)
to the Kirghiz-Kazaks who, after migrating to their
and the same two-barred loom which is most ap-
present home, borrowed the color scheme from their propriate for cotton weaving. Color and design is
Turkish neighbors. The latter Itypothesis seems not discussed but hinted at.
preferable.
M. S. Dimand, “Two Abbasid Straw Mats
A. B. Thacher, Turkoman Rugs (Weyhe, Made in Palestine,” Metropolitan Mus.
New York, 1940) Bull., N.S., I (1942), 76-79.
A practical guide, valuable to the collector. Tech- A straw mat of the first half of the tenth century,
nique pp. 31-34; bibliography pp. 153—55. from Tiberias, in the Metropolitan Museum and
,
one in the Benaki Collection are the only complete H. E. McAllister, “An Exhibition of Turk-
ones known. ish Textiles,” Metropolitan Mus. Bull.,
“Two Iranian Silk Textiles,” Metropolitan

XXXIV (1939), 206-8.
Mus. Bull., XXXV (1940), 142-44. Velvets, satins, and embroideries.
A silk dated 266 H. (879/80 a.d.) allegedly from

E. R. (Riefstahl), “Accessions,” Brooklyn
the Cathedral of Sens. D. follows Stein’s attribu- Mus. Quart., XXVI (1939), 46-47.
tion of Sogdiana or Western Turkestan for these Part of an article to which various members of
textiles. The other acquisition is a silk banner the museum staff contributed. It deals with
dated 1106 H. (1694-95 a.d.). Since the inscrip- Graeco-Roman, Coptic and Egypto-Arabic tex-
tion mentions “Isma‘il of Kashan, the weaver was
tiles, recently added to the museum collection.
either a native or possibly a resident of Kashan.”
Some and
of the Islamic textiles are dated ninth
tenth century by the names of caliphs. Another
M. Evans and E. B. McGowan, A Guide to piece attributed eleventh and twelfth century “must
Textiles (New York, John Wiley, 1939). have been woven with needle instead of shuttle.”
A most useful “pocket-size encyclopedia” (233 pp.) R. B. Serjeant, “Material for a History of
aimed at the consumer. Items are alphabetically
Islamic Textiles up to the Mongol Con-
arranged. “Oriental Rugs” includes their trade
quest,” Ars Islamica, IX (1942), 54-92;
names and subheadings such as “Judging Oriental
Rugs” and “Care of Oriental Rugs.”
x ( 1943)5 71-104.
A much-needed systematic compilation of Oriental
H. C. Gunsaulus, “Embroideries from Tur- source material referring to textiles. The first two
key and the Greek Islands,” Chicago Art chapters deal with tiräz, its origin (the system
Inst. Bull., XXXVI (1942), 102-4. probably Persian rather than Byzantine), defini-
tion, and history. The rest with the various manu-
The loan collection of Burton V. Berry now on facturing centers. To be continued.
view in its entirety at the museum. Most of the
Turkish examples date from the seventeenth and D. G. Shepherd, “Hispano-Islamic Textiles
eighteenth centuries. in the Cooper Union Collection,” Cooper
Union Chronicle, I (1943), 356-401.
M. A. A. Marzouk, “The Evolution of In-
Lengthy discussion of some important pieces. The
scriptions of Fatimid Textiles,” Ars Is-
attack on Guest’s interpretation of an inscription
lamic a, X (1943), 164-66. which would ascribe a whole group of thirteenth-
century brocades to Baghdad is not too convinc-
Valuable. Neskhi appears for the first time at the
ing. Granted that the whole group belongs stylis-
end of the second period (1021-94 a.d.), not en-
tically together, we should like to know her reasons
tirely replacing Kufic. Two pieces: Arab Mu-
that make it Spanish and not Iraqian.
seum, Nos. 9075 and 8040, are here published for
the first time. G. Underhill, “Early Hispano-Moresque
Silk,” Cleveland Mus. Bull., XXX (1943),
F. L. May, “Hispano-Moresque Brocades 100.
from Villasirga,” Notes Hispanic, III
A thirteenth-century brocade attributed to Almeria.
(1943), 118-34.
“Fragments of a Khusraw and Shirin Vel-
Thirteenth-century (false) gold and silk brocades
vet,” Cleveland Mus. Bull., XXXII ( 1945 )
in Madrid and in several American museums.
-
Well documented. The gold thread is made of 95 97 -
thin strips of gilded skin. The stylized “Kufic” Two fragments, Safawid, from the scene of Khus-
inscription here read as “baraka” should be re- rau meeting the bathing Shirin. Silk velvet without
examined. metal thread.
“Shah Tahmasp Velvet,” Cleveland Mus. “Weavings from Moorish Spain; Silk Fab-
Bull., XXXI (1944), 157-58. ric, Fifteenth Century,” Detroit Inst. Bull.,
XXIII (1943), 3-6-
The author sees an influence of the Tabriz school.
i, A well-known Hispano-Moresque rug described
A. C. Weibel, “Fragment of a Tomb Cover,” by van de Put, Burlington Mag., IX (1911),

Art Quart., VII (1944), 148. 344, with the arms of Maria of Aragon. Early
fifteenth century; 2, a silk, Granada, fifteenth
Brocaded silk fabric, Persia, twelfth to thirteenth century.
centuries, acquired by the Detroit Institute of Arts.
The rider on horseback and the black panther be- S. Wiklund and C. J. Lamm, “Some Woolen
neath is interpreted as Ahura Mazda and Ahriman. Girths from Egypt,” Ars Islamica, VI
No reference to a Kufic inscription, clearly visible (i939)> 143-50-
in the photograph.
Probably saddle girths from the end of the twelfth
to the second half of the sixteenth centuries. Lack
“Falconer and the Black Beast,” Detroit
of evidence makes it difficult to decide on the place
Inst. Art Bull., XXIV ( 1944), 6-7. of origin which may be Egypt or “the land of the
Iranian. Silk twelfth to thirteenth century. Cf. Turkish nomads” (Turkestan?). Most of the
pieces have inscriptions, often referring to the horse.
Art Quart . II (1944), 148.
E. Wulff, “Persian Velvet Brocade of the

“Indian Textiles,” Detroit Inst. Bull., XXI
1 6th Century,” Pacific Art Rev., I (1941),
(1942), 52-53. -
37 38 .
Recent acquisition of textiles, some of which (silk

Kashan velvet in the H. M. de Young Memorial
tapestries) correspond closely to representations
Museum.
on Rajput miniatures.
IVood, Ivory, Bone, and Glass

“Persian Satin of the Seljuk Period,” De-
troit Inst. Bull., XX ( 1941 ) ,
34-35. W. Born, “Ivory Powder Flasks from the
Mughal Period,” Ars Islamica, IX (1942),
A piece of satin (tomb cover) from Rayy, twelfth
century. Pairs of animals and leafy scrolls en-
93-1 11.
closed by octagons with as yet undeciphered Kufic Mainly devoted to fish-shaped ivory priming flasks
inscriptions. Weaving technique described. (for powder to prime the pushpan and touchhole
of a musket) decorated with animal carvings from
“Rizä-i-‘Abbäsi Silk,” Detroit Inst. Bull., the sixteenth to eighteenth centuries. The article
XXII (1942), 3-7- contains also much valuable information on non-

Islamic animal styles.
Acquisition of a Ridà-i-‘Abbâsï silk gives Mrs. W.
the opportunity to publish two dated miniatures by A. H. Christie, “Two Rock-crystal Carvings
the master, now in Detroit private collections. of the Fatimid Period,” Ars Islamica, IX
(Valentiner and Anonymous.) ( 1942),
166-68.
“Two Printed Textiles,” Detroit Inst. Bull., A Fatimid dish and a Coptic niche of the Fatimid
period in the Treasury of San Marco, Venice.
XXIII (1944), 44, 46. to the eleventh century.
Both are attributed
One of these supposed to come from Egypt, the
P. B. Cott, Siculo-Arabic Ivories (Princeton
other from Peru. The former is assigned to the
University Press, 1939).
Fatimid or Ayyubid period. Judging from the
photograph one might assign it to India if it is “The indispensable basis for all further research
Muhammadan at all. in that field” (G. Swarzenski). Careful study of
.
the stylistic development, fully illustrated. The in- Metalwork

scriptions were read by P. K. Hitti.
(Including Arms and Armor)
Rev.: G. W. Elderkin, Speculum, XV
1940), 103-06; M. Amer.
C. Ross, Journ.
M. Aga-Oglu, “About a Type of Islamic
(
Oriental Soc., LX (1940), 424-26 (some Incense Burner,” Art Bull., XXVII ( 1945),
boxes, not mentioned by Cott, are added). 28-45.
The type in question is thirteenth-century Syro-
G. Swarzenski, Art Bull., (1940), XXII
Mesopotamian with a possible origin in the south-
104-05 (reference to some ivories not men- eastern provinces of the Byzantine Empire. “It
tioned by Cott) was introduced to Iran on the one hand and to
Mameluke Egypt on the other.” Key piece in the
M. S. Dimand, “Enameled-glass Bottle of the
British Museum dated 1243-44 a.d. The intro-
is
Mamluk Period,” Metropolitan Mus. Bull., duction brings valuable literary sources for incense
N.S., III (1944), 73 - 77 -
and its use.
Acquisition report of this “masterpiece of Mamluk

“Brief Note on Islamic Terminology for
glassware.” Dated ca. 1320. Made in Syria.
Bronze and Brass,” Journ. Amer. Oriental
R. Ettinghausen, “An Early Islamic Glass- Soc., LXIV ( 1944) 218-23. ,
making Center,” Princeton Mus. Rec., I

A-O. clears up several misconceptions of Western
(1942), 4-7. authors regarding Islamic terms for copper and
E. discovered the signature (a)l-Basri on a frag- bronze and quotes from original sources to back up
ment of lustered glass. This and another some- his statements.
what earlier fragment at the Arab Museum in
Cairo, which also bears, in the author’s opinion, “Use of Architectural Forms in Seljuk
a Basri signature, would be the documented
first Metal Work,” Art Quart., VI (1943), 92-
confirmation of literary evidence that Basra was a 98.
great glass-producing center. E. dates the Prince-
ton fragment late ninth or early tenth century the
Thought-provoking relationships between four
;
types of metal ewers from Northeastern Iran

Cairo fragment several decades earlier. At least
the Cairo piece may have been made at Samarra.
(Herat) and towers of the same region. The
parallel is striking enough in the first two groups:
Mentioned in passing is an unpublished bronze
ewer Museum, dated 686 a.d. and
at the Tiflis (1, vertical convex flutings [tori] and 2, tori and;
triangular ribs alternating) to give additional

made by Abu Yazid in Basra. (The artist’s name
on the ewer should be read: Ibn Yazid; the date weight to the Herat signature on the ewer from
is either 67 or 69 H. [686 or 688 a.d.]. R.E.) — the Georgian State Museum in Tiflis. Parallels
in the other two groups are less striking, but do
W. F. Volbach, “Oriental Influences in the not necessarily weaken the argument.
Animal Sculpture of Campania,” Art Bull., The difficult problem of the wanderings of the
XXIV (June, 1942), 172-80. metalworkers is not touched upon here.
While this is an important contribution to our R. Ettinghausen, “Bobrinski ‘Kettle,’ Pa-

knowledge of Campanian sculpture between 800 tron and Style of an Islamic Bronze,” Gaz.
and 1200, it sheds little new light on definite
Islamic foci from which the various motifs of phan-
des Beaux-Arts, series 6, XXIV (1943),
tastic and real animals sprang.
193-208.
Exhaustive treatment of the epigraphy, figurai
A. C. Weibel, “Goblet with Flaring Rim,”
decorations, and shape of the vessel. E. suggests
Detroit Inst. Bull., XXIV (1945), 38. the term “bucket” or “pail” instead of “kettle”
“Was made at the time when the East Roman as more appropriate. Stressed is the fact that the
Empire tottered before the onslaught of the Otto- bucket was made for a merchant, not a ruler;
man Turks.” other objects made for merchants are cited. After
an interesting excursus about the use of titles as lery which allegedly came from Spain. Thus the
applied to the inscription the author turns to styl- Spanish Moors may have learned the art of jewelry
istic analysis. Emphasized is the use of continuous from Egypt.
band in contrast to cartouches of an earlier period.
The evolution of the bucket shape is given. Espe- A. Salmony, “Daghestan Sculptures,” Ars
cially important are the concluding parallels be- lslamica, X (1943), 153-63.
tween the atomistic character of the decoration of
Eight pieces of sculpture in Western collections
the bucket and the literary style of the Makämät
here under discussion come from a destroyed build-
by Hariri and the character of Islamic theology.
ing in Kübaçhï. (About fifty from Russian collec-
The evanescent form-denying effect of the decora-
tions are listed in the catalogue of the Third Inter-
tion as typical Islamic art is stressed at the close
national Congress of Iranian Art.) By tracing of
of the article.
beards, dresses, arms, and decorative elements to
L. A. Mayer, “Saracenic Arms and Armor,” Central Asiatic sources, S. demonstrates the Turk-
ish character of this material which seems un-
Ars lslamica, N. (1943), 1-12.
Muhammadan in many ways. Basic article in
By Saracens M. means “Muslims in Syria, Pales- English (Bashkiroff being most important
the
tine, and Egypt during the period which began Russian source) with a comprehensive bibliog-
with the First Crusade and ended with the Otto- raphy and a list of exhibitions.
man conquest.” Actually nothing earlier than
Ayyubid (after 1171 a.d. ) is discussed because
Epigraphy, Paleography, and Calligraphy
earlier specimens do not exist. “Plate armor proper
was never made by the Saracens” (p. 4). N. Abbott, “Arabic-Persian Koran of the Late
Fifteenth or Early Sixteenth Century a.d.,”
Stone and Semiprecious Stone Ars lslamica, VI (1939), 91-94.
W. Born, “Small Objects of Semiprecious The colophon of this Koran in a private collection
Stone from the Mughal Period,” Ars Is- mentions the calligrapher Muhammad Nür, active
lamica, VII (1940), 101-04. 1494-15 14 at Court of Sultan Husain at

the
Herat. The two names appearing in the
other
Dated seventeenth-century fork and spoon of rock colophon are here identified as Abdallah Mara-
crystal, a spoon of heliotrope, archer’s thumb-rings wärid of Kerman, the Arabic calligrapher at Sul-
of jade, all of these in the Kunsthistorisches Mu- tan Husain’s Court and the famous Saint Nasir
seum of Vienna, and a rock-crystal elephant in an al-Din ‘Ubaid Allah Ahrârï Naksjibandi. A ter-
English private collection, the latter reproduced minus ad quem is deduced from the death date of
for the first time. Abdallah, 1516 a.d. A Persian commentary was
added 1818-19 A.D. The article does not include
M. S. Dimand and H. E. McAllister, Near
a stylistic analysis of the decorated pages.
Eastern Jewelry, 2d ed. (New York, Met-
ropolitan Museum, 1944). The Rise of the North Arabic Script and
Kuränic Development, with
its a Full De-
“A picture book” with twenty-two illustrations
and two pages of descriptive text. Included is a scription of the Kur’än Manuscripts in the
rare Parthian gold fibula with cloisonné inlay. Ten Oriental Institute.
pieces of the museum’s rich collection of Indian
jewelry are reproduced. Rev.: A. Jeffery, Moslem World, XXX
(1940), 191-98. (A reply to this review in
M. C. Ross, “An Egypto-Arabic Cloisonne
Ars lslamica, VIII [1941], 73-78) L. A. ;
Enamel,” Ars lslamica, VII (1940), 1 65—

Mayer, Ars lslamica, VII (1940), 171-73.
67.
A enameled earring attributed to the

Fatimid
G. L. Della Vida, “An Arabic Block Print,”
eleventh century in the Metropolitan Museum is Scientific Monthly, LIX (1944), 473-74,
linked with some jewelry in the Walters Art Gal- with one figure.
Discusses a fragmentary Arabic block print on leaves comes from a Koran “said to be dated 1050
parchment of the fourteenth century in the Uni- a.d.” is tantalizing.
versity of Pennsylvania Museum, probably a unique
bibliographical treasure in American collections.
“Tughras of Sulaimän the Magnificent,”
The text consists of prayers and the whole was Metropolitan Mus. Bull., XXXIV (1939),
probably an amulet. 247-48.
N. A. Faris and G. C. Miles, “An Inscription I. Mendelsohn, “The Columbia University

of Bârbak Shah of Bengal,” Ars Islamïca, Copy of Samarqand Kufic Kur’an,”
the
VII (1940), 141-46. Moslem World, XXX (1941), 375-78.
A large stone slab in the University of Pennsyl-
G. C. Miles, “Epigraphical Notice,” “Two
vania Museum, Philadelphia, commemorating in
Dated Seljuk Monuments at Sin (Isfa-
Arabic verse the building of a canal or reservoir
han),” Ars Isla mica, VI (1939), 11-15.
and an inner gate on the grounds of the Palace of
Gaur, the old capital of Bengal, by Bârbak Shah, See M. B. Smith’s article in section: Architecture.
ruler over Bengal 1459-75 a.d. The slab’s prove-
nance is traced and other epigraphical material of “Epitaphs from an Isfahan Graveyard,”
Bârbak Shah discussed. Ars Islamica, VI (1939), 151-57.
H. W. Glidden, “Fatimid Carved Wood In-

A scholarly analysis of eleven unpublished inscrip-
tions dating from the twelfth to the sixteenth
scriptions in the Collection of the University
centuries.
of Michigan,” Ars Islamica, VI (1939),
94-95- M. A. Simsar, “Arabic Treasures at Prince-
ton,” Asia, XLII (1942), 125-26.
Kufic inscriptions dated first half twelfth century.
A good popular description of the Garret Collec-
C. D. Matthews, “Manuscripts and a Mam- tion. The illustrations are selected for reasons of
lük Inscription in the Lansing Collection in calligraphy.
the Denver Public Library,” Journ. Amer.
Iconography
Oriental Soc., LX (1940), 370-82.
A. Coomaraswamy, “The Symbolism of Arch-
Marble plaque with a dedicatory on a
inscription
reservoir (from Cairo?) by Baibars, son of Sunkur ery,” Ars Islamica, X (1943), 105-19.
al-As_hkar, dated 707 H. (1307 a.d.). No other Symbolism of archery in Turkey based on Hein’s
monuments of Baibars mentioned, but a brief sum- research and paralleled with a wealth of archery
mary of Sunkur al-As_hkar’s life after Quatremère’s symbolism in Indian, Chinese, Japanese, Egyptian,
Histoire des Sultans Mamlouks de l’Egypte. and other literatures.
“Reliques of the Rev. Dr. John G. Lansing; H. D. Hayward, “Suggestive Symbolism in

with Annotated List of Arabic Books and Islamic Art and Architecture,” Moslem
Manuscripts in Denver Public Library Col- World, XXXII (1942), 154-58.
lection,” Moslem World, XXX (1940), Undocumented misrepresentation of some of the
269-79. basic facts of Islamic art, a good deal of which
The same material is more carefully described in seems to go back to J. Dudley’s Naology.
the preceding article.
M. Schapiro, “The Angel with the Ram in
H. E. McAllister, “Acquisition of Leaves Abraham’s Sacrifice: A Parallel in West-

from Early Korans,” Metropolitan Mus. ern and Islamic Art,” Ars Islamica, X
Bull, XXXVI (1941), 165-68. (1943)» 134-47-
Five Koran leaves attributed to the eighth-thir- In this important iconographical study Christian
teenth centuries. The statement that one of the and Muhammadan renderings of Abraham’s sacri-
,
fice are contrasted: in Christian Art the ram material suggested there is expanded, some of it is
simply appears, while in Muhammadan art it is entirely new. Most important Küh-i-Khwädja
brought by the Angel. Jewish tradition is behind with its Ivans and paintings. Additional rock
this Muhammadan version. Wherever the Mus- sculpture (Flrüzäbäd, etc.).
lim variant occurs in Christian art (Ireland,
Southern France, and Spain) the source may be Rev. : C. Hopkins, Art Bull., XXIV ( 1942)
either Jewish or Muslim. 405-7. (Suggests a somewhat later date
[early Sasanian] for Küh-i-Khwädja.)
Non-Islamic Arts
H. Hollis, “Sasanian Stucco Relief Depicting
Parthian and Sasanian Art an Ibex,” Cleveland Mus. Bull., XXX
P. B. Cott, “A Sasanian Stucco Plaque in the (1943)» 99-100.
Worcester Art Museum,” Ars Islamica, VI The relief comparable to one in the Louvre.
( 1 939 ) 167-68.
j
C. Hopkins, “The Parthian Temple,” Bery-
A plaque showing an ibex with a flying scarf is tus,VII (1942), 1-18.
compared to a similar piece in the Louvre period ;
of Täk-i-Bustän. According to this valuable survey of the Parthian

temple, certain Greek and Babylonian features are
N. C. Debevoise, “Origin of Decorative added to Achaemenian square building sup-
the
Stucco,” Amer. Journ. Archaeol., XLV ported by a flat roof on four columns and sur-
(194 O, 54-6i. rounded by an ambularium the interior support,
;
omitted in an earlier phase, is finally supplanted by

Decorative stucco, replacing glazed brick, appears
vaults. In the Sasanian temple a cupola is added.
for the first time at Seleucia in Mesopotamia at the
Küh-i-Khwädja is tentatively dated late second or
excavation level of 69-120 A.D. (level II). At
third century a.d. Herzfeld’s date is early first
the same time the îvân appears in the form of two
century.
barrel-vaulted rooms opening on opposite sides of
the courtyard. The ivän takes the place of the A. U. Pope, “Symbolism of the ‘Battlement’
Hellenistic columnar buildings of the preceding
Motif; Reply to N. C. Debevoise,” Amer.
period. The author considers the various possi-
bilities of the origin of both stucco and ivän and
Journ. Archaeol., XLVI (1942), 93.
decides for their origin in Northwestern Iran as Objects to Debevoise’s assumption [Amer. Journ.
the most probable. Archaeol., XLV [1941], 54 ff.) that the seven-
stepped battlement had changed from a practical
“The Rock Reliefs of Ancient Iran,” Journ. to a decorative motif instead of a symbolic one
Near Eastern Studies, I ( 1942) 76-105. , and warns against neglecting symbolic motifs in
A and paleographic study of rock reliefs
stylistic
Near Eastern art in general.
from Jamdat-Nasr through the Parthian period.

M. Rostovtzeff, “The Parthian Shot,”
Iraqian sites are included.
Amer. Journ. Archaeol., XLVII (1943),
M. S. Dimand, “The Gift of a Sasanian Stucco 174-87.
Relief,” Metropolitan Mus. Bull., XXXV
A drinking cup (scyphus) from the W. H. Moore
(1940), 191-92. collection from Homs, datable first century b.c.
Horse and rider, dated sixth or early seventh to first century A.D.
century.
Coptic Art
E. E. Herzfeld, Iran in the Ancient East
(New York, 1941). Anonymous, “Limestone Frieze from Coptic
Should be read in connection with his Archeological Arch,” Brooklyn Mus. Bull., VII (1945),
History of Iran (London, 1935). Much of the 3-4-
,
Recent acquisition from Ahnäs, attributed to the Brooklyn Museum, F eh. 15, iggi (Brook-
sixth century. Motif birds separated by a flower-
:
lyn Museum, 1944).
ing shrub.
The first three papers give social and religious
Brooklyn Museum. Brooklyn Institute background material — documents of Roman op-
of Arts and Sciences, Egyptian Art from pression (Z. W. Westerman, “On the Background
the First to the Tenth Century A.D. Ex- of Coptism”) and documents of that strange
visionary piety which, together with other more
hibition at the Brooklyn Museum by the
forms, preceded Coptic Christianity
materialistic
Department of Ancient Art, January 23 to
(A. D. Nock, “Later Egyptian Piety”). The third
March 9, 1941. Brooklyn Museum, Brook- is an interesting summary of the Harvard-Boston
lyn Institute of Arts and Sciences. excavations in Nubia but hardly integrated into
the scheme of the symposium (D. Dunham “Ro-
A general introduction by J. D. Cooney, a chap-
mano-Coptic Egypt and the Culture of Meroe”).
ter on textiles by Mrs. E. Riefstahl with a selected
The other three lectures are on Coptic Art. While
bibliography which does not include works
on
the general summary of Cooney’s presents little
Islamic textiles. Only four Islamic were
textiles
that is new, S. de Nersessian’s “Some Aspects of
included in the show, probably for reasons of com-
Coptic Painting” offers contributions to Coptic
parison, three of them unpublished.
Iconography (Death of Zacharias, p.e.), and M.
H. Buchthal and O. Kurz, A Hand List of Dimand, “Classification of Coptic Textiles,” while
Illuminated Oriental Christian Manuscripts on the whole conservative, mentions documentary
material rarely used in general surveys.
(London, The Warburg Institute, 1942).
Checklist with bibliographies, which includes be- Rev.: Anonymous, Mus. Journ., XLIV
sides 224 Coptic manuscripts (pp. 28-62, with 1 ( 1 945 ) 20 1-2 C.
, ;
R. Morey, A mer. Journ.
illustration), Syriac, Christian Arabic, Nubian,
Archaeol., XLVIII ( 1944) ,
319-20.
Ethiopie, Armenian, and Georgian manuscripts.
Rev.: S. Der Nersessian, Art Bull., XXVI S. Der Nersessian, “Pagan and Christian
Art in Egypt; an Exhibition at the Brooklyn
(1944), 60-61.
Museum,” Art Bull., XXIII (1941),
J. D. Cooney, Pagan and Christian Egypt 165-7.
(Brooklyn Institute, 1941).
Important comments on aspects of stylistic de-
Late Egyptian and Coptic Art; an Intro- velopment (acanthus scroll), and problems of
duction to the Collection in the Brooklyn iconography. Disagreements on the dating of some
Museum (Brooklyn Mus., 1943). pieces.
Popular but authoritative introduction and a cata- H. E. McAllister, “Fourteen Coptic Bone
logue (with bibliography) of an important collec-
Plaques Acquired by Metropolitan,” Met-
tion. Of the fifty-four plates only one shows ob-
ropolitan Mus. Bull., XXXIV (1939), 68-
jects dated seventh to eighth century (“Textiles
with Arabic Influence”). 70.
Rev.: E. Kitzinger, Art Bull., XXVI (Sep- Dated sixth to ninth century.
tember, 1944), 204-5; C. R. Morey, D. G. Kelekian, Additional Documents of

Amer. Journ. Archaeol., XLVII (1943), Coptic Art in the Collection of Dikran G.
5 10- 1 1.
Kelekian, Inc. (New York, 1941).
J. D. Cooney (Ed.), Coptic Egypt: Papers Twenty-two illustrations of Coptic Art objects.
Read at a Symposium Held Under the Joint General text. Notable a Vintage Scene silk tex-
Auspices of New York University and the tile, here attributed Greek first century.
G. H. Myers, “The Dating of Coptic Tex- D. N. Wilber, “The Coptic Frescoes of Saint
tiles in the Light of Excavations at Dura- Menas at Medinet Habu,” Art Bull., XXII
Europos ''
Ars Islamic a, IX (1942), 156-7. (June, 1940), 86-103.
“Preconquest Egyptian” textiles dated fifth to After a judicious compilation of the historical and
sixth century should be redated in view of textile artistic material relative to St. Menas the much
finds atDura-Europos which has a terminal date destroyed frescoes of St. Menas at Medinet Habu
of 256 a.d. “At least one” Dura-Europos textile are analyzed and ascribed to the middle of the
is in the pile technique. eighth century.
“
M. C. Ross, “Coptic Bronze Flask,” Balti- ‘Pagan and Christian Egypt’ An Exhibi-
more Mus. News, VIII ( 1945 ) ,
4-6. tion,” Ars Islamica, IX (1942), 150-6.
In the Saidie A. May Collection. R. narrows down Apropos the exhibition of Coptic art at the Brook-
Strzygowski’s vague date (third to seventh cen- lyn Museum 1941 W. attempts to answer
in
tury) to late fourth to early fifth century on the fundamental questions about Coptic art, the period
basis of data from Egypt. and area of the term “Coptic,” the sources of the
Coptic style, and its characteristics. A
well-organ-
“Group of Coptic Incense Burners,” Amer. ized, general survey of Coptic art and suggestive
Journ. Archaeol., XLVI (1942), 10-11. for further research.
An unpublished fragment of an incense burner in '
the shape of a lion attacking a boar. It forms, Exhibitions

together with seven others, a new group of in-
Anonymous, “Treasures of Persian Art,”
cense burners in the shape of animals, adding a fifth
to those groups established by Pelka. It is tenta-
Asia, XL (1940), 33 1-2.
tively dated late fifth or early sixth century and Two pages of illustrations of Persian art objects
may have originated in the Theba'id.
from the New York Exhibition of 1940. Least
known of the objects is the bust of Shäpür II, of
W. R. Tyler, “Fragments of an Early Chris-
the Chicago Field Museum.
tian Tapestry,” Fogg Mus. Bull., IX
(1939), 1-13. P. Ackerman, Guide to the Exhibition of Per-
sian Art, 2d ed. (New York, Iranian Inst.,
The point is made that this tapestry from Egypt
is really Byzantine, not Coptic in style. Attributed 1940).
late fifth to early sixth century.
With an introduction by A. U. Pope. 559 pages of
text.
K. Weitzmann, “An Early Copto-Arabic
Miniature in Leningrad,” Ars Islamica, X M. Aga-Oglu, “6000 Years of Persian Art;
(1943), 119-34. Iranian Institute’s Great Exhibition in New
A miniature from the Epistles of Paul ( Public Li- York,” Art News, XXXVIII (Apr. 27,
brary Leningrad, Arab N.F. No. 327) dated 279 1940), i, 6-19.
H. (872 a.d.) depicts Paul and Timothy, the lat-
ter identified for the first time by W. The Coptic
A carefully thought-out summary of the whole
character of this miniature is made plausible by its
field of Islamic Art, including architecture, going
fairly well-authenticated report of origin and the beyond the usual generalities. Well illustrated.
fact that the figures are standing. It is further “

stressed by a stylistic comparison with some frescoes
R. Ettinghausen, ‘Six Thousand Years of
from Sakkära; a Byzantine influence via Syria- Persian Art,’ the Exhibition of Iranian Art,
Palestine (cf. cod. Copt. I Vat. Lib.) is, how-
2
ever, stressed together with a native Coptic trend For exhibitions of Coptic art see under Coptic
manifest in Cod. M. 577 in the Morgan Library. Art, page 203.
2o6 LITERATURE ON ISLAMIC ART
New York, 1940,” Ars Islamica, VII Hispano-Moresque textiles. Of outstanding beauty,
No. 48: a twill cloth with Kufic inscription on
(1940), 106-17.
floral background, Seljuk, at Yale University
A critical appraisal of the arrangement and a dis- (PI. 12).
cussion of “finds” and unpublished works. Illus-
trated. E. Schroeder, “6ooo Years of Persian Art,”

Parnassus, XII (1940), 20-26.
Metal Work from Islamic Countries (Ann
Exhibition report of the memorable Persian show at
Arbor, University of Michigan, Institute of
New York with some general “praise” which is
Fine Arts, Research Seminary in Islamic
“lyrical” as much as it is “critical,” to use the
Art, 1943). author’s own terms.
Short introduction followed by a catalog of 63 A. C. Weibel, “2000 Years of Silk Weaving,”

from the Sasanian period
pieces covering a period
Art Quart., VII (1944), 19 1-204.
to modern times, with special stress on pieces from
the eighth to the fourteenth century. Many pieces A spirited and often critical review of the impor-
were never shown before and a good proportion of tant exhibition at the Los Angeles County Museum.
them are here illustrated for the first time.
Expeditions and Excavations
Rev. : K. Erdmann, Der Islam, XXIX
(1949), 80-81. E. Cohn-Wiener, “Ruin Sites in Turkestan,”
Asia, XLI (1941), 102-8.
H. Hollis, Islamic Art; Selected Examples
Loan Exhibition The fragmentary description of such important
from the of Islamic Art at
sites Samarkand, Merv, Bukhara, and others
as
the Museum (Cleveland, Museum of Art,
less known to the West leaves the reader with
1944 )- deep respect for the intrepid explorer, but also
Representative examples with a page of text. The with the conviction that we must wait for a more
emphasis is on miniatures. systematic attempt at exploration by Russia to in-
tegrate this important material with our present
“Islamic Exhibition,” Cleveland Mus. Bull., knowledge of Islamic sites.
XXXI (1944), 168-70.
M. Dimand, “The Iranian Expedition,
S.
Excellent introduction to the spirit of Islamic Art 1938-40,” Metropolitan Mus. Bull.,
apropos the Museum’s loan exhibition.
XXXVII (1942), 82.
C. J.Lamm, “Two Exhibitions in Stockholm See Hauser and Wilkinson, “The Museum’s Ex-
and some Sasanian Textile Patterns,” Ars cavations at Nïshâpür.”
Islamica, VII (1940), 167-70. Mogul Times,”
G. L. Fabri, “Fresh Finds of
Additional material to the author’s book, Cotton Asia, XL (1940), 159-62.
in Medieval Textiles.
The author, personal assistant to Sir Aurel Stein
G. Loewy, 2000 Years of Silk Weaving: An during 1931-32, excavated at Surkhavali Ahli and
Exhibition Sponsored by the Los Angeles other sites near Bhera in the Punjab. Most of the
finds so far have been every-day objects of Mogul
County Museum in Collaboration with the
times. The author hopes to continue his exca-
Cleveland Museum of Art and the Detroit vations.
Institute of Arts (New York, Weyhe,
1944). H. Field and E. Prostov, “Excavations at
Khwarazm, 1937-1938,” Ars Islamica, VI
In Mrs. Weibel’s introduction, familiar Islamic
material is integrated with silks from other civili-
(1939), 158-66.
zations. Special consideration has been given to Fortresses, coins, and silver bowls from the Early
Islamic period. Discovery of the ancient Khwaraz- W. Hauser, “Discovery of Sasanian Mosaics
mian alphabet close to the Sogdian. On the basis at Shâpûr,” A vier. Journ. Archaeol.,
new finds several silver dishes in various mu-
of
seums are now considered Khwarazmian. Bibli-
XXXXV (1941), 165.
ography of previous summaries of Russian exca- Third-century mosaic found at Shäpür by the
vations in Khwarazm and other parts of the Soviet French expedition under Ghirshman. It contains
Republics. portrait heads, possibly representing members of
the royal family of Shäpür I. Partly illustrated in
H. Field and E. Prostov, “Excavations in
Asia, XXXIX, 720.
Uzbekistan, 1937-1939,” Ars Islaniica, IX
(1942), 143-50. W. Hauser and C. K. Wilkinson, “The
Museum’s Excavations at Nishâpür,” Met-
Islamic finds at Termez, among them a Kufic in-
scription of a ruler of either the twelfth or early
ropolitan Mus. Bull., XXXVII (1942),
thirteenth century. Evidence of pottery making, 83-119.
jeweler’s craft, glass and copper work at Termez.
The most important expedition fill-
results of this
Important pre-Islamic finds in the Bukhara oasis.
ing many gaps knowledge have been sum-
of our
Paikand (Bukhara region) excavated. Timurid ( ?) marized in a foreword to this article (Dimand,
potsherds. Kilns dated by tenth-century coins.
M. S. “The Iranian Expedition, 1938-40,” Metro-
Coins from the eleventh through the nineteenth
politan Mus. Bull., XXXVII [1942], 82). Tenth-
century. Sasanian pottery at Tali Barzu.
century paintings in a bath, ninth-century paint-
H. Field and E. Prostov, “Soviet Archaeol- ings in a palace, which are different from Samarra.
ogy To-day, I,” Asia, XL 1940) 272-77.
A ninth-century mosque of the early ivän type
( ,
comparable to those discussed by A. Godard in
On p. 277 a brief mention of excavations at Dzhuga, Athär-e-Irän. Kiln evidence for the production of
Armenia, and its important architectural and epi- glass; two native types of pottery of great beauty
graphic finds prior to 1605 when this once impor- in addition to those found previously by the Metro-
tant caravan city was destroyed by Shah Abbas. politan Museum expeditions and further dated evi-
dence for the history of ornament. The period of
R. Ghirshman, “Shapur, City of Kings,”
the finds are ninth to twelfth centuries. A Sasanian
Asia, XXXIX (1939), 716-18. stratum remains unexcavated.
The importance of this site, founded by Shäpür I,
E. F. Schmidt, Flights over Ancient Cities of
lies in the monumental statue in the round of the
city’s founder, a “Fire Temple” (?), the cruci- Iran (Chicago, University of Chicago Press,
form-shaped palace, and especially in the fact that 1940).
during this early phase of the Sasanian period
Excellent air views of archeological sites, some of
Greek influence was unexpectedly strong. The
which have never been recorded before. Most sites
first Sasanian floor mosaic found in the Iranian
are pre-Islamic, but Rayy, Isfahan, Gunbad-i-
plateau seems related to mosaics from Syria
Käbüs, and other Islamic sites are included. Folio
(Antioch?).
size. 1 19 plates.
N. Glueck, “Archeological Activity in Pal-
E. F. Schmidt, The Treasury of Persepolis
estine and Transjordan in 1941-42,” Amer.
and Other Discoveries in the Homeland of
Journ. Archaeol., XLVII (1943), 125-131.
the Achaemenians.The Oriental Institute of
Pp. 127-130 cover “Palestine: Roman to Arabic Chicago, Communications, No. 21 (Chi-
Archeology.” Notable facts: 1, a cistern near
cago, University of Chicago Press, 1939).
Ramie has the earliest dated example of the pointed
arch, 789 a.d. (should read: “of the Islamic The “other discoveries” include Naksjj-i-Rustam,
period”) ; 2, preliminary notes supplied by R. pp. 98-105. No decision on whether Ka‘ba-i-
Hamilton on architectural remains of a mosque Zardus_ht be Achaemenian tomb or Sasanian sanc-
beneath the Aksä 3, report on Khirbat al-Mafdjar.
; tuary. Istakhr not fully excavated at time of writ-
,
2o8 LITERATURE ON ISLAMIC ART
ing. Ceramic finds fully discussed in Ettinghausen’s Africa” (71 1- 149 2) (New York, Insti-
review (see below). tute of Fne Arts, New York University,
Rev.: R. Ettinghausen, Ars Islamica, VII 1939 ).
(1940), 173-6.
Rev.: H. E. Wethey, Ars Islamica, VII
M. A. Stein, Old Routes of Western Iran (1940), 17 1.
(New York, Macmillan, 1940).
Rev. : C. Hopkins, Ars Islamica, IX (1942), Miscellaneous

217-21. S. Chew, “Islam and England During the
Critical discussion of the Parthian finds. Renaissance,”Moslem World, XXXI
Upton, “In the Ruins of Nishapur,” Asia, (1941), 371-99.
J.
XXXIX (1939), 445-49. Additional notes to the author’s important “The
Crescent and the Rose.” Art is not touched upon
The finds of three seasons’ digging by the Metro-
except p. 398 (mentioning the serpentine column
politan Museum are briefly described. Repeats
in Constantinople).
Hauser and Wilkinson’s “The Museum’s Excava-
tions at Nishäpür,” Metropolitan Mus. Bull.,
A. W. Frothingham, “Apothecaries’ Shops
XXXVII (1942), 83-119.
in Spain,” Notes Hispanic, I (1941), 100-
24.
Bibliographies
H. Buchthal, O. Kurz, and R. Etting-

A study of cultural history interesting to the art
historian for the use of primary sources (footnotes
hausen, “Supplementary Notes to K. Hol- and bibliography pp. 122-4) as well as for specific
ter’s Check List of Islamic Illuminated information.
Manuscripts before A.D. 1350,” Ars Is-
lamica, VII (1940), 147-64. H. N. Howard, “Preliminary Material for a
Survey of the Libraries and Archives of
H. E. Ladd, “The Writings of Ananda K. Istanbul,” Journ. Amer. Oriental Soc., LIX
Coomaraswamy,” A rs I slamica, IX ( 1 942 )
(1939), 227-46.
125-42.
This purely statistical survey includes illuminated
Lists only the more important publications, 494 manuscripts but without titles or dates.
in all.
G. C. Miles, “The Writings of Ernst Herz-

R. S. Lopez, “Mohammed and Charlemagne:
feld,” Ars Islamica, VII (1940), 82-92.
A Revision,” Speculum, XVIII (1943),
14-38.
I. A. Pratt, “Ancient Egypt; 1925-41,” New
Although chiefly concerned with a problem in the
York Public Libr. Bull., XLVI (1942),
539-684.
history of —
commerce whether or not the Arab
conquest was responsible for a sudden collapse in
A bibliography on ancient Egypt covering the years international trade — the article is of great impor-
1925-41. Much of Coptic art is covered under tance for early Islamic numismatics and for tiräz.
“Christianity in Egypt,” pp. 613-16; Coptic in-
scriptions, p. 636; Coptic literature, pp. 675-84. R. S. McClenahan, “The Moslem’s Mosque
No special division devoted to art. Islam not and the Christian’s Church,” Moslem
included. World, XXXII (1942), 159-66.
H. D. Adams, “Selective Bibliography of Comparison extends beyond architecture to the
Hispano-Islamic Art in Spain and North mosque as a religious institution.
. ” ,
H. P. Renaud,
“Quelques constructeurs A very readable summary of the subject. Pp. 92-4
deals with the contributions of Islamic art to
d’astrolabes en occident musulman,” Isis,
Christendom. Y. uses his sources uncritically. Few
XXXIV (1942), 20-23. -
will accept the “evident connection” between the
Additional information on and some corrections minarets of Cairo and Italian Campanili or, if
of a list of makers of astrolabes in M. R. T. they see “the striking resemblance” between a tower
Gunther’s The Astrolabes of the World (Oxford, in Marrakesh and that of Westminster Cathedral
1932 ). in London, believe in any direct or indirect stylistic
relationship. His source is Mme. R. L. Devonshire.
L. White, “Technology and Invention in the
Middle Ages,” Speculum, XV (1940), Obituaries
141-59.
“Ernst Cohn-Wiener, 1882-1941,” by R.
The first part of the article touches rather sketchily
on the East-Western flow (and vice versa) of
Ettinghausen, Ars Islamica, IX (1942),
technical inventions in a very stimulating and 2 38 39 -
heavily documented fashion, usually refraining

from taking sides (p.e., in the controversy over the
“Halil Edhem Eldem,” by L. A. Mayer. Ars
Iranian origin of Gothic architecture). The second
Islamica, VI (1939), 198-201. Appended
part deals with the European “Dark Ages.” a selected bibliography of his writings.
239-
C. K. Wilkinson, “Chessmen and Chess,” “George Eumorfopoulos, 1863-1939,” by R.
Metropolitan Mus. Bull., N.S., I (1943), Ettinghausen, Ars Islamica, VII (1940),
27 I_ 79- 123.
Early ninth-century chessmen from Nishapur give “John Ellerton Lodge, 1878-1942,” by R.
the author the opportunity to write about chess in
Ettinghausen, Ars Islamica, IX (1942),
the Near East and the Christian Middle Ages.
40.
“Heating and Cooking in Nishâpür,” Met-
Hobson, Oscar
“Sir E. Denison Ross, R. L.
ropolitan Mus. Bull., N.S., II (1944),
Raphael,” by B. Gray, Ars Islamica, IX
282-91.
(1942), 234-37.
Subject is extended beyond Nishapur to Iran in
general. “Josef Strzygowski, 1862-1941,” by M. S.
Dimand, Ars Islamica, VII (1940), 177.
“A Thirteenth Century Morality,” Metro-
politan Mus. Bull., N.S., II (1943), 47—5 5
Reviews of “A Survey of Persian Art
Mostly about the thirteenth-century sermon on
chess by Cesselis with references to Arabic writers A. U. Pope and P. Ackermann (Editors),
on chess. The Survey of Persian Art (Oxford Univer-
sity Press, 1938-39)-
“Water, Ice and Glass in Nishâpür,” Met-
ropolitan Mus. Bull. N.S., I (1943), 175— Review: M. Schapiro, Art Bull., XXIII
83 -
( 1941 ) ,
82-86.
Fascinating study of water and ice in the daily
Reviews of individual chapters and replies :
life of the Persians, mostly culled from A. Mez,

The Renaissance of Islam, but enhanced by W.’s N. Abbott, “Arabic Paleography in A Survey
photos of ice houses, ice walls, etc.
of Persian Art,” Ars Islamica, VIII ( 1941 )
T. C. Young, “Cultural Contributions of 65-104.
Islam to Christendom,” Moslem World, The chapters of the Survey reviewed are: “An
XXXV ( 1945 ), 89-1 10. Outline History” (of calligraphy), by M. Minovi,
P. Ackerman, et al. (pp. 1707-42) ;

“Ornamen- Since Orbeli disregarded Herzfeld’s key article on
tal Küfic Inscriptions on Pottery,” by S. Flury Sasanian chronology D. summarizes it briefly. On
(pp. 1743-69); “Ornamental Naskhi Inscrip- the basis of and for other reasons, other dates
it
tions,” by V. A. Kratchkovskaya (pp. 1770-84). are put forth for some objects. Survey, pi. 241 is
In addition A. replies to A. Jefferey’s review of her Indian, fifteenth century, not Iranian. Pp. 208-9
The Rise of the North Arabic Script and adds new groups ewers probably made in Khurasan. The
materials to this subject. Errors in Minovi’s ac- Alp Arslan silver salver in the Boston Museum
count are corrected on pp. 67-69. Certain prob- is not accepted as of the Seljuk period, nor are a
lems of early Arabic script dealt with on pp. 69-73. number of pieces of silver in the Harari collection.
The rest of the article is devoted to the two other
subjects, Jefferey’s reviews and addenda to her A. U. Pope’s reply : A rs Islamica, IX (1942),
book. In the latter part the first Koran attributed 201-8.
to Ibn Mukla is significant.
P. leaves to Orbeli a future answer of Dimand’s
F. E. Day, “A Review of ‘The Ceramic Arts. charges but takes it upon himself to defend vigor-
A. History’ in A Survey of Persian Art” ously the authenticity of several objects D. had
(by A. U. Pope), Ars Islamica, VIII questioned.
(i94i)> 13-48.
M. S. Dimand, “A Reply,” Ars Islamica, IX
D. criticizes the editorial policy (quality of plates, ( 1942) ,
208-11.
lack of a catalogue, etc.) and lack of scholarly
accuracy. P. 15 contains a list of typographical
A reply to Pope’s attacks on his review of the Sur-
errors. Most interesting is D.’s contention that vey’s chapter on Persian metalwork. Deals mostly
lusterware originated probably in Mesopotamia, with the Boston silver salver. D. insists rightly
was im- that chemical analysis “must be supported by stylis-
not Persia, and “Persian” lusterware
tic evidence.”
ported. Two other chapters are summaries inter-
spersed with additional information, doubts of in- “
sufficiently documented facts and theories.
K. Erdmann, ‘The Art of Carpet Mak-
ing’ A Survey of Persian Art. Rezen-
in
A. U. Pope’s reply : A rs Islamica, IX (1942), sion,” Ars Islamica, VIII (1941), 121-91.
173-96.
E. considers Pope’s history of Persian carpets of
In spite of many specific objections to Miss Day’s great importance because it breaks with the old
review, P. admits that “new information has been
classifications of rugs and is instead trying to es-
brought out and minor errors have been corrected.”
tablish localization of workshops. The review con-
F. E. Day, “A Review of ‘The Ceramic Art tains much additional research and gives principles
of methodical approach (use of sources) and of
in Islamic Times. B. Dated Faience’ in A
stylistic analysis (establishment of a basic structure
Survey of Persian Art” (by E. Etting-
of pattern). While E.’s review of the chapters on
hausen), Ars Islamica, Y III ( 1941 ) 49-58. medallion carpets, court carpets,
,
etc., is limited to
Suggestions as to editorial policy. Minor correc- additions and minor corrections, he disagrees alto-
tions but no disagreement as to dating. Added gether with P.’s treatment of vase carpets. E. date:
are seven dated pieces published by Y. A. Godard
: early sixteenth century. Locality Kerman.
but not included by E. and four unpublished dated
pieces from the Chicago Art Institute. A. U. Pope ( Ars Islamica, IX (1942), 208)
hopes to reply at a later date.
A. U. Pope’s reply: Ars Islamica, IX ( 1942),
196-7. R. Ettinghausen, “Editorial: Reviews of
M. Dimand, “A Review of Sasanian and

S.
A Survey of Persian Art,” Ars Islamica,
Islamic Metalwork in A Survey of Persian

VIII (1941 ) 1-2. ,
Art,” Ars Islamica, VIII (1941), 192-2 14. A statement of editorial policy.
. —
1
“ or disagreeing, and giving reasons in each instance.

A. Godard, ‘The Architecture of the Islamic
Period,’ A
Survey of Persian Art, Compte- In a field where so much is conjecture, especially
as to localization, this judicious, objective proce-
rendu,” Ars Islamica, VIII (1941), 3-12.
dure of an expert should be of great value.
Early dates questioned Bam, Masdjid-i-Rasül
: ;
A. U. Pope’s reply to Kühnel: Ars Islamica,

Kadj (is Mongol, not 80 h.) Tabriz, Congrega- ;
tional Mosque (not second century H. but “several IX (1942), 197-201.

centuries later”). Attacks Schroeder’s method of
A surprisingly harsh reply to Kiihnel’s review of
dating (1) by tradition, (2) by briques. South Dr. Ackerman’s chapters on textiles. P. corrects
Ivan of Isfahan Congregational Mosque not ninth K. in several instances but in others he seems to
century, but twelfth century. Sixty-eight plate cap- misinterpret his approach (pp. no and 120).
tions are corrected.
F. R. Matson, “A Review of ‘The Ceramic
A. U. Pope’s reply: Ars Islamica, IX (1942), Art in Islamic Times. C. Techniques,
171-73. D. Contemporary Techniques.’ ” Ars Is-
“Many Godard’s comments are correct and
of lamica, VIII (1941), 59-63, 64.
informing, others are debatable.” Insists on cor-
rectness of date of PI. 259A. Typographical error
A statement of modern mineralogical methods of
analyzing clay body, slips and glazes, inclusive of
of PI. 31 iB : 1134 a.d. instead of 1554 a.d.
experimental data of a microscopic study of Sa-
E. Schroeder, “M. Godard’s Review of the marra sherds. Quoting three of Hobson’s state-
ments gives M. the opportunity to speak of cer-
Architectural Section of Survey of Per- A tain basic facts pertaining to slips and glazes,
sian Art,” Ars Islamica, IX (1942), 211-
rarely known to the nonspecialist. Pope’s reply is
17 . brief and commendatory. Ars Islamica, IX

S. accepts G.’s correction of his plan of Kadj but (1942), 197-
defends himself against all other criticisms, partly G. C. Miles, “Epigraphy in A Survey of Per-
by inferring that he has been misquoted. The ques-
sian Art,” Ars Islamica, VIII (1941),
tion of the Abbasid form of the Djämi* of Isfahan
105-8.
still remains obscure after reading S. Of the plate
corrections S. accepts those for pis. 305, 339, 340, Not a review but a chronological list of Arabic
346 and 359. The “reply” concludes with some inscriptions in Persia ( exclusive of the Caucasus,
self-corrections of a general nature (p. 215) and Afghanistan, and Turkestan) from the beginning
an attack on M. B. Smith’s doubts “cast upon the to the end of the sixth century of Islam. Some of
hypothesis that the pavilion Mosque existed as a these are unpublished. The list is supplementary
type.” to material discussed in the Survey.
E. Kühnel, “Stoffe, in A Survey of Persian A. U. Pope, “The Survey of Persian Art and
Art. Rezension,” Ars Islamica, VIII Its Critics,” Ars Islamica, IX (1942), 169
( 1941 ) , 109-20. 208

K. offers a clear, carefully weighed estimate of P. For the various sections in this reply see the pre-
Ackerman’s chapters on Persian textiles, agreeing ceding titles.
BOOK REVIEWS
Al-Funün al-ïrànïya fil- /hr al-Islämi ( Per- unpublizierte Stücke aus der jetzt aufgelösten
sian Art in the Moslem Period ) by Zaky ,
Sammlung Aly Ibrahim Pasha. Es folgen
Mohammed Hassan. Second edition. Stoffe, Metallarbeiten, Glas und Holz.
Cairo: Egyptian Library Press, 1946. In einem Sonderkapitel werden die orna-
mentalen Elemente der persisch-islamischen
I <3
Richtung (Tier-, Mensch- und Pflanzenmotive,
A) jjtsA I I _)1.3 AjuLô o 1 A^> Id ] Aft . U I •
geometrische Muster u. dgl.), anschliessend

i jj<aA 1 >_^30] j|^ A*- .ka
die Ausstrahlungen von Iran auf andere
406 pp., inserted illustrations (not numbered), Kunstgebiete studiert und in einer Schlussbe-
160 pis., map of Iran. trachtung einige spezifisch iranische Kunst-
probleme beleuchtet.
Die Publikation, die unter dem Patronat Ein sorgfältig zusammengestelltes Litera-
des Arabischen Museums in Cairo erschienen turverzeichnis,das allen Interessenten will-
ist, ist zu begrüssen als der erste Versuch, das kommen sein wird, umfasst 271 Bücher und
Gesamtgebiet der persisch- islamischen Kunst Abhandlungen, unter denen der Verfasser al-
in arabischer Sprache zugänglich zu machen, lein mit 21 Nummern vertreten ist. Mehrere
und die Tatsache, dass sie bereits in 2. Auflage Register vervollständigen den Inhalt der
vorliegt, spricht dafür, dass sie ihren Zweck Publikation.
vollauf erfüllt. Der Verfasser, in Paris und Als europäisch geschulter Gelehrter hat
Berlin ausgebildet und mit der gesamten Fach- Zaky Hassan in seinem Handbuch den geeig-
literatur wohl vertraut, als Professor an der neten Weg gefunden, die Ergebnisse der
Universität Fouad I in Cairo tätig, bietet Forschung dem gebildeten arabischen Publi-
volle Gewähr für eine sachliche, gewissenhafte kum und vor allem den Studierenden der is-
Darstellung auf der Grundlage moderner lamischen Kunstgeschichte zugänglich zu ma-
Forschung. chen. Es kam ihm dabei weniger darauf an,
Nach einem ersten Kapitel über die Stel- zu Problemen, die noch diskutiert werden, per-
lung Irans in der Kunstgeschichte und kurzer sönlich Stellung zu nehmen, als vielmehr all-
Charakterisierung der einzelnen Kunststile gemein anerkannte Ergebnisse zu vermitteln.
werden Bauformen und Baudekor behandelt, Trotzdem hat seine Art der Darstellung eine
die allerdings nur 21 Seiten Text und 34 durchaus eigene Note. Rigorose Arabisten
Tafeln mit gut gewählten Beispielen in An- werden ihm vielleicht vorwerfen, dass er in
spruch nehmen. Das Hauptgewicht dieses der Anpassung an die europäische Methode
Handbuchs liegt auf dem Kunstgewerbe, von zu weit geht, müssen aber andererseits zuge-
dem die Buchkunst (Kalligraphie, Illumina- ben, dass er mit Erfolg bemüht ist, den schwie-
tion, Miniaturmalerei, Einbände) allein 85 rigen Stoff in klarer Sprache vorzutragen und
Seiten, aber leider nur 22 Tafeln einnimmt. geeignete arabische Termini für die Charak-
Kürzer, aber in interessanter Form sind die terisierung technischer Unterschiede einzu-
Teppiche behandelt, erschöpfend dagegen die führen.
Fayencen, die alle keramischen Gattungen be- Die Titel der zitierten europäischen Lite-
rücksichtigen und denen ausser 37 Tafeln noch ratur sind erfreulicher Weise in Antiqua
etwa 25 Textabbildungen gewidmet sind, meist gesetzt, so dass Transcriptions-Missverständ-
,
214 REVIEWS
nisse vermieden werden, und bei den Zeitanga- Mekka und Medina, Kufa and Fostat, Jerusa-
ben istneben der mohammedanischen stets lem und Damaskus, die Wüstenschlösser und
auch die christliche Ara erwähnt. Die beige- schliesslich Kairuan und Cordoba als erste
gebenen Tafeln sind auf gutem Glanzpapier Epoche islamischer Baukunst vorgeführt, der
durchaus befriedigend ausgeführt, und auch er unbegreiflicher Weise dann noch die Tu-
die Textabbildungen sind klar genug, um von lunidenkunst anschliesst. Sie hätte natürlich in
dem betreffenden Objekt eine Vorstellung zu das folgende Kapitel über Abbasiden gehört,
geben. über die der Verfasser überhaupt nicht recht
Zum Schluss sei noch darauf hingewiesen, im Klaren ist ;
sonst hätte er ihnen wohl nicht
dass von demselben Verfasser inzwischen als “periphere” Richtung die der Fatimiden
(1948) ein Handbuch über die gesamte is- angereiht. Keramik von Rakka und Fostat,
lamische Kunst erschienen ist unter dem Titel spanische Stoffe des zwölften Jahrhunderts,
(7 10 Seiten mit 570 Textabbildun- fatimidische Bronzen und Bergkristalle sucht

gen), ebenfalls in Cairo. man eigentlich nicht in diesem Zusammen-
E. Kühnel hänge.
Der dritte Abschnitt, “Seldschukisch-Mam-
Summa Artis. Historia General del Arte. XII : lukische Kunst,” mit der irreführenden Zeitan-
Arte Islamico por José Pijoân. Primera gabe “1050-1250,” während er tatsächlich bis
edition. Madrid: Espasa-Calpe, S. A., ins fünfzehnte Jahrhundert reicht, betrachtet

1949. 628 S., 872 Abbildungen, 24 offenbar die Ayyubiden als Seldschuken. Sonst
Farbtafeln. wäre nicht zu verstehen, dass der Verfasser
Seite 155 sagt, dass “inÄgypten die seldschu-
Das Hauptverdienst der vorliegenden kische Epoche in die der Mamluken mündet.”
Publikation besteht darin, dass sie zum ersten Es werden denn auch hier in erster Linie Archi-
Male in spanischer Sprache das Gesamtgebiet tektur und Kunstgewerbe der Mamluken ge-
der islamischen Kunst in einer reich illustrier- zeigt, neben einigen seldschukischen Denk-
ten Zusammenfassung behandelt, während mälern, wobei aber Iran ausgeschlossen ist.
bisher die Studien unserer spanischen Kollegen Dieses erhält ein Sonderkapitel “Islamische
sich im wesentlichen auf die spanisch-mauri- Kunst in Persien und Zentralasien,” beginnend
sche Kunst beschränkten. Ihr Nachteil liegt mit Kioskmoscheen, Grabtürmen und der-
darin, dass sie im Rahmen eines vielbändigen gleichen. Ardistan wird stark hervorgehoben,
Werkes erscheint, in welchem die verschie- aber die gesamte Mongolenzeit gilt als “timu-
densten Epochen der Kunstgeschichte von ridisch.” Sultaniye figuriert in dieser Rubrik,
einem und demselben Verfasser behandelt die die ilkhanischePhase ignoriert, und der
werden, von dem man unmöglich erwarten Leser muss den Eindruck haben, dass auch die
kann, dass er auf jedem Einzelgebiet genügend Safawidenbauten dazugehören. Gute Beispiele
fachlich bewandert ist, um alle auftretenden werden von persischer Keramik und Plastik
Probleme zu meistern. geboten, dagegen ist die Darstellung der
Pijoan teilt den Stoff in acht Hauptab- Miniaturmalerei etwas verworren; sie reicht
schnitte ein, die nicht immer glücklich abge- von der Bagdadschule bis Riza Abbasi, aber
grenzt sind. Zunächst behandelt er die Omai- Behzad z. B. kommt garnicht zu Worte. Sehr
yadische Periode, der er eine kurze Betrach- wenig sagt Pijoan über die persischen Tep-
tung der himyaritischen Plastik und der Bauten piche, und von Stoffen bringt er nur safa-
von Hadramaut vorrausschickt. Dann werden widische Beispiele.
— .
REVIEWS 215
Die “Osmanische Kunst” hebt an mit einem Die Devise der Könige von Granada ist in
guten Überblick über seldschukische Karawan- der Transcription “Le Galib ibn Allah” sinnlos
sereien, Türben, Moscheen usw. in Anatolien, entstellt.
geht dann auf den eigentlichen Gegenstand des Es wäre ungerecht, wollte man nicht an-
Themas ein und berücksichtigt von der Kunst- dererseits darauf hinweisen, dass der Verfas-
industrie wenigstens die Keramik. “Islamische ser wiederholtwenig oder garnicht bekanntes
Kunst in Indien” enthält eine kurze Charak- Material heranzieht, so etwa das altarabische
teristik von Architektur und Miniaturen der Pferd in Washington, die Bäder von Barce-
Moghulzeit. Ausführlicher geht dann Pijoän lona und Gerona (zwölftes Jahrhundert), das
auf die “Kunst in Spanien und im Maghreb” Grab des Nür al-Din, den Mihrab unter dem
ein, wobei er auch einige weniger bekannte Felsendom (Abb. 40), alte Wiedergaben des
Denkmäler heranzieht (Alcazaba in Malaga, Minaretts von Cordoba, einen Bagdader Stadt-
Kuppel der Concepcion Francisca in Toledo, plan von 1533, eine türkische Miniatur der
u.a.). Er gibt eine farbige Reproduktion der Zitadelle von Aleppo, die Baybarsbrücke von
Deckenmalerei in der Alhambra mit den Lydda u.a.m. Unter den beigegebenenDoku-
maurischen Königen und nimmt an, dass sie menten ist ein Radialkreis zur Bestimmung der
von einem arabischen Maler unter italieni- Kibla von Nutzen, und ein sorgfältiges Regis-
schem Einfluss ausgeführt Sei. Den Alcazar ter erleichtert das Nachschlagen.
in Sevilla Weise nicht
rechnet er sonderbarer Die technische Ausführung des Bandes
zum Mudejarstil. Maurische Stoffe und Fa- ausgezeichnete Reproduktionen auf vorzü-
yencen vervollständigen das Kapitel, dem noch glichem Papier, in Zusammenhang mit dem
als Ergänzung einige marokkanische Denk- Text, und meist gut gelungene Farbtafeln — ist
mäler (Fes, Merrakesh) angefügt sind. höchsten Lobes wert, und alsHauptverdienst
Man vermisst in einer so umfangreichen des Verfassers wird man hervorheben, dass er
Darstellung verschiedene immerhin wichtige sich bemüht hat, die islamische Kunst durch
Einzelgebiete. Türkische Stoffe und Teppiche ein ausserordentlich reichhaltiges Bildmaterial
fehlen ganz, auch spanische und ägyptische in allen ihren Phasen vor Augen zu führen.
Teppiche, ebenso die arabisch-normannische Auch der Text ist als eindringliche und leben-
Kunst Siziliens; sehr ungleich, stellenweise dige Darstellung des Themas lesenswert, be-
gründlich und dann wieder lückenhaft, ist die darf aber für eine zweite Auflage gründlicher
Architektur behandelt. Dem Fachmann wird Durchsicht zur Austilgung der zahlreichen Irr-
es leicht sein, selbst bei flüchtiger Lektüre eine tümer und einer klareren Erfassung der ein-
Anzahl notorischer Irrtümer und Fehlbestim- zelnen Stilbildungen, ehe er als zuverlässig
mungen festzustellen, die in manchen Fällen gelten kann.
bedenklich erscheinen mögen, da die Publika- E. Kühnel
tion sich an breitere Kreise wendet. So ist z.B.
eine Naskhi-Inschrift aus Ardistan als kufisch
jVT History of Yezd (in Persian). By
bezeichnet (Abb. 332), ein türkischer Bettep-
‘Abd al-Husain Äyati ( )
pich als persisch (Abb. 539), das Mausoleum
Yezd, 1938.
des Sultan Sandjar als samanidisch, Imäm Dür
als seldschukisch, die Masdjid-i-Shäh in Is- This volume contains 433 pages and 56
fahan (Abb. 376) als timuridisch; eine Zwie- unnumbered illustrations which include views
belkuppel aus Shiraz (Abb. 386) ist unter die of the town, pictures of its ancient and modern
Timuridenbauten Turkestans eingereiht, usw. buildings, and photographs of notable resi-
2l6 REVIEWS
dents of the present day. The work contains cases these records do not agree with observa-
neither a list of its chapter division nor an tions made by visitors to Yezd.
index. Another section continues the history of
The author, now in his seventies and a the town down to the present and closes with
member of a family resident near Yezd for a description of the modern Yezd: its public
generations, writes that he has consulted some improvements, its schools, factories, and its
forty books in the preparation of his history. literary society. Some eighty pages are de-
In the early pages he gives incomplete title voted to notices of the contemporary or near-
listings of ten of these Persian and Arabic contemporary literary figures of Yezd, includ-
sources. None of the sources are primarily ing brief specimens of their poetry.
related to the town, but later on the author The author has steeped himself in the
refers to a brief History of Yezd by Sayyid stories and lore of his ancient town, but his
Djaläl ed-din Dja‘far who seems to be a con- organization of the material is far from per-
temporary of the author. fect. The names of thousands of individuals
The history of Yezd is traced back to figure in the text, but the lack of an index
remote times and a considerable number of makes it very difficult to locate any particular
pages are devoted to the Sasanian period. person. Throughout the book very few ref-
These pages contain descriptions of ruins lo- erences to source material are given, and when
cated in villages in the vicinity of Yezd which these are included, usually as direct quotations,
the author believes to date from Sasanian the precise title and page of the source is lack-
times. ing. The book undoubtedly of high interest

is
The second and by far the longest section to the local residents of Yezd, but it would
of the book deals with the running story of have commanded the wider attention of schol-
Yezd from the opening of the Islamic period ars and historians if full notes, precise refer-
ences, and indices had been included.
to the tenth century of the Hijra. Personal
names are used for nearly all of the many sub- Donald N. Wilber
division headings, and the text discusses the
lives and activities of the notable figures and
pS (^L-LaIj Guide to Qum (in Persian). Tehe-
ran, 1938.
local rulers of the passing centuries. Of real
interest is the detailed account of Yezd during This book, issued by the Office of the
the Muzaffarid period since in most accounts Threshold at Qum, contains 152 pages and
dealing with this dynasty attention is centered 3 indices. It has 64 illustrations, rather clearer
upon Shiraz and Kerman. Special attention than in most books printed at Teheran, and
has been given to public works undertaken includes a plan of the Threshold.
in Yezd and its vicinity by these individuals, The introduction contains a reference to
and these pages include lists of structures an older documentary source, a History of
which have since vanished as well as brief de- Qum (^9 )
composed in Arabic in 387 H.
monuments of Yezd.
scriptions of all the older by Hasan ibn Muhammad ibn Hasan Kumi.
The upon architec-
descriptions place no stress This work was translated into Persian in
tural features but frequently list numerous 805 H. by Hasan ibn Ali ibn Hasan ‘Abd al-
repairs or additions made to a monument at Mulk Kumi, and in 1934 the translation was
various periods. The texts of a number of ar- edited and printed at Teheran by Sayyid Djaläl
chitectural inscriptions are given and in a few al-Din Teheran!. There is also a less precise
REVIEWS 217
reference to an Itinerary of Qum ^ A*")- of famous men who are buried in the Thresh-
The first chapter gives a sketch history of old area. This list includes four Safawid and
Qum and a brief description of the agriculture two Kädjär rulers of Iran. The following
and industry, the river, schools, and mosques, chapter deals with the past and present organi-
as well as of noted men of this town of 55,000 zation of the shrine. In 1937 revenues and ex-
people. penditures of the shrine balanced at a sum
Chapters II through VIII are concerned equivalent to $13,600. The final chapter in this
with the Shrine of Fatima, the sister of the section deals with the construction of the mu-
eighth Imam. The Shrine area is always seum and the celebration held upon its opening.
known as the Ästäneh or Threshold. The first Chapter IX gives a brief architectural
two of these chapters contain an account of the description of sixteen tombs. The majority of
early establishment of the Threshold and men- these tombs, located on the outskirts of the
tion of additions and repairs undertaken up to town, were erected during the fourteenth
the present day. A chapter of forty-three century.
pages gives a valuable and detailed description Chapter X describes new buildings and
of the architectural elements of the extensive improvements made in the town in recent
area: a plan of the building complex is pub- years, including the railway station, new
lished at the end of the book. avenues, factories, and a hospital. Chapter
Another chapter in this same section de- XI contains a sketch of the educational system
scribes precious objects belonging to the Thresh- of Qum together with an account of the con-
old. They are housed in a museum within struction of the new high school.
the shrine area. The museum, opened in
1934, Donald N. Wilber
is directed by Muhammad Takï Sepahbodï.
These objects are rather briefly described un- “The Horse and Lion Tapestry at Dumbarton
der a number of headings. There are thirteen Oaks. A Study in Coptic and Sassanian
rugs and carpets, three of which are illustrated. Textile Design.” By Ernst Kitzinger.
All were woven by Ustäd Ni‘mat Allah Dj aw- Dumbarton Oaks Papers, No. 3, edited
shakânï, and two bear the date 1082 h. They
for the Dumbarton Oaks Research Li-
were bequeathed to the Threshold by the Safa- brary and Collection, Washington, D. C.,
wid ruler Shah Sulaimän. Glazed tiles are of Harvard by Robert P.
University,
shown in seven illustrations. Tiles from the Blake, William Koehler, and Paul J.
Threshold are dated between 605 h. and Sachs. Cambridge: Harvard University
613 h. The other tiles include forty-five pieces Press, 1946.
from the Imämzädeh Ali ibn Dja‘far and
pieces dated 661 H. from the Imämzädeh Kitzinger’s article is the first of four pre-
Ismä‘il. Six brocades are described and one sented in the third volume of the Dumbarton
illustrated. Korans are displayed in eleven
Six Oaks Papers. In this study of a textile ac-
illustrations: one of them is dated 590 h. Fif- quired by the Dumbarton Oaks Collection in
teen miscellaneous objects are mentioned and 1939 the author has devoted 59 pages of text,
shown in eleven illustrations. These objects 12 additional pages in an Appendix and 123
include a box, lantern, swords and scabbards, illustrations to a description of the piece, to a
armlets, oil lamps, candlesticks, gilded and detailed consideration of its relation to other
silvered doors. textiles and to works of art in various media,
Another chapter gives biographical sketches and to his conclusions which assign a sixth-
—
2l8 REVIEWS
century A.D. date and an Egyptian provenance sign elements, precise comparisons with ob-
to the textile. jects in other media — the Appendix gives a
The probably made for a wall hang-
textile, List of Early Byzantine Animal and Bird
ing, is of wool and is executed in a tapestry Capitals, supported by many illustrations
weave with both warp and weft threads spun artistic styleand literary sources. The length
to the left — a technical device common to a of the study is amply justified by the amount
majority of Egyptian Coptic textiles. In its of light shed upon the disputed fields of Sasa-
present incomplete state the piece includes a nian, Coptic and Mediterranean art of the
main field and a wide border along the right early Christian centuries.
edge of the field. The design of the field con- A single aspect of the study may be re-
sists of seven horizontal rows set in a stag- capitulated in some detail. Kitzinger points
gered vertical relationship. The repeat ele- out that the busts of animals and birds, ad-
ment of these rows is made up of addorsed dorsed and mounted on pedestals, are to be
—
protomes horses and lions in alternate found on four wool tapestries and six silk
—
rows set on cuplike bases whose stems spring twills all of which were, as far as their prove-
from foliate scrolls. The border strip displays nance is known, found in Egypt. These silks
an alternation of mounted horsemen in roun- have been previously considered by various
dels with lions and panthers. An extensive scholars to be purely Sasanian, to be Egyptian,
palette of bright colors characterizes the to be Egyptian under Persian and Byzantine
border. influence, or to be Syrian. Kitzinger gives his
According to Kitzinger the combination reasons for believing that the silks preceded
of field and border design of this textile is the tapestries and states that the Dumbarton
unique and he studies each element in turn. In
Oaks textile is a local Egyptian version
— “a
his consideration of the main field he first re-
masterly amalgamation of Sassanian and
lates the design to other pieces characterized
by the use of addorsed protomes and then
—
Mediterranean elements” of an animal pro-
tome pattern which could only have come from
investigates both the possible origin of the
Persia. He suggests that some time before
related examples and of the compositional ele-
the sixth century A.D. there must have been,
ments of the Dumbarton Oaks textile. He then
in the Sasanian area, a school of silk weaving
proceeds to a comparison of the piece with five
which specialized in all-over patterns. He
woolen textiles in American collections which
believes that if the representations of textiles
display all-over repeat patterns and elaborate
borders, although they do not contain the fea-
shown on the Täk-i-Bustän reliefs are charac-
teristic of one school of weaving then the
ture of the addorsed protomes. Finally, the
school of all-over patterns would represent
conclusions, already mentioned above, are
given. an entirely different branch of ornamental art,
Kitzinger presents a closely knit argument but that this postulation of two such separate
as he moves toward the goal of establishing schools is acceptable only if it could be dem-
the date and place of manufacture of the tex- onstrated that the schools were active in sep-
tile. The general reasoning is not necessarily arate chronological limits. Kitzinger suggests
weakened if some sections seem less convincing that the reconciliation of these proposed
than others for, in contrast to more restricted schools and an examination of the relationship
studies of textile patterns, he has considered between recognized Sasanian works of art and
weaving techniques, palettes, the origin of de- textiles assumed to have had Sasanian proto-
REVIEWS 219
types is a task for the historian of Sasanian in the field should at least be aware of the
art. volume of this vanished material and realize
This reviewer, while making no claims as that an arbitrary series, however closely it
a historian in this field, will comment upon appears to hang together, may carry convic-
some of the problems of Sasanian art which tion only because of our limited knowledge.
are pertinent to the content of the study and Is it possible that a considerably greater
will touch upon the second of Kitzinger’s volume of pertinent material may be brought
suggestions. to light? Of all the textiles labeled as Sasanian
A
primary difficulty with regard to the by any of the scholars none have been found in
study and classification of Sasanian textiles is Iran. The fragments come from European
that the limited number of scholars who have church treasures, gifts brought back by pil-
written on the subject have held as many dif- grims to the Eloly Land; from lands as far
ferent views, and the number of textiles that to the east as Japan; and in largest numbers
all recognize as having been woven in Sasanian from burials of Egypt. Will expanding re-
Iran is very few indeed. A natural tendency search within Iran bring such textiles to light?
among art historians is to regard their chosen The relative dampness of the soil in contrast
fields of specialization with paternalistic pride to the dry climate of Egypt or of the steppes
and by their writings to swell the number of of Asia is against such a possibility, but much
works of art attributed to the field. Such a more cognate is the fact that in Sasanian times
tendency does exist in the field of textile stud- bodies were exposed rather than dressed or
ies, but there is also a novel and contradic- wrapped in precious fabrics and then buried.
tory trend. Pfister, who has done so much On the other hand, museums and private col-
valuablework on the textiles found in Egypt lections demand archeological exploration. Les
and has clearly demonstrated the local Egyp- Arts de l’Iran: U Ancienne Perse et Baghdad
tian origin of certain themes, attributes a very lists some seventy textiles related to the sub-
substantialnumber of textiles to the Sasanian ject of the present study which were exhibited
empire, while Ackerman, who has made de- at the 1938 and
Bibliothèque Nationale in
tailed studies of the sources of Iranian art, which come from French collections. Prob-
lists a minimum number of Sasanian pieces. ably such pieces will be slowly brought to light
Kitzinger, a comparative newcomer to the in separate studies just as Kitzinger illustrated
field, strikes a balance between the counter five textiles in American museums which had a
claims, and the reviewer believes that his bearing upon the Dumbarton Oaks piece. The
classification and attribution of the group of reviewer suggests, as a worthy research instru-
Antinoë textiles will find general acceptance. ment, a corpus of Near and Middle East tex-
However, the very fact that his reasoning is so tiles executed in the first ten centuries of the
closely knit may represent a weakness. Lit- Christian era.
erary material offers a tantalizing suggestion If we believe that Sasanian textiles will
of the enormous volume of weaving carried not be found in Iran we can still be certain
on at Antioch, at other Mediterranean cities that the excavation of Sasanian sites would
and throughout the wide confines of the Sasa- yield rich treasures of architectural decoration,
nian empire. It is certain that for every frag- stucco plaques and friezes, mosaic floors and
ment that has survived day as
to the present objects of art and that this material would
many as a thousand or even five thousand fine shed increasing light upon the problem of
pieces came from the looms. Thus, scholars Sasanian textiles. The recent and current ex-
220 REVIEWS
cavations at Shäpür illustrate the validity of familiar with stages of rapid evolution, high
this statement. style and decline. To cite a specific example,
Ivitzinger’s search for Sasanian prototype in his search for Iranian prototypes of the
forms led him into an obscure and much de- addorsed protomes Kitzinger went back to the
bated subject — that of Sasanian art. Students well-known Achaemenid capitals. He might
of Western art will realize that, in spite of the also have cited the bull protomes of the third
mass of material available for early Christian century a.d. fire temple at Shäpür. Carved in
Egypt, no general agreement has been reached stone, these supporting elements are very like
with regard to the basic sources and charac- the Persepolis columns capitals although ex-
teristics of Coptic style. Agreement in Iranian ecuted seven hundred years later. Through-
studies, where scholarly experience covers a out the long history of Iranian art continuity
shorter span and where the material is less of tradition and type prevailed while innova-
abundant, can hardly be expected in the imme- tion and change were foreign to the motivating
diate future. In general, scholars have claimed spirit of the art. To demonstrate the high
to find two strands in Sasanian art: one rep- regard for the past another Sasanian example
resents the Iranian heritage of the region and may be cited. Carved architectural elements
the other Hellenistic influences at work in the were transported from Persepolis a distance
area. Certain writers state that the Hellenis- of some fifty kilometers and rudely re-erected
tic elements present in the art were a result at the Sasanian village of Kasr Abü Nasr.
of influences moving from the Mediterranean The official was
function of Sasanian art
area, while others believe these influences came the visual glorification of the ruler. In form
from the Graeco-Bactrian region to the east and style the art reflects a controlled and re-
of Iran. Some authors say that the Hellenistic fined naturalism which has been endowed with
influence was strong during the early Sasanian a particular force and vigor. Rock reliefs,
period, while others assert that it was very silver plates, and architectural stuccoes all dis-
important at the later period of the Tak-i- play this feature. The reviewer doubts that
Bustän reliefs. In the field of history it is stylistic development in a number of recog-
certain knowledge that the Sasanian empire nizable stages can be detected in Sasanian art
lay open to the West under the early rulers of and hence he questions whether works of art
the line, while later on it was deliberately may be assigned to the beginning or end of the
sealed off from external contacts. However, period on the basis of assumed stylistic differ-
it is not possible to draw a precise parallel ences. The reviewer also doubts whether it is
between history and art since the movement of possible to so identify and isolate the Hellenis-
craftsmen, of pattern designs and of the ac- tic and Iranian elements of the art that the one
tual art objects is not halted by political or the other may be said to predominate at
frontiers. any selected moment of the Sasanian period.
Sasanian art displays one striking feature The material from Shäpür displays both ele-
which is characteristic not only of that his- ments. The mosiac floors may well have been
torical period but of Iranian art in general. laid by one of the less gifted Antiochene crafts-
This is the fact that themes, decorative forms men. The bull protomes are in the direct
and design elements persist unchanged over Iranian heritage. The architectural stucco at
long periods of time or are modified at a very Shäpür has Hellenistic patterns which are com-
slow rate. This fact may lie outside the ex- bined very un-Hellenistic proportion rela-
in
perience of historians of Western art who are tionships, just as at a later date the facade of
,
REVIEWS 221
the great hall at Ctesiphon displays unassimi- and crowned by grooved vases. Each vase
lated Hellenistic elements. The stuccoes from bears two elongated crescents provided with
Kish and Damghan contain both Hellenistic two little hooks. The textile and its companion
and Iranian motifs. The possibility that pat- pieces are woven in a very simple technique
tern books worked to foster the geographical which is almost identical with that of textiles
spread of designs must not be overlooked: of the end of the Han period (first and second
such books would bring the exotic but fashion- centuries A.D.) found at Lou-Lan. Pfister be-
able Sasanian motifs to the Antioch mosaicists. lieves this group is composed of early Sasanian
Fig. i—Antinoe Silk, Musée Guimet 1108

Fig. 2 — Detail, Dumbarton Oaks Tapestry
Fig. 3 — Reconstruction of Sasanian Model
These general speculations do have some pieces woven in a technique borrowed from
bearing upon Kitzinger’s study. If we agree China and that they are prior to the introduc-
that his group, comprising the several Antinoë tion into Iran from the Mediterranean region
silksand tapestries and the Dumbarton Oaks of the more developed serge technique. Kitzin-
tapestry stem from Sasanian models we should ger seems to accept Musée Guimet 1108 as
like to know more about these models. Kitzin- early Sasanian. Accepting the use of the “Han
ger suggests that Musée Guimet i io8 {Fig. i ) technique,” we must agree that the piece is of
a silk which he calls the most archaic of the early date, but we must also raise certain ques-
group, is such a model. Textile
1 108 is one of tions. First, where and when was the piece
a group found at Antinoë and published by woven? Second, is it a convincing type model
Pfister. The piece displays the heads or skulls for Kitzinger’s group? Pfister calls the piece
of mountain goats flanked by half-palmettes Sasanian and of the third or fourth century,
222 REVIEWS
but from the evidence presented it might as media than textiles are characterized by ex-
well be of the second century A.D. and of an treme clarity with no element so obscurely
area to the east of Iran. represented as to make it uncertain what it is
Musée Guimet 1108 as
Kitzinger, in using intended to portray. Thus, in the opinion of
the model for his group, states that the group the reviewer, Musée Guimet 1108
is not the
displays a development from simple and geo- prototype model for Kitzinger’s group; is
metric forms to elaborate and organic forms. earlier than the third or fourth century A.D.
The vital steps in this development are as- and pre-Sasanian; and was not woven at a
sumed to have taken place on Sasanian looms. Sasanian center.
That such a development could have taken place However, we may still accept the well-
seems open to question. First, the suggestion reasoned argument of Kitzinger that the pat-
implies a continuous stylistic development of a tern of the main field of the Dumbarton Oaks
type which the reviewer has already stated he reworking of a Sasanian original
textile is a
does not find in Sasanian art. Second, if we and may wonder what this original was like.
review the certain Sasanian works of art, the The reviewer believes that it was simpler, more
possibility ofdevelopment from geometric and preciseand more closely related with Sasanian
abstract to organic and naturalistic seems com- motifs as they appear on fixed works of art.
pletely foreign to the period. When there is Figure 2 gives the pattern element of the field
good evidence for the breakdown of a pattern of the Dumbarton Oaks piece and Figure 3 the
form within the general period the deteriora- reviewer’s suggestion for a reconstruction of a
tion is always from naturalistic toward more Sasanian model. The latter sketch, based upon
stylized, more rigid, and more geometrical the bull protomes found at Shäpür and the
forms. The diagonal square pattern common reliefs at Tâk-i-Bustân is intended to be no
to mosaics and textiles of the Mediterranean more than a speculative suggestion. How-
and Sasanian regions, may be cited as a single ever, even in the Dumbarton Oaks textile the
example of this tendency. In its early version pattern is reminiscent of an architectural motif,
the pattern lines are made up of rows of flow- and the motif shown in Figure 3 may yet be
ers and the diagonal points of intersection are found in Sasanian architecture. The tree form,
marked by larger, four-petaled flowers, but in the more elongated version found at Täk-i-
later on the flowers gradually turn into geo- Bustän, would cover a pilaster shaft which
metric shapes. would be crowned by the protome carrying a
The organization of Musée Guimet 1108 frieze and possibly cross members as well.
is also in opposition to the controlled natural- The probability that such a decorated form
ism so characteristic of Sasanian art. The so- was used might be argued in more detail from
called head or skulls of mountain goats are only specific examples. However, the sketch is
vaguely suggestive of such forms, while the merely intended to raise the possibility of using
elongated crescents with their hooks bring no certain Sasanian works of art as comparative
comparative object to mind unless it were such material for the judgment of more question-
a goat as seen from the rear. The reviewer able pieces.
believes that both elements must be abstrac- In the opinion of the reviewer Kitzinger
tions of more naturalistic prototypes rather has made a significant contribution toward the
than geometric forms which suggested organic unraveling of the tangled strands of the mul-
forms to Sasanian weavers using the piece as a tiple artistic currents and stylistic trends of
model. All recorded Sasanian works in other the early centuries of the Christian era, and
REVIEWS 223
scholarly research will be well rewarded if he Arabic epigraphist, editor and translator of
goes on to examine other important pieces in Arabic texts, conversant with the entire range
the Dumbarton Oaks Collection or elsewhere of Muslim studies and author of Introduction
with the same comprehensive method and à l’Histoire de l’Orient Musulman. As a long-
sound judgment. time resident of the Near East he is a practic-
Donald N. Wilber ing archeologist, specialist in architectural his-
tory and skilled draftsman. Long interested in
Alep. Essai sur le développement d’une grande Aleppo, in 1931 he published a report, pre-
ville syrienne y des origines au milieu du pared for the Service des Antiquités of Syria,
XIXe siècle. By J. Sauvaget. (Biblio- which comprised an inventory of some 121
thèque archéologique et historique, tome historical monuments of the city from a total
XXXVI.) Paris: Libraire Orientaliste of more than 300 such monuments seen during
Paul Geuthner. Texte: Pp. xvi -f- 302, the course of his investigations and in 1933
figs. 1-62. With Bibliographie; Auteurs he published a translation from the Arabic of
Cités; Annexes I-X; Index des Mots et those chapters in the work of Ibn Shihna which
des Toponyms Étrangers; and, Index relate to the history of Aleppo. He has also
Analytique. Album: Plates I-LXX. 1200 written several articles dealing with the archi-
francs. tectural and epigraphical remains of the city.
This thorough familiarity with his chosen

This reviewer has wandered through the
subject is well reflected in the apparatus of the
streets,the lanes, and the sooks or bazaars
publication which is here dealt with at some
of many of the renowned cities of Islam:
length in order to call attention to its value for
Aleppo, Tunis, Cairo, Damascus, Istanbul
scholars working in related fields. The bibliog-
Baghdad, Isfahan, and Herat. Vivid memo-
raphy comprises, first, a list of some 170 pub-
ries of their sensuous impact serve to brighten
lications, documents and manuscripts which
the atmosphere of the desk with its burden of
contain material with direct bearing on the
dry and sober notes and references. Of all
history of Aleppo. Of real value are the
these cities, Aleppo alone proved to be com-
author’s concise and extremely apt characteri-
pletely satisfying as a place where the West-
zations of the contents and relative merit of
ern traveler finds the Orient as he thought it
each work. And, second, a list of authors cited
would be and where the multiplicity of the
in the text, which includes some 135 works not
lithic relics stresses the spirit and power of included in the first section of the bibliogra-
Islam. Its sooks, so extensive, so solidly built,
phy. Annexes through X furnish translations
I
so well maintained — as if the merchants and of documents on the revenues of the city, on
craftsmen were proud of their collective her- the establishment of pious foundations, on an
itage — so busy and so laden with distinctive interesting foundation for providing soup,
local products, are of particular interest. Its bread, and rice for certain functionaries, and
larger appeal lies in the uniform character of two genealogical trees. An index of Arabic
its architecture in stone and the amazingly words and toponyms and an analytical index
rapid — in comparison with others of the cities appear to be unusually comprehensive. The
cited above — rhythm of labor and activity 908 footnotes are of properly sober character
within the city. but are also enlivened by many interesting de-
Certainly Sauvaget was eminently quali- tails, such as the fact that the Janissaries of
fied to make this study. As a scholar, he is an the city displayed their hostility toward the
224 REVIEWS
local Shérifsby parading through the streets Within each chapter the considerable va-
a dog turbaned with a green melon. riety of archeological and architectural mate-
Sauvaget relates that he began this study rial finds its proper place under such headings
by dividing the city into sections, taking in mosques
as the fortifications, the citadel, the
hand his own inventory of the monuments and and madrasas, water supply, industry, secular
the sheets of a map of Aleppo at the scale of structures, and quarters and suburbs of the
i :2,ooo, and then making a minute investiga- city. Most of the text figures are small-scale
tion of the city, entering all the detailed infor- plans or sections relating to these same cate-
mation on the map. Then this material was gories. Each chapter ends with a characteriza-
classified according to broad chronological tion of the urban development of the period,
periods and the vestiges in enduring stone were in which the salient feature is stressed in a
sufficiently numerous to enable him to draw a single sentence or phrase.
fairly complete plan of the city for several of In his conclusion Sauvaget places Aleppo
its historical periods. He emphasizes the fact in a definite category of urban centers, that of
that, lacking adequate documentation on the “towns of contact” whose importance resulted
fundamental organizations of government and from a location at a point of contact between
trade and of social life, this work is not the major geographical units or ethnic groups in —
true study of urban historyand human ag- the specific case of Aleppo, at the crossroads
glomerations that he would have chosen to of vital arteries of trade. A comparison of
write, but an exposition of the topographical the fortunes of Aleppo with Sidon and Damas-
development of Aleppo, in which the archeo- cus demonstrates that these three Syrian towns
logical evidence has been used to supplement, are of similar type and enjoyed parallel periods
check, and correct the historical sources. of progress and decline. They are also identi-
The major portion of the text volume con- fied as belonging to a more restricted group of
sists of seven chapters dealing with as many towns of contact, that of towns of contact in
broad historical periods while the album con- a region of contact —with the region defined
tains six plans of the city, four of as many of as theMediterranean littoral. Finally, Aleppo
the earlier periods and two of stages within and the other Syrian towns developed through
the prolonged Ottoman period. Each of the the ages directly above the topographical
chapters has identical subdivisions: an out- framework of the Hellenistic and Roman
line of the general historical setting; the effect period. The succeeding Muslim centuries, al-
of this historical situation upon the city though they adorned the towns with architec-
proper; the aspect of the city as derived from tural monuments, served only to carry forward
its archeological remains; and, finally, an ex- the disintegration of urban order and func-
amination of the progress or decline of the tions and the breakdown of the urban area
town in relation to the previous period. Those into a number of topographic, social, ethnic,
sections which present the historical back- or religious subdivisions lacking fundamental
ground of each period, most of them about five unity.
pages in length, might seem to be somewhat The album comprises a series of excellent
beyond the scope of the subject were it not for photographs, well reproduced, and reproduc-
the fact that Sauvaget deliberately broadened tions of a number of drawings. The photo-
his approach in the hope of attracting the in- graphs include general views of the town and
terest of geographers and historians who are its surroundings, and detailed illustrations of
not primarily orientalists. the citadel, the walls and gates, types of streets
REVIEWS 225
and houses, the and the

industries, the khans, Archéologique and the Institut Français at
principal architectural monuments. The draw- Damascus. Individuals such as Messrs. Seyrig,
ings include the plans of the town at various Sauvaget, Lassus and Schlumberger, with
periods and plans and sections of important whose publications I happen to be most fa-
monuments at a larger scale than those of the miliar, as well as a goodly number of others,
figures of the text. have displayed indefatigable zeal in the study
The title of the work
sets the end limit of all periods of the history of the region and
of Sauvaget’s study as the middle of the nine- have been prolific in publication. It is not likely
teenth century. We may wish that he had in- that the altered political situation of the re-
cluded the most recent period in the develop- gion will tend to diminish their accomplish-
ment of the town —present-day Aleppo. A ments. In certain cases their larger studies,
few of the questions to which answers would be heralded by published articles, are still in prep-
of real interest follow. How has a perennial aration. Other French administra-
results of
difficulty of all the earlier periods — an inade- tion will continue to bear fruit: to choose one
quate water supply —been solved? What fac- example, even in such a prosiac field as that of
tors led to the growth of a western type of cadastral surveys. Cadastral maps were of
urban center at the southern end of the Boule- real value in the excavations at Antioch and
vard de France and along the extension of this were certainly extremely useful to Sauvaget at
avenue which now overlays the moat of the Aleppo, while, as far as my knowledge goes,
western walls of the town? What effect has most of the centers of the Muslim world men-
the modern location of Aleppo upon the line tioned in the opening paragraph have not been
of the railroad from Istanbul to Baghdad had mapped in comparable detail. It is certain that
upon the topography of the town and the loca- none of the others has been studied with such
tion of its industries and warehouses? Do the painstaking and loving care.
modern motor roads carry the type of goods Donald N. Wilber
as formerly and do they join Aleppo and the
same regions which it formerly served? Is the Geschichte der Stadt Samarra (Forschungen
present and possible future development of
zur islamischen Kunst, herausgegeben
the town channeled along specific lines by a
von F. Sarre, II, Die Ausgrabungen von
master plan or other means? Sauvaget lists
Samarra, VI). By Ernst Herzfeld.
two works which might possibly be considered Hamburg (Von Eckardt & Messtorff),
as a projection of his study into the contem-
porary scene: Baurain, P., Alep autrefois, au-
1948. Pp. iv + 290, 55 drawings in
text, 33 plates, i map, 5 aerial photo-
jourd'hui, Aleppo, n.d. (1930), and Godard,
y
graphs. [Sales: Dietrich Reimer/An-
Ch., Alep: essai de géographie urbaine et d éco-
drews & Steiner, Berlin.]
nomie politique et sociale, Aleppo, 1938. I
have been able to examine only the first of With the publication of this remarkable
these which is a guide and handbook of definite volume there comes to a premature end a
interest but not a documented study. series— one might almost say an epic which —
In this closing paragraph I would like to began with Herzfeld’s Der Wandschmuck der
write of this excellent study as a worthy rep- Bauten von Samarra und seine Ornamentik in
resentative of the cultural activity of France 1923. Two other volumes in the Samarra
in Syria and the Lebanon during the past series were also Herzfeld’s, Die Malereien
twenty-five years by members of the Service (1927) and Die vorgeschichtlichen Töpfereien
22Ô REVIEWS
(1930); and to Sarre’s Die Keramik von had the entire page proof in his hands, but he
S amarra (1925) he contributed the epigraphi- did not live to see the book in its final form.
cal section. To mention the name of Samarra The aftermath war further delayed its
of the
is to bring Herzfeld’s to mind; indeed one appearance, and although the volume bears
finds oneself thinking of Samarra as his city, the date 1948 it was not released until 1949,
at least since the Abbasid Caliphs abandoned and only in recent months have a few copies
it,much as one associates the name of Schlie- arrived in this country.
mann with Troy, of Rawlinson with Behistun, Geschichte der Stadt Samarra is a truly
of Evans with Cnossos. When we reflect that Herzfeldian monument of erudition. It is not
Samarra was but one of Herzfeld’s domains light reading. Here and there are a few of
and that Mshattä, Paikuli, Pasargadae and those delightful vignette-like anecdotes in text
Persepolis were his in something of the same and footnote, recalled from vivid memory or
sense, we are reminded that his achievements notebook jotting, that illuminate some ancient
were, to use the words of Samuel Guyer in obscurity by a personal experience, or that
his fine obituary preface to the present volume, simply, like classic comic relief, are interjected,
“schon am äusseren Umfang gemessen zu upon appropriate cue, to interrupt the flow of
den bedeutendsten archäologischen Unterneh- some scholarly excursus. 1 There are frequent
mungen aller Zeiten.” quotations of Arabic verse and in the narrative
Herzfeld’s attack on the famous ninth- portions of the city’s history there is anecdotal
century capital of the caliphs long outdates the fare. But by and large the book is a compact
appearance of the first volume in the Samarra gloss, an immensely learned footnote to the
series. It was in December 1903 that he first archeology, topography, philology, ethnology,
beheld the vast ruins of the and one may city, and history of Samarra and the land in which
be sure that the genesis of the Samarra expedi- it lay. Herzfeld’s “Vielseitigkeit,” richer and
tion took place at that very moment. In 1907 more evident in each later work but fortunately
he wrote his Samarra ,
Aufnahmen und Unter- without that distracting and almost perverse
suchungen zur islamischen Archaeologie. diffusiveness which characterizes his still later
There followed his “archäologische Reise” Zoroaster and his World, is present on every
with Sarre in the Tigris-Euphrates valley page. As usual the linguistic apparatus that
(which resulted in four great volumes), the he brings to bear is to the ordinary mortal
excavations of 1 9 1 1-1 2, and thereafter a series utterly fantastic: Sumerian, Assyro-Babylo-
of publications relating to Samarra which in- nian, Elamite, Old Persian, Pahlevi, Avestan,
cluded the Erster vorläufiger Bericht (1912) Syriac, Arabic, Persian, Greek, Hebrew,
and the Mitteilung über die Arbeiten der Aramaic, Coptic. The work cannot be compe-
zweiten Kampagne (1914). The present vol- tently criticized by a single reviewer, at least
ume is unhappily the last that we shall see, at not by this one. But the contents may be
least from Herzfeld’s pen; the material for briefly summarized.
what surely would have been a great architec- The first eighty-six pages deal with the
tural volume was in hand and still exists, but historical geography of Samarra and its neigh-
death has intervened. Sarre too has gone. As borhood. The oldest description of the region
for the Geschichte, the manuscript was finished is in the annals of Tukulti-Ninurta II. And
in Princeton late in 1941 and started on its so down through the ages to the founding of
way to the printers in Germany before com-
munications were cut. Early in 1946 Herzfeld 1
Eg
. ., pp. 51, 54, 150, 204.
REVIEWS 227
al-Mu‘tasim’s “Surra man rä’a,” Herzfeld ex- sion. Perhaps he would have made the con-
amines in the minutest detail the topography cession of an index, had he lived or had not
and toponymy of the rivers, canals, roads, war conditions interfered. Some enterprising
settlements, and cities that surrounded Sa- person should prepare one, at least of subjects
marra; and the entire body of ancient and and of particular words from the source lan-
medieval knowledge, supported by his own guages, for the book contains scores of new
personal exploration and inquiry, is brought etymologies and in the whole wide Iranian-
under contribution. The next fifty pages con- Semitic cultural field countless new and invalu-
cern the founding of the Caliphal residences able commentaries on institutions, customs,
at Samarra and the topography of the great things, and ideas. One cannot divine, for ex-
ninth-century city. Then follows the long his- ample, that matriarchy, polyandry, and the
torical section dominated by the men who ‘Ali Ilähiyya are discussed on pp. 50-51 the ;
occupied the capital or whose careers else- racial composition of the troops on p. 99 zoos, ;
where in the empire affected its growth, bril- parks, and paradise on pp. 1 1 3 ff. numismatics ;
liance, and decline. How long, al-Muhtadi on pp. 121, 136, 195; 2 castles on pp. 116,
asked, would his reign last? How long, re- 132 ff. racetracks on p. 1 1 7 headgear on
; ;
plied a greybeard? As long as it pleases the pp. 142, 150; Sasanian and Arabic seals on
Turks. So, in the beginning as at the end, it pp. 156-57 rugs and tapestries on pp. 221 ff.;
;
was the Turkish pretorians who dictated the precious stones on p. 239; etc., etc.
building and the utter abandonment of Sa- The excellent plates illustrate the topog-
marra, a city of perhaps one million inhabi- raphy, some of the buildings, and the epi-
tants in the time of al-Mutawakkil. All this graphical material; numerous sketch maps are
is narrative history, assembled and ordered in scattered through the topographical section,
greater detail than it has ever been before and and the epigraphical chapter contains some of
drawn directly from all the Arabic sources, Herzfeld’s expert drawings. Five extraor-
above all from Tabari and the A ghäni. Finally dinary aerial photographs of the ruins, made
there an epigraphical chapter of twenty-odd
is by the RAF in 1917, each measuring approxi-
pages in which the inscriptions on isolated mately 45 x 60 cm., are contained in a pocket
seals, sherds, fragments of wood, stone, and at the end of the volume. The four plates of
fabric, and some building inscriptions includ- Ludliff’s surveymap of Samarra were unfor-
ing that of the Harbä bridge of al-Mustansir, tunately destroyed or lost during the war.
are described, illustrated, and annotated. George C. Miles
Herzfeld intended that his books should
be read. He did not write reference books and El Panteôn Real de las Huelgas de Burgos.
he had sympathy for the reader who took
little By Manuel Gomez-Moreno. Consejo
up his works for that purpose. The reader is 2
Incidentally the list of Samarra strikings can be
on his own; there is in this volume no “appa- amplified by at least fifty unmentioned issues, and the
ratus,” no bibliography, no index. One must earliest date can be put back from 231 to 224 H. It
know one’s way about in the literature, for is a frequent error among archeologists and art his-
the references are ruthlessly abbreviated, and torians who Samarra material for dating pur-
utilize
the search for an op. cit. is a well-nigh hopeless poses to end the Samarra period with the abandon-
ment of the city by the Caliphs. The numismatic
task in the thousand footnotes. Herzfeld’s
evidence shows that the mint, and therefore to some
cherished economy of language demands that degree the city itself, continued to flourish as late as
the reader contribute his share to comprehen- 330 H. (942 A.D.).
228 REVIEWS
Superior de Investigaciones Cienrificas tomb, with attributions of each wherever such

Instituto Diego Velâzquez. Madrid, exist, then a detailed analysis of the textile
1946. finds by technique and type, a brief description

of the few remaining pieces of jewelry and
This book, one of great importance to
ornament, and finally a sympathetic history of
students in the field of medieval textiles, is a
the personages who were interred in the
careful and methodical report on the textile
convent.
material discovered during the two years pre-
Fortunately for the student of textiles the
ceding publication when the tombs in the Con-
robbers of the tombs of Las Huelgas were
vent of Las Huelgas were opened and scien-
interested primarily in securing ornamental ob-
tifically examined. The convent, belonging to
jects so that there remains to us a large group
the Cistercian was incorporated in
order,
of woven and embroidered fabrics dating from
1199. Founded by Alfonso VIII of Castile, it
the thirteenth century, hitherto unparalled in
was the repository for the remains of members
Spain. There are a number of complete gar-
of the royal family of Castile from the twelfth
ments and casket linings which make this col-
century through the sixteenth century. In-
lection outstanding for the size of the speci-
cluded in this publication are the tombs and
mens as well as for their richness of design,
objects dating from the twelfth to the four-
color, and intricacy of technique.
teenth century.
The author states that he believes the
Thirty-seven tombs were opened, including
study of technique in discussing textiles is of
several belonging to women of the royal fam-
prime importance: (p. 41) “. valga el . .
ilywho had been members of the Cistercian

prestarse atencion ahora al examen técnico de
order and abbesses of this convent. Most un-
tejidos y bordados, constituyendo un avance
fortunately all but one of the tombs had been
sobre los métodos ordinarios de estudio, que
previously opened and despoiled. The worst
se einen casi exclusivamente al aspecto artis-
offenders in this respect were soldiers in the
tico, dibujo y color, cuando lo bâsico para
Napoleonic army who ripped open tomb after
indagar procedencia y talleres ha de ser su
tomb in a frantic search for jewels and objects
elaboracion, . Por desgracia, este punto
. .
of precious metals. Even the bodies were

de vista no se obtiene con los libros moder-
moved from their original resting places, and
nos. ...” This reviewer agrees with the
the remains, or incomplete remains, of more author that technique is an extremely valuable
than one individual subsequently were put into aid in assigning provenance to textiles, when
Only one burial was untouched,
a single casket. used in conjunction with a study of design,
that because the tomb was placed behind an- color, etc., and that it has been too infrequently
other and so was not molested. This one employed by writers on textiles. It is regret-
undespoiled tomb was that of Fernando de la table that the author’s technical study does not
Cerda, oldest son of Alfonso X, who died in fulfill his promise. To be sure, no completely
1275 before the succession to his father’s satisfactory classification of textiles by tech-
throne was open. nique has yet been published. That developed
The book is divided into sections dealing by Nancy Andrews Reath, The Weaves of
first with the general history of the convent, Hand-Loom Fabrics (Philadelphia, 1927),
description of the burials, and the known pre- although not perfect, is certainly usable and
vious opening of the tombs, followed by a has been accepted, at least in part,by many
detailed description of the burials tomb by scholars in this country. It would probably be
REVIEWS 229
unfair to expect Professor Gômez-Moreno to Burgo de Osma piece is now in the Museum of
be familiar with this book, yet one cannot but Fine Arts, Boston, and has been thoroughly
wish that he had been conversant with the studied under a binocular microscope by the
Reath classification system when he was mak- reviewer.)
ing his technical notes. The diagrammatic figures illustrating tech-
To begin with, the author states (p. 42) nique are disappointingly inaccurate. It is not
that there are only two major types of weav- always possible to follow the course of one
ing, cloth and twill, and that all elaborations of yarn throughout the illustration. Especially
technique stem from these two. That point is this true of the diagram of tafetan mixto
might well be argued on the basis of bulkiness on page 43.
of classification units if for no other more fun- Throughout the sections on woven tex-
damental reason. However, when he explains tiles, including “Classic Arabic,” “Mudéjar,”
the techniques present in Las Huelgas Gomez- “Christian,” “Twills,” “Oriental,” “Striped,”
Moreno adds a further qualification to these “Plain,” etc., the technical descriptions are con-
two fundamental types, that of fiber used in fused and nonspecific. The partial list of chap-
the weaving yarns. This confusion of ideas is ter headings, given above, in itself shows a
one frequently fallen into by writers of pre- confusion of terms, where sometimes type of
ceding generations. One cannot criticize the design, sometimes type of weave are used as
author for not defining his terms. He does, but the basis for grouping. Fabrics with a ground
his definitions are not sufficiently specific, not
figure formed by weft floats (where only one
always logical, not well enough explained to functional warp and weft are employed) are
make his classifications clear. On
page 42 he described as a combination of short and long
illustrates in diagram two forms of cloth
cloth. All the Mudéjar and Christian textiles
weave, tafetân cor to and tafetan largo (liter-
are so classified. The twills are grouped ac-
ally short cloth and long cloth) distinguishing
,
cording to whether the yarns are all silk, or
one from the other by the length of weft float,
partly linen or hemp, without an understand-
but failing completely to realize, or at least to
ing that the technique is fundamentally the
mention, the existence of nonfunctional warps
same, no matter what fibers are employed in
lying between face and back of the fabric in
the yarns.
tafetan largo. Also on page 32 he illustrates
In discussing ribbons and orphreys found
in diagram form tafetan mix to (mixed cloth)
at Las Huelgas, Professor Gomez-Moreno
as a separate technique, when in reality the
does not succeed in explaining in an under-
apparent mixture of techniques is occasioned
only by the demands of the design, i.e., when a standable way a technique which occurs in a
vertical line in the design in this weave (com- number of examples. Although the illustra-
pound cloth) occurs between two colors, the tions in the plates are none too clear, the tech-
float of one or both weft colors often must of nique in question would seem to be tablet weav-
necessity be shortened to preserve the vertical ing, but the description given in the text does
emphasis. The detailed explanation of this not make for an intelligible technical analysis.
weave does not explain the weave as it exists. The inadequacy of the author’s technical
(The reviewer feels herself qualified to criti- descriptions and classification is particularly
cize this particular technical analysis since the apparent in the section devoted to the em-
author states it is the same technique found broideries found at Las Huelgas. It is cer-
in the Baghdad silk from Burgo de Osma. The tainly surprising, to say the least, to find all
230 REVIEWS
the examples of tapestry in the Las Huelgas than one fragment is shown are the designa-
fabrics classified as embroidery! tions, a, b, c, etc., given, although they are
Even given the best of photographs it is consistently referred to in the text.
not always possible to identify the technique In spite of all its shortcomings this book
of a textile from a photograph. Unfortunately is one that should be in every textile library.
a number of the pieces which are described in By the mere publication of the fabricsfound
this book as being at least rare, or even unique in the Convent of Las Huelgas in Burgos the
technically, are illustratedby halftone plates, field of medieval textiles has been enormously
which are not clear enough to warrant basing enriched. Never before has a discovery of such
identifications on them with any degree of cer- vast scope and richness been made in a single
tainty. However, it does seem probable that site. Some of the textiles are either the same
No. 67, Plates CXIX and CXX, a cushion or very similar to others previously known,
from the tomb of Mafalda, as well as No. 68 such as that from the tomb of Leonor de Ara-
(wrongly labeled on the plate as No. 63), gon, illustrated in PI. LXII, which is the same
Plate CXXI, a cushion from the tomb of textile as one found in the tomb of the Infante
Fernando de la Cerda, should be classified as Don Felipe at Villalcazar de Sirga; or one
products of the loom, rather than of the em- from the tomb of Enrique I, illustrated in
broider’s needle. PI. LVI, which is so strongly reminiscent of
To cite further examples would be only to the fabric in the Cope of St. Valerius, formerly
carp. Suffice it to say again that from the point in Lerida; or the tapestry cover from the
of view of accurate technical analysis the book tomb of Queen Berenguela, illustrated in Pis.
is disappointing, doubly so because of the XLIII and CXV, which shows strong relation-
author’s expressed intention to classify pri- ship to several tapestry fragments in the tex-
marily by technique. tile collection of the Cooper Union Museum.
There are other weaknesses in the book Many more examples of textiles giving evi-
which one cannot entirely overlook, but they dence in their designs and techniques of having
are on the whole far less serious. A bibliogra- been woven in the same workshops as some
phy would have been a welcome addition, since already in museum collections or church sanc-
the author makes frequent references to other tuaries could be listed. The wealth of such
textiles related in design or technique to those material in this Convent of Las Huelgas is
from Las Huelgas, without informing the almost overwhelming. But there are also tex-
reader where he may find published material tiles not previously known or published.
on the subject. As mentioned above, the plates Throughout the entire group the fabrics are
are halftone and not always clear, but it is of the highest quality.
distressing to find a number ofwhere
plates, Certainly the fabrics from Las Huelgas
more than one fragment is shown, in which all provide an unrivaled array of medieval tex-
the fragments do not face in the same direc- tiles, remarkable not only for their size and
tion, i.e., sometimes the weft is shown hori- completeness as garments or tomb linings or
zontally, sometimes vertically. (Cf. PI. L, cushions, but also for their magnificent designs
where the weft in a and c is shown vertically and superlative craftsmanship, and Professor
and in b the weft is shown, as it should be, Gomez-Moreno has done a great service in
horizontally. Cf. also Plates LUI, LIV, publishing them.
LVIII, LXXIX.) In no plate where more Jean Lopardo
REVIEWS 231
Soieries persanes. By Gaston Wiet. Cairo. PI. I TM No. 3.253, and No. VIII, PI. VIII
is
Imprimerie de l’Institut Français d’Ar- is TM No. 3.256. Several more were seen by
chéologie Orientale, 1947. Pp. 251 the reviewer in the spring of 1948 in the pos-
24 pis. session of Mme. Paul Mallon in New York.
Again, there are three textiles in the Textile
In this very erudite and important volume,
M. Wiet, Director of the Arab Museum, Museum cut from the same cloth as three in
Cairo, and one of the editors of the Répertoire Wiet’s book, i.e.,
chronologique d’ épigraphie arabe, publishes No. VII, PI. VII, from same cloth as TM
eighteen new textiles and a gold bottle belong- No. 3.241
ing to an unnamed private collector. The No. X, PI. IX, from same cloth as TM
book is dedicated to Henri Massé, M. Wiet’s No. 3.242
former master Langues Orien-
at the Ecole des No. XI, PI. XII, from same cloth as TM
tales, Paris. Acknowledgments are made to No. 3.240.
Mme. Paul Mallon and to M. R. Ghirshman Several more pieces from the same cloth as
for many long discussions and suggestions those published by M. Wiet are in the pos-
(p. ix) to Mme. Mallon for brief remarks
; session of Mr. A. U. Pope, New York, and
on the technique of the weaving (pp. ix and in the Hobart Moore Memorial Collection at
213) and to Hussein Rached and Bichr Farès
; Yale University. Thus the reviewer has been
for help in deciphering and identifying the able to see and study a number of the silks in
inscriptions (p. ix).
this book, which would not have been possible
The volume falls into two sections; first, if they had all been in Cairo. It is unfortunate
a full catalogue raisonné presenting the new that M. Wiet seems to have been unaware of
textilesand gold bottle (pp. 1 1-98 ) and then ;
the material in the American collections.
a series of chapters on the historical back-
Briefly, M. Wiet states that these new
ground of Persia and the city of Rayy; on the
textiles (except for the two “Sasanian” ones,
epigraphy and date of the silks; and, finally,
pp. 21, 23) were found at Bibi Shahr Bänü,
a summary, on the historical and esthetic value
near Rayy, in 1925, which is the supposed site
of the silks (pp. 99-231). To save time for
of the forty-three silks published in the Sur-
the reader in studying the second section,
vey. I quote: “En fait (italics by the re-
M. Wiet has given, in an “Avant-propos”
viewer) ces soieries ont toutes été découvertes
(pp. 1-9) a list of the forty-three textiles said
dans un ensemble de collines situées à quelques
to have the same provenance published in the
deux kilometres au sud-ouest du sanctuaire de
Survey of Persian Art with the Survey cata-
la sainte” (p. 9) and he adds that it was the
;
logue numbers.
holiness of the nearby shrine which saved the
Before coming to the subject matter of
sitefrom depredation until the twentieth cen-
the book proper, it may be remarked that two
tury. M. Wiet quotes (pp. 2-3) the state-
of the textiles here published are actually in
ments made by A. U. Pope, i.e., “in the vicinity
the Textile Museum, Washington, D. C.
of Rayy, at Bibi-Shar-Banu,” and, “at the
(This will be abbreviated as TM.) 1
No. I,
base of a ruined tombtower on the site of
1
All the statements in this review are the personal
opinions of the writer, and are not to be construed as time of writing, or of the Metropolitan Museum of
those of Ars Islamica or of the Textile Museum, Art, where she is at present Assistant Curator of Near
where the writer was Curator of Islamic Art at the Eastern Art.
, ,
232 REVIEWS
Rayy.” 2
Mme.
Paul Malion, in a conversa- aura of sanctity, as well as to allay a major
tion with the reviewer inFebruary 1948, stated element of doubt.
that the actual site was not Bïbï Shahr Bänü, Coming to the main body of the book, we
but Küh-i-Nakkära Khäneh. The differences in may begin with the section devoted to the
the name of the site, perhaps due to the un- epigraphy of the Persian textiles described as
certainty of the original finders, are not as coming from 179-189). Though
this site (pp.
important as a statement made by Sir Leigh brief, this one of the most valuable parts
is
Ashton: “The site was not dug at one and of the book, for M. Wiet has put together all
the same time. . . . I visited the site in 1927, the inscriptions, those published in the Survey,
shortly after the excavation had been com- one published by Pope in the Illustrated Lon-
pleted (italics by the reviewer). 3 M. Wiet don News, and the new ones, has translated
did not point out that this directly contradicts them (in some cases an extremely difficult
Mr. Pope’s words: “In the winter of 1925, task) and has analyzed them by content.
suddenly, in a few hours, more than fifty su- M. Wiet says that out of all these he discusses
perlative examples were uncovered acciden- thirty-nine with inscriptions
(p.180) the re- ;
tally” and M. Wiet gave these two statements

;
viewer has counted forty. Another should be
side by side (p. 2). In other words, there is counted, for M. Wiet lists Survey No. 58 as
no evidence to show that any reputable scholar having no inscription. This is in the Moore
4
or archeologist witnessed the actual diggings, Collection at Yale, No. 1937-4620, and it
nor has the reviewer been able to find the pub- actually has an inscription of two words, re-
lication of the names of the original finders. peated upside down and in reverse, on the
M. Wiet, however, has accepted the undocu- body of the eagle. This is hard to see, even
mented story of the find as fact, and on it has on the silk itself, but may possibly be read
based part of his argument: “nous émettons LsLJ] ÄÄ-aJl “Soundness and health.” What-
l’hypothèse que ces étoffes ont été tissées dans ever the reading, this brings the total of these
les ateliers de Raiy. On les a trouvées sur silk inscriptions to forty-one which have been
place” (p. 213). (M. Wiet’s other reasons deciphered. Further, M. Wiet says, “Bien
for assigning the silks to Rayy will be dis- entendu, les sept pièces de la trouvaille de
cussed later). Again, M. Wiet says, in the Raiy, auxquelles Mme. Phyllis Ackerman
chapter on the history of Rayy, that he had dénie une origine persane, sont anépigra-
searched the ancient writers for information phiques” (p. 180, note 2) Are there no Arabie
.
on the sanctuary of Bibi Shahr Bänü and the inscriptions except in Persian art? Indeed,
nearby tombs but could find no records of them one of these “non-Persian” silks is in the Tex-
(p. 165). The reviewer’s opinion is that the tile Museum, No. 3.1 17, and it has the single
story of finding the silks near Rayy is ingenious word AUl “Kingdom” in Kufic below the grif-
romance, with the saint’s name used to add an fon’s body.
M. Wiet set aside, because of incomplete
A. U. Pope, Ed., A Survey of Persian Art (Lon-
2
publication, three pieces from the Survey,

don-New York, 1938-39), III, 1998, note 5; (to be
abbreviated as Survey) and idem "‘The Most Im- No. 44 (not illustrated in the Survey) and
;
portant Textile Ever Found in Persia Bearing . . .
the Date 994 A.D.,” Illustrated London News reviewer wishes to thank Mrs. Margaret
4
. . . The
CCII (Jan. 9, 1943), p. 48. T. J. Rowe, Curator of the Hobart Moore Memorial
3
L. Ashton, “Textiles, Some Early Pieces,” Bur- Collection at Yale, for showing her the pieces said to
lington Magazine , LVIII (1931), p. 22. be from Bîbî Shahr Bänü in that collection.
. A
B
REVIEWS 233
Nos. 49 and 53 “not deciphered” in

(listed as in the center. The style is archaistic; and the
the Survey). No. 3.169, and
No. 44 is TM djïm looks like a ‘ain, while the ‘ain is drawn
it has part of the same inscription as on more like a djïm
Nos. 45 (TM No. 3.168) and 46 (Moore
Collection at Yale, No. 1937.4613). M. Wiet
dUop ^ J\ 0) ( 1 ) —
Alis 3 3 (t) (2)
must be thanked for being the first to publish,
this text (p. 188) in the Survey nothing was
:
A. “Verily, I believe firmly in Your Unique-
given but a translation (with No. 46) and it ness and in Your justice, and in the breadth
was not recognized that Nos. 44, 45, and 46, of Your benefits and Your grace.” In B, a
all have the same text. However, there are small section is lacking; the tall letters are
minor differences in No. 44 (TM 3.169) as partly braided.
follows :
. ... é>) • • • i
à \.[3cm]l ^ (?)3j1 3 —
,y Jj>- 1 •
( )
.... ^Lill i]|ii • • •

*(2)
B. “And how many lions ... in his body the
5
Also on No. 45 (TM 3.168) one word is spirit of a lion.” In these two inscriptions
written clearly «cs-Ui and notA^-Ui. These the individual letters, and the methods of join-
three specimens of the same text are in the ing them, indeed the whole style, are so dif-
same style of Kufic, and are all repeated in ferent that one is astonished to find them both
two lines, upside down to each other, with the woven into the same fabric.
tops of the lines in the center, and the base As to No. 48 M. Wiet says, “deux mots
lines at the outside. This is quite different ont résisté à tous mes efforts de déchiffrement”
from the tiräz inscriptions, where the base line (p. 188). The reason for this is very simple.
is in the center, and the tops of the letters are No. 48 is in three pieces, one in the Textile
outside. Museum (No. 3.201) and the two listed in

The second, No. 49 is in three pieces: one the Survey as being in the Ackerman-Pope
is in the Detroit Institute of Arts, one in the collection,which are now in the Moore Collec-
Moore (No. 1939.633)
Collection at Yale tion at Yale. Of these, one is large, with brown
and one was in the possession of Loewi in letters, the other is small, with blue letters
1947. The reviewer has seen the two latter, (No. 1937-4619). This small piece has a
and copied their inscriptions, which cannot be mistake in the weaving, and a drawing of this
made out on a photograph, but admits that piece is shown in the Survey, Figure 653.
at the time of writing (December 1948) she No wonder that M. Wiet could not decipher
has not arrived at a satisfactory reading. it. However, Mr. Pope, as Editor of the Sur-
Probably if M. Wiet had been able to see the vey, gave the translation of one of the other
originals, he could have read the inscription pieces which was woven correctly. Here is the
at a glance. part of the inscription which is in question:
The third, No. 53, is in the Textile Mu- (etc) • • • 1
( 1 )
seum only, No. 3.202 — there is no second

“Bismilla. Everything is
‘(s“
coming to an end”
piece of it in the Moore Collection at Yale
(etc)
(Wiet, This has two different inscrip-
p. 7).
tions, A, small bands between the roundels, 5
This incomplete translation is offered for want
and B, a larger, long band. A is in two lines of a better; some, at least, of the words are clear. It
upside down to each other, with the base lines has not been traced in the literature.
I
2 34 REVIEWS
The reviewer does not agree completely Zaybash, or in a number of other ways. The
with M. Wiet’s reading of the inscription on incomplete text seems to be as follows:
Survey No. 21 (p. 181) :
• •
•
J
JIT j 1 JEs| $ y&>
• •
•
( )
c (j-d Jlil j yc- or, • •
• [V ^ J d IL 3I 1 Call J Es 1 ^ ys*
“Gloire et prospérité au ministre, au chef, “Glory and prosperity to the Sähib, the
Diyâ’ (?) ...” Two pieces of it are re- Ra’is, may [his life] be prolonged ...” or,
ferred to, one in the Pozzi Collection, and “Glory and prosperity to the owner al-Zun-
one in the Bliss Collection, now Dumbarton tush (etc.), may [his life] be prolonged.
” M. Wiet himself has shown, with No.
Oaks (p. 5 ) . However, the pieces in these two . . .
collections, which the reviewer has seen, are XIV, p. 74, and p. 78a, Note rectificative,
fragments, and neither has this much of the how the reading of a fragment may differ
inscription. That is on a third piece, formerly from the reading of a complete text. Until
in the possession of Rowland S. Read, present the complete text is found, one should not
whereabouts not known; of this the reviewer base too many conclusions upon the fragment
alone.
has seen only a photograph. 6 On the pho-
tograph the first part is as given by M. Survey No. 23 is described as being in two
collections (p. 5) and as having two inscrip-
Wiet, but the last word cannot be read Diyâ’.
tions (p. 182). The reader agrees with the
The first letter is not like the in the Sähib,
T
reading given by M. Wiet, and is equally
it is a with a long stem; in fact, the visible
baffled by one of the phrases. There is, in ad-
letters are JU» . After this one might expect
dition, a more complete piece, which was in
o so as to read, “may his life be prolonged.”
in the possession of Rowland Read;
1947 S.
Further, the text preserved is in less than a the reviewer has not seen the textile, but only
quarter circle, repeated in mirror reverse, so its photograph. 7 It shows the double-headed
we do not know if the text filled a quarter, as eagle repeated four times, arranged as if in
often happens, or if it occupied a half-circle a square; and
between the fig-
in the center,
(as on Wiet, No. VIII, PI. VIII, for ex- ures, is a vertical band with an inscription at
ample). Thus the text is not completely the right which is repeated in mirror reverse
known; if it were, the context might alter the at the left. This inscription has several mis-
reading of some words. The reading of al- takes :
Ra’is perfectly logical, but were pointed

differently
is
it might be read al-Zuntush, or

if it
al-
il j>y (sic) Äis^C' J LslV U
Ä5
“Satisfying blessing and pure (sic) happiness

6
The thank Dr. John S.
reviewer wishes to (several letters).” This phrase was evidently
Thacher, Director, and Mrs. E. H. Bland, of the repeated indefinitely, from top to bottom of
Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection, the cloth.
for making this photograph available for study. The
M. Wiet has several times referred to the
silk was reproduced in Persian Art , An Illustrated
Souvenir of the Exhibition of Persian Art at Burling-
inscription of a silk published by Mr. Pope in
ton House , London. First ed. (London, 1931), p. 68, the Illustrated London News, which is in the
below, as, “M. Read collection.” This is a small Textile Museum, No. 3.230 (pp. 38, 46-7,
screen print, blurred at the edges, on which the in-
scription cannot be clearly distinguished. This is the 7
Thanks are again due to Dr. Thacher of Dum-
reproduction cited by Wiet, p. 5. barton Oaks for providing a photograph.
,
REVIEWS 235
89, 180, 182). The reviewer agrees with as 4» 4 l I «*1» as if they were in the correct
everything that he has read from the pub- order; actually the word 4l)| comes last. Turn-
lished photographs. More can be seen, how- ing to No. XVIII, PI. XIX, p. 87, in the verse
ever, on the textile itself; the main inscription of Ka‘b ibn Zuhair, Wiet gives 4>‘b, while on
is as follows, with two restorations: the plate it is distinctly jlj. This may be, of
I d^Yl ^r°! ]
course, a misprint only, not a reading or a
ôIâ JIM 3 <dl I oj&\ I

transcription.
M. Wiet and his two collaborators de-
[“Ordered by] the most noble [Ami]r, our serve great thanks for translating, identifying,
lord Abü Muhammad [‘Abd] al Wähid, son classifying, and, as it were, editing all the texts.
of Muhammad al-Aslami al-Khäzinl (or, al- It is worth noting that out of the fifteen Ara-
Hârithï) al-Tüsï, may God glorify him and bic inscriptions in this book, the six and one-
prolong his life.” Thus he is quite a different half which have been identified in the literature
person from the other members of the Hä- are all nonhistorical, of a poetic or religious
rithi family whose names have been read by nature. On the other hand, all the inscriptions
M. Wiet (pp. 180-181). Like M. Wiet, the giving “historical” names and dates are among
reviewer has not been able to trace this indi- the eight and one-half which have not been
vidual in the literature, even knowing his identified. But aside from the admirable pres-
personal names. entation of the inscriptions, as such, two other
There are a few of the newly published in- questions remain: what is the significance of
book where the reviewer finds
scriptions in this the content, and what is the significance of
minor divergences from the reading given by the epigraphic style?
M. Wiet. No. VIII, PI. VIII, p. 54 is No. TM As to the content, M. Wiet has himself
3.256; the reviewer has thus studied it closely provided a clue Survey No. 48
in discussing
at first hand. The word given by M. Wiet as (TM No. 3.201 ) “A remarquer que, de toute :
*bYi actually ends in a &, which is written in la série, c’est la seule pièce qui débute par la
the initial, not the final or isolated form. basmala” (p. 188; see, however, p. 89, where
Also, the word read as il is really written another “basmala” is noted, No. 3.230). TM
£ A No. XIV, Pis. XV,
third piece of Thus none of the new textile inscriptions be-
XVI, and XXIV, pp. 74 ff., was seen by the gins with the “basmala.” This is odd, indeed,
reviewer in April 1948, at that time in the for among them are several which are “his-
possession of Mr. A. U. Pope. Here the in- torical” in form, and in Arabic epigraphy his-
scription does not agree with the text given torical inscriptions, from tombstones to tiräz,
on Note do regularly use that beginning. Exceptions

p. 78a, rectificative. First, after the
occur in inscriptions which express simply good
preposition J the genitive case should have
wishes to the owner, such as the elephant silk
followed — ^>1 is wrong and should have been
of St. Josse, in the Louvre. 8 Again, the newly
followed by the comment (sic). It is very
clear that where the medallion divides the 8
As “basmala” at the beginning
to the use of the
inscription there is not a cf followed by a worth noting that two genuine,
of inscriptions, it is
£> ,
but that there is one £> ,
cut in two, as and therefore very important textile inscriptions, have
pointed out on The next word been published as if there were no “basmala” present.
p. 74. is
One is Répertoire Chronologique d’ épigraphie arabe
or not as there is no mïm. Finally,
Combe, J. Sauvaget et G. Wiet (Cairo,
E.
ed.
M. Wiet has transcribed the last three words 1931-44) VI, No. 2177 (TM 3.116, Fig. 10), the
236 REVIEWS
published silk, Wiet No. XIV has an inscrip- inscriptions of the tenth to twelfth centuries,
tion beginning with the word iljV» mubärak, or later. As M. Wiet has spent a lifetime on
which M. Wiet has translated first as Béné- Arabic epigraphy, such a profound study
diction (p. 74) and later as béni (Note rectifi- would have been illuminating. M. Wiet,
cative, p. 78a). One would expect the usual again, himself, provides a clue to the direction
baraka. Indeed, to begin an Arabic inscription of such a study: “Avouons-le sans honte, nous
with the word mubärak is quite unheard-of. n’aurions jamais attribué à la fin du Xe siècle
Continuing about No. XIV (Note rectifica- la pièce publiée par M. Pope (III. London
tive, p. 78a) M. Wiet says, “Cette inscription News, Jan. 9, 1943; TM
No. 3.230) ni les
remet en question l’emploi du surnom en dunya Nos. III et IV, respectivement datés de 994,
et din que l’on croyait, à cette époque du 998, et 1003” (p. 190). The reviewer agrees
Ve/XIe siècle, l’apanage exclusif des Seldjou- entirely with M. Wiet’s first instinctive reac-
kides.” The reviewer cannot agree with this tion. Later on, M. Wiet compares the style
method of approach. One new, peculiar ex- of the inscription of No. VIII (TM No.
ample cannot upset the known, established 3.256) to the pottery plate of the Alphonse
protocol of formulas in historical Arabic in- Kann collection in the Louvre (p. 54). Why
scriptions; especially when the new example not compare it to a dated inscription? M.
is of unauthenticated provenance, and names Wiet’s conclusion as to the whole group said
a person who “n’a pas été retrouvé dans les to be from Bibi Shahr Bänü is: “Nous clas-
chroniques” (Note rectificative, p. 78a). In- serons donc ces soieries à la période bouyide:
deed, “Aucun des individus ayant commandé nous y sommes autorisé par certaines dates et
ces étoffes n’a pu être retrouvé” (p. 38). par les noms de quelques princes bouyides”
These new inscriptions are then, in content, (p. 213). The reviewer feels that, as a com-
peculiar in benedictory phrases, contrary to mon provenance has not been proved, the
protocol, and mentioning unidentifiable “his- Survey textiles and the new textiles cannot be
torical” names. considered as a single group, and the dating
As to the epigraphic style, it is to be greatly

and the origin of each one must be taken as a
separate problem.
regretted that M. Wiet did not present a
thorough analysis, with drawings and tables This brings us to a consideration of the
of all the inscriptions discussed, and a point-by- artistic style of the textiles. M. Wiet is a
point comparison with known dated Arabic

master of the Arabic language, of Arabic epi-
graphy, and of Islamic history. His method
blue and yellow Bahä al-Dawla silk; since the seams in discussing the designs of the silks is to give
were opened, it can be seen that the inscription begins a detailed (though not always complete) de-
in the middle of the letter ‘ain, of ‘izz, that is, the scription, and an esthetic evaluation, and then
actual beginning is missing. The other is Répertoire ,
to list parallels for the various motifs.
VII, No. 2640 (published A. F. Kendrick, Cata-
in
Though this is valuable, in a general way, it
logue of the Muhammadan Textiles of the Medieval
Period, Victoria and Albert Museum [London, does not lead to a clearer appreciation of
1924], PI. XIII, No. 965, pp. 43-44). On the il- either Sasanian or Islamic art, or to a precise
lustration it is very clear that before the word al-sayyid dating. For this method is based on iconogra-
there is the tail of a previous letter, probably
rä; so again, the actual beginning of the inscription
nün or phy, and not on style — yet both must be con-
sidered in the study of art history. It is not a
is Both of these should be corrected in the
missing.
Répertoire; both might have begun with the “bas- stylistic analysis to say of the lion, No. I, PI. I,
mala.” “On pense au lion crucifié de Salammbô ”
REVIEWS 237
(p. 17) nor to say of the face of the man

;
reviewer in April 1948 when it was in the pos-
holding two falcons, No. XIV, Pis. XV-XVI, session of Mme. Paul Mallon in New York.
“Nous dirons qu’elle respire, outre un air This textile shows, repeated six times, a
chevaleresque, la noblesse de pensée, l’affa- double-headed eagle with a human figure ap-
bilité, la finesse, la tranquilité sereine, l’âme en parently standing in mid-air in front of it, and
repos ...” 73). If one may com-
(etc., p. a small bird on each wing; the eagle’s claws
pare iconography and style with writing, ico- grasp small animals. M. Wiet analyzed three
nography is like the letters of the alphabet; elements the bird grasping its prey, the
:
it is made up of certain motifs or elements double-headed eagle, and the eagle carrying
which are used over and over again in different off a human being (p. 58). (1) The bird
contexts, as the letters are. however, is Style, grasping its prey is a world-wide motif. In
like a person’s handwriting. A man’s hand- this case, the small animal, the prey, is unrec-
writing is consistent, as the style of a civiliza- ognizable; reminds one somewhat of the
it
tion or culture is consistent. A handwriting catlike creature, the prey of the double-headed
expert can recognize a specific hand whether eagle on a Spanish silk from the tomb of San
written on paper or parchment, whether dis- Bernardo Calvo, Vich, perhaps of the elev-
guised or in imitation of a different hand. So, enth-thirteenth century. 9 This animal, how-
too, the art historian and art critic can recog- ever, is not as well or as logically drawn as
nize a specific style, whether expressed in the Spanish animal, and may very well be later
metal, wood, or stone, or textiles. Further, in date. (2) The double-headed eagle, as
if a handwriting expert has only a few authen- M. Wiet was known in the Near
points out,
tic examples remaining out of a man’s lifetime East in the days of the Hittites and Assyrians;
of writing, he can say of a new example, “This and in the Islamic period, in the art of the
is his hand,” or, “This is not his hand.” Simi- twelfth-thirteenth century Zangids and Orto-
larly, the art historian knows the Umayyad kids of Mesopotamia, after the Seljuks; and
style,or the Seljuk style; and if a new object in the Mameluke art of Egypt (pp. 58-59).
of unknown provenance and history appears, M. Wiet then lists five textiles with double-
he can say, “This is Umayyad,” or, “This is headed eagles, “Qu’on pense originaires de
not Seljuk.” It is necessary to recognize Perse et de Mésopotamie” (p. 59). Of these
iconographie motifs; for instance, on No. VII, the first three (PI. X; possession Indjoudjian;
PI. VII, is a peculiar butterfly-eagle, which Moore Collection at Yale) are all said to be
has no known prototype or parallel in Islamic from Bïbï Shahr Bänü; it is not permissible to
art. But style is not an imponderable, it is a use this still unproven provenance to prove
reality, carrying weight. The art historian that another silk, of the same alleged prove-
must always ask the fundamental question: nance, is Persian. The fourth example, form-
“Is this object consistent with the style of the
9
Several pieces of this silk exist. For one in
period and of the civilization to which it is
Berlin, see O. von Falke, Kunstgeschichte der Seiden-
attributed?”
weberei (Berlin, 1913), II, Fig. 249, called Byzan-
In an attempt to follow this approach to tine, eleventh to twelfth century. Another is in the
the problem, the reviewer will discuss three Cooper Union Museum for the Arts of Decoration,
examples which she has seen and been able to see D. Shepherd, “The Hispano-Islamic Textiles in
the Cooper Union Collection,” Chronicle of the Mu-
study; more cannot be done in the space of a
seum for the Arts of Decoration of the Cooper Union,
review. The first example chosen is No. IX, I (December 1943), 360, Fig. 2, “Spain? eleventh to
Pis. X-XI, pp. 55-63, which was seen by the twelfth century.”
238 REVIEWS
10
erly in Berlin has not been proved to be ings of the Cappella Palatina are definitely
Persian either. The fifth, a brocade in Sieg- outside the sphere of Persian art, and they
11
burg is strongly Ortokid in style, and so must have a mingling of western (Byzantine) ele-
be assigned to Mesopotamia, and probably to ments with the Islamic style. The Mesopo-
the thirteenth century. Indeed, the double- tamian bronze plaque in the Louvre 13 should
headed eagle does not appear in Islamic art be- not have been mentioned here, because it is an
fore the Seljuk period. (3) The “eagle carry- example of heraldry and has nothing to do
ing a human being” theme is related by M. with any of the myths cited by M. Wiet. It
Wiet to the Babylonian Etana, Alexander the is datable to the thirteenth century, because
Great, Ganymede, Garuda of India, the Per- the seated figure holding a crescent appears
sian stories of Kai Kä’üs and Zäl, and the on the coins of Badr al-Din Lu’lu’, Zangi of
Arabic Nimrüd legends (pp. 60-61). It is Mosul, 1233-1259 a.d. 14 indeed, it repre- —
important to note two points in these myths: sents the arms (“Wappen”) of Lu’lu’. 15 The
first, a definite reason is given for the human fourth example, a sgraffito pottery plate in the
being to be associated with the eagle, and, Kelekian Collection, Victoria and Albert Mu-
second, the eagle always has a single head, it seum, 16 is Persian, and is not dated; it may
is never the double-headed eagle. M. Wiet have been made in the eleventh or twelfth
has presented eight examples which he be- century. In other words, M. Wiet has not
lieves illustrate these myths in various works given any representation of the “eagle carry-
of art: a gold bottle from Nagy-Szent-Mik- ing a human being” which can be assigned to
16 s; a Hermitage;
Sasanian silver plate in the Persian Islamic art before the Seljuk period;
a printed cotton in the Kunstgewerbe Museum, and the examples of a known country and a
Berlin; a pottery bowl in the Kelekian collec- known date have an eagle with a single head.
tion; a Mesopotamian bronze plaque in the
seum, Berlin, was first published by J. Lessing, “Mit-
Louvre; and a twelfth-century painting in the
telalterliche Zeugdrucke,” Jahr b. d. Preuss. Kunsts., I
Cappella Palatina, in Palermo. Finally, two
( 1880), 1 19-122, color plate on p. 120. It came from
silks are mentioned: Wiet No. X, PI. IX an early medieval grave in the Schlosskirche in Qued-
(another piece of this is TM
No. 3.242) and which was endowed with relics by Heinrich I
linburg,
one listed as in the Bliss Collection, now Dum- and Matilde early in the eleventh century. See also
barton Oaks, which is Survey No. 23 for the — E. Herzfeld, “Der Thron des Khosro,” Jahrb. d.
Preuss. Kunsts., XLI (1920), 132-33, Fig. 28.
purpose of attribution to a country these two
Herzfeld, following Karabacek, considered that this
must be omitted, as they have the same sup- cotton represents the Arabic Nimrüd legend, and he
posed provenance, Bibi Shahr Bänü. These attributed Baghdad, eleventh to twelfth cen-
it to
two, like the silk under discussion, have a tury. See also article “Namrüd” by B. Heller in the
double-headed eagle shown with the human Encyclopedia of Isläm (Leiden-London, 1913-38),
III, 842—48.
being. Wiet’s first two examples combine the 13
G. Migeon, L’Orient Musulman (Paris,
Hellenistic and Sasanian traditions in art;
1922), I, PI. 14.
the third, the printed cotton, is Mesopo- 14
Coins of Badr al-Din Lu’lu’, see S. Lane-Poole,
12
tamian, tenth-eleventh century. The paint- Catalogue of Oriental Coins in the British Museum
(London, 1875-90), III, Nos. 589-592; illust., see
10
O. von Falke, Decorative Silks (New York, No. 568, Nâsir al-Dïn Mahmüd. The writer is in-
1922), Figs. 116-117. debted for this reference to George C. Miles.
18
11
O. von Falke, Kunstgeschichte, I, Fig. 163, For the “Wappen” of Lu’lu’, see Herzfeld, op.
pp. 106-107. cit., pp. 137-39, Fig. 34.
16
12
The printed cotton of the Kunstgewerbe Mu- Survey, VI, PI. 585 A.
REVIEWS 239
(4) M. Wiet has not explained why the eagle, and indeed, birds of all types in Islamic art,
grasping its prey in its claws, should be ac- in metal, pottery, and textiles, and also in
companied by a human figure unattached and the textiles which are attributed variously to
floating in the air. Perhaps the designer was Byzantium and to Spain. (7) At the top of
thinking of the twelfth-century painting in the the eagle’s wing is applied a small bird. The
17
Cappella Palatina where there is a human reviewer knows only one parallel for this
figure combined with an eagle who grasps his among objects attributed to Persia, namely,
prey in his talons {Fig. /). If so, the designer another silk said to be from Bïbï Shahr Bänü,
did not fully understand this prototype, be- Survey No. 23; its origin will not be proved
cause in the painting the figure is holding onto until the whole question of this presumed pro-
straps or cords which support her, while on venance is settled. The motif of a small crea-
the silk the figure stands with hands on hips. ture applied on the wing of a bird does not
Thus in the silk there is a confusion of motifs: occur in Islamic art from the other Near East-
the bird grasping its prey, the Seljuk double- ern countries. The location of this motif re-
headed eagle, and a man who is completely minds one of the bust-medallions similarly
detached from the eagle, and who has nothing placed on the wing of the Cappella Palatina
therefore to do with Ganymede or any other eagle {Fig. 1 ) ;
these medallions are certainly
myth. M. Wiet has shown nothing in Buway- Byzantine in type and style. A small creature
hid thought or art to explain this peculiar syn- on an eagle’s wing is found, however, on a
thesis. The human figure itself has no par- Spanish marble basin in the Alhambra, Gra-
(5)
allel in style or in type in the Islamic art of the nada {Fig. 2) its Arabic inscription is dated
;
19
Near East. The closest parallel for the pecu- in the year 704 h. ( 1305 A.D. ) Such a motif .
liar lobes of the hair and for the diagonal lines does not occur on earlier Spanish eagles carved
( 8 ) On the silk the Arabic inscrip-
20
of the garment is the Spanish silk, the so-called in marble.
“Lion-strangler” from the tomb of San Ber- tion has been identified by Bichr Farès as a line
nardo Calvo, Vich. 18 The date of this Spanish from a poem by Buhturi dedicated to the Ab-
silk has not been established, but it could be basid calif Mutawakkil (p. 63). M. Wiet
as late as the twelfth-thirteenth century. remarks that to find such a verse on a Per-
(6)
There is a fringe of palmettes at the end of sian textile “ne manque pas d’une cruelle
ironie,” because of the calif’s anti-Alid atti-
the eagle’s tail. This is unknown with eagles,
tude. But M. Wiet has not shown any con-
17
U. Monneret de Villard, Le Pitturemusulmane nection between that verse and either the Sel-
Cappella Palatina in
al soffitto della Palermo (Roma,
1950), Fig. 245. The reviewer is very grateful to 19
Répertoire, XIII, No. 5175, with bibliography.
M. Monneret de Villard for his permission to repro- For an illustration, see von Falke, op. cit., I, Fig. 183
duce this painting. and p. 1 16. Curiously enough, this basin was cited
18
R. Koechlin and G. Migeon, Oriental Art by Wiet, p. 57, note 5, as a parallel for the feathers
(New York, no date), PL LXIV, Spain, eleventh of the eagle, but he made no reference to the curious
century; von Falke, op cit., I, Fig. 187, Spain, elev- motif of a small creature on the eagle’s wing.
enth to twelfth century; Shepherd, op. cit.. Fig. 5, 20
Two earlier Spanish eagles without small ani-
Spain, twelfth to thirteenth century. The writer mals applied are on two marble basins. One, made
wishes to protest against the term “lion-strangler.” in Madinat at-Zahrä’, year [3)77 H. (987 A.D.) is
The beast has no relation to any member of the cat Répertoire, V, 1916 {Fig. j). The other is in Mar-
family, it is dog or a hyena. The term
more like a rakech it is not dated but is listed under the year 399 ;
;
“monstre” used by Koechlin and Migeon is appro- this is Répertoire, VI, No. 2125. Figure 3 is repro-
priate. duced after von Falke, op. cit.. Fig. 182.
,
240 REVIEWS
juk double-headed eagle or the “Ganymede” (4) The man is seated stiffly, as if the soles of
motive, or with anything in Buwayhid history. the feet were together; this is not the normal
Further, artistically the inscription is unre- cross-legged position. It recalls somewhat a
22
lated to the design of the textile as a whole. medallion of Muktadir which in itself is un-
To summarize: combines a num-
this textile usual. But why should such a peculiarity be
ber of motifs of which one is not found until used as a prototype, when in all branches of
the Seljuk period, one which is not in Islamic Islamic art the cross-legged pose in sitting is
art attwo which recall the Palermo

all, shown with convincing realism? Compare, for
paintings, and several which are derived from instance, the seated figure on the gold medal in
later Spanish art, going down to the four- the Freer Gallery of Art (Fig. 11). 23 (5) The
teenth century A.D. The total effect is not Per- man holds in each hand the legs of a fantastic
sian in style, and is not homogeneous, but bird: “il tient à chaque main un faucon”
breaks down into different stylistic elements, (p. 72). It is not proper to hold the legs or
as well as different motifs. feet of a falcon in one’s bare hands. A falcon
Much of the above applies to the human occurs on another silk, No. 3.213, with TM
figure with double-headed eagle, Wiet No. X, the inscription “al-Isfahbad al-djalll,” 24 and
PI. IX, pp. 64-65 (another piece is No. TM here the falcon perches on the man’s arm,
3.242). It need only be mentioned that the though the arm and hand are drawn so badly
tail and legs of the eagle seem to have been that it is impossible to say whether the hand
copied from a well-known Byzantine type, for is bare or gloved. On the Acheroff silk with
21
instance, the silk in Brixen, except that the falconer, Wiet, PI. XXII, the man properly
platform for the bird to stand on is missing wears a gauntlet on which the bird perches.
(Figs, g and 5). Again, the Arabic inscrip- Other forms of Islamic art show the scene
tion has nothing to do with the scene, and it with much greater clarity and reliability. First,
has not been identified (p. 65). the gold medal in the Freer Gallery of Art
The second example chosen is No. XIV, (Fig. 12 ), of which Wiet says, “Bahram Gur,
Pis. XV, XVI, and XXIV, pp. 72-78a; a third nimbé, tenant un aigle d’une main, un faucon
piece of this was studied by the reviewer in de l’autre” (p. 73). 25 Actually the person is
April 1948 when it was in the possession of not holding the birds: in his right hand he
Mr. A. U. Pope. ( 1 ) The peculiarities of the holds the horse’s reins, and on his left the
inscription, which is pseudo-historical and men- falcon perches. The bird above the right hand
tions an unidentifiable individual, have already is simply a space-filler in the background. A

been pointed out. ( 2 )
The seated figure wears
Sir Thomas W. Arnold, Painting in Islam
22
a pointed turban, of a type following no known
(Oxford, 1928), PI. LIX, and pp. xviii, 125-26.
style or period, and long curls. In Islamic According to George C. Miles, this is not a coin or
art when a man wears a turban he does not a medal, but a medallion.
have long curls like this hanging down in front

23
An illustration is given in A. U. Pope, Master-
of his neck. The man has tiräz bands on pieces of Persian Art (New York, 1945), pp. 47 and
(3)
51, where it is called Sasanian.
his sleeves, which is normal, but he also has 24
G. Wiet, “Un Tissu musulman du nord de la
similar decorative bands on the upper part of Perse,” Revue des Arts Asiatiques X ( 1936), 173-79.
his trousers, which is contrary to custom. This is Survey No. 31.
25
Is it possible that M. Wiet took his attribution
21
Von Falke, op. cit., II, Fig. 251; Byzantine, of this piece, “d’époque sassanide,” from Pope’s Mas-
eleventh to twelfth century. terpieces, loc. cit., which he quotes here, p. 73, note 2?
Falke
Carving,
von
a.d.)
After
(987
Marble
h.
[3]77
Spanish
Dated
3
Fig.
Falke
h.
704
von
Dated
After
Carving,
a.d.)
(1305
Marble
Spanish
2 —
Fig.
Palatina
Cappella
Palermo,
Painting,
1
Fig.
Eagle
with
Silk
Byzantine
5
Fig.
3.242
No.
Museum,
Textile
4
Fig.
Fig. 6 —Textile Museum, No. 3.253, Detail Fig. 7 —Textile Museum, No. 3.256, Detail
Fig. 8 —Textile Museum, No. 3.253, Detail Fig. 9 —Yale University, Moore Collection.
“Safawid” Silk, Detail
Fig. 10 —Textile Museum, No. 3.116
Fig. 11
Fig. 13 —Teheran Museum, Clay Mold from Nishapur (Detail)

Photograph courtesy of Metropolitan Museum of Art
,
REVIEWS 241
similar pose of both man and falcon occurs on one Chinese, 28 but it is not known on any silk
a second metal object, a bronze mirror in the or on any other work of art which is proven to
Victoria and Albert Museum, London. 26 Here be Persian. (2) The frame is an elaborate
the man wears
good turban, and the falcon
a geometrical interlace of pearl bands. This
perches on his left hand.The worn surface sort of frame is not known in Sasanian art,
of the metal prevents us from determining and M. Wiet has rightly observed that in tex-
whether or not a gauntlet is present. On a tiles there is only one good parallel (or, prob-
third metal work all the details are perfectly ably, prototype) for it, on the silk with
clear and precise, the Mameluke bowl, the
mounted falconers, TM No. 3.213 (p. 11,
Baptistère de St. Louis in the Louvre.
27
Here and note 3). M. Wiet has attributed this silk
to the tenth century, but the reviewer feels
the attendant, standing, wears a gauntlet on
his left hand where the falcon perches. Now
that it may be as late as the thirteenth cen-
29
was much
tury. (3) The face of the king is much like
the art or science of falconry culti-
that on one of the Byzantine silks, the so-called
vated and was thoroughly understood in the
Yazdegird silk in Berlin, but a closer parallel
Near East, as well as across Asia, in China,
is that of the face of the sphinx on Wiet No.
and and Spain. It seems to
in the west, Sicily
VIII, PI. VIII, which is in the Textile Mu-
the reviewer incredible that anyone in the
seum, No. 3.256 (Figs. 6 and 7). (4) The
Muslim world from China to Spain can have
costume of the kings is not the Sasanian royal
designed such a poor and inadequate repre-
dress; the crown, with very short, wide, flying
sentation of a man holding a falcon. It also
ribbons, is not found in Sasanian art or coins;
seems incredible that anyone in any Muslim
Sasanian kings are not represented barefoot. 30
country can have designed the figure of a man Riders in Sasanian art are not shown using
( 5 )
so inaccurate in turban, hair, and dress, not to
stirrups nor is there in Sasanian art any deco-
mention the nontypical seated posture. The rative band where the stirrup should be. (6)
Arabic inscription, too, must have been written Winged elephants are not known to occur in
and designed by someone who was trying to Sasanian art. The drawing of the elephant
make a historical text, but was unaware of all itself, and of its trappings and saddle, are not
the rules governing such texts (see above). Sasanian in style — compare the elephants in
The third example chosen is the “Sasanian the hunting relief at Täk-i-Bustän. This ele-
kings on elephants,” No. I, PI. I, pp. 11-22,

28
which is in the Textile Museum, No. 3.253. These are illustrated in von Falke, op. cit., I,
Figs. 105, 107, no; and They are also

II, Fig. 219.
According to M. Wiet, it is not counted in briefly discussed by P. Ackerman, “An unpublished
the Bibi Shahr Bänü group (p. 21). Again, Sasanian silk,” Bull. Iranian Institute, VI/VII (De-
there are a number of points to be considered. cember, 1946), pp. 42-50. This article is quoted at
length by M. Wiet, pp. 231-32.
( i ) The general composition is familiar from 29
Wiet, op. cit., attributes it to the tenth century
the royal hunting silks, three Byzantine and
because of term Isfahbad. However, in Ibn
the
Isfandyär, History of Tabaristân, transi, by E. G.
26
Survey, VI, PI. 1301, C. Browne (Leyden, 1905), the term is used constantly
27
Survey VI, PL 1339. A paper on this bowl was up to the Mongol period.
read by D. S. Rice at the XXIe Congrès Interna- 30
M. Wiet to the barefoot king on the
refers
tional des Orientalistes, Paris, July 1948. In a com- Berlin hunting which he considers Sasanian it
silk, ;
ment on this paper L. A. Mayer said that the coats of is probably Byzantine. See von Falke, op. cit., Fig.
arms point to a dating between 1290 and 1310 a.d. 107.
, s
242 REVIEWS
phant (TM No. 3.253) seems to be not a {Figs. 8 and g) ;

the blue boys on rose ground
prototype for, but a much later derivation in the Moore Collection at Yale. 33 The style
from, that on the silk of St. Josse in the of this is not Safawid, but is certainly a mod-
Louvre. There the under side of the trunk is ern attempt to make an imitation of the Sa-
drawn in scallops, to indicate the folds of the fawid style. 34 To summarize: the composition
skin when the trunk is curled up. Here, these is not the prototype of the Byzantine hunting
folds have degenerated into a sort of fringe, silks, but was very likely after them; made up
which is not only on the trunk, but extends most of the iconographie elements of the de-
under the animal’s chin and chest. The legs sign are not known in Sasanian art; the ele-
are decorated with a leafy edging, very like phant is not a prototype of the St. Josse ele-
that outlining the body Wiet of the sphinx, phant, but a poor and misunderstood later
No. VIII, PI. VIII, TM
No. 3.256, whose derivation of it; the designer is probably also
Kufic inscription is in a more or less eleventh- the author of the Wiet No. VIII, PI. VIII, as
century style. (7) The central lion, whose well as of the “Safawid blue boys” which was
fore-paws are grasped by the two kings, is probably woven in the nineteenth century or
drawn full-face, with arms and legs spread later.
flat. M. Wiet gives an Assyrian parallel or In his conclusion M. Wiet states, “Avec
prototype for an animal spread flat in such a toute la prudence concevable, nous émettons
position (p. 17, note 2). But ancient Mesopo- l’hypothèse que ces étoffes ont été tissées dans
tamia is not Iran, and this method of repre- les ateliers de Raiy” (p. 213). His main rea-
senting a beast does not occur in Achaemenian, son is, “On les a trouvées sur place” and the
Parthian, or Sasanian art, nor in Islamic art reviewer’s disagreement with this point has al-
in any country. 31 (8) The deer with a camel’, ready been noted. On that basis, M. Wiet
face, which is being attacked by a winged lion, suggests that because one of the pieces (Wiet
has stiff and irregularly branching horns. No. IV, pp. 37 and 41; see also Survey No.
These horns are very different from the horns 21, Wiet, p. 18 1 ) uses the word rais “s'appli-
of Sasanian deer, and from those of the deer quant vraisembîement au premier magistrat
on the Byzantine hunting silk with roundels d’une cité,” and because the city is not named,
32
in Berlin. The closest parallel the reviewer therefore that city must have been Rayy. The
has been able to find for the drawing of these reviewer cannot accept this argument, dis-
horns is the bare twigs on a “Safawid” textile
33
Survey, VI, PI. 1058, in color, and III, p. 2118,
31 “the piece is one of the supreme accomplishments of
Ackerman, op. cit., p. 49, Fig. 2, states that a
stucco relief from Termez shows “almost the identical all time.”
34
lion-hide.” There is no similarity. The Termez fig- The reviewer has made a careful study of the
ure is two lions’ bodies with a single head. The motif style of this “Safawid” silk; in composition, in draw-
of a beast with two bodies and one head is known in ing, in the details of the face, figure, turban, dress,
Syrian pottery of the twelfth to thirteenth centuries. plants and flowers, it is not typical of the Safawid
It will be noticed that the writer disagrees with period. Another piece of it is in Detroit, published
P. Ackerman on a number of points. K. Erdmann, in by A. C. Weibel, “A Riza-i-Abbasi Silk,” Bull. De-
a recent review of the Bulletin of the Iranian Insti- troit Institute of Arts, XXII (Oct. 1942) 3-6. The
tute VI/VII (1946), with Ackerman’s
disagrees reviewer has discussed this textile with Mrs. Weibel,
analysis of the king’s crown, and with her dating who to be genuine. The reviewer feels
considers it
( Deutsche Literaturzeitung, LXIX [November, that a large formerly in the possession of Parish-
silk,
1948], 444). Watson, Survey, VI, PI. 1029, is probably the work
32
Von Falke, op. cit., I, Fig. 107. of the same designer.
REVIEWS 243
agreeing as she does with the major premise. of a purplish brown, which M. Wiet calls
That is to say, the reviewer feels that there “marron” (No. VII, and No.
PI. VII, p. 48,
is no epigraphic reason for assigning the tex- IX, PI. X, p. 55) or “aubergine” (No. VI,
tiles to Rayy. It has already been pointed out PI. VI, p. 44). The genuine Persian silks
that M. Wiet’s iconographie reasons for as- (among which is notably the silk of St. Josse
signing the silks to Persia do not always hold, in the Louvre) have distinct, clear, and con-
and that he has not used stylistic analysis at trasting colors : red, several blues, green,
all. Further, M. Wiet did not attempt to yellow, cream, and a true dark brown. The
correlate this group of textiles with the ref- physical characteristics of any art object are
erences to Rayy in the literary sources; he basic, and essential to the problem.
merely noted their existence in passing (p. 213, Returning to the artistic aspect, the silk
note 5). Finally, he also omitted, for lack of of St. Josse in the Louvre is actually a docu-
information, the method of technical analy- ment on which to base our understanding of
35
sis. All these methods, history, epigraphy, the Persian textile style in the pre-Seljuk
iconography, style, and technique should be period; the silks in M. Wiet’s book show no
combined in the study and attribution of any stylistic relation to it, nor even to any known
new material, whether its provenance is known Seljuk silks. The style of these silks is so
or unknown. strange to Islamic art, as well as Sasanian art,
As Shahr Bänü silks,
to the so-called Bibi that the reviewer is unable to suggest any
both those published by A. U. Pope and those country where they may have been made,
newly published by M. Wiet, there are three though their date may be about a thousand
very simple observations, which anyone can years after the Buwayhid period.
note with the naked eye. One is that among The reviewer is obliged to disagree, and to
the doubtful ones there are many which disagree fundamentally, with M. Wiet on the
are practically perfect textiles. But, leaving aside the question of
in condition, except
the date and origin of textiles, the book is of
for some very obvious holes which may have
been artificially made. Genuine silks show
great value in other sections. M. Wiet shows
his usual mastery of the sources in the chap-
very natural signs of wear, age, and bur-
ial. Secondly, some are yards long, as if they
ters Le milieu historique (pp. 99-163) and
36
had just come off the loom, such as Survey
Histoire Raiy (pp. 165-1 78).
de And
throughout the book many fascinating points
No. 50, PI. 991, and Wiet No. IX, PI. X.
of epigraphy and history are discussed with
Thirdly, the color schemes : among the doubt-
great penetration: the title rats (pp. 39-41,
ful ones there predominance of a non-
is a
and 1 8 1 ) ;
amir ajall (p. 43) ;
the word isti-
descript color, a sort of pale grayish tan, com-
‘mäl (pp. 43, 46, 47) dunyä and din ;
titles in
bined with dull brown; and several examples -
(pp. 75 77 ); titles dazula and din (p. 82);
35 historical events under the Buwayhids (pp. 92-
As a matter of fact, there is no thorough tech-
nical study of Persian or Near Eastern textiles. The 95); Seljuk chronology (pp. 196-198); the
information on technique Survey, and also in
in the madrasa (p. 204) cylindrical minarets (pp. ;
N. A. Reath and E. B. Sachs, Persian Textiles (New

Haven, 1937), is not adequate. It may be some years 36
Here M. Wiet would doubtless have enjoyed
before the proper information is collected and is avail- referring to the Numismatic History of Rayy (New
able. When such a study is available, it may (or York, 1938) by George C. Miles; this is not listed
may not) possibly help in making attributions to in the bibliography, and must be one of the books
particular localities, as well as to countries. which were not available in Cairo; see Preface, p. x.
,
244 REVIEWS
205-206) ; a list of dated objects of art of firmer avec des mines mystérieuses, que ces
37
the Seljuk period (p. 210); historical ref- étoffes étaientde fabrication récente. Ces ru-
ences to textiles (p. 211); the first use of meurs furent répandues grâce au zélé d’experts
Naskhi in epigraphy (pp. 2 12-2 13) the ques- ;
compétents, qui hochaient la tête avec d’autant
tion of symbolism in Islamic art, where he plus de conviction qu’ils n’avaient pas vu les
points out the errors of writers such as P. pièces. Nous rejoignions ainsi une boutade de
Ackerman (pp. 218-220). In matters such Chateaubriand: “Tout mensonge répété de-
as these everyone in the field of Islamic studies vient vérité.” N’a-t-on pas annoncé que le
is gratefully indebted to Wiet. These sec- M. faussaire allait être découvert? Heureuse-
tions are M. Wiet’s work
worthy to rank with ment, l’imprudent était un honnête homme, et
in editing the Répertoire chronologique d’épi- il convient aujourd’hui que ce faussaire n’existe
graphie arabe his edition of Makrïzï, his pas.
translation of Ya‘kübï, and catalogues of the Miss F. Day attache maintenant le grelot,
Musée arabe, as solid monuments of his schol- mais elle prend ses précautions: “All the state-
arship. ments in this review are the personal opinions
Florence E. Day of the writer, and are not to be construed as
those of Ars Islamica or of the Textile Mu-
Réponse à Miss Florence Day seum, where the writer was Curator of Islamic
Art, at the time of writing. “Il en a toujours
“Le plus grand déréglement de l’esprit, c’est de
croire les choses parce que l’on veut qu’elles soient” été ainsi, sans qu’on ait besoin d’insister. Je
(Bossuet). m’en voudrais toutefois de ne pas signaler que

le Textile Museum possède à ma connaissance
Je désire tout d’abord exprimer ma pro-
treize tissus de la trouvaille de Bibî Shahr
fonde gratitude à la Direction d 'Ars Islamic a,
Bânü. Nous savons aujourd’hui que Miss
qui a bien voulu me communiquer le compte
F. Day est conservateur au Metropolitan
rendu de Miss Florence E. Day, pour me
Museum, lequel n’a acquis qu’un seul fragment.
permettre d’y répondre. 1
Je viens de citer Bïbi Shahr Bânü, et c’est
Cette notice sur mes Soieries persanes
là que le drame commence. Tout lecteur de
manque de sérénité et je n’en suis pas autre-
bonne foi verra que dans mon ouvrage l’appel-
ment étonné. Pendant que j’en corrigeais les
lation de groupe de Bibî Shahr Bânü n’est
épreuves, certains milieux américains faisaient
qu’une commodité. M. Pope est responsable
déjà courir le bruit que les tissus que j’allais
de la dénomination, et il est bien excusable de
publier étaient de grossières falsifications.
cette erreur matérielle. Il fut suivi par Sir
L’ouvrage parut et les commérages s’ampli-
Leigh Ashton. Tous deux ont vu le site des
fièrent. Il fut de bon ton, lors du Congrès
fouilles et, pour les habitants de la région,
des Orientalistes tenu à Paris en 1948, d’af-
l’ensemble des collines se nomme bien Bibî
37
This list starts with the silver salver of Alp
Shahr Bânü. Que M. Pope ait été lyrique,
Arslan ;
in the reviewer’s opinion this is as modern as suivant sa tendance, je ne saurais l’en blâmer.
the textiles. Toujours est-il que lors de l’Exposition de
1
Mon ouvrage n’a pas été édité par l’Institut fran- Londres en 1930-1931, on parla de la trou-
çais, mais par l’Institut d’Égypte.
vaille de Bibî Shahr Bânü d’une façon toute
Henri Massé ne fut pas mon maître. Ce n’est
naturelle et que personne n’y trouva à redire.
qu’un vieux camarade d’études et je serais désolé de
lui voir confier la responsabilité d’un élève, ayant si
Des musées et des collectionneurs ont acheté
mal tourné qu’il ne sait distinguer le vrai du faux. ces pièces, puis de nouveaux documents appa-
T/L . Sy, T'/Vu? .
éU&ùem/'
ANSW ER TO MISS FLORENCE DAY. T

Gum sß^nucA }
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"There is no greater aberation of the mind than to give cre-
dence to things because one wishes them to be." (Bossuet).
First I wish to express my deep gratitude to Ars Islamica that

kindly gave me communication of the review of Miss Florence Day so
as to allow me the opportunity of answering it. (1)
This article on my "Soieries persanes" is lacking in serenity*

for which I am not over surprised. While I was still correcting
the proofs of my book, certain American circles were already spread-
ing the rumour that the textiles I was about to publish were gross
falsifications. It was considered good form at the time of the
Congress of Orientalists in Paris in 1948, to state mysteriously
that those fabrics were recently manufactured. These rumours spread,
thanks to the zeal of competent experts v/ho were shaking their head
with all the mere conviction because they had not seen^the pieces.
We were thus illustrating one of Chateaubriand* s sallies: "Lies
repeated become truth," Did not somebody announce that the faker
was going to be unmasked? Fortunately, the imprudent one was an
honest man and he admits to-day that the faker does not exist.
Miss Day now takes her first step into the open but she takes
precautions. "All the statements in this review are the personal
opinions of the writer, and are not to be construed as those of
Ars Islamica or of the Textile Museum, where the writer was curator
of Islamic Art, at the time of writing." It has always been so,
and insistence on this point was unnecessary. Still, I would not
forgive myself did I not mention that the Textile Museum, so far
as I know, owns thirteen textiles of the Bibi Shahr Banu find.
We know, to-day, that Miss F. Day is Curator at the Metropolitan
Museum that acquired only one fragment
I have just mentioned Bibi Shahr Banu, and there the drama
starts. Any reader of good faith will see that in my publication
the appelation of "group of Bibi Shahr Banu' is only a matter of
1
convenience.^ Mr. Pope is responsible for the designation and

this material error of his is quite excusable. He was followed
by Sir Leigh Ashton. Both saw the site of the excavations and
for the inhabitants of the region, this group of hills is indeed
called Bibi Shahr Banu. Had Mr. Pope been lyrical as is his ten-
dency, I could not blame him. Anyway at the time of the London
Exhibition in 1930-1931 the Bibi Shahr Banu find was currently
mentioned and nobody objected. Museum and collectors purchased
those fabrics, then new documents appeared, published by Mr. Pope,
and no protests were offered. It is then that I had the opportu-
nity of seeing and studying the textiles that were the subject of
my book: they are called fakes, and Bibi Shahr Banu becomes an
ingenious romance built to allay an element of doubt.
I still believe that those textiles were found in the region

of Rayy in a tomb situated on a hill called Nakkara-Khaneh pretty
near to the shrine of Bibi Shahr Banu, but, once again, this does
not in the least contradict the more general designation of Mr.
Pope and Sir Leigh Ashton. Miss F. Day does not for all that
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give up her point of view and, in the too evident intention of dis-
crediting me, she mutilates one of my remarks; "He adds that the
holiness of the nearby shrine saved the site from degradation until
the 20th Century." The slightest decency would have demanded that
the preceding lines be not left in shadow; "Gobineau says that men
could not have access to the shrine and, especially, Pezard empha-
sises in 1909 that the proximity of the shrine made the trial-digs
of the tepehs impossible." And this plural refers undoubtedly to
the nearby hills. I still consider that those textiles were dis-
covered in the above mentioned site: to the statements of Mr. Pope
and Sir Leigh Ashton, that I have no right to doubt, are added
to-day those of Mr. Read and of another excavator I know.
In any case, the excavations in question were clandestine and
I am quite willing to admit that it is sometimes a delicate matter
to give complete faith to the information given. Miss F. nay is
probably not familiar with Oriental countries, else she world know
that, In such cases, our information is reduced to a minimum. The
accusation of premeditated mystery is consequently purposeless:
hundreds of objects entered thus into museums and private collec-
tions and it is a fact about which one can do absolutely nothing.
Now let us suppose that we have been deceived; in that case

it would not be my major conclusions that would suffer but only the
hypothesis that those textiles } found in Rayy, may have been woven
in that town. Cn this point. Miss F. Day deliberately states that
I only referred accidentally in a short foot-note to the texts con-
cerning weaving in Rayy. With those who do not know well the
literature on the subject, the damage is done. My foot-note refers
the reader to extracts I. had already translated, as well as to the
works of Schwarz and Se meant, this last published in Ars Islamica.
If Miss F. Day has some additional notes on the subject they will
be welcome. This attitude can only impress non-specialists.
The "ingenious romance" does not prevent the textiles from

being in existence and, as so, we have to take them as tangible
facts and discuss them.
Then, one will fall back on their unusual size and their per-
fect state of preservation and, without further ado, will declare,
sometimes without having seen them, that they have been recently
manufactured. It is true, all this is amazing, but I can remember
the stupor of Museum curators at the time of the discovery of Tout
Ankh Amon; many were those who did not hesitate to say that they
would never have purchased from dealers that group of brand new
funeral furniture.
The colours do not help sustain the accusation of fake: It
was just as easy to use blues and reds to pepper up the colour
scheme, to manufacture something similar to the Saint-Iosse tex-
tile. This last is for Miss F. Day a document on which to base
our understanding of Persian textile style in the pre-Seljuk
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period. May I twist the argument around: an isolated document

cannot possibly serve as a basis for the understanding of the style
of a whole period, it is only an example of a certain style.
Those silks were said to have been found in a chest, it is at

least what I was told in the year 1928 when I first saw in Paris
the piece with the name of Bah a- el-Dawla now in the Textile Museum
of Colombia. If so, there is no reason not to compare them to tex-
tiles found in church treasures, from the point of view of their
state of preservation and their dimensions. As to the dimensions,
anyway one should not exaggerate, as Miss F. Day does with the help
of one of those sentences of which she has the secret: "Some are
yards long.” Let us see where truth lies: Among 18 silks, I have
forgotten to make notes on No. 18, but eight are under 50 eras.
seven do not reach 1 meter and, finally, No. 5 and 9 are respec-
tively 120 cms., and 171 ems long. Other silk fabrics as long
.
as these are known, the only thing to do is to consult at random

the Catalogue de l’Exposition d’Art Byzantin, of Paris in 1931,
for instance No. 268, 270, 277, 278, 283, 284.
It is not enough to throw positive statements around and to

play with words. In the course of this answer which I do not wish
to lengthen, I shall have repeated opportunities to point out as
I have just done, the perpetual habit of Miss F. Day of exaggerat-
ing a tendency, or even attributing to me ideas that one looks for
vainly in my book. This is the true reason for my answer, because
I fear that the review of Miss F. Day may be easier of access than
ray own publication. I was lucky to have the opportunity of pub-
lishing magnificent textiles and felt I had to attribute them as a
whole to the Bouyid period. Any reader of good faith will easily
realize that I made numerous researches to show the diffusion of
icono graphical themes without undue insistence on the problem of
influences for which I have quite a special distrust. In no part
of my work did I base my dating on iconographie al themes, nor on
the localization of the weaving. Any statement to the contrary
is a lie. I searched for other documents where the same motives
might be found and no-where, I repeat it, did I mention influences.
Miss F. Day, who revels in a rich collection of theories, thinks

that she is showing herself an excellent pedagogue when she writes:
"The art historian must always ask the fundamental question: is this
object consistent with the style of the period or of the civilization
to which it is attributed?" Once again, my answer is for the non-
specialists, because the historians of Islamic art are well informed.
I wish to confront Miss F. Day with a dilemma: either she sins
through ignorance and she does not know that Bouyid documents are
non-existent, or she acts in bad faith when she attributes to me
certain methods of research. Those textiles are what they are, and
that is all. Miss Day’s theory consists in building up for herself
a certain idea of Bouyid style just to give herself the pleasure of
stating that those silks differ from it completely.
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I do not wish to stop at every objection of Miss Day and will

limit myself to the most characteristic. Let us examine the big
textile with eagles: "In the silk, she writes, there is a confu-
sion of motives: the bird grasping its prey, the Seljuk double
headed eagle, and a man who is completely detached from the eagle,
and who has nothing therefore to do with Ganymede or other myths.
Mr. Wiet ha3 shown nothing in Buwayhid thought or art to explain
this peculiar synthesis." At the end of her study, Miss F. Day
repudiates as I do all symbolism, but this seems hard to believe
when one reads the above lines. Still, one has to choose. I
consider that we have here a decorative composition, and no more.
Nevertheless Miss Day insists: "Mr. W. has not shown any connec-
tion between that verse and either the Seljuk double -headed eagle
or the Ganymede motive, or with anything in Buwayhid history."
Neither have I explained the melancholy verse by Abu’l-Atahiya
which accompanies, on textile No. Ill, the dancing ring of gay
rams. On the other hand, Miss F. Day gives her reader to believe
that I found in the examples I quoted the proof that this silk
is Persian. Nothing is less exact and I have no pretentions of
proving anything by these examples. I could not find a double-
headed eagle before the Seljukid it is true, but the inscription
on No. 9 is a lightly foliated Kufic, and I consider it as ante-
rior to the 12th Century; here is the basis for my dating, it
is neither the eagles, nor their two heads, nor their prey, nor
the human figure that they hold. This said, I quite willingly
admit that this piece might be placed at the end of the XI th
Century, hence some will triumph since the Seljukids had then
been in existence for 50 years. Well, no! Does Islamic Art
start with the first year of the hegira? The analysis of the
various elements had to be made: there is in that composition
an homogeneity, a sense of balance and a synthesis that force
admiration. It is a simple matter of sensibility.
Now, as to No. XIV. Miss F. Day uses arguments out of every

day life to criticise the strange position of the seated man. I
note them, though one should refrain from exaggerating. In a
decorative composition, it is a delicate matter to refer to im-
possible attitudes: it was said of Michael Angelo’s "Night" on
the tombs of the Medici, that no human being could sleep in that
position. In this case, if the man has not his legs crossed one
over the other it is for technical reasons. The apex of the
textile is in the middle of the body and it was impossible to
weave the figure differently. I owe this remark to Mr. Guicherd,
former Director of the School of Weaving in Lyons.
Miss F. Day seems to be especially well documented on the

head-dresses of the 4th and 5th centuries, I have no hesitation
in declaring that I am much less so. I could say here too, since
I think so, that we are dealing with a decorative composition aim-
ing to put into relief the physiognomy of the man. But we can go
further. I beg Miss Day to go to the Metropolitan Museum and look
at a Rhages plate dated by Mr. Dimand around 1200, where she will
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see a man with long hair and a turban. (2) Miss Day mentions a
pointed turban. I also spoke of a turban» but I would be less af-
firmative to-day, it may be another type of head-dress. Anyway,
if this one is pointed, it is because it is surmounted by a jewel.
Miss F. Day would yell fake if we owned, without knowing the Arabic
text, a portrait of the ZIyaride Mardawidj with a tiara. (3)
The epigraphic study of Miss F. Day includes everything:

ameliorations, childishness, and also some very curious things.
Most of the new readings find their origin in documents that I
have not seen or of which I had only mediocre photographs: I am
happy to have provoked this increase in information.
I am sorry that Miss F. Day should not always comprehend the
subtleties of the Flench language. Amongst the entire group of
the Bibi Shahr Banu find, Mrs. Phyllis Ackerman classified seven
pieces as Byzantine and, when I reached the epigraphic study, I
used this commonplace sentence: "Of course, those seven pieces
are anepigraphic . ” Miss F. Day does not understand me since she
writes - "Are there no Arabic inscriptions except in Persian art?"
That is foolish.
On a textile. Miss Day expresses surprise because two lines of

inscription are placed so that the letters are top to top instead
of base to base, which is unusual. So much the better, it is an
oddity that a faker would not have made on purpose to baffle us
(Nos. 44 - 46). These anomalies are not the only ones! No. 19 is
woven "a l*envers" ("upside down" or "backwards”) and on a new
photograph of No. 23, Miss Day saw a band on which one line was
woven in the right way and the other in reverse.
1 could have been angered by the accusation of not having com-

pared the inscriptions on the textiles with other texts. If I
expressed indignation, the Islamic scholars would blame me, but as
the non-specialized readers of the Review of Miss F. Day might quite
rightly be worried, I owe an answer, which, unless she wishes to be
taxed with ignorance, Miss Day herself must have knowledge of before-
hand. First, Arabic inscriptions in Persia, of this ancient period,
are extremely rare and, as it is risky to compare inscriptions on
stone or wood with Inscriptions on textiles, it is necessary to
press the point: Outside of the famous Saint-Fosse textile, no
inscription on Persian textiles is known for that period, and the
hundreds of Egyptian inscriptions cannot be taken into account.
At a certain moment. Miss F. Day reproaches me with having alluded
to an inscription on a plate in the Louvre and adds: "Why not com-
pare it to a dated inscription?" This peremptory declaration is
extremely easy to make and is included to my prejudice, only to
deceive the reader who is not aware of the precarious state of our
knowledge in the field.
Referring to the inscription on No. 21 of the Survey, I am not

in a position to control the new reading given by Miss F. Day. Why
does she add: "Until the complete text is found, one should not
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base too many conclusions upon the fragment alone*’

7
For many people
who do not happen to have my booh at hand this sentence is ambiguous
at my expense. As matters stand, I gave three half lines to this
text without commentary.
Miss F. Day has not often made use of the works of Max Van
Berchem, else she would not have been upset by the omission of a
"sic" after Abu for Abi which is practically a rule in epigraphy.
is a misprint for ,
I ask my word to be
taken for it. The same applies to instead of
i Miss F. Day would have entertained no doubt on
the subject had she understood my translation. While I am on this
subject, I xvish to note another mistake through lack of attention
in the Arabic text on No. 6, where, with the help of the translation
may be corrected into . In No. V, I
unfortunately omitted both in the text and the translation the nisba
of the craftsman, al Isfahane. To end the matter of the reading, I
feel I must maintain Hammad in No. XIV.
In this last inscription, I honestly pointed out the presence

of a title in dunya et din which I do not explain for the very sim-
ple reason that I did not identify the titulary. Miss F. Day is
ready to triumph. But no, there is no question here of a title in
contradiction with protocol, but of something new in our actual
stage of knowledge, that we have no right to reject until we know
more. On this point, no faker would have taken the risk of innovat-
ing; had he wished to use such a title, he would as a matter of
course have followed it with the name of a Seljuk Sultan and the
trick would have been played. These silks seem to be special
orders and might make one think of a prétendant assuming sovereign
titles; needless to say I do not give too great importance to this
hypothesis. Formerly, I found the title "kasim a-mir al-mu*minin"
(associated to the Fmir of the Believers) used at a period anterior
to the date until then admitted. (4), but there again it was on a
textile from the Bibi Shahr Banu find. The maker of those textiles
would therefore have been haunted by the intricacies of Seljuk
titles. This would sound rather like a wager. This is also the
case for mubarak instead of baraka . I regret to be here in complete
disagreement with Miss F. Day but the very use of that word is for
me a guarantee of authenticity. Furthermore, I seem to remember
another example, but I have no leisure to trace it. The absence of
the basmala is a fact that I was careful to note; once more no faker
would have risked it.
Miss F. Day insists on the 13th Century for the textile with
the falconer that I published years ago (No. 31 of the Survey).
So this is a textile from Bibi Shahr Banu that she accepts. But
Miss Day is kind enough to let me know that the title "Ispahbad"
was used in the Mongol period. The fact is widely known and if I
did not mention it, it is because this is far from the Eufic period.
Those textiles show dates and, I say it with the greatest

firmness, I refuse to doubt them. Cf course, I wrote; "Let us
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admit it without shame, we would never have attributed these pieces

to the end of the 10th Century, but now they give us a starting
point that we have to take into consideration.” Miss Florence Day
had the same reaction, but concluded that the inscriptions were
faked. Rather was I reminded of a thought of my friend Henry
Focillon in his "Vie Des Formes” - ”A monument dated with certainty
may be either anterior or posterior to its date, and it is just for
that reason that it is important to date it first.”
Beside the dated pieces, some give the names of Bouyid Princes.
Most of the historical inscriptions mention names of functionaries
that have not been identified. A faker would have inserted here
known names because, in contradiction to the statements of Miss Day,
all specialists agree: fakers strictly avoid innovations and do not
mention in their inscriptions personages with whom they are not fa-
miliar at the time when they make the objects.
Last, many of these textiles give the text of poems, which

until now was infinitely rare; among them verses that are attrib-
uted to Calif All and the confession of faith of the Chiites
"duc^decimains'’ which agrees perfectly with bouyid convictions.
The reading of those inscriptions was, generally speaking, rather
difficult because, in spite of Miss Day’s sarcasm, I do not read
Kufic inscriptions at a glance. Fakers are not in the habit of
making riddles: they do not invent, they interpret and mix things
already known. The faker, moved by a spirit of greed ^does not wish
to scare his public, even a scholarly one, and he turns out for
them easy to read inscriptions.
The arguments used against the authenticity of those textiles

work on the contrary in their favour. They have no well defined
style, and it is for historical reasons and because of the antiquity
of the epigraphic chf acteristics - without mentioning the dated
silks - that I attributed the group to be Bouyid period. As, on the
other hand, I had no elements of comparison for that period, I limited
myself to making the remark that their patterns had style. A gulf
separates me from Miss F. Day that I shall not attempt to bridge,
since what she would like me to do is to give the characteristics
of Bouyid style. Besides, I feel that Miss F. Day is irritated by
the fact that, outside the problems of dating and attribution, I
tried to take into consideration the artistic qualities. I can only
be sorry to have so ruffled her insensibility. To resume. For that
period, elements of comparison are absolutely non-existent. Being
accused, I must defend myself: here is another dilemma for Miss F.
Day: is it on her part ignorance or bad faith.
I still pretend that those documents are certain and irrefutable,

admitting humbly at the same time that the art of that period is a
new science. We should not be disconcerted since we are faced with
new facts. Dates have been given, and, according to me, they are
uncontestable, and, starting from them, I tried to show that the art
of those textiles, strictly coherent in its expression, was part of
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the general movement of thought in that period and was in agreement
with it.
Compositions made a few years ago "about a thousand years after
the Buwayhid period/ 1 as Miss F. Day puts it, would show mistakes in
the design, weaknesses, characteristic borrowing from known publica-
tions, a rich epigraphy with the names of famous personages. In
these creations, the strain is not felt that so often gives the
copyist away when he faithfully tries to follow a model. And, last,
the colours are dulled enough so that one may mention a certain
patina. We would not find so many varied patterns so harmoniously
coherent, such magnificent Kufic characters. If these were fakes
we would not be confronted with works so different one from the
other from the point of view of quality: some are no more than
effete calligraphic productions, whilst the eagle silk is strongly
architecture!. I am also reminded of No. IF where traditional
memories tie up so beautifully with the natural tendencies of the
animal painter.
I agree readily that a less cursory classification of those

silks should be made. I know the preàferious quality of our studies
and am, of course, ready to have my mistakes pointed out. Those who
know me realize that I shall read with the greatest pleasure any
serious and constructive criticism.
(1) My book was not published by the Institut Français, but by the
Institut d’Egypte.
Henri Massé was not my master. He is only an old schoolmate
and I would be sorry to see him made responsible for a pupil
who did so poorly that he is not even able to see the differ-
ence between the genuine and the fake.
(2) M. S. Dimand, "A Handbook of Muhammadan Art."

(New York, 1944), p. 183, Fig. 115.
(3) My "Soieries persanes" (Le Caire, 1948), p. 115; see the

strange helmets worn by soldiers on a drawing in the Arab
Museum in Cairo, published by me in the Bulletin de
l’Institut d’Egypte, XXVI (1944), 109-18 ("Une peinture
du Xlle siècle.")
(4) Gr. Wiet, "L’ Exposition persane de 1931" (Le Caire, 1933),
pp . 28-23.
r ;
‘i
REVIEWS 245
rurent, publiés par M. Pope, sans qu’aucne ticulières, c’est un fait contre lequel on ne peut
protestation ne s’élevât. C’est alors que j’ai rigoureusement rien.

eu l’occasion de voir et d’étudier les tissus qui Supposons donc que nous ayons été trom-
ont fait l’objet de mon livre: ils sont déclarés pés, ce ne seraient pas mes conclusions ma-
Shahr Bânü devient un ingénieux
faux, et Bïbî jeures qui seraient atteintes, mais seulement
roman échafaudé pour supprimer un élément l’hypothèse que ces tissus, trouvés à Rayy, pou-
de doute. vaient avoir été tissés dans cette localité. A ce
Je crois encore que ces tissus ont été trou- propos, Miss F. Day affirme délibérément que
vés dans la région de Rayy, dans une tombe je ne me suis référé qu’en passant aux textes
une colline appelée Nakkära Khâneh,
sise sur concernant le tissage à Rayy, dans une courte
assez proche du sanctuaire de Bïbî Shahr note en bas de page. Pour ceux qui ne sont
Bânü, mais encore une fois, cela ne contredit pas au courant de la littératuredu sujet, le
nullement la formule plus générale de M. Pope coup est porté. Ma note renvoie aux passages
et de Sir Leigh Ashton. Miss F. Day n’aban- que j’avais déjà traduits, ainsi qu’aux travaux
donne pas pour autant son point de vue et, de Schwarz et de Serjeant, ce dernier publié
dans le dessein trop évident de me compro- dans Ars Islamica. Si Miss Florence Day pos-
mettre, elle tronque une de mes réflexions: sède quelques fiches supplémentaires, elles
“He adds that the holiness of the near-by seront les bienvenues. Cette façon de procéder
shrine which saved the site from depredation ne peut en imposer qu’aux profanes.
until the twentieth century. “La moindre dé- L’ “ingénieux roman” n’empêche pas l’exis-
cence aurait été de ne pas laisser dans l’ombre tence des étoffes et il faut bien les prendre
les lignes précédentes: Gobineau nous déclare comme un fait tangible et les discuter.
que les hommes ne pouvaient accéder dans le Alors on va se rabattre sur leurs dimen-
sanctuaire et, surtout, Pézard précise en 1909 sions inusitées et sur leur parfait état de con-
que la proximité de ce sanctuaire rend impos- servation, et, sans plus, on déclarera, parfois
sible le sondage des té-peh, et ce pluriel vise sans les avoir vues, qu’elles ont été récemment
sans conteste les collines environnantes. J’es- fabriquées. C’est entendu, tout cela est prodi-
time encore que ces étoffes ont été découvertes gieux. Mais je me rappelle l’étonnement des
dans le site indiqué: aux témoignages de conservateurs de Musées devant la découverte
M. Pope et de Sir Leigh Ashton, que je n’ai de Tout-Ankh-Amon; nombreux sont qui n’hé-
pas le droit de mettre en doute, s’ajoutent pas à déclarer qu’ils n’auraient jamais
sitaient
aujourd’hui ceux de M. Read et d’un autre acheté chez des marchands l’ensemble de ce
fouilleur de ma connaissance. mobilier funéraire tout neuf.
Il s’agit en tout cas de fouilles clandestines Les coloris ne peuvent être invoqués à
et je conviens bien volontiers qu’il est parfois l’appui d’un faux: il était tout aussi facile d’in-
délicat d’ajouter complètement foi aux ren- troduire des bleus et des rouges pour corser
seignements fournis. Miss F. Day n’est proba- les nuances, de fabriquer quelque chose d’ana-
blement pas familiarisée avec les pays d’Orient, logue au tissu de Saint-Josse. Ce dernier est
sans quoi elle saurait qu’en pareil cas nos in- pour Miss F. Day “a document on which to
formations sont réduites au minimum. Cette base our understanding of the Persian textile
accusation de mystère prémédité tombe donc style in the pre-Seljuk period.” Je me permets
à faux: des centaines d’objets sont ainsi entrés de retourner l’argument: un document unique
dans les Musées ou dans des collections par- ne saurait donner une base pour établir le
246 REVIEWS
style de toute une époque, il n’est que le repré- passage de mon ouvrage je n’ai basé ma data-
sentant d’un certain style. tion sur les thèmes iconographiques, non plus
Ces soieries auraient été trouvées dans un que la localisation du tissage. C’est mentir
coffre, c’est du moins la version qui m’a été que d’affirmer le contraire. J’ai recherché les
donnée en l’année 1928, lorsque j’ai vu pour autres documents où pouvaient se retrouver
la première fois à Paris la pièce au nom de les mêmes motifs et, nulle part, je le répète, je
Bahâ’ el-Dawla, maintenant au Textile Mu- n’ai indiqué des influences.
seum de Colombia. Dès lors il n’y a plus de Miss F. Day, qui possède une abondante
raison de ne pas les comparer aux étoffes trou- un excellent
collection de théories, croit être
vées dans les trésors d’églises, aux points de pédagogue en écrivant: “The art historian
vue de leur état de conservation et de leurs must always ask the fundamental question:
dimensions. Sur les dimensions il ne faudrait Is this object consistent with the style of the
d’ailleurs pas exagérer, comme le fait Miss period and of the civilisation to which it is
F. Day, à l’aide de ces phrases dont elle a le attributed?” Encore une fois, ma réponse
secret: “Some are yards long.” Voyons la s’adresse aux non-spécialistes, car les historiens
réalité: sur dix-huit tissus, j’ai oublié de noter de l’art musulman sont bien au courant. Je
lesdimensions du no XVIII, mais huit sont in- voudrais enfermer Miss F. Day dans un di-
férieurs à cinquante centimètres, sept n’atteign- lemme: ou bien elle pêche par ignorance et
nent pas un mètre, et enfin les nos V et IX ne sait pas que documents bouyides sont
les
mesurent respectivement 120 et 17 1 centi- inexistants, ou de mauvaise foi en me
elle est
mètres de longueur. Or l’on connaît des prêtant certaines méthodes de travail. Ces
étoffes en soie aussi longues, il n’y a qu’à con- tissus sont ce qu’ils sont, tout simplement. La
sulter au hasard le Catalogue de l’Exposition théorie de Miss F. Day consiste à se faire une
d’art byzantin de Paris en 1931, par exemple idée d’un style bouyide pour se procurer le
les nos. 268, 270, 277, 278, 283, 284. plaisir d’affirmer que ces étoffes en diffèrent
Il ne suffit pas de lancer des affirmations complètement.
et de se payer de mots. Au cours de cette ré- Je ne veux pas m’attarder à toutes les ob-
ponse, que je désire ne pas allonger, j’aurai jections de Miss F. Day et me bornerai à
maintes fois l’occasion, comme je viens de le retenir les plus caractéristiques. Voyons la
faire, un procédé constant de
d’insister sur grande étoffe aux “In the silk, écrit-
aigles.
Miss F. Day, qui consiste à exagérer une ten- elle, there is a confusion of motives the bird :
dance ou même à me prêter des idées qu’on grasping its prey, the Seljuk double-headed
chercherait en vain dans mon livre. Telle est eagle, and a man who is completely detached
la vraie raison de ma riposte, car je crains que from the eagle, and who has nothing there-
le compte rendu de Miss F. Day ne soit plus fore to do with Ganymede or other myth.
accessible que mon propre travail. J’ai eu la M. Wiet has shown nothing in Buwayhid
chance d’avoir à publier des tissus magnifiques thought or art to explain this peculiar syn-
et j’ai cru devoir les attribuer en gros à la thesis.” A la fin de son étude, Miss F. Day
période bouyide. Tout lecteur de bonne foi se répudie comme moi tout symbolisme, mais on
rendra compte aisément que j’ai fait de nom- ne le croirait guère à lire les lignes qui précè-
breuses recherches pour montrer la diffusion dent. Il j’estime que

faut pourtant choisir:
des thèmes iconographiques, sans trop insister nous avons une composition décora-
affaire à
sur le problème des influences, pour lesquelles tive, sans plus. Toutefois Miss Day insiste:
j’éprouve une particulère défiance. Dans aucun “M. Wiet has not shown any connection be-
.
REVIEWS 247
tween that verse and either the Seljuk double- cette remarque à M. Guicherd, l’ancien direc-
headed eagle or the Ganymede motive, or with teur de l’École de tissage de Lyon.
anything in Buwayhid history.” Je n’ai pas Miss F. Day paraît être particulièrement
davantage expliqué les vers mélancoliques documentée sur les coiffures des IVe et Ve
’
d’Abu 1 -Atâhiya qui accompagnent sur le no siècles de l’hégire, je n’hésite pas à déclarer
III la ronde des gais bouquetins. D’autre part, que le suis beaucoup moins. Je pourrais dire
Miss F. Day laisse croire à son lecteur que j’ai ici puisque je le pense, que nous avons
aussi,
trouvé dans les exemples que j’ai cités la affaire àune composition décorative, destinée
preuve que cette soierie est persane. Rien n’est à mettre en valeur la physionomie du person-
moins exact, et je ne prétends rien prouver par nage. Mais nous pouvons poursuivre. Je prie
ces exemples. Je n’ai pas pu trouver d’aigle Miss F. Day d’aller voir au Metropolitan
bicéphale avant les Seldjoukides, soit. Mais Museum sur un plat de Rhagès, que M.
l’inscription du no IX est en coufique légère- Dimand date d’environ 1200, un personnage
ment fleuri et je la considère comme antérieure enturbanné et chevelu. 2 Miss Day parle d’un
au Xlle siècle: voilà mon critère de datation, turban pointu. J’ai également parlé d’un tur-
ce ne sont ni les aigles, ni leurs deux têtes, ni ban, mais je serais moins affirmatif au-
leur proie, ni le personnage qu’ils tiennent dans jourd’hui, c’est peut-être une autre coiffure.
leurs serres. Ceci dit, j’admets bien volontiers En tout cas, si celle-ci est pointue, c’est qu’un
que cette pièce puisse être classée à la fin du bijou la surmonte. Miss F. Day aurait crié au
Xle siècle. Alors on va triompher, puisque les
faux si nous possédions, sans connaître le texte
Seldjoukides ont à cette date cinquante années arabe, un portrait de ziyâride Mardâwïdj
d’existence. Eh bien non! L’art musulman avec une tiare. 3
commencerait-il avec la première année de L’étude épigraphique de Miss F. Day con-

tient de tout, des améliorations, des enfantil-
l’hégire?
L’analyse des divers éléments devait être
lages et enfin des choses bien curieuses. La
plupart des lectures nouvelles dérivent de docu-
faite :
y a dans cette composition une homo-
il
ments que je n’avais pas vus ou pour lesquels je
généité, un équilibre et une synthèse qui soulè-
n’avais eu à ma disposition que de médiocres
vent l’admiration. C’est pure question de
reproductions: je suis heureux d’avoir suscité
sensibilité.
ce surcroît d’informations.
Passons au no XIV. Miss F. Day recourt à
Je regrette que Miss F. Day ne saisisse pas
des arguments de la vie pratique pour critiquer
toujours les finesses de la langue française.
la position étrange du personnage assis. J’y Sur l’ensemble de la trouvaille de Bïbï Shahr
suis sensible, bien qu’il ne faille pas exagérer.
Bânû, Mme. Phillis Ackerman classe sept
Dans une composition décorative il est délicat
pièces comme byzantines et, lorsque j’arrive à
de parler d’attitude impossible: on a prétendu,
l’étude épigraphique, j’ajoute cette phrase
pour la Nuit de Michel-Ange sur les tombeaux banale: “Bien entendu, ces sept pièces sont
des Médicis, qu’un être humain ne saurait dor-
mir dans cette position. Dans le cas présent, 2
M. S. Dimand, A Handbook of Muhammadan
si le personnage n’a pas les jambes croisées Art (New York, 1944), p. 183, Fig. 115.
3
l’une sur l’autre, c’est pour des raisons tech- Mes Soieries persanes (Le Caire, 1948), p. 1 5 1 j
voir les casques étranges que portent des soldats sur

niques. La pointe du tissu passe par le milieu
un dessin du Musée arabe du Caire que j’ai publié
du corps et il était impossible de tisser le per- dans le Bulletin de l’Institut d’Égypte, XXVI
sonnage autrement qu’on ne l’a fait. Je dois (1944), 109-18 (“Une Peinture du Xllème siècle”)
248 REVIEWS
anépigraphes. “Miss F. Day ne m’a pas com- conclusions upon the fragment alone.” Pour
pris puisqu’elle ajoute: “Are there no arabic lesnombreuses personnes qui n’auront pas
inscriptions except in Persian Art?” “Ce n’est mon livre sous les yeux, cette phrase est amphi-
pas sérieux. bologique à mon encontre: or j’ai consacré
Sur un Miss F. Day s’étonne d’un
tissu, trois demi-lignes à ce texte, sans aucun com-
adossement des lignes par les hampes et non mentaire.
par la base d’écriture, ce qui est inhabituel. Miss F. Day n’a pas consulté souvent les
Tant mieux, une fantaisie qu’un faussaire
c’est travaux de Max van Berchem, sans quoi elle
n’aurait pas commise exprès pour nous dé- ne se serait pas émue de l’absence d’un sic apres
router (nos 44-46). Ces anomalies ne sont Abü pour Abï, qui est presque une règle en
pas les seules: le no 19 est tissé à l’envers, et épigraphie.
sur une nouvelle photographie du no 23, Miss -ail 3>l est une faute d’impression pour
Day a vu un bandeau sur lequel une ligne est Ull ^.1 je prie qu’on me croie sur parole. Il en
,
tissée a l’endroit et l’autre à l’envers.

est de même pour *'!, au lieu de <jl : Miss F.
Je pourrais me fâcher du reproche qui Day n’aurait pas eu de doutes à ce sujet si elle
m’est fait de n’avoir point comparé les inscrip-
avait compris ma traduction. Puisque je suis
tions de ces étoffes avec d’autres textes. Si je
sur ce chapitre, je dois noter une autre faute
m’indignais, les arabisants me donneraient tort, d’inattention dans le texte arabe du no VI, où,
mais du compte rendu
le lecteur non-spécialiste
de Miss F. Day pourrait à bon droit être in-

grâce à la traduction, l’on peut corriger ^
en iUJ I L4 ». Dans le no V, j’ai malencontreuse-
quiet, je dois une réponse, que, sous peine
ment omis dans le texte et la traduction la
d’être taxée d’ignorance, Miss Day doit con-
nisba de l’artisan, al-Isfahânï. Pour en termi-
naître d’avance. Premièrement, les inscrip-
ner avec les lectures, je crois devoir maintenir
tions arabes de Perse pour cette période an-
Hammâd dans le no XIV.
cienne sont infiniment rares et, comme il est
Dans cette dernière inscription j’ai signalé
délicat de comparer des inscriptions sur pierre
honnêtement la présence d’un titre en dunyâ
ou bois avec l’épigraphie des tissus, il est bon
et dïn, que je n’explique pas, pour la raison
d’insister: en dehors du fameux tissu de Saint-
bien simple que je n’en ai pas identifié le titu-
Josse, aucune inscription sur étoffe persane
n’est connue pour cette époque, et les centaines
laire. Miss F. Day veut triompher. Mais non,
d’inscriptions égyptiennes ne peuvent entrer en il ne s’agit pas ici d’un texte contraire au pro-
ligne de compte. Miss F. Day me reproche à tocole, mais d’une nouveauté en l’état de nos
un moment donné d’avoir fait allusion à connaissances, que nous n’avons pas le droit
l’inscription d’un plat du Louvre et ajoute: de répudier avant d’être mieux au courant. Sur
“Why not compare it to a dated inscription?” ce point, un faussaire ne se serait pas risqué à
Cette déclaration péremptoire est bien facile innover et, s’il avait voulu utiliser un titre
et n’est là que pour tromper à mon détriment semblable, il l’aurait naturellement fait suivre
le lecteur non averti de l’état précaire de nos du nom d’un sultan seldjoukide, et le tour
connaissances. était joué. Ces étoffes paraissent être des com-
Au du no 21 du Sur-
sujet de l’inscription mandes et l’on pourrait songer à un prétendant
vey , je ne suis pas à même
de contrôler la lec- s’attribuant des titres souverains; inutile
ture nouvelle de Miss F. Day. Pourquoi cette d’ajouter que je ne donne pas à cette hypothèse
dernière ajoute-t-elle: “Until the complete une importance trop grande. J’ai naguère
text is found, one should not base too many rencontré le titre kasïm amïr al-mu’minïn, “as-
—
REVIEWS 249
socié de l’émir des croyants,” antérieur à la noms de fonctionnaires qui n’ont pas été identi-
date que l’on admettait jusqu’ alors* mais il fiés. Un faussaire aurait introduit ici des noms
s’agit encore d’un tissu de la trouvaille de connus, car, bien contrairement aux assertions
Bïbi Shahr Bânü. Le fabricant de ces étoffes de Miss F. Day, tous les spécialistes sont
était donc hanté par nuances des
les titres d’accord: toute innovation est proscrite par les
seldjoukides, ce serait une gageure. faussaires, lesquels n’insèrent pas dans leurs
C’est aussi le cas pour mubärak, rempla- textes des personnages qui ne leur sont pas
çant baraka. Je regrette de me trouver ici en familiers au moment où ils fabriquent leurs
complet désaccord avec Miss F. Day, mais la objets.
présence de ce mot est pour moi une garantie Enfin beaucoup de ces tissus offrent des poé-
d’authenticité. D’ailleurs je crois me souvenir un cas infiniment rare
sies, ce qui jusqu’ici est :
d’un autre exemple, mais je n’ai pas le loisir notons des vers qu’on attribue au calife Ali et
de le rechercher. L’absence de la basmala est une confession de foi des Chiites duodéci-
un que je n’ai manqué de faire constater:
fait, mains, ce qui cadre à merveille avec les convic-
encore une fois, un faussaire ne s’y serait pas tions des Bouyides. La lecture de ces textes fut
risqué. en général assez malaisée, car malgré le persi-
Miss F. Day prétend classer au XHIe siè- flage de Miss F. Day, je ne lis pas les inscrip-
cle l’étoffe au fauconnier que j’ai publié naguère tions coufiques en un clin d’oeil. Les faussaires
(no 31 du Survey) c’est donc un tissu de Bîbï
: n’ont pas l’habitude de fabriquer des rébus:
Shahr Bânü qui trouve grâce à ses yeux. Mais ils n’inventent rien, ils interprètent et mélan-
Miss Day veut bien me faire savoir que le titre gent des choses déjà connues. Le faussaire,
d'ispahbad a été utilisé à l’époque mongole. Le animé d’un esprit mercantile, ne veut pas effa-
fait est notoire et si je n’en ai pas parlé, c’est roucher son public, même savant, et lui pro-
que nous sommes loin de la période coufique. cure des textes faciles à lire.
Ces tissus portent des dates et, je le dis avec Les arguments invoqués contre l’authen-
la plus grande netteté, je me refuse à les mettre ticité de ces étoffes militent au contraire en
en doute. Evidemment j’ai écrit “Avouons-le : leur faveur. Elles n’ont pas un style déterminé,
sans honte, nous n’aurions jamais attribué ces et c’est pour des raisons historiques et à l’aide
pièces à la fin du Xe siècle, mais c’est mainte- de l’antiquité des caractères épigraphiques,
nant un point de départ dont nous devons tenir sans compter les tissus datés, — que j’ai at-
compte.” Miss F. Day a eu les mêmes réac- tribué l’ensemble à l’époque bouyide. Comme
tions, mais pour conclure à la fausseté des d’autre part, je ne disposais pas d’éléments de
inscriptions. J’ai plutôt pensé à une réflexion comparaison pour cette période, je me suis
de mon ami Henri Focillon, dans sa Vie des contenté de constater que leurs décors avaient
Formes: “Un monument daté avec certitude du style. Un fossé me sépare de Miss F. Day,
peut être antérieur ou postérieur à sa date, que je n’essaierai pas de combler, puisqu’elle
et c’est précisément la raison pour laquelle il
voudrait que je caractérise le style bouyide.
importe de le dater d’abord.” D’ailleurs, je le sens bien, Miss F. Day s’irrite
A côté des pièces datées, certaines pro- qu’à côté des problèmes de date et d’attribu-
curent les noms de princes bouyides. Les textes

tion, j’aie tenté de m’occuper des valeurs ar-
tistiques: je ne puis que regretter d’avoir
historiques les plus nombreux donnent des
froissé son insensibilité. Résumons-nous. Pour
4
G. Wiet, L’Exposition persane de 1931 (Le cette période les points de comparaison font
Caire, 1933). PP- 22-23. complètement défaut. Accusé, je dois me dé-
.
250 REVIEWS
fendre : encore un dilemme pour Miss F. Day, Miss Day’s Reply

son ignorance ou sa mauvaise foi.
M. Wiet, in his Réponse to my review, has
Je continue à prétendre que ces documents pointed out some mistakes on my part; I re-
sont certains et irréfutables, en avouant hum-
gret having given the press instead of the pub-
blement que l’art de cette période est une
lisher of the book, and my reference to the
science neuve. Nous ne saurions être déconcer-
name of M. Henri Massé. I would like to add
tés, puisqu’il s’agit d’un fait nouveau. Des another error on my part, which M. Wiet did
dates ont été fournies et, à mon sens, elles sont
not point out, that is, the omission of the
incontestables, et, en les prenant comme point clay mold with a “Ganymede” scene, excavated
de départ, j’ai essayé de montrer que l’art de at Nishapur {Fig. /j) 1 this omission is in-
j
ces tissus, rigoureusement cohérent dans son excusable for an American. The excavators,
expression, participait du mouvement général Hauser and Wilkinson, have told me that no
de la pensée à cette époque et lui était accordée. new evidence as to date has appeared since
Des compositions inventées il
y a quelques an- their original publication; it remains a work of
nées, “about a thousand years after the Bu- the pre-Seljuk period. Putting this authentic
wayhid period,” comme le déclare Miss F. Persian work side by side with the big silk with
Day, contiendraient des erreurs de dessin, des eagles (Wiet, X-XI), the silk
No. IX, Pis.
gaucheries, des emprunts plus caractéristiques looks even worse than when compared with
aux publications connues, une riche épigraphie eagles and Ganymedes of later dates and other
aux noms de personnages célèbres. Dans ces places. The same conclusion results from com-
créations, on ne sent pas l’effort qui trahit si paring the turban of the man of No. XIV with
souvent le copiste lorsqu’il veut être fidèle à the Rayy bowl cited by M. Wiet {Réponse,
un modèle. Enfin, les tonalités sont assez p. 6 and Note 2)
ternes pour qu’on parle d’une certaine patine. On one point I agree with M. Wiet: a gulf
Nous n’y trouverions pas des décorations aussi does indeed separate us (“Un fossé me sépare
variées, d’une cohérence aussi harmonieuse, de Miss F. Day”). The doubtful silks cannot
des caractères coufiques aussi magnifiques. S’il have been found at any site near Rayy, for the
s’agissait de faux, on ne se trouverait pas en following reason. M. Wiet noticed {Réponse,
présence d’oeuvres aussi différentes les unes des p.9) that I consider the silk with falconer
autres par leur qualité : certaines ne sont guère {Survey No. 31) to be genuine. There are
plus que des mièvreries calligraphiques, tandis several others in the so-called Bibi Shahr Bänü
que l’étoffe aux aigles est solidement charpen- group which I also consider genuine. It is not
tée. Je pense également au no IV, où des sou- possible that genuine and doubtful objects can
venirs traditionnels s’allient si bien avec des have been found or excavated at the same
sympathies de peintre animalier. spot; thus the account of the finding circulated
Je conviens bien volontiers qu’un classe- by Mr. Pope, Mr. Read, and “un autre fouil-
ment moins sommaire de ces étoffes devra in- leur” {Réponse, pp. 2-3) is quite meaningless.
tervenir. Je connais la précarité de nos études
et suis naturellement préparé à voir relever
1
W. Hauser and C. K. Wilkinson, “The Mu-
seum’s Excavations at Nïshâpür,” Bull. Metropolitan
mes erreurs. Ceux qui me connaissent savent
Museum of Art, XXXVII (1942), 101-102 and
que je lirai avec le plus grand plaisir des
Fig. 32; a clay mold excavated in Teppeh Madraseh,
critiques sérieuses et constructives. “assigned to the early tenth century.” It is 5^ inches
Gaston Wiet high.
,
REVIEWS 25 1
The heart of the whole question is style. One final remark: I cannot follow M.
Indeed, it is the very ugliness of these silks, Wiet’s argument that fabricators would do
and their peculiar style, completely unrelated this, or would not do that. There is no basis
to Sasanian art, or to Islamic art either before for saying that fabricators will merely copy,
or after the Buwayhid period, which first or will use only known historical names. 3 We
aroused my doubts. And the parallels or pro- can only state, from the object itself, what the
totypes which I suggested for certain details fabricator has done. In this case we have a
cannot be disregarded. Further, there is a fabricator of imagination (not too well
strong family resemblance among the silks, founded in fact), not a mere copyist but an
and between them and the doubtful silver sal- inventor as well, who has worked out his
ver of Alp Arslan which M. Wiet cited as an ideas in wood, and in metal. Perhaps,
silk, in
example of Seljuk art; 2 they all reveal the indeed, he is an honest man, who simply took
hand of one designer. M. Wiet has mentioned pleasure in recreating what he considered to
“un coffre” ( Réponse p. 4) in which the silks
,
be the past glories of Iran. Perhaps this in-
are said to have been found; in the summer of nocent man, exploited by the dealers, is now
1947 I saw a wooden coffin, to which this story suffering the pangs of being an unrecognized
was attached, in the possession of Mr. Pope; artast '
Florence E. Day
in my opinion it is as recent as the other
objects.
The Tiles of the Mausoleum from the Khä-
M. Wiet mentioned the fact that the silks
nakäh Pïr Husain. By V. A. Kratch-
shown at the London exhibition of 1931 were
kowskaya. Academy of Sciences of the
generally accepted: “Des musées et des col-
S.S.R. of Georgia. The H. J. Marr
lection neurs ont acheté ces pièces, puis de nou-
Institute of Languages (Tbilissi, Publi-
veaux documents apparurent, publiés par M.
cation of the Academy of Sciences of
Pope, sans qu’aucune protestation ne s’élevât”
Georgia, 1946). Pp.xi -j- 169, 48 plates,
( Réponse p. 2). To my knowledge, certain
i color plate. In Russian.
silks were doubted by scholars from the first;
and as to later examples, it sometimes becomes The subject of this book 1 is the study and
necessary to re-examine material even though reconstruction of the luster decoration of a
published in well-known books. dated mausoleum from the Khänakäh (Khä-
2
Soieries persanes (Cairo, 1947), p. 210. Compare 3
Consider the “Renaissance” carvings of Dossena,
herewith M.
Dimand, “A Review of Sasanian and
S. or the more recent “Vermeers” painted by van Mee-
Islamic Metalwork in A Survey of Persian Art ” Ars geren. Many other fascinating examples are to be
Islamica, VIII (1941), 211: “The style and orna- found in O. Kurz, Fakes (New Haven, 1948).
ment of the salver are certainly not Saljuk.” Also, Kurz says, after mentioning the technical and archeo-
his review of A. U. Pope, “Masterpieces of Persian logical aspects of recognizing fakes (p. 318), “Style
Art,” Gazette des Beaux-Arts, Series 6, XXXII must always remain the essential criterion.”
(1947), 187. D. Barrett of the British Museum, in
1
The outline of this book was given as a report
speaking of a new silver candlestick in the Boston during the Third International Congress for Iranian
Museum, says, “Its authenticity, however, will prob- Art and Archaeology at Leningrad on September 14,
ably not go unquestioned.” (D. Barrett, Islamic 1935. (“Les Faïences du Mausolée Pir-Houssayn,”
Metalwork in the British Museum [London, 1949], Memoirs. IIIe Congrès international d’art et arché-
p. vii.) Here Barrett refers to its first publication: ologie iraniens. Leningrad, Septembre IQ35 [Mos-
K. Tomita, “A Persian Silver Candlestick of the cow-Leningrad, 1939], pp. 109-13, Pis. XLIX-LII,
Twelfth Century,” Bull. Museum of Fine Arts (Bos- and 2 text illus. [in Russian]; p. 1 1 3 : French
ton, 1949), XLVII, 2, illustrated on the cover. résumé.)
252 REVIEWS
nagäh) Pir Husain, former Shiite monastery,

a tiles,and a large frieze around the mausoleum.
situated about 126 km. from Baku, in the In 1861 B. Dorn established the existence of a
Azerbaijan S.S.R., part of which existed in series of dated inscriptions (the earliest with
situ in the beginning of the twentieth century. the date Radjab 641 h. [1243 a.d.] contain-
As the provenance of many luster pieces is ing the names of several Shirvänshähs) The .
still uncertain, the publication of this vast new material was published in a report and several
material, not only dated but precisely localized, clearly marked fragments were sent to the
is of great value. Asiatic Museum.
The author begins with a review of our The next phase of the study of the Khäna-
knowledge of luster pottery in general. The käh took place 1907 when, during the
in
literature on the subject is followed up to 1939 Mugan W. Ter-Avetissian pho-
expedition, S.
and critically discussed. The genealogical tographed the buildings, incriptions, and tiles,
table of the Kashan family of potters as given and made sketches of all inscriptions. Several
by A. U. Pope 2 is slightly modified, assuming tiles were sent to the former Caucasian Mu-
that the two names Zain al-Din Ali and Ali seum in Tiflis. After that the destruction of
al-Husainï Kâtibï represent the same person the buildings progressed rapidly; in 1913 all
(Zain al-Din being the title of the master), tiles had disappeared, having been removed
connecting the families IV and V, and linking and sold by local dealers.
them, as well as family II, This
with family I. Many of these tiles were found later in
modification would have been made clearer by the Hermitage Museum at Leningrad. They
the inclusion of Pope’s table. could be identified with the help of the five
The first information about the Khänakäh fragments marked on the reverse by Dorn and
was given in 1858 by I. A. Bartolomai, who a photograph of Ter-Avetissian, which depicts
described the remains of what formerly was a three tiles of a large frieze and a panel of star
complex of several buildings surrounded by a and cross tiles placed on an inside wall of
crenelated wall with towers and an arched the mausoleum. Five of these tiles, set in one
entrance. It contained a mosque with a mauso- row, contained the consecutive dates 682-84 H.
leum, a minaret, an assembly hall, and several (1283-85 A.d. ) With the help of this mate-
.
inner rooms. While the outside of the build- rial it was possible to attribute to the Khäna-
ings was greatly damaged, the interior decora- käh 21 large rectangular tiles, 123 luster tiles,
tion of the mosque, the kibla wall, and the and 325 turquoise cross tiles. Gradually, other
mausoleum were well preserved and most im- tiles or fragments scattered in different places
pressive. Several inscriptions were mentioned could be added to this group, their identifica-
(without giving any dates), viz, many on the tion having been made possible by the study
minaret, a stucco inscription in braided Kufic of their ornament and particularly of their
on the kibla wall framing a niche decorated inscriptions.
with faience mosaic in brilliant colors and The reconstruction of the large frieze, its
gold,
3
Koranic quotations framing the star size,and the distribution of the tiles along the
walls of the mausoleum were achieved with
2
A. U. Pope, “The Ceramic Art in Islamic Times. the help of several drawings of Ter-Avetissian
A. History,” Survey of Persian Art (London and
New York, 1938-39), II, 1665-66. the Azerbaijan Archaeological Committee in October
3
The term “faience mosaic” seems to have been 1923, emphasized the small sizes (1x2.5 cm., or
used correctly, since W. M. Sysoyew, in a report on 5x6 cm.) of the greenish-blue rectangular and col-
the Khänakäh given during the general meeting of ored triangular parts.
REVIEWS 253
and the fact that some of the tiles were cut into an iris, fleur-de-lis, or poppy. Very frequent
parts, apparently to be used at the transition and characteristic are the types in which the
from one plane to another, mostly next to cor- floral motifs are set around a central rosette
ners. The whole frieze, which is approximately or where the central ornament has the shape
eleven meters long and dated 684 H. (1285 of upright or oblique crosses. The geometrical
a.d. ) ,
consisted of thirty large tiles (twenty patterns consist of various configurations,
tilesand a fragment are now in the Hermitage often octagons, set within the outer frame of
Museum, five in Baku, one in Tiflis, while four the tile. The fields formed by their intersec-
are still missing) they were placed at a height
;
tion are filled with floral designs. Animal
of about three feet, but one tile and three addi- motifs, viz, hares, addorsed birds, birds of
tional sections were set above the entrance to prey, quadrupeds, fishes within a pool, com-
the tomb chamber. The upper protruding plete the range.
border is decorated with a design of a split The reconstruction of the decoration of
palmette molded in relief and reserved from the tomb was started with one of Dorn’s frag-
a luster background. The middle (receding) ments and a whole tile from the Hermitage
part has a large Neskhi inscription painted in collection, both of unusual shape. Twenty-two
cobalt blue on a luster background, from which centimeters from the upper border they are
spiral scrolls, leaves and dots are reserved. bent at an angle of about twenty-five degrees,
Large amounts of turquoise in the form of between two lines of a blue Neskhi inscription,
spots follow the outline of the design or are set on a luster background, and surrounded on
used independently, thus forming a charac- top and sides by a protruding flat border with
teristic feature of the Khänakäh decoration. a Neskhi inscription in luster. Three other
Stylistic variations indicate that the tiles must tiles (two of which are now in the State Mu-
have been made by two masters. A lower pro- seum of Georgia) belong to the same set. All
truding narrow rim connects the frieze with inscriptions on these tiles quote different verses
the large panel in which octagonal luster star of sura 36. With their help it was possible to
tiles alternate with turquoise crosses. The place the tiles in the proper order and to deter-
design on the star tiles shows also cobalt blue mine their architectural function. Such a re-
and a great deal of turquoise which is applied construction reveals three pairs of angularly
in little notches to prevent the flow of the bent tiles placed opposite each other and two
pigment. The patterns are composed either flat tiles, each with two rounded holes, for the
centrally or symmetrically along the vertical narrow sides, the whole forming the revet-
axis. Dots and form the filling pattern.
scrolls ment of the upper coffin-shaped roof of the
According to composition and design, the au- quadrangular tomb. Three other fragments
thor defines nine basic types. Floral designs, quoting sura 36 suggest an additional vertical
either stylized or naturalistic, are found on frieze of oblong tiles.
most pieces. The floral motifs usually start The same method was applied to the study
from the base or the center of the tile radiating of the decoration of the base of the tomb.
as stems with leaves or palmette flowers Fourteen rectangular and seven corner tiles
toward the points of the stars. Some tiles show from the Hermitage collection, the latter bent
the typical cyprus-tree pattern. The stylized in the middle at right angles, all of the same
foliage or the abstract pattern, based on height, and quoting parts of sura 76, suggest
palmette or trefoil leaves, are occasionally en- two rows of tiles, one on top of the other, each
livened by naturalistic flowers in the form of consisting of sixteen flat and four corner tiles.
.
254 REVIEWS
Two other similar rectangular plates, with tern and shows a disintegration of the design.
parts of a text preceding that of the upper row, This is also seen in the floral motifs confined
and a decorated lower edge, belonged appar- within the fields of the geometrical ornament.
ently to a third row placed horizontally on top Many of these tiles show a very close affinity
of the base, the approximate size of which is to another series dated 738 h. (1337 a.d.),
given as 1.55 x 2.50 meters. the Kashan provenance of which is known.
Although the source of none of these tiles Animal motifs, as in the Damghan tiles,
could be definitely proved, the fact that they are very frequently used. To the author, the
were acquired together with the star and cross fact that some of them are
to be seen on the
tiles in Paris (except one which came from the tiles in situon Ter-Avetissian’s photograph is
Caucasus), the evidence of the Koranic texts, sufficient to disprove the prevalent view that
the stylistic similarity with some fragments tiles with animal decoration were originally
from the Khänakäh and the large amount of intended for a secular building and only later
turquoise, make this reconstruction very prob- moved to a mausoleum. This is confirmed by
able. the use of animal motifs on some mihrab tiles,
The author discusses the relations between e.g., on one of 707 h. (1308 a.d.) in the
the Khänakäh revetments and other luster tiles Hermitage Museum, used simultaneously with
of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. The Koranic quotations from sura 76, the latter
large frieze, as well as the tiles covering the definitely suggesting a sacral use.
tomb, show the characteristic features of the Chinese influence can be observed in many
Kashan style. In composition and design the cases, as for instance in the motif of a stork
large frieze conforms with the mihrab tiles flying among mushroom-like curly clouds, or in
from Meshed, Kashan, and Varämin. Color- the cross design, accentuated by cobalt blue,
istically the Khänakäh pieces can be compared and reminiscent of bronze amulettes in form of
with the best of the period, the deep cobalt crossesmade in South China, near the Yellow
blue and turquoise even surpassing these colors River. The prolific use of turquoise and
on the Varämin tiles. The palmette and T-form Chinese motifs provide some analogies with
pattern recall the border of the Meshed mih- the so-called “Sultanabad ware,” as in some
rab of 612 h., but the design has a more tiles with the central-rosette pattern, very
sketchy character than the early Kashan tiles. much like a plate from the Freer Gallery dated
The leaves on the oblique tiles are similar to 676 H. (1277 A.D. ) For chronological con-
.
those used on the mihrab from Kum of 663 H. siderations, however, a connection with Sul-
(1265 A.D.). The intertwined large ovals on tanabad is not possible.
the corner tiles recall a similar pattern on the The author points out an interesting fea-
columns in the mihrabs from Kashan of 623 H. ture which demonstrates the development in
(1226 a.d. ) and from Varämin of 663 H. the technique used to cover up the lines be-
(1265 A.D.) tween two adjacent tiles. In the early thir-
The star tiles are very close in design to teenth century tiles (e.g., in Meshed), the
the Varämin tiles, many of them dated 661 H. long letters of the alphabet, and whole flowers
(1262 A.D. ) and also to the Damghan set
,
in the border, set on especially prepared
of 665 H. (1266 A.D. ) The radial floral pat-
. hollowed-out background, were applied to con-
tern is common to all of them. In the Khänakäh ceal the seams. In the tiles from the Maidän
tiles,however, the foliage in the corners has Mosque at Kashan of 623 H. (1226 a.d.),
often lost the connection with the central pat- this technique is still used. Later, in the mihrab
REVIEWS 255
from Varämin, the long do not

vertical letters Another inscription in blue Kufic, dated
cover the line, but are placed next to it on the 665 h. (1266 A.D. ) mentioned by Dorn, is
,
right or left side, sometimes on both, which now established as having been placed above
also provides some masking effect. In the the kibla wall. This date allows the attribu-
Khänakäh tiles only twenty of the large frieze tion of part of the decoration of the mosque
and a few of the tomb show reminiscences of to a date preceding the restoration of the
this architectural application of large letters. mausoleum and coinciding with the date of
Epigraphy played an outstanding role in the Damghan The author
tiles. raises the
the study of the mausoleum. Most inscriptions question whether the Damghan tiles could
are in Arabic and consist of Koranic texts. possibly have belonged to the Khänakäh, but
Due to the limited space available, the texts adds that only a thorough investigation on
on the tiles consist of the short Meccan suras the spot could solve this problem.
94-1 14. Sura 36 on the tomb is in accordance Ceramic workshops in the territory of
with its destination as a funeral sura. Sura 76 Shirvan during the thirteenth century are not
on the base of the mausoleum is also appro- known. The high quality of the Khänakäh tiles
priate, as parts of it describe the fate of the and the characteristic patterns of their decora-
infidels and the rewards expected by the pious. tion justify their attribution to Kashan. The
Eight percent of the inscriptions are in Per- stylistic similarities suggest Ali, the author of
sian and contain quatrains of mystic character. mihrabs of 663 h. (1265 A.D.)., as possible
The study of the paleography, as well as the master of at least some of the tiles.
color and style of the tiles, permits distinction The book contains ample illustrations, a
between three different scripts in Arabic and complete bibliography, a list of dated tiles
four in Persian, works of different masters, from the mausoleum, and a description of all
some of which display typical errors. tiles from the Khänakäh in the Hermitage Mu-
The inscription of the large frieze records seum and in the State Museum of Georgia.
the restoration of the mausoleum of Imam al- Summaries in Georgian and French follow the
Husain ibn Ali, known as Pir Husain Rawä- Russian text. The wealth of the authenticated
nän, made by Omar ibn Muhammad al-Shir-
and dated material, the scholarly methods ap-
zâdhï al-Kazwïnï in the year 684 H. (1285
plied in this painstaking work, which lead to
A.D. ) The latter is probably a descendant of
the unique reconstruction of the mausoleum,
the donor of the mihrab in Buzün, dated
make this publication a very valuable contri-
528 H.
bution to our knowledge of luster tiles.
A Neskhi inscription above the East gate Salomea Fajans
records the foundation of the Khänakäh which
took place in Radjab 641 H. (1243 A.D.),
Islamic Metalwork in the British Museum.
under the reign of Malik ‘Alä al-Dïn Wäraz
By D. Barrett. Published by the Trustees
Djam Afridün Abu’l-Muzaffar Fariburz ibn
of the British Museum (London, 1949).
Garshäsp ibn Farrukhzäd ibn Minüçhihr,
Pp. i-xxiv, 40 pis. 12 s 6 d.
Näsir amir al-mu’minin by the means of his
VizierHasan ibn Muhammad ibn Hasan al- Since every archeologist regards the Brit-
Bäwadi, known under the name Hazär-wathäk. ish Museum as one of the world’s main centers
This inscription and some further numismatic of research, the news of the war damage done
information made it possible to establish the to its buildings and library was a real shock to
full title of this Shirwänshäh. students throughout the world. Mr. Barrett’s
. ,
256 REVIEWS
book shows that it has again resumed some of Museum (one

illustrated pieces of the British
its old established activities, and judging from of which was acquired as early as 1753, and
thehandsome appearance of this small volume, another as recent as 1949) are skillfully intro-
some of the special difficulties are now being duced. The author made good use of the lit-
overcome. erature on this rather neglected subject. Al-
In the foreword to this publication Basil though in the short space available he follows
Gray points out quite rightly that metalwork more or less well-known lines, he is able to
provides the most continuous and best-docu- make a number of new and cogent observa-
mented material for the history of Islamic tions, i.e., that the seven-dot rosette, which
decorative arts, especially from the twelfth is generally regarded as a hallmark of Persian
century to the end of the fourteenth, when metalwork (see Pis. 9 and 11), occurs also
pieces with the names of rulers, dates, and on an inlaid brass box made for Badr al-Din
even signatures are quite common. Lu’lu’ of Mosul (PI. 18), or that the unusual
A collection as old and varied as that of candlestick (No. 35) should be attributed to
the British Museum naturally includes many fourteenth-century Iran. To the list of Khura-
historically important pieces. Indeed, this new san! craftsmen listedby the author, two others,
book, which publishes thirty-nine pieces on from Nishapur, have recently been added by
forty collotype plates, contains no less than Aga-Oglu; 1 both are to be found on bronze
twelve dated or datable pieces, while two men- inkwells of the same shape as the newly pub-
tion specifically the place of origin and four lished one shown on Plate 5b. On the whole,
are signed by the artists. While a good many one agrees with the attributions and the dating,
of the pieces discussed are well known to schol- although it is only natural that in a field as
ars and are indeed key pieces in the history of unexplored as Muslim metalwork one may oc-
Muslim decorative arts, nine of them are here casionally have opinions differing somewhat
published for the first time. Perhaps the most from those of the author. The brass bucket
interesting of these is No. 1 1, an inlaid bronze (No. 10) for instance, and the box (No. 37)
mortar, which the author rightly describes as are, in the opinion of this reviewer, earlier
an example of the mixture of styles in the than the dates given, that is, twelfth century
Mongol period. The massive shape, the and thirteenth century, respectively. On the
knobs, the Arabic inscription, and the seven- other hand, one wonders why the fine fifteenth-
dot rosette all follow the traditional Persian century helmet of Plate 30 is attributed to
pattern, but other elements of the inlaid deco- Egypt. 2 Quite ingenious is the attribution to
ration and the use of deeply set thin lines of
silver and copper are Far Eastern. Moreover, “A Preliminary Note on Two Artists from
1
Nishapur,” Bull. Iranian Inst., VI-VII (1946),

there is a Chinese inscription on the base whose
121-24.
seal characters read “Use this only (as a) 2
The Mamelukehelmets published by H. Stöck-
treasure.” Other noteworthy pieces among lein (“Die Waffenschätze im Topkapu Sarayi
the unpublished ones are a twelfth- to thir- Müzesi zu Istanbul,” Ars Islamica I [1934], 213-
teenth-century lamp (No. 4a), and a Persian 14, Fig. 13) and L. A. Mayer (“Saracenic Arms and
sixteenth-century gilt copper ewer of unusual Armor,” ibid., X

[1943], 6-8, Figs. 8 and 9) are
different from the helmet of Plate 30. The type is
shape (No. 38a)
traditionally called Turkish (see, e.g., M. Aga-Oglu,
In fifteen pages the author gives a com-
Exhibition of Islamic Art, M. H. de Young Me-
petent general introduction to the history of morial Museum [San Francisco, 1937], Figs, of Nos.
metalwork in Muslim countries; in this, the 180 and 1 81 ).
.
REVIEWS 257
Syria of the salver (No. 23), in spite of its In one instance this reviewer would have wel-
North Mesopotamian style, since this piece comed further information, namely, for what
displays the double-headed eagle, which was special astronomical use the inlaid brass instru-
the blazon of Badr al-Dln Baysari, as shown ment of 639 h. (1241 a.d. )
was made by
on his handwarmer (No. 22) Such an attribu- Muhammad b. Khultlukh (Pis. 19 and 20).
tion is difficult to prove beyond doubt, since One realizes that such a shortbook could
the metalworkers in this period moved from hardly provide enough space to present the
one region to another and thus produced a full text of the inscriptions, but one misses this
mixture of styles. The author quite rightly important information in the catalog section,
stressed this fluctuating condition, whichmakes and hopes that at a later time a more extensive
the study of Muslim metalwork so difficult and publication will include these data.
thus calls for the intense study of the datable The plates give not only the main view of
and localized pieces.
all the objects but in a good many cases various
The introduction is followed by a catalog,
views and close-ups. There are also five fine
which gives all the important information, in-
line-cutswhich reproduce individual designs
cluding the places where the objects were
(though with one exception we are left in
acquired. This latter information seems to have
doubt as to which piece they belong).
served as corroborative evidence for the label-
Let us hope that this very handsome and
ing of some pieces. Thus the stylistically re-
useful book by Mr. Barrett is just the begin-
lated Nos. 3 and 4a are attributed to two dif-
ferent countries, viz, Persia and Egypt, since
ning of a new series of publications of the rich
they were acquired in Bokhara and Egypt re-

London collections which will come out soon
spectively. The catalog contains also a num- and present their material as extensively as
ber of corrections of data found in the earlier possible.
publications of Lane-Poole, Migeon, and Wiet. Richard Ettinghausen

IN MEMORIAM
ANANDA KENTISH COOMARA- To anyone familiar with the departed
SWAM Y 1877 - 1947 ( )
scholar’s —
work and even to one who has only
glanced at the bibliography of his writings pub-
When Ananda K. Coomaraswamy passed
lished in 1942, on the occasion of his sixty-
away on September 9, 1947, the world of
Oriental studies lost one of its great pioneers.
fifth birthday, in Volume IX of Ars Islamica —
it is obvious that his research in Islamic art
Parentage, training, and personal taste im-
was but one facet of his many activities. To do
parted to him a predilection for Indian art and
fuller justice to his memory the following
for Rajput painting in particular, yet he con-
memorial by one of his close friends is printed.
tributed a great deal to research in Mughal
and Persian painting and iconography. His R.E.
catalogues of the Indian and Persian minia-
With Dr. Coomaraswamy’s passing it is
ture collections in the Boston Museum are done
difficult to say whether the field of Oriental
with great devotion and knowledge and are
art has lost one of its greatest interpreters or,
thus indispensable to the student in the field.
as his epitaph, to state that the philosophia
As his life work unfolded Dr. Coomaras-
perennis has been deprived of its most articu-
wamy’s major aim became a search for the
meaning of works of art together with a
late exponent in our generation. For many of
us his death is such a personal sorrow in the
desire to show the inherent unity in the dif-
departure of an old friend, always ready to
ferent artistic idioms of traditional civiliza-
counsel in matters metaphysical or practical,
tions. Through his many contributions he not
only increased our knowledge in this respect,
that we are less aware of the full significance
but exerted also a decided influence on other

of his loss to the world. From his earliest
publications on the mineralogy and geology of
scholars whom he lead beyond a purely esthetic
Ceylon year of our century up to the
in the first
appreciation of art objects.
Dr. Coomaraswamy’s contributions to Ars appearance of his last major work, Time and
Eternity (Ascona: Artibus Asiae, 1947),
Islamica represent his endeavor to trace the
meaning of pictures and symbols in Islamic art Dr. Coomaraswamy, to quote Goethe, “be-
and to relate them to other civilizations; they

came in the different stages of his life a differ-
also give witness to his search in ever-widening

ent being.” The first of Dr. Coomaraswamy’s
spiritual regions. This approach is epitomized many avatars was as a scientist studying the
rocks and precious minerals of his native island
in a short but significant paper entitled “A
Note on the Philosophy of Persian Art” which of Ceylon. After a short period dedicated to
represented his comments during the art ses- attempted social reforms in India and Ceylon,
sion of the conference on Near Eastern Cul- he turned to writing on Indian and Singhalese
ture and Society during the Bicentennial cele- art, at first, perhaps, as a surer means of prop-
brations of Princeton University in March erly interpreting India to the Western world.
1947. It seems fitting that Dr. Coomaras- There could be no more appropriate de-
wamy’s last contribution in the field of Islamic scription of Dr. Coomaraswamy’s real stature
art is published in this journal, on whose than Goethe’s definition of the creative writer:
Consultive Committee he served since its “When a writer leaves monuments on the dif-
inception. ferent steps of his life, it is important that he
2Ô0 IN MEMORIAM
should have an innate foundation and good been clearer than his statement of the mean-
will; that he should, at each step, have seen ing of Oriental and Medieval art and that this
and felt clearly, and that, without any sec- meaning expressed in inevitable artistic terms
ondary aims, he should have said distinctly was of greater significance than what our art
and truly what has passed through his mind- historians describe as “style.” His inveighing
Then will his writings, if they were right at against art without meaning was healthy and
the step where they originated, remain always timely, too, at a moment when the cult of
right, however the writer may develop or alter unintelligibility in modern art was at its zenith.
himself in after times.” Dr. Coomaraswamy’s Although many scholars, including the writer,
publications, it is instinctively felt, will “re- are grateful to Dr. Coomaraswamy for turn-
main always right.” His History of Indian ing their thoughts to the meaning of meaning
and Indonesian Art (Leipzig, New York, Lon- in art, the influence of his words in other direc-
don, 1927) remains the standard work on the tions has been anything but fortunate. Al-
subject, just as his later essays on “the tradi- though Dr. Coomaraswamy never even re-
tional or normal view of art” are models of motely suggested the desirability or the possi-
exegesis that belong to quite another phase bility of a return to a traditional art in this
of his being. The metamorphosis of Cooma- untraditional age, his late repudiation of post-
raswamy, the art Coomaras-
historian, into Renaissance art seemed to offer a kind of escape
wamy, the quester after the meaning of the for anyone who could not adjust himself to
metaphysical basis of form in traditional art, modern art as a result of an inability to adjust
already accomplished as early as 1933 in his
is to modern life. Flight into the past or to
New Approach to the Vedas (London: Luzac, exotic corners of the world is nothing new:
1933). Although it might seem that in his once upon a time it used to be called Roman-
last years Dr. Coomaraswamy was less inter- ticism.Dr. Coomaraswamy did not mean his
ested in works of art, it is not that he loved words to be taken as a kind of emotional, senti-
art less, but truth more. The whole effort of mental substitute for reason. He did not rec-
his intellect in this final decade of his life was ommend a return to primitivism or medie-
dedicated to revealing how “human cultures valism in art any more than he advocated our
in all theirapparent diversity are but the dia- wearing coats of mail. For the ills of our mod-
lects of one and the same language of the ern world, he prescribed a change of heart and
spirit, that there is ‘a common universe of
not a change of costume. Although he pointed
discourse’ transcending the differences of
out the inferiority of art for art’s sake to art
1
tongues.”
made to fulfill a need in a traditional society,
Dr. Coomaraswamy was careful to say, Dr. Coo-
it would be a mistake to believe that
“I have never built up a philosophy of my own
maraswamy categorically repudiated every
or wish to establish a new school of thought.”
aspect of post-Renaissance art. “The artist’s
The influence of his works dealing with tra-
function is not simply to please, but to present
ditional art and tradition has been extraor-
an ought-to-be-known in such a manner as to
dinary: has been both extraordinarily good
it
please when seen or heard, and so expressed
and extraordinarily bad. Nothing could have 2
as to be convincing.” That Dr. Coomaras-
1
This and other quotations, unless otherwise wamy discerned this function even in certain
noted, are from the typescript of Dr. Coomaraswamy’s
2
farewell address to a group of friends on the occasion A. K. Coomaraswamy, Figures of Speech or
of his seventieth birthday, August 22 1947. ,
Figures of Thought (London, 1946), p. 250.
IN MEMORIAM 261
modern painters could be illustrated by objects last days of his life displayed the many news-
in his own collection: the last actual work of paper clippings with tributes for his seventieth
art that the writer discussed with Dr. Cooma- birthday which had just arrived from Ceylon.
raswamy was a water color in his home by One of his last official acts was the raising of
Charles Demuth, in which he could recognize the Indian flag at a meeting for Indian students
an almost Oriental sensitivity to the growth marking the Indian declaration of Indepen-
and articulation of things in nature. dence. If on this occasion he seemed, for some,
The universality of Dr.Coomaraswamy’s unduly critical, it was because he wished to
interests has so often been remarked on that impress on his countrymen the necessity to “be
there is little need to catalogue his attainments themselves” in a world of “organized bar-
here. 3 The all-embracing nature of his crea- barism and political pandemonium.” Over
tive intuitive interpretation of related con- and beyond the satisfaction that he must have
cepts in separate cultures can nowhere be better felt at the work in India,
appreciation of his
illustrated than in the magisterial and defini- Dr. Coomaraswamy had come to feel more
tive —
paragraph a single footnote to the and more the necessity to seek and know from
Transformation of Nature in Art which — home that logically he
experience his spiritual
gives the complete essence of the meaning of had come to know so well. With the gradual
the first of Hsieh Ho’s Six Principles of Paint- unraveling of so many threads in the web of
ing, ch’i-yün shêng-tung, in its relation to the traditional learning, Dr. Coomaraswamy’s
Indian concepts of cetana and präna .
4
That understanding had come to involve belief, and
Dr. Coomaraswamy’s interests included the only a short time before his death he an-
Islamic field is not surprising in view of the nounced his plans for a return to India, a home-
importance of Arabic and Persian scientists, going ( asram gamana) with the ultimate aim
philosophers, and mystics in the preservation of fulfilling the last stage ( äsrama ) in a pil-
of traditional knowledge. Although it cannot grimage to the fabulous mountain-home of the
be discerned from a perusal of a bibliography gods, for him the penetration to the heart of
of his writings, the reading of books like the the great mandata that is the end of his and
Transformation of Nature in Art and Time every pilgrimage, the realization of what he
and Eternity will reveal that he was as familiar implied in his farewell: “May I know and be-
with the ideas of Ibn Hazm and Djaläl al-Din come what I am, no longer this man So-and-so,
JRümï as he was with the Summa Theologia. but the Self that is also the Being of all beings,
Although Dr. Coomaraswamy was happily my Self and your Self.”

acclimated to his American environment, he Benjamin Rowland, Jr.
always felt a strong link with his homeland.
The writer remembers with what happiness ERNST HERZFELD
and pride Dr. Coomaraswamy on one of the 1879 - 1948 )
(
3
in H. Ladd, “The Writings of
R. Ettinghausen, Anyone hearing the sad news of Ernst
Ananda K. Coomaraswamy,” Ars Islamica, IX Herzfeld’s death on January 21, 1948, in
(1942), 125; J. A. Pope, “Review of Why Exhibit Basel, Switzerland, must have realized that
W orks of Art?” Review of Religions, VIII (1944),
therewould never be another archeologist like
3X4-319.
4 him: an original and penetrating scholar
A. K. Coomaraswamy, The Transformation of
Nature in Art (Cambridge, 1935), pp. 186-187 (p. whose research had covered the whole field of
19, note 20). Near Eastern archeology from prehistoric to
2Ô2 IN MEMORIAM
Islamic times. Many phases of the history ars disagree with Herzfeld’s interpretations,
of Oriental nations, religions, and arts had his points of view are always taken into serious
been recreated by him; he had excavated and account.
surveyed many different civilizations and, as Born on July 23, 1879, in Celle, Germany,
historian, architect, epigraphist, and linguist, Ernst Emil Herzfeld received his academic
interpreted their monuments. A list of his training at the universities of Munich and Ber-
main fields of interest reads like the disciplines lin and at the Technische Hochschule, Charlot-
of a school of Oriental studies with an exten- tenburg, under such great teachers and schol-
sive faculty: historicalgeography and topog- ars as Kekule von Stradonitz, von Wilamo-
raphy of the Near East; the stone age, copper witz-Möllendorff, Eduard Meyer, Friedrich
age, and bronze age of Iraq and Iran; Hittite, Delitzsch, von Luschan, von Harnack, and
Babylonian, and Assyrian civilizations; Achae- Dilthey. He received his architectural degree
menid art, and the glory of Persepolis; the in Charlottenburg in 1903, to which was added
prophet Zarathustra the problems of Parthian
;
in 1907, after his first trips to the Near East,
and Sasanian archeology; the genesis of Mus- that of Doctor of Philosophy, granted by the
lim art; trends in the development of Islamic University of Berlin. His doctoral thesis dealt
architecture; the epigraphic and numismatic with Pasargadae, a subject which remained
documents of Achaemenid, Sasanian, and Mus- dear to his heart during his whole life. In the
lim periods the ;
many Near East-
intricacies of following year he started his association with
ern iconography — all these and many others the Prussian State Museums and in 1909 he
were his fields of research and in all of them became Privatdozent for Historical Geogra-
his keen and resourceful mind made new and phy at the University of Berlin. He advanced
vital contributions. academically during the ensuing years until,
His literary work comprises nearly two in 1920, he was made a full professor, a posi-
hundred books, articles, and critical reviews. tion he held until 1935. He did not return to
They were all immensely enriched by his exten- Nazi Germany from his work at Persepolis,
sive knowledge of Near Eastern countries, his and after a stay in London he came, in 1936,
intimacy with literary and epigraphic docu- to the United States, where he was appointed
ments, his artistic sense and fine draftsmanship professor in the School of Humanistic Studies
and, in particular, by his vast experience in the of the Institute for Advanced Study at Prince-
field gained during sixteen excavations and ex- ton, N. J. He also gave several courses at the
peditions. These explorations started in 1903, Institute of Fine Arts of New York University
with his participation Assur excavation
in the and, in 1936, he delivered the Lowell Lectures
of the Deutsche Orient-Gesellschaft, and ex- in Boston. Shortly after he reached retire-
tended until 1931-34, when he directed the ment age, in 1944, he started out again for
archeological work at Persepolis for the travels in the East, but fell ill in Cairo and in
Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago spite of all medical care in Switzerland never
and made what were perhaps his most spec- recovered.
tacular and best-known discoveries. His para- A full evaluation of Ernst Flerzfeld’s ma-
mount position becomes clear when one real- jor activities and publications would go well
izes that his younger colleagues, working in beyond the scope of this journal. It seems fit-
much narrower branches of specialization, are ting,however, to indicate at least some of his
continuously taking his research as a basis for achievements in the field of Islamic art, which
their own studies. Even when, at times, schol- was one of the main interests of his life. In-
IN MEMORIAM 263
deed, it can be said that the three devoted history, topography, and epigraphy of the city,
friends, Max
van Berchem, Friedrich Sarre, has been posthumously published in Berlin,
and Ernst Herzfeld, put the new discipline on and this in spite of total war and the political
the high scholarly level which we now take for and economic complications of its aftermath.
granted; they mapped out the working meth- It will, however, always be a case of deep re-
ods and designated the various areas and prob- gret that the premature death of its author
lems to be studied. His own contributions are prevented the bringing out of the all-important
landmarks in the field. Thus, in 1910, he volumes on the architecture of Samarra, on
brought irrefutable arguments in favor of an which Herzfeld had also been working during
Umayyad origin of the Mshattä facade, the his last years. But even so, we have to be
date of which had been hotly debated since grateful since, for Samarra, we have a more
the i88o’s. This study was followed up by his extensive and more detailed coverage of exca-
“Mshattä, Hira und Bâdiya” (1921), and by vation results than in the case of any other ex-
several other important investigations of vari- pedition to a Muslim site.
ous aspects of early and medieval Islamic art, The rich architectural and epigraphic ma-
such as his articles on the Kubbat al-Sakhra terial gathered during expeditions in Syria in
( 1 9 1
1 ) ,
the Tabula ansata in Islamic epigra- 1908 (with M.
Sobernheim), 1914, 1916, and
phy and ornamentation (1916), and on the 1930 yielded, finally, two major works. The
monuments of Khorasan (1921). one on Damascus was published in four sec-
In 19 1 1 appeared the first of the four vol- tions in Ars Islamica IX-XIV (1942-1948)
umes of the Archaeologische Reise ini Euphrat- and presented an analysis and history of the
und Tigrisgebiet brought out jointly by him mukarnas dome, the Syrian madrasa, the
and Friedrich Sarre (completed in 1920). It turba, and the influence of the Great Mosque
was one of the first and still is one of the best of Damascus on the buildings of the following
archeological inventories of a vital Islamic re- periods, the whole based on about eighty monu-
gion. In addition to this work he wrote sev- ments, many of them little known or unpub-
eral other important accounts based on his lished. The volumes on Aleppo containing
travels and expeditions. From 1911 to 1913 work done by him and his friend Moritz
he directed the excavations at Samarra, the Sobernheim represent Herzfeld’s contribution
ninth-century Abbasid capital on the Tigris. to the great work of Max van Berchem, the
This very successful campaign put our knowl- Matériaux pour un Corpus Inscriptionum
edge of early Abbasid art on a firm basis and Arabicarum, for which he had originally also
since its material originated within a short planned to write the section on the “inscrip-
period, it established a fixed point for dating tions mobiliers” in European collections. It
to be used in all further research and excava- was when reading proofs of this book (which
tions. His final reports of the three styles of is being published by the Institut Français
wall decorations (1923) and paintings (1927) d’Archéologie Orientale in Cairo) that the
from this site are indispensable; especially the signs of Herzfeld’s mortal affliction showed
latter, since the frescoes (lineal descendants themselves. Interrupted by the author’s illness
from the lost Sasanian art of painting) are and death, the printing of the three volumes
now destroyed and live only in Herzfeld’s has now been resumed and their publication
photographs and water colors. It is gratifying can be envisaged in the near future.
to know that at least one other publication, the Hardly less important than these major
sixth in the Samarra series, dealing with the works in the field of Islamic art are Herzfeld’s
264 IN MEMORIAM
contributions to our knowledge of Sasanian tinuous movement” and to get them in the
archeology. They are mainly contained in his right focus. After all,
Iranische Felsreliefs brought out in collabora- Everything exists before it is invented. . Vari-
. .
tion with Friedrich Sarre (1910), Ain Tor ations [of certain forms] may and do appear in art
von Asien (1920), Paikuli (1924), Kushano- as in nature, everywhere and at any time. But they
Sasanian Coins (1930), Archaeological His- remain unimportant, unhistorical, as long as they are
ineffective. Their existence means nothing, their effec-
tory of Iran (1935)1 and Iran in the Ancient
tiveness everything.
East (1941), and also in such important arti-
cles as “Der Thron des Khosrô” (1920), “La
He is fully aware that pitfalls may threaten
Sculpture rupestre de la Perse sassanide”

the work of the historian:
(1928), and “Khusrau Parwêz und der Täq Detail may catch the interest of a research scholar
i Vastän”
to a degree that he seems to have, and may have, lost
(1938). This research, by present-
his way. But there is a scale for interest: the rela-
ing and interpreting many monuments for the
tion of the study to the understanding of ourselves
first time, gave our understanding of Sasanian
and our time and, since every present is the effect of
art its present aspect and likewise threw light the forces of its past, of our past. There is also a
on the later development of Sasanian styles scale for importance: neither is every object of an-
and motifs in the Muslim period. tiquity important, nor anything good because it is old.
On new things, most old things are
the contrary, like
In view of the vast range of Ernst Herz-
unimportant and bad. Important are only those the
feld’s writings, we are fortunate that George effectiveness of which does not end with themselves,
C. Miles brought out a carefully prepared but goes on producing effect, just as the significant
historical events are not those that impressed the con-
catalogue of titles 1939 was published
which in
temporaries, but those of which the consequences
in Ars Islamica, VII (1940), as a tribute on
appear later.
the occasion of Herzfeld’s sixtieth birthday.
The later publications will be found listed in a Herzfeld’s tremendous range of studies
supplementary bibliography, which follows this are thus to be regarded as an outgrowth of
obituary. his historical philosophy. He did not disap-
A man like Ernst Herzfeld could perform prove of specialization as such, but he clearly
work of such titanic proportions only with a saw its drawbacks :
clear concept of his task steadily before him. An intense study of a limited field is always apt
Happily we find throughout his publications to reveal entirely convincing developments; but self-
imposed limitation is For there are no
also deceiving.
fragments of his thoughts on historical prob-
isolated fields in history and the phenomena are the
lems, and they give us a proper insight into
effect of factors without number and of wide range.
his approach and methods. He felt, with
For Herzfeld, the archeologist and histo-
Plato, that:
rian, there was no conflict of interests in the
‘The objects of this world, which our senses per-
study of history and the study of art, since “his-
ceive, have no real being: they always become, they
never are.’ And for historical studies we must train
torical forces and the way they work are the
our eyes to see the objects not as individuals, but as same, whether they deal with man or with his
passing phases of their type, as a momentary stop in product, art.” Just as E. G. Browne had ab-
a continuous movement, or as the effect of past causes stracted history from literature and written a
and as causes of future effects.
Literary History of Persia, so he felt that
The important task of the historian is to find “History can be written from archaeological
the significant facts and factors in this “con- monuments,” a thought which he transformed
IN MEMORIAM 265
into reality in his short Archaeological History ing of the minds sometimes difficult. Having
of Iran, the Schweich lectures before the Brit- been brought up and steeped in the traditions
ish Academy (1934), and later again in his of the Germany before the first World War,
more extensive Iran in the Ancient East he was a firm believer in the aristocratic prin-
(1941). For these histories he defined “ar- ciple, and it was not easy for him to adjust
chaeology as something wider than a mere his- himself to different conditions. Without com-
tory of ancient art” and he took “as an archae- mitting a cheap compromise, however, he tried
ological document every object from which to understand the new age and, later on, his
conclusions as to the political and cultural new country, but his last years in a rapidly
developments of antiquity may be drawn, changing world were not too happy. He there-
whether it be architecture, sculpture, small fore buried himself even more in his writing
works of art and industry, inscriptions and and gave it all possible passion and devotion.
other written documents, or otherwise, myths This intense work, his anxieties about the
and legends, coins, royal names, titles and war, the premonitions of his end, just like the
protocols. Such an extension of the notion of attack of the mortal illness in Cairo, and death
archaeology and archeological documents” in Switzerland, form a strange parallel to
seemed to Herzfeld as justified as “the use of van Berchem’s last years. Certain passages in
archaeological material for reconstruction of Herzfeld’s obituary for his admired friend
history.” (published in 1922) read, indeed, like a char-
Professor Herzfeld’s extraordinary acterization of the final period of his own life.
achievement naturally brought him interna- These sentiments were consciously echoed in
tional recognition. He was a Fellow of the one of the last essays he wrote, the obituary
Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ire- for Friedrich Sarre, which, in 1946, appeared
land, of the Académie Arabe de Damas, and in this journal. In it, as always, he did not
of the Mediaeval Academy of America, and only portray the person, but the whole his-
likewise an Honorary Correspondent of the torical setting and the meaning of the histori-
Archaeological Department of the Govern- cal processes in which this life had been in-
ment of India and a Corresponding Fellow of volved. Feeling a close kinship with this
the British Academy. scholar, he wrote in the dirgelike sentences not
Owing to his great accomplishments and only of the end of his friend, but by implica-
honors, Professor Herzfeld even in his life- tion and as if he were fey, also of his own.
time became something of a legend, but every- On from the Institute for
his retirement
body who came in close contact with him, es- Advanced Study, Ernst Herzfeld realized that
pecially those who had good luck to study
the he would not be able to use all his accumu-
under his tutelage, will remember him as a lated notes and records collected during his
generous, helpful, charming and stimulating own life. He then generously presented, in
man. His boundless energy and untiring zest 1946, all his scholarly material, such as note-
for scholarly work, his loyalty to ideas, his books, sketchbooks, journals, plans, negatives,
unselfish actions, and his fine humor inspired photographs, and archeological documents,
great admiration. One felt it a privilege to be to the Smithsonian Institution to be kept
regarded as one of his friends. It is only to be in the Freer Gallery of Art for the use
regretted that not more people found the way of his colleagues. He hoped that the harvest
to him, but his long years of travel and life at of his would thus continue to be helpful
life
excavation sites seem to have made a meet- in the many fields in which he had worked.
206 IN MEMORIAM
This new contribution to scholarship, added 1942

to his vast personal accomplishments, leave no ARTICLE
doubt that as long as Near Eastern archeol-
ogy is a subject of scholarly research, the name
*191. Damascus: Studies in Architecture, I.
and work of Ernst Herzfeld will remain a

The Mukarnas Dome. The Ma-
living force.
drasa. In Ars Islamica, IX (1942),
ï— 53, 40 text illus., 17 pis. [For
Parts II-IV, see 1943, 1946, 1948.]
Supplement to “ The Writings of Ernst

1943
Herzfeld,” by George C. Miles *
ARTICLE
1931
*192. Damascus: Studies in Architecture, II.
ARTICLE
The Cruciform Plan. Syrian Archi-
139a. Anhang I: Stilkritische Untersuchung tecture, Period of Nür al-Din. In
und Datierung der Steinbilder. In Ars Islamica, X (1943), 13-70, 29
Max Freiherr von Oppenheim, Der text illus., 34 pis.[For Part I,
Teil Halaf, Eine neue Kultur im see 1942; Parts III— IW, see 1946,
ältesten Mesopotamien (Leipzig, 1948.]
1931), pp. 225-33. See also the
English version :
1946
139b. Appendix I: Stylistic Investigation ARTICLES
and Dating of the Stone Carvings.
*193. Damascus: Studies in Architecture,
In Baron Max von Oppenheim, Tell
III. The Ayyubid Madrasa. The
Halaf, A New Culture in Oldest
Turba. In Ars Islamica, XI-XII
Mesopotamia, translated by Gerald
(1946), 1-7 1, 87 text illus., 25 pis.
Wheeler (London and New York
[For Parts I— II, see 1942, 1943;
[no date]), pp. 258-71. [Revised
Part IV, see 1948.]
and translated without Herzfeld’s
*194. Friedrich Sarre. In Ars Islamica, XI-
knowledge.]
XII (1946), 210-12.
1941
1947
BOOKS BOOK AND ARTICLE
187. Iran in the Ancient East. Archaeologi- Early Historical Contacts Between the
195.
cal Studies Presented in theLowell Old-Iranian Empire and India. In
Lectures at Boston. London and India Antiqua A Volume of Orien-
.
New York, 1941. x 364 pp., 421 tal Studies Presented by his Friends
text illus., 13 1
pis. and Pupils to Jean Philippe Vogel
... on the Occasion of the Fiftieth
* Published in Ars Islamica, VII (1940), 82-92. Anniversary of his Doctorate (Ley-
The numbers before each title tally with those given
den, 1947), 180-84.
in the bibliography of 1940. Contributions largely
concerned with Islamic matters are again marked 196. Zoroaster and His World. Princeton,
with an asterisk (*). 1947; 2 vols., xviii + 410, 442 pp.
IN MEMORIAM 267
1948 osophy, and languages of Islamic countries at

the Oriental Department of the University of
BOOKS AND ARTICLES
Moscow; in 1916 he obtained there the degree
*190. Geschichte der Stadt Samarra. Bd. VL of Doctor of Letters. But he was not satisfied,
Die Ausgrabungen von Samarra. for his studies had led him to realize that the
Hamburg — Berlin,
1948. (
For- greatness of Islam found its finest expression
schungen zur Islamischen Kunst II, in its art. He spent several years traveling
herausgegeben von Friedrich Sarre) . in Turkestan and Iran, Iraq, Syria and Asia
vi -\- 290 pp., 37 text illus., 33 pis., Minor, studying everywhere the vast heritage
1 map, 5 aerial maps in pocket, in- of Islamic art. In 1921 he resumed his studies
serted obituary by Samuel Guyer of the history of Islam, especially the history
(pp. v-vi). of the Ottoman Empire, at the University of
*197. Damascus: Studies in Architecture, Istanbul. There he met the late Halil Edhem
IV. The Mosque. In Ars Islamica, Eldem, the Director General of the Museums
XIII-XIV (1948), 118-36, 14 text of Istanbul, who must have recognized the
16 pis. [For Parts I— III, see
illus., young man’s latent abilities for museum work.
1942, i943> 1946.] Halil Eldem expressed the desire that Dr. Aga-
Oglu should return to Istanbul after the com-
IN PRINTING STAGE IN CAIRO pletion of his studies at European universities.
Together they drew up a program which Aga-
*189. Aleppo. Matériaux pour un Corpus
Oglu followed during the coming five years.
Inscriptionum Arabicarum, Deux-
ième Partie, Syrie. (Institut fran-
He started at Berlin, taking the Herzfeld and
Becker courses in Near Eastern art and arche-
çais d’archéologie orientale, Le
ology. The years 1923 and 1924 he devoted
Caire, Mémoires, Tomes 76, 77 et
to studies of classical and early Christian ar-
78).
cheology and Western art and esthetics in gen-
eral, at the University of Jena, under Dörp-
IN MANUSCRIPT, READY TO BE PRINTED
feld, von Zahn, Koch and others. After this
188. The Persian Empire. interlude he spent three years in Vienna; there,
studying under the dean of art historians,
MEHMET AGA-OGLU Joseph Strzygowski, he received, in 1926, the
degree of Ph. D.
(
1896 - 1949 )
In 1927 Dr. Aga-Oglu returned to Istan-
On July 4, 1949, death came to a man whose bul, where he was appointed Curator of the
personal charm was irresistible, whose accom- Çinili Kösk, the Islamic Department of the
plishments were manifold, the founder of Ars National Museum, and Assistant Professor
Mehmet Aga-Oglu.
Islamica, of the History of Islamic Art at the University
Born of Turkish parents on August 24, of Istanbul. In 1928 came the appointment
1896, at Erivan in Russian Caucasia, he re- as Acting Director of the Turk ve Islam
ceived his pre-university education there at the Asari Müzesi, the former Evkaf Museum.
Classical Russian Gymnasium, 1904 to 1912. Besides these activities he made an extensive
Thus he grew up with a knowledge of three study of the architectural monuments of Istan-
languages, Turkish, Persian, and Russian. In bul and Brussa. In 1929 came the call from
1912 he began his studies of the history, phil- America, the invitation of the Arts Commis-
208 IN MEMORIAM
sion of the City of Detroit, to build up the Arts, Volume I, and Safawid Rugs and Textiles,
Department of Near Eastern Art De- of the The Collection of the Shrine of Imäm ‘Ali at
troit Institute of Arts. Here Dr. Aga-Oglu al-Najaf, in 1941 (New York, Columbia Uni-
started his activities by arranging an unfor- versity Press) . Aga-Oglu’s wide interests mani-
getably beautiful exhibition of the decorative fest themselves in his many contributions to
arts of Islamic countries. He built up a fine America and Europe. Thus, be-
periodicals in
permanent collection; today, twenty years tween 1929 and 1935, he wrote a score of arti-
later, the galleries of Islamic art of this Insti- cles for the Bulletin of the Detroit Institute of
tute retain the spiritwhich created them. In Arts. As the editor of Ars Islamica, he con-
1933 he was invited to fill a newly created tributed to this journal several important
chair of the History of Islamic Art at the Uni- papers as well as a number of book reviews.
versity of Michigan. He remained there till Besides contributions to Turkish magazines,
1938, first Fellow
as Freer and Lecturer, then he wrote, German, for the Belvedere, Orien-
in
as Professor. Twice, in 1935 and 1938, he was talistische Literaturzeitung Pantheon, and
,
Visiting Professor at the Summer Seminar of the second Joseph Strzygowski Festschrift
Arabic and Islamic Studies at Princeton Uni-
(1932) in English, for the American Numis-
;
versity. In 1934 he represented the University matic Society, Museum Notes, The Art Bul-
of Michigan and the Detroit Institute of Arts
letin, The Art News, The Art Quarterly,
at the Millennium Celebration of Firdausi and
Bulletin of the Boston Museum of Fine Arts,
the Congress of Orientalists at Teheran. In
Bulletin of the Iranian Institute, The Burling-
1937 he organized an Exhibition of Islamic ton Magazine, The Journal of Aesthetics and
Art at the M. H. de Young Memorial Mu-
Art Criticism, Journal of the American Orien-
seum at San Francisco. From 1940 to 1947
tal Society, Journal of Near Eastern Studies,
he was engaged in writing his still unpublished
Michigan Alumnus, and Parnassus.
magnum opus, a Corpus of Islamic Metal-
Mehmet Aga-Oglu was an inspiring
work, about which a memorandum in the
teacher and an excellent museum man. His
earlier part of this volume gives an eloquent
account. In the years 1948 and 1949 he was
wide knowledge of languages Turkish, Per- —
sian and Arabic, English, German, Russian,
active as consultant for the Textile Museum
of the District of Columbia. Again he began
French, Latin, and Greek —
made him an in-
satiable reader and a conversationalist of great
his activities by arranging a loan exhibition
of great interest: the Dragon Rugs of the charm. And so his memory will remain alive
Caucasus. His plans of following this up with with his students and friends as that of a man
a series of equally specialized exhibitions, unique in many aspects.
while cataloguing the Museum’s important Ave atque vale.

and all too little-known collection of rugs from Adèle Coulin Weibel
China to Spain, were cut short by his untimely
death. Selected Bibliography
Dr. Aga-Oglu’s many publications include
I. Books
three books. The first of these, a History of
Islamic Art, in Turkish, was published in 1. History of Islamic Art (in Turk-
Istanbul in 1928. Persian Bookbindings of ish), Istanbul, 1928.
the Fifteenth Century appeared in 1935, as 2. Persian Bookbindings of the Fif-

University of Michigan Publications, Fine teenth Century, Univ. Michi-
. .
IN MEMORIAM 269
3.
gan Publications, Fine Arts, 7. “Polychrome Stucco Relief from
Vol. I, Ann Arbor, 1935. Persia,” Bull. Detroit Inst.
Saf avoid Rugs and Textiles ,
The Arts, XI (1929), XLI-XLII.
Collection of the Shrine of 8. “A Bronze Candlestick of the
Imäm ‘All at al-Najaf, New Thirteenth Century,” Bull. De-
York, Columbia University troit Inst. Arts, XI (1930),
Press, 1941. LXXXI V-LXXX V I
9. “Two Thirteenth-Century Bronze
IL Catalogues
Ewers,” Burlington Mag.,
1. Catalogue of a Loan Exhibition LXII (1930), 27-28.
of Mohammedan Decorative 10. “Ein Prachtspiegel im Topkapu
Arts, Detroit Institute of Arts, Sarayi Museum,” Pantheon,
Oct. 21 to Nov. 23, 1930. X (1930), 454- 58 -
2. Exhibition of Islamic Art, M. H. 11. “The Fatih Mosque at Constan-

de Young Memorial Museum, tinople,” Art Bull., XII
Feb. 24 to Mar. 22, 1937, San
( 1930 ), 179-95-
Francisco, 1937.
12. “An Important Glass Bottle of
3. Dragon Rugs, a Loan Exhibition
the XIV Century,” Bull. De-
From American Public and Pri-
troit Inst. Arts, XII (1930),
vate Collections. The Textile
26-27.
Museum, Washington, D. C.,
Nov. 19, 1948.
Oct. 18 to 13. “A Rhages Bowl with a Repre-
sentation of a Historical Leg-
III. Articles end,” Bull. Detroit Inst. Arts,

XII (1930), 31-32.
1. “Double-headed Eagle” (in Turk-
14. “Some Unknown Mohammedan
ish), Journ. Heraldry, I (An-
Illustrated Manuscripts in the
kara, 1926)
Library of the Topkapu Sarayi
2. “Herkunft und Tod Sinans,” Ori-
Müzesi at Istanbul,” Ori-
ent alls tische Literaturzeitung ,
entalistische Literaturzeitung,
XXIX (Oct. 1926), 858-65.
“Die Gestalt der alten Moham-
XXXIV (1931), 330-32.
3.
medije in Konstantinopel und
15. “Old Pottery and Bronzes from
Persia,” Bull. Detroit Inst.
ihr Baumeister,” Belvedere,
XLVI Arts, XII (1931), 81-86.
(1926), 83-94.
4. “History of Turkish Art” (in 16. “Some Bronzes of the
Islamic
Turkish), Hayat, II (An- Middle Ages,” Bull. Detroit

kara, 1927), 369. XII (1931), 90-92.
Inst. Arts,
5. “Art of Rugmaking” (in Turk- 17. “A Fragment of a Rare Indian

ish), Milliyet, No. 207 (Istan- Carpet,” Bull. Detroit Inst.
bul, 1929), 1207. Arts, XIII (1931), 2-5.

6. “Four Egypto-Islamic Carved 18. “A Note on Bronze Mirrors,”
Panels, "Bull. Detroitinst. Arts, Bull. Detroit Inst. Arts, XIII
XI (1929), XXVIII-XXXI. (1931), 17-18.
,
270 IN MEMORIAM
19. “On a Manuscript by A 1 Jazari,” tury Mihräb at Nedjef,” Ars

Parnassus III (Nov. 1931), Islamica, II (1935)5 128-31.
27-28. 31. “The Landscape Miniatures of
20. “Eine Holz-Maksura aus der an Anthology Ms. of the Year
Seldschukenzeit,” Josef Strzy- 1398 A.D.,” Ars Islamica, III
gowski Festschrift Klagen- (i 936 ), 77 - 98 .
(
furt, 1932), 7-9. 32. “The Khusrau wa Shïrïn Manu-

21. “Islamische Metallarbeiten aus script in the Freer Gallery,”
Istanbuler Museen,” Belve- Ars Islamica, IV (1937)5
No. 7 (1932), 14-16.
dere, 479-81.
22. “A Note on the Manuscript of 33. “Unpublished Wooden Doors of
Manafi al-Hayawan in the the Seljuk Period,” Parnassus,
Library of Mr. J. P. Morgan,” X (Jan. 1938), 24-25.
Parnassus, V (Apr. 1933)5 34. “A note on the Study of Persian

19-20. Miniature Painting,” Parnas-
23. “A Minai Bowl of the Late Tenth XII (Apr. 1940), 29-30.
sus,
35. “6000 Years of Persian Art. The

Century,” Burlington Mag.,
Iranian Institute’s Great Exhi-
LXII (1933)* 209-12.
bition in New York,” Art
24. “An Islamic Tombstone and Mih-
räb of the Twelfth Century,”
News, XXXVIII (1940),
-
7 19
Bull. Museum Fine Arts, Bos-
-
36. “The Use of Architectural Forms

ton, XXXI
(1933), 42-44.
in Seljuq Metalwork,” Art
25. “Preliminary Notes on Some Per-
Quarterly, VI (1943)» 9 2 ~ 97 -
sian Illustrated Mss. in the
37. “A Brief Note on Islamic Termi-
Topkapu Sarayi Müzesi, Part
nology for Bronze and Brass,”
I,” Ars Islamica, I (1934)*
Journ. Amer. Oriental Soc.,
183-99.
Tomb
LXV (1945), 218-23.
26. “A Pilgrimage to the of
38. “About a Type of Islamic Incense
Firdawsi,” Michigan Alumnus,
Burner,” Art Bull, XXVII
XLII ( 1935 ). 611-18.
(1945), 28-45.
27. “An Illustrated Page from the
39. “An Observation About the Al-
Demotte Shah-Name,” Bull.
loy of the Ghitrifi Coins,”
Detroit Inst. Arts, XV Amer. Numismatic Soc., Mu-
( 1 935 2.
) >
seum Notes, I (1946), 101-4.
28. “The Celebration of the Millen-
40. “The Origin of the Term Mina
nium of Firdawsi,” Bull. De- and Its Meanings,” Journ.
troit Inst. Arts, XIV (1935)5 Near Eastern Studies, V
95-96. (1946), 241-56.
29. “Notes on the Exhibition of Per- 41. “Is the Ewer of Saint Maurice
sian Miniature Paintings,” Bull. d’Agaune a Work of Sasanian
Detroit Inst. Arts, XIV Iran?” Art Bull, XXVIII
(i 935 )> 96 - 99 -
(1946), 160-70.
30. “Fragments of a Thirteenth Cen- 42. “A Preliminary Note About Two
IN MEMORIAM 271
Metalwork Artists from Naisa- seum Fine Arts (Boston,

bur,” Bull. Iranian Inst., V 1947), XLV, 79-84.
(New York, 1947), 121-24. 44. “An Iranian Incense Burner,”
“Two Astrolabes of the Late Bull. Museum Fine Arts (Bos-
Safawid Period,” Bull. Mu- ton, 1950), XLVIII, 8-10.
INDICES TO “MATERIAL FOR A HISTORY OF ISLAMIC TEX-
TILES UP TO THE MONGOL CONQUEST,” BY R. B. SERJEANT
1. Arabic and Persian terms not relating to textiles.
2. Place names.
3. Technical terms.
List of maps.
1. ARABIC AND PERSIAN TERMS NOT RELATING TO TEXTILES

A'ädjim (Persians), XV-VI, 36. barbahär (Indian goods), X, 87; (rarities), X, 98.
Abü Faräs_h (name of bird), XV-VI, 76. bärgah (court), XI-II, 137-
Adab, IX, 55. barid (post), IX, 69, 70; XI-II, hi.
adam (leatherware) XIII-IV, 88. ,
barnîya (vase), IX, 70.
Âdamïyün (human beings), embroidered on cloth, basis, read for masis, XV-VI, 47, 50.
XIII-IV, 1 13. bïdjâdi (garnet), XV-VI, 77.
‘Adite, of mail-coats (dir‘), XIII-IV, 77. bizr düd al-ibrism (silkworm eggs), XI-II, 100.
‘ädj (ivory), IX, go. b näk r k r (a bird), XV-VI, 81.
ahkam (stronger), X, 81. buhär, XIII-IV, 83, 84.
aiwän (palace), XV-VI, 82. bürï-fish, XIII-IV, hi.
al-Akäsira, IX, 64. büriyä (green matting), XI- II, 126.
‘akik (chalcedony), XV-VI, 77.
‘alämät (signs), IX, 60. dabbüs (mace), XI-II, 123.
al-‘amal al-s_harïf, X, 71. al-dakäkin al-‘äliya, IX, 78.
XI-II, 1 21.
‘ämil (overseer), dal, XI-II, 100.
amkäs mudhahhaba (gilded scissors), XV-VI, 38. damän (farming), of weaving of gold, IX, 77.
amma (public), XIII— IV, 108. See Dar al-‘âmma, dang (white silver weight), IX, 64.
Sharäb al-‘ämma. Där al-‘ämma (public audience), IX, 72.
âniya (pl. ‘awäni) (pottery or vessels), IX, 64, 66; Dar al-Khiläfa, XIII-IV, no.
XI-II, 104. D är al-Sanä‘a (arsenal), XV-VI, 33, 46, 50, 65.
‘Ansara. See Mihradjän. därät (circles), XV-VI, 79; (medallions), IX, 62;
Arandadj (black skin), XI-II, 129. (rings), XIII-IV, 89.
arbäb al-sinä‘ät wa’l-badä’i* (craftsmen), XIII- dast (seat) ,
X, 73.
IV, 87.' dastgäh (ouvroüers), XI-II, 109.
arzäk (stipends), IX, 61. dastür (roll), IX, 73.
asâkifa (shoemakers), IX, 73; XI-II, 1 1 5. destega. See dastgäh.
asfäti (maker of chests), IX, 73. dhäl, XI-II, 100.
asir (olive oil), XV-VI, 52. Dja‘fari (applied to gold), XV-VI, 32, 33. See also
asirra murassa'a (inlaid seats), XV-VI, 38. khass, index No. 3.
1
aswad. See dhirä . djä’iz, XIII-IV, 83.

‘ataba (seat), XIII-IV, 112. djäm (pl. djämät, cup), IX, 63, 75; X, 91, in;
‘attär (perfumer), IX, 73. djäm fidda (silver cup), XI-II, 98; XV-VI, 79.
Diarawl (of a kintär) XIII-IV, 116, 117.
,
baba (locker), IX, 76. djarib,IX, 78.

babr (panther), XV-VI, 81. djawäshin (breastplates), IX, 74.
bädh-bizan (fans), XI-II, 126. djawhariya (quality), XI-II, 108.
baikârïya (plaques), XI-II, 142; XIII-IV, 103. djawharïyün (jewelers), IX, 81.
ba‘ir. See farwa (index No. 3). djaz‘ (onyx), XV-VI, 84.
bait al-mäl (pl. buyüt al-amwâl), IX, 67; XIII- djïm, XI— II, 124.
IV, 79- djughräfiyä, XIII-IV, 112.
274 SERJEANT INDICES
djür (rosewater), IX, 90. Funduk al-Kutn (warehouse of cotton), XIII-IV,

dhirä' (a cloth measure, about one yard in length), 105.
XI-II, 105, 108, X17, 137; XIII-IV, 84, 99, 108,
1 13; XV-VI, 32, 64, 65, 84. ghadä’ir (chinaware), XV-VI, 82.
1
dhirâ aswad, IX, 70. gharabi (for ‘Arabi), XIII-IV, 83.
dhirä* al-Sawäd, IX, 69. al-Ghazzäla. See Diwän al-Ghazzäla.
dinars (mainly figures quoted for the price of lengths
of cloth or garments, or customs, revenues, and habbäl (ropemakers), XI-II, 1 15.
taxation), IX, 71, 73, 74, 76, 83; X, 73, 81, 93, haddäd, IX, 73.
95, 98, 103; XI-II, 103, 126, 131, 132, 137, 138, hadid (articles of), XV-VI, 38.
139; XIII-IV, 79, 81, 83, 84, 85, 91, 92, 94, 95, hädjib (chambellan), IX, 77.
96, 98, 99, 100, 104, 105, 108, no, in, 1 12, hänüt (factories or workshops), XI-II, 115; XV-
1 13, 1 16, 1 17; XV-VI, 29, 37, 47, 50, 52, 54, 55,
'
VI, 60, 63.

60, 61, 66, 74, 75, 76, 80, 83, 84; dinars of hashish (grass), garments of, XV-VI, 81; (herbs),
Ma'äfir, XIII-IV, 85 Maghribi dinars, XI-II,
; XV-VI, 37.
1 16; XIII-IV, 95; Nisjiäpüri dinars, XI-II, 116. &
hasir (pi. husr husur, reed mats), X, 89, 102;
dir' (pi. durü‘, mailcoat or breastplate), IX, 74, 85; ’
XIII-IV, 1 12; XV-VI, 38, 39, 77; of ‘Abbadän,
XIII-IV, 77 XV-VI, ; 77- XV-VI, 76.
dirhams (mainly figures quoted for the price of
XI-II, 103.
hasir-i-sitabr (thick reed mats),
lengths of cloth or garments, or customs, revenues, Hawäsil (Pelican), XV-VI, 77; (soft skins), see
and taxation), IX, 65, 71, 74, 82; X, 92; XI-II, index No. 3.
98, 99, 102, 104, 134, 139; XIII-IV, 91, 98, ill, hisba, IX, 54; XV-VI, 62, 63, 73.
1 15, 1 16; XV-VI,
47; dirhams of silver, XIII- hulä (ornaments), XIII-IV, 105.
IV, 101 dirham-weight, XI-II, 1 1 6 dirhams as
; ;
hulya (regalia), XV-VI, 82.
a weight for gold, IX, 64. husuri (reed-mat makers), XIII-IV, 116.
divan, IX, 73.
hutukshbadh (chef des artisans), IX, 63.
Diwän, XIII-IV, 1 1 5, 116; contracts of employees huyüsji (sandals), XIII-IV, 81.
of, XIII-IV, 1 16; XV-VI, 46; applied to the
Government of a Christian country, XV-VI, 33 ;
‘idda, XIII-IV, 76.
officials of, XIII-IV, 1 16, 1 17. See divan.
‘ikd (interlacing work), XIII-IV, 113.
Diwän al-Ghazzäla, XIII-IV, 105. iklim (regions), XIII-IV, 112.
Diwän al-Khizäna (Office of the Wardrobe), XIII- al-iktä‘ al-mukhtass (fiefs), IX, 77.
IV, 104.
isba‘ (finger measurement), IX, 70.
Diwän XIII-IV, in;
al-Madjlis, controller and
istablät (stables), IX, 78.
perquisites of, XIII-IV, IIO.
al-isti‘mälät al-khässa (royal requisitions), XIII-IV,
Diwän of Natron, XIII-IV, 117.
105.
Diwän of the Sultan, XIII-IV, 1 1 7.
itläkät (presents), XI-II, 136.
Diwän of the West, XV-VI, 46.
‘itr, XIII-IV, 87.
dür al-darb (mints), IX, 69.
iwän, IX, 64.
failadj (cocoon), XV-VI, 62.

fairüzadj (turquoise), XV-VI, käghid (paper), XI-II, 142; XV-VI, 82.
77.
kä’im (officer), IX, 61.
fakhkhär (earthenware), XI-II, 108.
Farisa (a bird ?), XV-VI, 77-
kärgäh (factory, workshop), XI-II, 121 ;
XIII-IV,
farräsjres (porters), XIII-IV, 112; royal farräshes, 95 ; factory of Shustar, X, 75 ;
of Tibet, X, 75.
XIII-IV, 105. karkhäna (factory), X, 99.
firäsjh-khäna, IX, 75. kärüra (bottle), X, 80.
Fitra (breaking of the Fast), XIII-IV, III. kasaba (a measure of length), XIII-IV, 84.
fitra (food), XIII-IV, hi. kassär (fuller), IX, 73.
funduk (depot), XI-II, 1 1 5 ;
(hostelry), XV-VI, kawkab (stars used as bridle ornament), XI-II, 123.
33 !
(inn), XV-VI, 51. kawradja. See küradja.
Funduk al-Hara’iriya, XV-VI, 48. Kawwari (a kind of alum ?), XIII-IV, 116.
SERJEANT INDICES 275
kharäjj (annual tax, land tax), X, 80, 92; spent on kirtäs (paper), IX, 65 XIII-IV, 89, 93.
;
carpets, XI— II, 121. kisjir (wrappings for the transport of cloth), XIII-
'
kharaz (beads, gems, shells), XIII-IV, 88; but it IV, 95-
should probably be translated not so, but as “leath- kit‘a (piece), XV-VI, 32, 37.
erware.” kundur (frankincense), XIII-IV, 85.
kharrât (glasscutter) IX, 73, 74.
,
küradja or kawradja, XIII-IV, 83.
kharräz (cobblers), XI-II, 115. kus_hra (husk of cotton), XV-VI, 68, 69.
khäss(a) (royal), of manufactures, XIII-IV, no.
See also djäma (index No. 3), isti'mälät, libäs Laithi (of kintär), XIII-IV, X 1 5, 1x6, 1x7.
(index No. 3), musta'malât, taifür. la’ma (breastplate), IX, 67.
al-khäss al-sharif (royal store), XIII-IV, iox. latima (perfumes), XIII-IV, 87.
khässa (royal use), XIII-IV, 108.
khässi (royal), XV-VI, 32. ma‘ämil (factories), XIII-IV, 98.
khätam khutöm), IX, 82; on
(pi. sharb-linen, XIII- al-Ma‘dan (mine), XIII-IV, 81.
IV, 105. See index No. 3. madhün, ashäb al- (makers of glazed ware, or paint-
khazaf (clay), XV-VI, 62. ers), IX, 81.
khazä’in. See khizäna. madjlis, IX, 69; XIII-IV, 1 1 2. See also Diwän.
Khazä’in al-Kiswa, IX, 73, 74. madrüb. See nahäs.
khiläf (willow, or willow twigs), XI-II, 98, 124. mahä-fish, X, 102.
khizäna (pi. khazä’in, store, storehouse, treasury), mahäbis, XI-II, 124; explained, XIII-IV, 83.
IX, 67, 73, 74, 76; X, 71 XI-II, 120, 143.;
mahalla (quarter), IX, 80; XI-II, 115.
^
Khizänat al-FarsJj (pi. Khazä’in al-FarsJx or al- Mäh-Isfandärmudh (a season), XV—VI, 35, 70.
Fursh), IX, 74, 75; XIII-IV, 1 12; Khazä’in mä’ida (table), X, 86.
’
al-Farsh wa 1 -Amti‘a (stores of upholstery and makänis (brooms), XI-II, 114.
furnishings), XIII-IV, 1 10, III, 1 12; also known makhtüm. See tin.
IX, 75.
as firäsh-lchäna, makkekou. See mäkü-küb.
Khizänat al-Khäss, IX, 74. mäkü-küb, XI-II, 109.
Khizänat al-Khila', IX, 75. maliki (royal), XIII-IV, 1 1 3 of satin, IX, 71. See
;
Khizäna al-Kisawät (wardrobe of robes), XIII-IV, kalansuwa (index No. 3).

no. mämirän (swallowwort) XV-VI, 84. ,
al-Khizäna al-Kubrä, IX, 74. maräkib (ships, caravans), XV-VI, 46.

Khizäna al-Malik (Royal Wardrobe), XV-VI, 56. mardjän (coral), XV-VI, 77.
Khizänat al-Rufüf, description of, XIII-IV, 112. marir (rope), XI-II, 125.
Khizänat al-Siläh (arsenal), IX, 73, 74. markab (saddle), IX, 77.
Khizänat al-Surüdj (saddlery stores), IX, 73, 74. marsjhüsjx (sprinkled with perfume), XV-VI, 78.
al-Khizäna al-Zähira, IX, 74. masäll (needles), XI-II, 106.
khulläs (tanners), XV-VI, 71. masis. See basis.
khutba, IX, 72. masna“ (pi. masäni‘,
'
factory), IX, 89; XI-II, 141;
khutü (rhinoceros horn), XV-VI, 83. XV-VI, 33.
khutüt (calligraphy), XI-II, 108. matdjar (market), XIII-IV, 1 16.
khuzzän (keepers), IX, 73; of wardrobe, X, 75; midäd (ink), XV-VI, 82.
XIII-IV, 92. Mihradjän, IX, 70; or ‘Ansara, XV-VI, 31.
kiblï (east), XIII-IV, 98. mim, XI-II, 1 14.
kimukht or kimukhtä (shagreen), XI-II, 103, 105, mimbars, XV-VI, 33.
127, 129. XIII-IV,
mintälc (girdle), 76.
kintär (a weight of 100 ratls), XIII-IV, 1 1 5, 116, mirwah (fan), X, 86.
1 1 7; XV-VI, 32; Misri kintär, XIII-IV, 1 1 7 mithara (skins of animals), XIII-IV, 113.
;
Tinnisi kintär, XIII-IV, 117. See also Diarawi, mithkäl (usually a gold weight), X, 80; XI-II, 108 ;
and Laithi. XIII-IV, 76, 94, 108; XV-VI, 47, 52.

kirät (fraction of a dinar), XIII-IV, 83, 116; XV- mithnän (thymélée, garou, trentonel), XV-VI, 71.
'
VI, 76. mitrad (spear), IX, 74.
kirif (excretions du nez), XV-VI, 35. mu'ämala (service), XIII-IV, 104.
mudahhan (glazed, of pottery), XI-II, 106. safat (chest or case), IX, 76; XIII-IV, 95, 99, 104,
mudhahhaba. See amkäs. 105.
muezzins, XV-VI, 46. sägha (goldsmiths), IX, 73.
muhkam (glass?), IX, 81. sähib (representative, perhaps s. al-Tiräz), X, 73;
muhtasib, XV-VI, 36, 63, 64, 68, 69, 70, 71. XV-VI, 32.
mukhtass. See iktä'.
sämän (reed mats), XIII-IV, 112.
mulabban (pastry), XI-II, 114. sanä'a (pi. sanä’i“, manufacture), IX, 90; (crafts),
mulükï (kingly), XIII-IV, 80. See khazz. X, 72; al-sharlfa (fine crafts), X,
al-sanä’i‘ 71.
murassa'a. See asirra.
See sinä'ät, där.
murdäsandj (proto-oxide of lead), IX, 90.
sant (red nilotica mimosa), XV—VI, 63.
murri (cake), XI-II, 114.
sard] (pi. surüdj, saddles), XV-VI, 77.
musannä (dam), IX, 78.
sarir (throne), XI-II, 103. See asirra murassa'a.
XIII-IV, 104.
musjjarrif (overseer),
sarkar-i-pädsjräh (king’s court), X, 99.
musht (weaver’s comb), X, 86; (pi. amsjxät, ordi-
säsam (wood), XV-VI, 63.
nary combs), XI-II, 106.
musta‘malät al-khäss (royal requisitions), IX, 75- sawladjän (polo sticks), XV—VI, 62.
mutawalli (controller), XIII-IV, 104. s_habb (alum), XIII-IV, 115, 116.
sjjähid (accountant), XIII-IV, 104.
nadd (scent), XIII-IV, 98. sjrähin (falcon), XI-II, 106.

nadjdjär (carpenter), IX, 73. al-Shäkiriya (Office of Troops), IX, 62.
nahäs (copper), XV-VI, 63. Sharäb al-‘Ämma (public supply magazine), IX,
nahäs asfar madrüb (hammered brass), XV-VI, 63. 73, 74-
Nahr. See Yawm al-Nahr. Sharäb al-Khässa (private supply magazine), IX, 74.
Nairüz, IX, 70. sjiarak (nightingale), XV-VI, 81.
naks_h (pictures), XIII-IV, 113; (decoration), XI- sjrarif (a term used to describe royal textile factories),
II, 138; XIII-IV, 1 13. See index No. 3. X, 71. See also, ‘amal, sanä'a.
nasjiâ (starch), XV—VI, 68, 69. shibr (span), XIII-IV, 8x, 98; XV-VI, 37, 64, 65,
nat‘ (pi. antä', leather mats), XIII-IV, 81 ;
XV-VI, 74; wrongly translated as inch, XIII-IV, 81.
31. See index No. 3. Shiramala, IX, 83.
nisba (name), X, 97. shughl (business), X, xoi.
nus_hs_häb (arrows), IX, 74. Shükis (a kind of natron), XIII-IV, 116.
sifa (map of the world), XIII-IV, 93.
parasang, IX, 78; X, 86; XI-II, 131 ;
XIII-IV, sinä'ät. See arbäb and sanä'a.
84; XV-VI, 36, 85. siniya (dish), XIII-IV, HI.
XIII-IV, 98.
sir-fish,
Rabi‘ (Spring), XV-VI, 31, 62, 76.
siwär (bracelet), IX, 77; XIII-IV, HI.
raff XIII-IV, 1 12.
(shelf),
Subut (pearls), IX, 83.
rangin (colored), XIII-IV, 95.
sufr (brass, articles of), XV-VI, 38.
rasama (to inscribe), IX, 60; XIII-IV, 97.
sufriya (dish, of silver), XIII-IV, 113.
rasäs (lead), XV-VI, 37.
sük, XIII-IV, 87.
räsukht (cinnabar), IX, 90.
XIII-IV, 1 15; XV-VI, sundük (box), XIII-IV, 99.
rati, 32, 68; ratls of
süra (pi. suwar, images, pictures, portraits), IX, 61,
Baghdad, XIII-IV, 83.
al-rawshan al-badï‘, IX, 78. 75; xiii-iv, 1 12; xv-vi, 36.
ribä’ (profiteering), XV-VI, 64.

suwwägh (jewelers), XI-II, 136.
rlbäs (white currants), XI-II, 116.
al-rihäl, XIII-IV, tabikh (kitchen), IX, 86.
85.
rizma (bale), XI-II, 103; XIII-IV, 112. tädj, IX, 62.
Rummànï. See yäküt. taifür (bowl), XIII-IV, ni; t. Içhâss (royal),
XIII-IV, hi.
sadakät (taxes), IX, 70. talçht (wardrobe), XIII-IV, 99.
sädj '(ebony), IX, 90; XV-VI, 76. Tanas (great pearls), IX, 83.
tannür (furnace), XIII-IV, 116. västryöshänsälär (directeur de l’impôt foncier =

tarâ’if (objets de vertu), IX, 62. västryöshbadh) ,
IX, 62.
tarât (circles of wood), XIII-IV, 105. västryöshbadh, IX, 62.
tarz, defined,IX, 60. vizier (name of on Fatimid tirâz-inscriptions) ,
XIII-
tashtkhäna, IX, 75. IV, 1 1 8.
taslib (cross-shaped holes), IX, 70.

taswïr (pi. tasàwïr, figures, pictures), XIII-IV, 85, wada‘ (cowries), XIII-IV, 88.
107. waiba, XIII-IV, 1 1 7.
tawämir, sense discussed, IX, 66. wakf (mortmain), XIII— IV, 106.
tawk (necklace), IX, 77; XIII-IV, ill. See index warräk (papermaker), IX, 73.
No. 3. wazä’if (allowances), IX, 74.
tazwik (ornament), XI— II, 108. withâk-bâsjiï, X, 101 ; XI-II, 123.
tib (perfume or scent), IX, 74; XIII-IV, 87; XV-
yäküt (jacinth), XV-VI, 77, 80; Rummäni
‘
VI, 78. y.
tidjarät (wares), XV-VI, 84. (pomegranate jacinths), IX, 70.
tin (clay), XI-II, 116. yasjiab (jasper), XV-VI, 83.
tin al-khatm (terra sigillata), IX, 63. Yawm al-Nahr, XIII-IV, 88.
tin makhtüm (terra sigillata), XV-VI, 81.
al-tubül al-mawkibiya (ceremonial drums), XI-II, zabardjad (topaz), XV-VI, 77.
134- zar Dja‘fari, XV-VI, 33.
turs (shield), XI-II, 98. zarad (armor), XI-II, 136.
tüt (mulberries, or mulberry trees), XI-II, 129; zardkhäna, XIII-IV, 102.
XV-VI, 36. zarkar (goldsmith), X, 99.
zarkasjr (gold-wire drawers), X, 99; XI-II, 109.
ükîya (ounce), XIII-IV, 99. zindjafr (red lead), IX, 90.
2. PLACE NAMES
Abarküh, X, 81, 89. Ahnas, XIII-IV, 107.
Äbaskün, XI-II, 105. Ahwäz, X, 71, 77; XI-II, iio-iii; XV-VI, 85;
Abiward, XI-II, 1 1 7. called Sük al-Ahwäz, X, 71.
‘Abkar (or ‘Abkari), XIII-IV, 85. ‘Ain Alloun, XV-VI, 51.
Ab wän, XIII-IV, 98. Akhlät, X, 98.
Abyan, XIII-IV, 77. Akhmim, XIII-IV, 109, 115-6.
Abyär, XIII-IV, 107. Akira, XV-VI, 57-
Acre, XI-II, 145. Aksarä (Ak-Sarai), XV-VI, 57.
Aden, IX, 59, 71 X, 93; XI-II, 131
; ;
XIII-IV, Ak-Sarai. See Aksarä.
77, 79-85, 109; XV-VI, 76, 78. Alep. See Aleppo.
Aden Protectorate, XIII-IV, 80, 88. Aleppo, XI-II, 104, 138-9; XIII-IV, 1 13; XV-
Adena, XV-VI, 59- VI, 41.
Adjäbiya, XV-VI, 43. Alexandretta, XI-II, 144.
Aegae. See Laias. Alexandria, IX, 67, 75; XI-II, 136, 142; XIII-IV,
Africa, IX, 57; XI-II, 113; XIII-IV, 108, hi, 82, 84, 95, 100-4, 107, 115-6; XV-VI, 34, 41,
17;
1 XV-VI, 38, 41 seq., 60. 43, 44, 45, 46, 49, 50. A., meaning Alexandretta,
Africa, East, XIII-IV, 84, 101, hi . XI-II, 144.
Africa of the Negroes, XV-VI, 41, 52, 54. Algeria, IX, 57.See Maghreb, North Africa, etc.
Africa, North, XIII-IV, 83, 100; XV-VI, 41 seq., Almeria (al-Mariya), XV-VI, 33, 34, 36, 37, 38,
60, 70, 75. 39-
African coast (of the Red Sea), XIII-IV, 75. Alsh, XV-VI, 39-
Aftakün (?), XI-II, 137. Amid (Diyärbakr), X, 72, 87, 97-8; XV-VI, 55.
Aghmât, XV-VI, 53, 54. Amul, XI-II, 99, 102-3.
Agra, X, 87. A'nak, XI-II, 142.
Anbär, IX, 63, 91. As_hmunein, XI-II, 124; XIII-IV, 94, 109.
Andaglost. See Awdäghast. Ashs_h. See Äs_h.
Andalus, IX, 57; X, 96; XI-II, 138; XV-VI, 29 Asia (Asie), XV-VI, 70, 83, 84.
seq., 41, 43, 46, Si. 53, 60, 70, 74, 75, 76. Asia (Central), IX, 58; XI-II, 102, 105; XV-VI,
Andaräsh (Andarax), XV-VI, 38. 74, 81.
Andarax. See Andaräsh. Asia Minor, IX, 58; X, 95; XI-II, 106-7, 137;
Angora (Anküra), XV-VI, 57; (Angouri), XV-VI, XV-VI, 57 seq. See Rüm.
59- ‘Askalän. See Ascalon.
Angouri. See Angora. ‘Askar, X, 76-7.
Anküra. See Angora. ‘Askar Mukram, X, 76.
Antäkiya. See Antioch. Astaräbäd, XI-II, 105.
Anteochia. See Antioch. Aswan, XIII-IV, 109.
Antioch, IX, 56; XI-II, 109-10; 137-8, 144; Asyut, XIII-IV, 109.
XIII, 102; XV-VI, 85; (Antäkiya), XI-II, 144; Atlantic (al-Bahr al-Muhit), XV-VI, 60.
(Anteochia), XI-II, 144. Atlas, Anti-Atlas, XV-VI,
49.
‘Aräbän, IX, 92. ‘Attäbi Quarter (or ‘Attâbïya), IX, 78, 81-2.
Arabia, IX, 85 XI-II, 107; XIII-IV, 75-6, 86.
;
Äva, XI-II, no.
Arabia, Northern, XIII-IV, 821. Awärik, XI-II, 131.
Arabia, Southern, XI-II, 107; XIII-IV, 76; XV- Awdäghast (Andaglost), XV-VI, 54, 63, 75.
VI, 70; coastal cities of, XIII-IV, 77. Äzad, X, 103.
Arabia, South-Western, XI-II, 118. A‘zäz, XI-II, 139.
Arabian coast, XIII-IV, 75. Azdisät, X, 96.
‘Arafa, XIII-IV, 88. Azerbaijan, X, 91, 98, 101 ;
XI-II, 105-6, 108;
Aragon, XV-VI, 39. XV-VI, 83, 84.
Ardavil. See Ardebil. Azzamür, XV-VI, 53.
Ardebil (Ardavil), Muslim capital of Azerbaijan,
X, 98. Baalbek (Ba'labakk), XI-II, 138, 141.
Ardistan (modern Arüsün), XI-II, no. al-Bäb, XI-II, 139.
Ardjîdj, X, 98. Bäb al-Abwäb. See Derbent.
Ardjïsh, X, 103. Bäb al-Basra,IX, 83.
Ariaca, XIII-IV, 75- Bäb al-Karkh, IX, 80.
El-Arish (‘Arish), XIII-IV, 114-5. Bäb al-Malik, XIII-IV, 112.
Armenia, IX, 55, 58, 63, 67, 71, 88-9, 91 X, 91, 5
Bäb al-MansJiür, XV-VI, 45.
93, 95-100, 101 XIII-IV, 96, 109; XV-VI, 57,
;
Bäb al-Täk, IX, 78.
77, 83, 8a.. Lesser Armenia or Little Armenia, X, Bäb al-Tiräz (Kairawän), XV-VI, 46.
95, xoi XV-VI, 57.
;
Bäbul (R.), XI-II, 98.
Arradjän, X, 87, 90, in; XI-II, 105; (Radjän), Bädja, XV-VI, 39.
X, 87. Badjdjäna (Pechina q.v.), XV-VI, 34, 37.
Arrän, X, 91, 100-101. Baghdäd, IX, 57, 59, 69, 72-4, 78, 80-5, 91-2; X,
al-‘Arsa, IX, 78. 71, 77-8, 82, 93, 95, 97, 100; XI-II, 100, 103,
Artha (R. Volga), XV-VI, 74- 106-7, in, 113, 116, 118-9, 123, 125, 127, 136;
Arün, XV-VI, 39. XIII-IV, 77, 83, 91-2, 95, 103-4, no; XV-VI,
Arüsün. See Ardistan. 29, 31, 32, 33, 35, 41, 48, 55, 66, 67, 73, 76, 77,
Arzan, IX, 92; X, 97; XV-VI, 57; capital of the 81, 84, 85; (Baudas), X, 100; Baghdäd to Raisüt,
Armenian kings, X, 97. XIII-IV, 87 ;
Baghdäd to China trade route, X,
Arzan al-Rüm. See Kälikalä. 71 .
Arzindjän, X, 97. Baeza. See Basta.

Asadäbäd, XI-II, no. Bahnasä (Oxyrynchus), IX, 75; XIII-IV, 107,
Ascalon (‘Askalän), XI-II, 143. 108-9, 113-6.
As_h (or Asjisj}), Wadi (modern Guadix), XV-VI, Bahr al-Gharb, XIII-IV, 117.
38. Bahr al-Khazar. See Caspian.
Ashkür, XI-II, no. al-Bahr al-Muhit. See Atlantic.
Bahr al-Shark, XIII-IV, 117. Bulghär, XV-VI, 73, 74, 77 ;

Greater Bulghär, XV-
Bahrein, XIII-IV, 87. VI, 74 -
Bailakän, X, 100. Büna, XV-VI, 49.

Baisän, XI-II, 143. Büra, XIII-IV, 93.
Bait. See also Beit. Burdjän, XV-VI, 84.
Bakirän. See Bocayrente. Burs, IX, 86.
Balkh, XI-II, 118-9, 126; XV-VI, 77 , 85. Burtäs (territory of), XV-VI, 74, 75.
Baltic, XV-VI, 74. Büsh, XIII-IV, 108.
Baltistan (Little Tibet), XV-VI, 83. Bushire, X, 89.
Bam. See Bamm. Büsîr, XIII-IV, 106, 108.
Bämiyän, XI-II, 124. Büsir Küridus, XIII-IV, 108.
Bamm, X, 87 XI-II, 131. ;
Busrä, X, 72.
Banä, XIII-IV, 106. Bust, XI-II, 134.
Banäkath, XI-II, 127. Buttam, XV-VI, 84.
Bardha'a (capital of Arrän), X, 100-1. al-Buwaib, IX, 86.
Bargrï, X, 98. Büzagän, XI-II, 120.
Barka, XV-VI, 43. Byzantium, IX, 57-9, 64, 66; X, 94, 96, xoi XI- ;
Bartallä, IX, 92. II, 141, 143; XIII-IV, no; XV-VI, 82, 84, 85;
Barzand (capital of Mükän), X, 103. (Eastern Byzantium), X, 71. See Rüm.

Bäsabda, IX, 92.
Basinnä, IX, 75, 89; X, 72, 77-8. Caesaria (Kaisariya), XV-VI, 57.
Basra, IX, 85, 89, 90; X, 71-2; XI-II, 138; XIII- Cagäniyän, XI-II, 126.
IV, 80; XV-VI, 85. Cairo, IX, 73, 81; XI-II, 103, 139; XIII-IV, 97,
Basra of the Maghreb, XV-VI, 52, 53 ; known as 103-6, 109-10, 112, 116-7; XV-VI, 43, 48, 61;
Basra al-Kattän, XV-VI, 53. markets of, XIII-IV, 106; topography of, XIII-
Basta (Baeza), XV-VI, 36, 37, 38, 39. IV, 105.
Baticala, XIII-IV, 86. Cairo (Misr), XI-II, 142; XV-VI, 49, 55. See
Baudas. See Baghdad. also Misr.
Bazardjik. See Pazadjik. Calicut (Käliküt), XIII-IV, 84.
B d XIII-IV, 83.
kli, Calsena (Kalsäna), XV-VI, 39.
Beit Nuba, XV-VI, 70. Cambay (Kanbäyät), XIII-IV, 84, 86; XV-VI,
Bengal, Gulf of, XV-VI, 81. 78, 80. See Cambaya.
Bengala, X, 87. Cambay, Gulf of, XIII-IV, 75.
Bethlehem, XV-VI, 70. Cambaya (Kanbäya), X, 87; XV-VI, 80.
Bidjäya (Bougie), XV-VI, Camboge, XIII-IV, 86.

50.
Caphtor. See Damietta.
Bidlis, X, 98.
Cappadocia (Cappadoce), IX, 58 XV-VI, 59.
Birdhawn, X, 77. ;
Carachara, XV-VI, 59.

Bisjiäpür, IX, 86 X, 88-9. ;
Caspian (Bahr al-Khazar), X, 91, 101. See Diur-

Bisjiävür. See Bisjiäpür.
djän, Sea of ;
Khurasan, Sea of.
Biyawrnabära, XIII-IV, 98.
Caspian, provinces, X, 97, 103 ; South Caspian group
Black Sea (or Sea of Rüm), X, 91, 103.
X, 89.
(of textile manufacturing cities),
Bocayrente (Bakirän), XV-VI, 39.
Cathay (Khitä), XI-II, 137; XV-VI, 83.
Bokhara (Bukhärä), IX, 76, 89; X, 77, 90, in;
Caucasia, X, 103.
XI-II, 121, 124-5; XIII-IV, 83; XV-VI, 82.
Caucuses, X, 94.
Bombay, XV-VI, 80. Ceuta ( Sabta) XI-II, 139 XV-VI, 52.
, 1
Bougie. See Bidjäya. Ceylon, XV-VI, 52, 77, 80.

Bourca. See Broussa. Chaul, XIII-IV, 86.
Brindisi, XV-VI, 70. Chieu-chieu-chau. See Kem-kemdjiyuta.
Britain, XV-VI, 60. China, IX, 57, 59, 80, 84; X, 100; XI-II, 135-7;
Broussa (Bourca), XV-VI, 59. XIII-IV, 80, 82-5; XV-VI, 36, 50, 57 , 74 77, ,
Bukhärä. See Bokhara. 81 seq., 84, 85. See Cathay, Sin.

China-Baghdäd trade route, X, 71. Das_ht Bärin, X, 81.

Chinchilla (Djindjäla or Shantadjäla) ,
XV-VI, 39. Dast Maisän, IX, 88.
Christian countries, IX, 84 ;
XV-VI, 59, 67. Dastuwä, XI-II, no, 138, 141.
Cilicia (Cilicie), X, 95; XV-VI, 59, 70. Dawrak, IX, 75 X, 78. ;
Cogne (Konia), XV-VI, 59. D. bä, XIII-IV, 88.

Constantinople, X, 81; XV-VI, 59, 85. Deccan, XI-II, 137.
Cordova, XV-XVI, 29, 33, 34, 36, 37, 41, 5 1, 60, 76. Delhi, XI-II, 102, 136-7.
Cremesor (Garmsir), X, 100. Delta (of Egypt), IX, 57; XIII-IV, 106-9.
Cyprus (Kubrus), XI-II, 137, 143-4; XV-VI, 76. Derbent (Bäb al-Abwäb), X, 101 XI-II, 105. ;
Dhuba, XIII-IV, 88.

Dabidj (variant name for Dabik q.v.), XIII— IV, 97. Difü, XIII-IV, 89, 99-
Dabik, XIII-IV, 89, 94, 97-8, 100; XV-VI, 76. Dih Khwärkän, X, 103.
See also Dabidj, Dablçü, Dabkä. Diläs, XIII-IV, 108.
Dabïkïya (Quarter of Baghdad), IX, 83. Dimasjhk. See Damascus.
Dabil (Dovin, or Duwin, or Tovin), capital of Diyärbakr. See Amid.
Armenia, X, 95-7. Dizak (or Djizak), XI-II, 126.
Dabkä (syn. of Dabik ?), XIII-IV, 89, 97; XV- Dizmär, X, 103.
VI, 76. Djabal al-Kasis, XV-VI, 59.
Dabkü Dabik ?), XIII-IV,
(syn. of 89, 96. Djabal Küd, XI-II, 126.
Dabkuwä, XIII-IV, 94. Djabbul, IX, 86.
Dabul (syn. of Daibul ?), XIII-IV, 86. al-Djabiya (?), XV-VI, 85.
Dabüsiya, XI-II, 125. Diabrawän. XI-II, 108.
Dai, XV-VI, 53. Djädj, XI-II, 124.
Daibul, XIII-IV, 83 XV-VI, 80. See also Dabul.
;
Djahram, IX, 75; X, 80-2, 85, 89; XV-VI, 29.
Dailam, IX, 101-2; X, 101-2; XI-II, 100, 105. See Diaivän (Jaen), XV-VI, 38, 39; called Djaiyän
Dailamän. al-Harir, XV-VI, 38.
Dailamän, XI-II, no; province of, X, 102. Djäm (modern Shaikh Djäm), XI-II, 120.
Dairüt, XIII-IV, 109. al-Djämi‘än (Hilla), IX, 86.
Daizadj Street, IX, 82. Djanad, XIII-IV, 79.
Damanhür, XIII-IV, 107. Djänät, X, 88.
Damascus, IX, 67; X, 81; XI-II, 108, no, 139, Djannäbä, X, 80-2, 84.
141-2, 145; XIII-IV, 103; XV-VI, 60, 61, 85; al-Djär, XV-VI, 85.
Damascus-Palmyra route, XV-VI, 70; Granada Djarba XV-VI,
(Is.), 44.
the Damascus of Andalus, XV-VI, 40. Diawzak Kalblab, X, 74.
Damascus Gate (of Baghdad), IX, 82. Djazira al-Bäb, X, 102.
Damavand, XI-II, 104. Djazira of the Band Nasr, XIII-IV, 107.
Damghan, XI-II, 104; XV-VI, 77. Djazira ibn ‘Umar (Zabdicena), IX, 92.
Damietta, IX, 64, 75, 81; X, 71, 74, 82, 83, 86; Diibäl. XI-II, 106-110, 138.
XI-II, 113; XIII-IV, 88-9, 91-101, 106, n 1-6; Djifär, XIII-IV, 114-5.
(called Caphtor), XIII-IV, 95- Djil, XI-II, 105.
Damsis, XIII-IV, 91, 106; XV-VI, 76. Djilän. See Gilan.
Dandankän, XI-II, 117. Djindjäla. See Chinchilla.
Däniya, XV-VI, 39. Djiruft, XI-II, 131-2, 134.
Dâr Faradj, IX, 78. al-Djisr, IX, 78.
Dar Shâdï, IX, 78. Djizak. See Dizak.
Däräbdjird, IX, 75; X, 89; XV-VI, 78. Djudda, XV-VI, 85. See also Jidda.
Daran, XV-VI, 71. Djunäbäd, XI-II, 120.
Darävard, X, 103. Djundaisjräpür, X, 72-3, 76-7; XI-II, 138.
Darb al-Hariri, XIII-IV, 104. al-Djuraib, XIII-IV, 80.
Darb XV-VI,
al-Süsi, 48. Djurdjän, IX, 63; X, 90, 101-2; XI-II, 98, 100,
Dardjin, XV-VI, 45. 104-5, US» 1 18 ; XV-VI, 83, 84, 85. Sea of
Darïz, X, 82, 88. Djurdjän (Caspian), XV-VI, 85.
Därzandji, XI-II, 126. Djuwaim of Abu Ahmed (modern Djuyüm), X, 89*
Djuyüm. See Diuwaim. Finana. See Finyäna.

Djuzdjänän, XI-II, 118. Finyäna, XV-VI, 34, 37.
Don. See Nähr al-Sakäliba, Tanais. Firandia (France), XV-VI, 84, 85.
Dovin. See Dabil. Firüzän, XI-II, no.
Dudjail, X, 76. France, XV-VI, 59. See Firandja.
Dumaira, XIII-IV, 94-100. Fu-lin, identified as Byzantium or Syria, XV-VI, 82.
Dumânis, X, 104. Fümin, X, 102.
Dümat al-Djandal, XIII-IV, 79, 87. Furdj, X, 89.
Dunbäwand, IX, 63. Furkusa, XV-VI, 39.
Dür, X, 73.
Dür Shäti’iya, IX, 78. Gandja (Elisabetpol), X, 101, 104; XI-II, 123.
Dura, IX, 58. Garmsïr. See Cremesor.
Duwin. See Dabïl. Gaza (Ghazza), XI-II, 143; XIII-IV, 114-5;
XV-VI, 71.
Eastern Sea, XV-VI, 85. Genoa, XV-VI, 57.
Edessa, XV-VI, 79. Georgia (Gurdjistän), X, 103-4.
Egypt (Misr), IX, 57, 61, 63-6, 72-3, 75, 77, 82-3; Ghardj al-Shär (Ghardjistän), XI-II, 118.
X, 71, 85, 89, 93; XI-II, 103, 104, 123, 124, Ghardjistän, See Ghardj al-Shär.
129, 136-9, 141, 143, H5; XIII-IV, 79, 82-3, Ghaur. See Ghor.
87, 88-117 ;
XV-VI, 29, 35, 37, 43, 48, 49, 50, Ghazni (Ki-tz’i-ni), IX, 83.
52, 53, 55, 57, 63, 71, 76, 77, 85. Ghazza. See Gaza.
Egypt. See Delta. Ghelan, Sea of, X, 102.
Egypt, Lower, XIII-IV, 91-109; XV-VI, 68. Ghor (Ghaur, the Jordan valley), XI-II, 147.
Egypt, Upper, XIII-IV, 106-9; XV-VI, 68. Ghulla (a village outside Cairo), XIII-IV, 106.
Elche, XV-VI, 39- Ghundidjän, X, 81-2, 85, 89, 93.
Elisabetpol. See Gandja. Ghür, XI-II, 118.
Elvira (Ilblra), XV-VI, 38, 43- Gilan (Djilän), IX, 63; X, 91, 102, 103, 104; XI-
England, XI-II, 132. II, 100, no. See Ghelan.
Erzerum. See Kälikalä. Goa (Sandäbür), XIII-IV, 84.
Euphrates, IX, 80; XI-II, 1 15; XV-VI, 85. Granada, IX, 61 XV-VI, 34, 38,
; 39; the Damascus
Europe, IX, 59; XV-VI, 29, 41. of Andalus, XV-VI, 40.
Granada, province of, XV-VI, 36.
Faiyum, XIII-IV, 105, 106, 107-9; XV-VI, 38. Greece, XV-VI, 51.
Faiyum town, XIII-IV, 107. Greenwich, XV-VI, 54.
Fäkanwar, XIII-IV, 84. Guadix. See Ash.
Fâkûsïya, XIII-IV, 116-7. Gurdjistän. See Georgia.
Fandaräyina, XIII-IV, 84. Gurgandj, XI-II, 129.
Far East, XIII-IV, 83. Gujurat, XV-VI, 80.
Farähän, XI-II, no.
al-Faramä, XIII-IV, 97, 99, 114-5; XV-VI, 84, 85. Habil, XIII-IV, 77 -
Fars, IX, 63, 69, 90; X, 71, 79-90, 91, 96; XI-II, Hadjar, XIII-IV, 87.
99, 102, 107-8, 123, 132, 134; XIII-IV, 80, 95; Hadramaut, XIII-IV, 79, 87-8.
XV-VI, 48, 52, 70, 77, 78, 85. Haifa, XI-II, 139.
Fars-Khuzistan group, X, 88, 91. Hama, XIII-IV, 81.
Fartak, XIII-IV, 86. Hamadan, XI-II, 109.
Fas. See Fez. Hang-tcheou-fou (Khansä), XI-II, 137.
Fasä, X, 80-2, 85-6. Hänüt, XIII-IV, 106.
Faslün, X, 103. al-Hära al-Djadida (The New Quarter, in Pa-
Fazzän, XV-VI, 44. lermo), XV-VI, 55.
Fergana (Ferghana), XI-II, 118, 124, 127; XV- Haram Alläh, XIII-IV, 112; XV-VI, 79-
VI, 84. Harbä, IX, 91.
Fez (Fas), XV-VI, 51, 52, 54, 71. Harkand, Sea of, XV-VI, 81.
Harrän, IX, 92. Isfahbad or Isfahbudän, XI-II, 100.

Hauran (Hawrän), district of, XI-II, 142. Isfahbudän. See Isfahbad.
Hawiza, X, 78. Ishbïlïya. See Seville.
Hawrän. See Hauran. Iskadjkat, XI-II, 124.
Hazärasp. XI-II, 130. ‘Iskiliya plain, XIII-IV, 86.
Hazira, IX, 91. Issi-Kül, XV-VI, 75.
Hazza, IX, 92. Istakhr, X, 88.
el-Heereh. See Hira. Italy, XV-VI, 45, 60.
Hejaz (Hidjäz)', IX, 64; XIII-IV, 82, 88, 106, Ith, XIII-IV, 75.
109 XV-VI, 46.
;
Itil. See Volga.
Herat, XI-II, 117-20; XV-VI, 73, 74, 77. Iwälätan, XV-VI, 54.
Hidjäz. See Hejaz.
Hilla. See al-Djämi‘än. Jaen. See Diaivän.
Hirns, IX, 68; XI-II, 138. Jaffa, XI-II, 143 XV-VI, 70. ;
Hinawr. See Onor. Jazira, IX, 85, 91 X, 72, 91, 98. ;
Hind, IX, 80; XIII-IV, 80; XV-VI, 85. Jerusalem, XI-II, 142; XV-VI, 70.
Hindustan, XI-II, 102, 123, 134, 137. Jezreel (Zerin), XV-VI, 70.
Hixa, IX, 85, 89; XIII-IV, 77, 82, 85. Jidda, XIII-IV, 80, 88, 95. See Djudda.
Hisn Badära, XV-VI, 52. Jordan Valley. See Ghor.
Hisn Shinsh, XV-VI, 38.
Hispan (i.e. Isfahan), XI-II, 109. Kabala, X, 103.
Holy Cities, XIII-IV, 88. Kabän, X, 101.
Hüla, XI-II, 142. Käbis, XV-VI, 44, 45, 49.
Hurmuz, XI-II, 134; XIII-IV, 84. Kabüd Djäma, XI-II, 103.
Kabul, XI-II, 135, 143.
Iberian Peninsula, XV-VI, 33. Kadas, XI-II, 142.
ïdha (capital of Lür), X, 77. Kädisiya, IX, 85, 89.
Idhadj (ïdha, q.v.). Kafsa, XV-VI, 45.
Ifrildya (Africa), IX, 63; XV-VI, 35, 41 seq., 61, Kahrän, X, 103.
77; defined, XV-VI, 41. Kairawän (Kairouan), XV-VI, 41, 44, 46, 47, 48,
Ifrildya (Kairawän), XV-VI, 85. 49. See Ifrildya.
Ilbira. See Elvira. Kairawän group, XV-VI, 44 seq.
India (Inde, Indes), IX, 57-59, 84; X, 100, 101 ;
Kais, XIII-IV, 107, 114-5.
XI-II, 109, 1 16, 127, 134, 136-7, 145; XIII-IV, Kaisariya of Abü Murra, XIII-IV, 105.
75, 82, 84, 87, 100, 101-2, 1 14, 1 17; XV-VI, 36, Kaisariya al-Bazz (Cloth market of Aleppo), XI-II,
50, 57, 74, 79, 80, 81 ; land route to, XI-II, 132; 139 .
Indian ports, XIII-IV, 84. Kaisariya of Waratha al-Zähir, XIII-IV, 105.

Indies, East, XIII-IV, 83. Kal‘a, X, 103.
Indus, XV-VI, 80. Kal‘a Hammäd, XV-VI, 47, 49, 50.
l ram, XIII-IV, 87, 88. Kälikalä (Arzan al-Rüm, Arzan of the Romans, or
IX, 57. See Persia.
l ran, Erzerum), X, 94, 97; XV-VI, 77.
Iraq,IX, 57, 69, 72, 75, 81, 83, 85-91 X, 73-4, 91 ; ;
Kaliwän, X, 77.
XI-II, 94, 102, 108, 1 13, 1 15, 123-5, 131-2, 136; Kalsäna. See Calsena.
XIII-IV, 85, 87, 92, 94-5, 99-101, 104, 107, Kanbäya. See Cambaya.
no; XV-VI, 29, 32, 37, 49, 51, 57, 67, 74, 84. Kanbäyät. See Cambay.
Iraq A‘djami, XI-II, no; XV-VI, 51. Kandahar, XI-II, 137.
Irbil, IX, 92; XV-VI, 57. Karakorum, XI-II, 127.
Tsä canal, IX, 83. Karason (for Khurasan), X, 87.
Isbidjäb, XI-II, 127. Kard Fannäkhusrü. See Kurd F.
Isfahan, IX, 82, 86; X, 86, 93; XI-II, 99, 107-9, Kardabän, X, 89.
138, 141 XIII-IV, 77 XV-VI, 77 (or Hispan),
; ; ;
Karduwän, XIII-IV, 1 1 3.
XI-II, 109. Karkar, X, 103.
-
Karkh, IX, 81. Khudjand, XI-II, 121.

Karkheh River, X, 77. Khuld Palace, XI-II, 118.
Karmïnïya, XI-II, 125. Khuràsân, IX, 63, 65, 75, 80-x X, 76, 84-95, 102; ;
Kars, X, 104. XI-II, 102, 108, 1 1 1-20, 123, 125-6, 13 1, 134-5;

Karun, X, 78. XV-VI, 29, 32, 50, 63, 69, 77, 78, 79, 81, 84, 85.
Karya al-Kirmiz (Kirmiz village), X, 96. Khuräsän, Sea of (Caspian), XV-VI, 85.
Karyatain, XV-VI, 70. Khursän, X, 101.
Kasâ, XIII-IV, 115. Khutan, XV-VI, 83.
Kashghar, XV-VI, 73, 77, 83. Khutlän, XI-II, 127.
Kdcriov, XIII— IV, 1 1 5 Khuwi, X, 98.
Kasios, XIII-IV, 1 15. Khuzistan, IX, 69, 83, 86, 89-90, 92; X, 71-8, 79,
al-Kasr, IX, 86. 86, 100; XI-II, 99, 107-8; XIII-IV, 83, 93. See
al-Kasr, XIII-IV, xio-2. Fars-Khuzistan group.
Kasr al-Wâfï, IX, 78. Khwäf, XI-II, 120.
al-Kass, XIII-IV, 1x4-5. Khwärizm. See Khoresm.
Kassi, XIII-IV, 1 14. Kilän, X, 103.
Kastiliya, XV-VI, 45. Kinnasrin, XI-II, 144; Jaen named after it, XV-VI,
Katar, XIII-IV, 79. 38.
Katawän, IX, 63. Kipcäk, X, 99.
Käth, capital of Khoresm, XI-II, 129-30; XV-VI, Kirkhiz country, XI-II, 126. See Khirldiiz.
75- Kis, or Kis_h Island, XV-VI, 47, 52.
Kavär, X, 88. Kish. See Kis.
Kawd am-Saila, XIII-IV, 77. See Ghazni.
Ki-tzï-ni.
Kawlam. See Quilon. Konia. See Cogne, Konya.
Käyin, XI-II, 120. Konya (Küniya), XV-VI, 57, 59. See Cogne.
Kazerun. See Käzirün. Kübäya, country of, XV-VI, 74.
Käzirün, X, 80, 82-4, 89. Kubrus. See Cyprus.
Kazvin, XI-II, 100; XV-VI, 77. Kücùk Hind (nickname of Aleppo), XI-II, 139.
Kem-kemdjiyuta ( Chieu-chieu-chau) XI-II, 126. ,
Kudüm, XIII-IV, 85.
Kerbela, XIII-IV, 79. Kufa, IX, 67, 85, 89 X, 76 XI-II, 1 38
; ; ;
XIII-IV,
Kerman, province, IX, 63; X, 87; XI-II, 120, 123, 82-3, 101 XV-VI, 85.
;
1 3 1-4; XIII-IV, 77; XV-VI, 85. Kuhistan, XI-II, 1 19-20 XV-VI, 81. ;
Kerman, city, capital of Kerman province, XI-II, Kulzum, XIII-IV, 80; XV-VI, 84, 85.
132. Kum, XI-II, no.
Kermon. See Kerman, province. Kümis (or Kümis_h, or Kümis), IX, 63; X, 102;
Khalidj al-Khazar (or Khamlidj), XV-VI, 85. XI-II, 98-100, 104; XV-VI, 78.
'
Khamlidj, XV-VI, 85. See Khalidj al-Khazar. Kümish. See Kümis.

Khänbälik, XV-VI, 83. Kurd Fannäkhusrü, or Kard F., X, 86.
Khansä, XV-VI, 82. See also Hang-tcheou-fou. Kuri, XI-II, 120.
Khars_hän River, XI-II, 127. Kurküb, X, 76, 78, 81.
Khartïnïya, IX, 86. Kurr River, X, 102.
Khatt Dar al-Dibädj, XIII-IV, 104. Kürsara, X, 98.
Khatt Suwaikat al-Sähib, XIII-IV, 104. Küs, XIII-IV, 109, 1 15.
Khawär, XI-II, 120. Kusdär, XV-VI, 81.
Khäymand, XI-II, 120. Kuss, XV-VI, 81.
Khazar country, XV-VI, 73 seq., 77, 83, 84, 85. See Kuwädhiyän, XI-II, 126-7.
Khalidj al-Khazar.
Khirkhiz, XV-VI, 73, 74, 75, 77. See Kirkhiz. Labia, XV-VI, 35-
Khitä (China), XIII-IV, 83. See Cathay, China. Lädhik, ancient Laodicea, XV-VI, 57.
Khiyàv, X, 103. Lafüradj, XI-II, 98.
Khoresm (Khwärizm), XI-II, 1 1 5, 1 1 7, 128, 129- Lahäwar. See Lahore.
30; XV-VI, 73, 75. Lähidj, X, 102.
Lähidjän, X, 102. Marand, X, 95, 98-9, 103.

Lahore (Lahâwar), XIII-IV, 109; XV-VI, 81. Mar'ash X, 104; XV-VI, 57.
Lahsä, IX, 90. Mardïn, IX, 92; X, 98.
Laias, classical Aegae, XV-VI, 57. Marräkash (Morocco), XV-VI, 53.
Lapür, XI-II, 98. Marv (al)-ShähiJjän, XI-II, 114-5. See also Merv.
Lär, X, 89. Marw al-Rüdh, XI-II, 115.
Lärida. See Lerida. Mashhad al-Husain, XIII-IV, 106.
Lerida (Lärida), XV-VI, 40. Mashrukän, X, 76.
Lür, X, 76, 177. Mashtül, XIII-IV, 103.
Masila, XV-VI, 50.
Ma'äfir, XIII-IV, 85. Mattüth, IX, 92 X, 72. ;
Ma‘dan (in Armenia), IX, 71. Mauretania (French), XV-VI, 54.

al-Ma‘dan (the mine, in Egypt), XIII-IV, 89. Mawza‘, XIII-IV, 75. See Muza.
Madina al-Hädira, XV-VI, 38. Mecca, IX, 64; X, 74; XI-II, 102, 118; XIII-IV,
Mafälis, XIII-IV, 84. 84, 88, 91, 106, 1 12; XV-VI, 37, 79, 80.
Maghreb, IX, 55, 57 ;
X, 96; XI-II, 138; XIII-IV, Medina, IX, 64; XI-II, 103; XIII-IV, 112.
93, xoo; XV-VI, 35, 37, 39, 41 seq., 60, 61, 70, Mediterranean coast, X, 92.
74, 75, 76, 85. Mediterranean Sea, XI-II, 144-5.
Maghreb Sea, XV-VI, 75. Merv, IX, 68, 81; XI-II, 111-8, 121 XIII-IV, ;
al-Maghrib al-Adnä (Nearer Africa), XV-VI, 43 89; XV-VI, 31, 77. See Marw, Marv.
seq. Mesopotamia, XIII-IV, 77; Northern M., IX, 91.
al-Maghrib al-Aksä (Further Africa, Morocco), See Iraq, Jazira.
XV-VI, 49- Mihrakird, XI-II, 13 1.
al-Maghrib al-Awsat (Middle Africa), XV-VI, 50. Milas. See Milazzo.
Maghun, XI-II, 134. Milazzo (Milas), XV-VI, 55.
Mahalla, XIII-IV, 106. Minä, XIII-IV, 82.
Mahallat al-Dâkhil, XIII-IV, 97. Mirbät, XIII-IV, 87.
al-Mahdjara, XIII-IV, 80. Misr, meaning variously Egypt, and Cairo, XI-II,
Mahdiya, XV-VI, 46, 47- 103, 1 16, 131, 143; XIII-IV, 89, 97, 103, 105,
Mahfür, X, 92. 107, 109, 1 12, 1 16; XV-VI, 37. See also Cairo,
Mahrübän, X, 71. and Egypt.
Maisân, IX, 86, 88; X, 94; XV-VI, 77. Miyänidj, X, 103.
Maiyafärikain, IX, 92; X, 87, 95, 97-8. Mocha, XIII-IV, 75.
Makdas_haw (Mogadischio), XI-II, 142; XIII-IV, Mogadischio. See Makdashaw.
103. Morée, XV-VI, 56.
Makran, XIII-IV, 77. Morocco, XIII-IV, 102; XV-VI, 49, 53. See also
Malabar, XIII-IV, 83, 86. Marräkasj}.
Malaga (Mälaka), XV-VI, 36, 37, 38, 39, 63, 68, Mosul, IX, 91-2 X, 98 XI-II, 107
; ; ;
XIII-IV, 85.
7°- Mudhaikhira, XIII-IV, 85.
Malaisie. See Malaya. Mükän, X, 103.
Malatïya, X, 104; XIII-IV, 102; XV-VI, 57. Multan, XIII-IV, 109; XV-VI, 80, 81.
Malaya, XIII-IV, 86. Murcia (Mursiya), XV-VI, 38, 39, 43.
Malikfür, XV-VI, 81. Mursiya. See Murcia.
Mamätir, XI-II, 98, 103. Mus (or Müs_h), X, 98.
Manbidj, XI-II, 139; XIII-IV, 79- Müsji. See Mus.
Mandjarür. See Mangalore. Mustaghänim, XV-VI, 50.
Mangalore (Mandjarür), XIII-IV, 84. Muza, XIII-IV, 75.
Mansüra (of India), XV-VI, 81. al-Muztahifa, XIII-IV, 84.
al-Mansürïya, XV-VI, 47.
Manüt, IX, 92; X, 72. Nadjrän, IX, 63-4, 85; XIII-IV, 77, 79.
Manzara al-Ghazzâla, XIII-IV, 104, I IO. Nafta, XV-VI, 45, 48, 61.
Marägha, X, 103. Nähr al-Rüs,XV, 85.
Nähr al-Sakäliba (Don), XV-VI, 85. Peshawar, XV-VI, 81.

Nahräriya, XIII-IV, 107. Portugal, XV-VI, 39 -
Nahrawäla, XV-VI, 81. Ptolemais. See Tulmaitha.

Nahrawän, IX, 91 X, 96. ;
Nakhçhuvân, X, 98, 103. Quilon (Kawlam), XIII-IV, 84.

al-Nakhla, XIII-IV, 115.
Nars, canal of, IX, 86. Rabi‘, fief of, IX, 80.
al-Nasriya, IX, 78. al-Rabib, IX, 78.
Natrun, Wadi, XIII-IV, 116. Rabindjan, XI-II, 125.
Near East, XI-II, 144. Rab‘-i-Ras_hidi, XI-II, 144.
Nehavand, IX, 63 X, 91 XI-II, no.
; ;
al-Räbiya, XIII-IV, 88.
New Public Gate (at Baghdad), IX, 75. Radjän. See Arradjän.
Nile, XIII-IV, 109; flooding of, XIII-IV, 1 16 ;
Rahba al-Djisr, IX, 78.
inundation of, XIII-IV, in bank of, XIII-IV, ;
Rähbän water-channel, X, 83.
95, 115-6; valley of, XV-VI, 38; western arm of, Raisüt, XIII-IV, 85, 87. See also Baghdad.
XIII-IV, 107. See Delta. XV-VI, 46.
Rakkäda,
Nisâ, XI-II, 117. Rämhurmuz (Rämuz), X, 78.
Nishapur, capital of Khurasan, IX, 84, 86; X, 86, Ramie (Ramla), Muslim capital of Palestine, XI-
93, 100, in; XI-II, 105, 1 14-7, 129, 141; XIII- II, 143; XIII-IV, 114; XV-VI, 70, 85.
IV, 77; XV-VI, 77, 78. Rämuz. See Rämhurmuz.

Nisibïn, IX, 92;X, 72. Ra’s al-‘Ain, IX, 92.
North Africa. See Africa, North. Rashid. See Rosetta.
Nul or Nün, Wädi, XV-VI, 49, 53. Rayy (Rhages), IX, 68, 88; XI-II, 98, 106-8, no,
Nu'mäniya, IX, 89. 129; XIII-IV, 77 XV-VI, 66, 77, 84, 85.
;
Nün. See Nul. Red Sea, XIII-IV, 75 XV-VI, 84. See African
;
coast of.
Oases (Wähät), XIII-IV, 115-6. ResJjt, X, 102.
Occident, XI-II, 109. Rhages. See Rayy.
Oman, XIII-IV, 87 XV-VI, 77, ; 85. al-Rih, XIII-IV, 80.
Onor (Hinawr), XIII-IV, 84. Rima‘, XIII-IV, 86.
Oran (Wahrän), XV-VI, 43. Rïshahr, X, 89.
Roman Sea, XV-VI, 84, 85.
Palermo or Palerme (also Madina al-Sikiliya) ,
XV- Roman towns, X, 72.
VI, 55 - 6 . Rome. See Rümïya.
Palestine, XI-II, 143; XIII-IV, 114, 117; XV- Rosetta (Rasjiïd), X, 93.
VI, 70. Roumelia (of Fez), XV-VI, 51.
Palmyra, IX, 58; XV-VI, 70. Round City (Baghdad), IX, 69, 78.
Palmyra-Damascus route, XV-VI, 70. Rüdas_ht.See Ruwaidasht.
Paphlagonie, XV-VI, 59. Rüdbär, XI-II, no.
Paris, XV-VI, 59- Rüdhän, X, 87.
Pars, X, 79-90; XI-II, 108; XIII-IV, 83. Rüm (Byzantium or Asia Minor), X, 75-6, 94;
Pazadjik (Bazardjik), XV-VI, 57. XI-II, 105, 137, 138, 141, 144; XIII-IV, 88,
Pechina. See Badjdjäna. 115-6; XV-VI, 45, 47, 50, 74, 77, 81, 83, 84, 85.
Peleponnesus, XV-VI, 56. See also Asia Minor.
Pelusium (Péluse), XIII-IV, 115. Rüm, Sea of, XV-VI, 44. See Black Sea.
Persia, IX, 60, 64, 91; X, 86-88, 91, 93; XI-II, Rümïya (Rome ?), XV-VI, 84.
107, 123, 137; XIII-IV, 76, 92, 96, 110-1, 113; Rüs (Russians), countries of, XI-II, 126; XIII-
XV-VI, 74, 80; North Persia, XV-VI, 81, 82; IV, 84, 102; XV-VI, 74. See Nähr al-Rüs,
South Persia, X, 94; XIII-IV, 109 South-Eastern ; Russia.
Persia, XIII-IV, 117. See also vols. X, XI-II Rusäfa (district of Baghdad), IX, 84.
where Persia is surveyed province by province. Rusäfa (of Syria), XI-II, 139.
Persian Gulf,X, 71, 84, 100; XV-VI, 52. Russia, XV-VI, 74, 84. See also Rüs.
Ruwaidasjit (or Rüdasht), XI-II, 107-8. Shahrazür, X, 73; XI-II, no.

Ruyan, IX, 63; X, 91, 103-4. Shahristän (of Bokhara), XI-II, 121.
Shäliyät, XIII-IV, 84.
Saban, X, 95. Shamkür, X, 101.
Sabiba, XV-VI, 49. Shantadjäla. See Chinchilla.
Sabta. See Ceuta. Shantarin (Santarem), XV-VI, 60.
Säbür, X, 88. Shar'ab, XIII-IV, 85.
Sacred Territory, XIII-IV, 112. Shäs_h (Tashkent), XI-II, 127.
Sa‘da, XI-II, 102. Shatä, XIII-IV, 88-9, 93-6, 98-9, 100; XV-VI, 37.
Safäkus, XIII-IV, 101 XV-VI, ; 45, 49, 60, 61. al-Shatt, IX, 78.
al-Safan, XIII-IV, 114. Shäwasjjkän, XI-II, 114.
Saghäniyän, XV-VI, 75. al-Shihärsük, IX, 78.
Säghar (a town of the Deccan ?), XI-II, 137. Shihr, XIII-IV, 86-7.
Sa‘id (Upper Egypt), XIII-IV, 114-7. Shiniz. See Siniz.
Saihün, XI-II, 127. Shiraz, X, 80, 86, 88 ; XI-II, 99 ;
XV-VI, 70.
Sakhä, or Sakhä, XIII-IV, 106-7. Shirbin (district of), XIII-IV, 96.
Salä, or Sali, XV-VI, 53, 54. Shirinkäs, XIII-IV, 97.
Sali. See Salä. Shirvan (province), X, 91, 101-2.
Salmäs, IX, 88 X, 95, 98.
;
Shulair.See Sierra Nevada.
Salümidh, XI-II, 120. Shümän, XI-II, 127.
Sämän, XIII-IV, 1 12; XV-VI, 76. Shusan (or Süsan), X, 78.
Samannüd, XIII-IV, 91, 106; XV-VI, 76. Shustar, Shüstar, or Tustar. See Tustar.
Samarkand, X, 90; XI-II, 125-6. “Shutts,” XV-VI, 45.
Samarra, IX, 72; XI-II, 108. Sicily, X, 98; XV-VI, 45, 46, 55 seq.
Samkusji (Samkaras ?), XV-VI, 85. Sidjilmäsa, IX, 88; XV-VI, 35, 45, 52, 54, 75.
San Marco, XV-VI, 55. Sidjistän (Seistan or Sistän), IX, 63; XI-II, 13 1,
San'a, IX, 58; XI-II, 107, 117, 1 3U XIII-IV, 77 , 133—5.

80-2, 88 XV-VI, 52, 77
;
- Sierra Nevada (Shulair), XV-VI, 38.
SanabO, XIII-IV, 109. Sihäm, XIII-IV, 86.
Sandäbür. See Goa. Sikäsjiim, XI-II, 127.
Sandjän, XI-II, 120. Simnän, XI-II, 104.
Sanhür, XIII-IV, 107. Sin, XV-VI, 84. See Cathay, China, etc.
Santarem. See Shantarin. Sind, IX, 63, 80; XI-II, 119, 134-5; XIII-IV, 80,
Sarafand, XI-II, 143. 83; XV-VI, 81, 85.
Saragossa, XV-VI, 60. Sindjär, X, 72.
Sarakhs, XI-II, 117. Siniz (Shiniz), X, 80-2, 84-5, 89.
Säri,XI-II, 103. Sinope, XV-VI, 59.
Sarmïn, XI-II, 141. Siräf, X, 89.
Sarsan, XV-VI, 75. Sirdjän, XI-II, 132.
Säva, XI-II, no. Sis (of Armenia), XV-VI, 57.
Savast (Siwäs), XV-VI, 57. Sistän. See Sidjistän.
Sawäd, IX, 63, 69, 85. Siwäs. See Savast.
Sawäd (of Kufa), IX, 86, 88. Slav country, XV-VI, 74, 84, 85.
al-Sawäda, XIII-IV, 114. Slav Sea, XV-VI, 85.
Scone, XI-II, 144. Smyrna (Smyrne), IX, 64; X, 104.
Scotland, XI-II, 144; XIII-IV, 101. Sogdiana. See Sughd (province).
Seistan. See Sidjistän. Sokotra, XIII-IV, 87.
Senegal, XV-VI, 54. Somaliland (Italian), XI-II, 142; XIII-IV, 103.
Sétif, XV-VI, 50. Spain, IX, 55, 57 - 59 61, 81, 91; X, 97; XI-II,
,
Seville (Ishbiliya), XV-VI, 34, 35, 36, 37, 53. 113, 118; XIII-IV, 100, no; XV-VI, 29 seq.,
Shadhüna, XV-VI, 35. 41, 43, 46, 60, 63, 70, 75, 85. See Andalus.
Shahrastän, XI-II, 1 17. Südän (the Blacks), XV-VI, 41.
Suez (al-Suwais), XIII-IV, 80, 83, 101. Tähirlya, XI-II, 115.

Sughar. See Zughar. T a'izz, XIII-IV, 79, 84; district of, XIII-IV, 85.
Sughd province (Sogdiana), XI-II, 121. Täk-i Bustän, IX, 58.
Sughd River, XI-II, 125. fakrït, IX, 91.
Suhär, XIII-IV, 79. Takrür (Toucouleur), XV-VI, 64.
Suhül or Suhülä, XIII-IV, 80, 85. Tälikän, XI-II, 118; XV-VI, 50, 69.
Sük al-Bazzâzïn, IX, 83 XI-II, 108. ;
Täna. See Tannah.
Sük Fansür, XV-VI, 54. Tanais (the Don), XV-VI, 85.
Sük Fikür, XV-VI, 54. Tanas. See Tenes.
Sük al-Karäbis, XI-II, 127. Tandja. See Tangier.
Sük al-Khila'iyin, XIII-IV, 106. Tangier (Tandja), XV-VI, 85.
Sük al-KumäsJi (of Tunis), XV-VI, 48. Tannah (Täna), XIII-IV, 84; XV-VI, 80.
Sük al-Tair, IX, 78. Tantäla, XV-VI, 38.
Sük al-Thalätha, IX, 83. Taräbulus. See Tripoli of North Africa.
Sük al-Tiräziyin, XV-VI, 55. Tarräna, XIII-IV, 116-7.
Sük of Ÿahyâ, IX, 78. Tarsus, XI-II, 144.
Sultäniya (in India), XV-VI, 81. Tartary, XI-II, 145. See Turks, Turkish lands, etc.
Sultäniya (Mongol capital of Persia, etc.), IX, 78- Tärum, X, 81-2, 86, 96; XV-VI, 70.
80; XI-II, no. Ta-Sh'i countries, XV-VI, 80.
Sunbät, XIII-IV, 106. Tashkent. See ShâsJ).
Sür. See Tyre. Tauriz. See Tabriz.
Surt, XV-VI, 43-
Tawäwis, XI-II, 125.
Süs (of Khuzistan), X, 71-3, 75-6, 77; XI-II, 144; Tawwadj (or Tawwaz), X, 80-4; XV-VI, 77.
XIII-IV, 83, 92, in; XV-VI, 76, 77, 78; for Tawwaz. See Tawwadj.
note on identification of Süs of Khuzistan, and Tawzar, XV-VI, 45.
Süs of the Maghreb, XV-VI, 48. Tcho-Pi, XV-VI, 82.
Süs (Süsa, or al-Süs al-Aksä, of the Maghreb), Tenes (Tanas), XV-VI, 43.
XIII-IV, Hi; XV-VI, Thebes, XV-VI, 51, 56.
83, 4 7, 48, 50, 53,
55, 85.
Thsiouen-tcheou-fou (Zaitün), XI-II, 137; XV-
VI, 82.
al-Süs al-Aksä. See Süs of the Maghreb.
Thunes (Tunis), XV-VI, 44.
Süsa. See Süs.
Süsan. See Shushan.
Tib, IX, 88-90; XI-II, n 7.
Tiberias, XI-II, 142.
al-Sutt, XIII-IV, 80.
Tibet, IX, 80; X, 75 :
XV-VI, 81; Little Tibet,
Al-Suwais. See Suez.
XV-VI, 83.
Suyüt, XIII-IV, 115-6.
Tidjika, XV-VI, 54.
Syria (Sham or Sha’m), IX, 57, 61, 84, 92; X, 82,
Tiflis,X, 101, 103-4.
99; XI-II, 102, 123, 138-145; XIII-IV, 79, 87, Tigris, IX, 78, 80, 82-3 XV-VI, 83 seq.,
; 85.
93, 107, 113; XV-VI, 34, 46, 49, 50, 57, 77, 82. Tigris district (Küra Didjla), IX, 88.
See Fu-lin.
Tihäma, coast of, XIII-IV, 84.
Syrian coasts, XV-VI, 71. Tilakän. See Tälikän.
Syrian Sea, XIII-IV, 114. Tilimsän (Tlemcen), XV-VI, 48, 50.
Tinnis, IX, 64, 75, 81; X, 71, 74, 82, 86; XI-II,
Tabaristän, IX, 63-4; X, 88, 91, 101-2; XI-II,
113, 141; XIII-IV, 88-9, 93, 95-101, 106, 113,
98-104, 105, 113, 121, 134; XV-VI, 83, 84. 115-6.
Tabarnash (Wadi), XV-VI, 38. Nähr Tirä, X, 78.
Tabas Gïlakï, XI-II, 120. Tiräz (a quarter of Merv), XI-II, 115.
Tabasain, XI-II, 120. Tlemcen. See Tilimsän.
Tabissa, XV-VI, 49. Toledo (Tulaitala), XV-VI, 40, 75.
Tabriz, IX, 84; X, 88, 95, 99; XI-II, 116, 144. Toucouleur. See Takrür.
Tädala, XV-VI, 53. Tovin. See Dabil.
Tahä, XIII-IV, 108-9. Transoxiana, IX, 55, 63; X, 90; XI-II, 121-7;
fähart, XV-VI, 52. XV-VI, 74, 75, 82, 85.
Trebizond (Taräbazunda), X, 94. Wabdhär, wrong reading for Widhär (q.v.), XI-II,
Tripo. See Tripoli of Syria. 126.
Tripoli of North Africa (Taräbulus), XV-VI, 44. Wadi Kabir (at Fez), XV-VI, 51.
Tripoli of Syria, XI-II, 144. Wadjda, XV-VI, 49, 52.
Tubna, XV-VI, 50. Wähät. See Oases.
Tudela,XV-VI, 51, 70. Wahrän. See Oran.
Tughuzghuz, XV-VI, 73, 74, 77, 85. Walashdjird, XI-II, 134.
Tulaitala. See Toledo. Wän. See Van Lake.
Tülasj XV-VI, 75- Wärä, XIII-IV, 1 14.
Tülim, X, 102. al-Wärida, XIII-IV, 114.
Tulmaitha (Ptolemais), XIII-IV, 101 XV-VI, 43. ;
Warthän. See Vartän.
Tun, XI-II, 120. Wäshdjird, XI-II, 127; XV-VI, 75.
Tüna, XIII-IV, 89, 94, 98-9, 100. Wäsit, IX, 75, 89; X, 73, 78, 96; XI-II, 107.
Tunis (Thunes), IX, 57, 84; XV-VI, 43, 44, 48, Western Sea, XV-VI, 85.
49, 61. Widhär, XI-II, 125.
Türak (perhaps Turän), XV-VI, 45. Wïsü (the Finns ?), XV-VI, 74.
Turän. See Türak. Wurut (Yurt), XV-VI, 85.
Turcomania, XV-VI, 57.
Turkestan, XI-II, 105, 127; XV-VI, 81; Farthest Xativa, XV-VI, 39-
T., XV-VI, 75.
Turkish lands, XI-II, 129; XV-VI, 82. Yahüdïya (citadel of Isfahan), X, 108.
Turks, land of, XV-VI, 59, 75. Yemen, IX, 55, 58, 64, 67, 85; X, 105-6; XI-II,
Turquie (Turkey), X, 104; XI-II, 109; XV-VI, 1 17, 13 1 XIII-IV, 75-87, 89, 102, 106; XV-VI,
;
57 seq. 37 50, 77 78, 79-

, ,
Tursjhiz,XI-II, 120. Yemen XV-VI,

Sea, 61.
Tüs, IX, 88-9; XI-II, 1 1 7. Yerara, XV-VI, 52.
Tustar, or Shustar, IX, 73, 83; X, 71-5, 77; XI- Yezd, X, 81, 86-7; XI-II, 109.
II, 141; XIII-IV, 92, Iio; XV-VI, 76, 77; Yurt. See Wurut.
Great Weir of T., X, 76.
Tustariya Quarter (Baghdad), IX, 83. Zabdicena. See Djazira ibn ‘Umar.
Tuwäna, X, 72. Zabid, XIII-IV, 80, 83-6; Bäb Zabid, XIII-IV, 95.
Tyre (Sür), XI- II, 142. Zabid, Wadi, XIII-IV, 86.
Zafär (or Zufär), XIII-IV, 83, 85, 87; XV-VI, 77.
Ubulla, IX, 90; XV-VI, 77, 85. al-Zähir (garden of, a place in Baghdad), IX, 78.
Ujda. See Wadjda. Zaitün. See Thsiouen-tcheou-fou.
‘Ukäz, XIII-IV, 77, 82, 88. Zälikän, XI-II, 134.
Upper Egypt. See Egypt, Upper, and Sa'id. Zandanah, X, 77; XI-II, 123-4.
Urdübäd, X, 101, 103. Zarand, XI-II, 132.
Urgandj, capital of Khoresm, XI-II, 130. Zarandj, XI-II, 134.
Ustuwä, XI-II, xi 7. Zarïnrüdh (or Nähr Zarin Rüdh), XI-II, 108.
Zarkän, X, 89.
Valencia, XV-VI, 35, 39. Zäva, XI-II, 120.
Van (Wân), Lake, X, 97. Zawila (or Zuwaila), XV-VI, 44.
Varämin, XI-II, 1 10. Zereen. See Jezreel.
Vartän (Warthän), X, IOI, 103. Zirküh, XI-II, 120.
Venice, Venise (Mamlakat Banädika), XIII-IV, 85; Zughar (or Sughar), XI-II, 143.
XI-II, 109; XV-VI, 57. Zuhairiya Quarter (of Baghdad), XV-VI, 76.
Volga (Itil, or Nähr al-Rüs, or Arthä, q.v.), X, 101 ;
Zuwaila. See Zawila.
XV-VI, 74. Züzan, XI-II, 120.
;
3 . TECHNICAL TERMS
‘abä’ (coverlets), XI-II, 109. munaiyar (crimson A. goat hair with a double
‘abä’a (cloaks), IX, 63. woof), X, 91 bisät (carpet), X, 92; farsjt (car-
;
al-abäi, X, 88. peting), XI-II, 107; makä‘id (cushions), X, 95;

abà’i garments, X, 99. makhädd Arminiya (cushions), X, 93; mirfaka
‘Abbadânï mats, X, 89. (cushion), X, 92; mitrah (carpet), X, 93; tikka
Abdän (linen garments), X, 10 1. (trouserbands or cords), IX, 88, 89, 90; X, 89, 94;
‘Abidi (of robes), XV-VI, 52. See Sa‘idi. value of tikka, X, 92.
abrichon. See ibrism. Armenian (brocade), X, 94; (carpets), IX, 86;
abrisjuim. See ibrism. (curtains), IX, 75; (felts), X, 95; XI-II, 1 19
Abü Kalamün. See Bükalamün. (material), XIII-IV, 112, 113; (types of manu-
‘Adan'î, IX, XIII-IV, 82. X, 81; XIII-IV, 109; (stuffs or tex-
facture),
‘Adaniyät (Yemen cloaks), XI-II, 106. IX, 59, 91; X, 91, 104; (textile trade),
tiles),
‘adhaba (trailing end of turban), XV-VI, 48. X, 95 (wares), X, 98. See Armani.
;
Ädhar-shust, XI-II, 100. ‘asb, XI-II, 1 18; XIII-IV, 76, 77 81, 85. ,
aghsjiiya (awnings), XIII-IV, 92. ‘asdjadi. See harir.

ahwäk (hand-woven fabrics), XIII-IV, 83. ashkäl (figures, likenesses), IX, 61; XIII-IV, 1 12.
akfän (shrouds), IX, 71. Ashmünï (garments), XI-II, 124.
akhbiya (tents), XI-II, 125, 127. ‘Askari (garments), X, 77.
aksün (satin), IX, 71. asl (basis or principal stuff of linen), XIII-IV, 96,
‘alam (border, ornamented border), IX, 67; X, 93; 100.
XIII-IV, 92, 99, 1 15; (badge), IX, 72; XIII- asmändjüni (azure), XV-VI, 67.
IV, 99; (standard), IX, 71, 74; black standards
asmatü (unknown stuff), XV-VI, 65.
with name of Caliph in white, IX, 75 bä ‘alam,
atlas (satin), IX, 71 X, 99; XI-II, 102; XIII-IV,
;
;
XV-VI, 55. See dastär. '
hi XV-VI, 82; black, IX, 77; Ma‘danï, IX, 71.

;
alcatifas. See al-katifa.

aträf (borders), XV-VI, 32.
‘amal Basinnä, X, 77. See mimmä ‘umil.
X,
‘Attäbi (tabby), IX, 82; 99, 100; XI-II, 102,
‘amal al-Sakali (Sicilian manufacture), X, 98.
107, 108, 138; XIII-IV, hi; XV-VI, 33,
1 16,
‘amäma. See ‘imäma.
34, 66, 77 ‘Attäbi Dabild, IX, 81 XIII-IV, 91
; ; ;
Amiri cloth (called Arandj), XI-II, 130. Isfahäni ‘Attäbi, XI-II, 107; read for Khatä’i,
‘ämma. See tiräz. X, 99-
amsäh (rendered as camel hair, perhaps pi. of mish, awfäf (cotton). See huila.
q.v.), XI-II, 104.
Azhariya, XIII-IV, 83.
‘anbari (perfumed with ambergris), XV-VI, 33.
Andjädji (cloth), X, 93. bäbiyäf (cotton), XV-VI, 78.
Antäkiya (red stuff), XI-II, 138. badana (garment made specially for the Caliph),
See mar'azz. XIII-IV, 105; (tunic ?), XIII-IV, 99.
badla (kind of garment), XIII-IV, 105.
Jj*, XIII-IV, 89.
‘araldyät (cotton caps), XI-II, 102. baft kusjiairi (reddish woven stuff), XV-VI, 76.
arandj (a colored stuff), XI-II, 129, 130; = Amiri Bahnasi curtains, XIII-IV, 108.
cloth, XI-II, 130. baibäf (weaver), XI-II, 1 1 6.
ard (background), XV-VI, 82. Bairami cloth, royal (Sultäni) B. cloth, XI-II, 137.
Ardjikna a dye), XV-VI, 50. bait (division of a weaver’s comb), XV-VI, 64.
(
Armani IX, 58; X, 93, 94, 95, 96; XIII-

(stuff), XIII-IV, 112.
bait (tent),
IV, 109; red Armani made for al-Mutawakkil, bakkam (brazilwood), XV-VI, 71, 80.
XIII-IV, 1 12; Arminiya (a kind of carpet), X, Ba'labakki cloth, XI-II, 141.
92; al-manküsha al-Arminiya (fabrics embroidered baladi (local), of silk, XV-VI, 63.
in colors, figured stuffs), X, 93; XV-VI, 78; Balansi stuff, XV-VI, 39.
Armani mahfür (carpets with a raised pattern), bälish (cushions), X, 76; XI-II, 121.
X, 95 al-mar‘azzä al-kirmizi
;
al-Armani alba'lisi cloth, XI-II, 141.
Bammï cloth, XI-II, 132; (manufacture), XI-II, mukhattat, XIII-IV, 83; burd Räzi (robes of
131. See dastär. Rayy) XI-II, 106 burd-i-Yamäni, XIII-IV, 83;
, ;
banafsadjï (violet), XIII-IV, 96. djäma-yi-burd (striped stuffs), X, 98; burd =

banbüzï (stuffs), XI-II, 117. sjtamla, XIII-IV, 76. See hibra.
banikät (capes ornamented at the neck), XI-II, 127. burku‘ (veil), X, 100.
bä-rang. See ibrisjjum. burnoose. See burnus.
bäräni (raincoats), XI-II, 103. burnus (upper cloak), XIII-IV, 89; XV-VI, 41,
bardha“, or bardha'a, (pi., barädhi“, cushions, horse- 54-
cloths, saddlecloths, mattress), IX, 68; X, 75, 91. Bursi stuffs, IX, 86.
barrakän (pi., ät, camelot), IX, 56, 88; X, 97; Burtäsiya (fox furs), XV-VI, 75.
(black mantles), IX, 89; camelot mantle inscribed busät (large carpets), XIII-IV, 112.
with name of Kurd Fannäkhusrü, X, 86; al-aksiya buzbüst (goat skin), XI-II, 129.
al-barrakânât (camelot robes), X, 88; with a buzyün (brocade, silk), X, 91, 94, 95, 96, 98; XI-
tiräz-border, IX, 88. II, 1 19;XV-VI, 32, 66, 77, 81 price of, XI-II,
;
Basri stuffs, XV-VI, 44. X19; Rümï b., XV-VI, 77.

Bastï. See musallä’ witä’.
bayäd (white material), XI-II, 137. caftans, XV-VI, 75.
bazz (cloth), IX, 90; X, 72, 76, 77, 80; XI-II, 106, catr (= mizalla), IX, 80.
109, no, in, 142; XIII-IV, 87, 1 15, 1 18, 120, cherbafe. See sjta‘rbäf.
12 1 XV-VI, 37, 40, 80; trade in, X, 98.
; çhikan (cloth), XI-II, 137.
bazzäz (cloth seller), IX, 80; (cloth makers), XI- cramoisy. See kirmizi.
II, 1 15; (cloth merchants), XI-II, 130. cülä (or cülwäri), XI-II, 109.
bisät (pi. busut, carpets), IX, 62, 63, 64, 72, 75, 88; cülwäri. See cülä.
X, 78, 81, 82, 85, 86, 89, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 96,
97, 98; XI-II, 99, 103, 107, 1 18, 1 19, 121, 124, Dabïkï, IX, 68, 71, 72, 82; X, 74, 82, 84, 103; XI-
142; XIII-IV, 107, 108, XV-VI, 29, 32, 1 12; II, 129, 137; XIII-IV, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 96,
38, 39, 41, 57, 67, 77, 81 discussed, XV-VI, 69;

; 97, 98, 100, 105, no, in, 113; XV-VI, 37, 78;
bisät al-dibädj, XI-II, 99 busut djalila muhkama
;
brocade of, XIII-IV, 97 carpeting of, XIII-IV,
;
al-nasadj (carpets of perfect weave), XV-VI, 49; 93 ;

Dabïkï stuffs kept for the use of al-Mu‘tadid,
bisät-i-pasjimin(woolen carpets), XI-II, 126; al- X, 75 tents of, XIII-IV, 99- ‘Attäbi D., IX, 81
; ;
busut al-sani‘a (art carpets), X, 80; al busut al- XIII-IV, 91 XV-VI, 76; D. mudhahhab, XIII-
;
Turkumânïya, XV-VI, 57. See Armani, busät, IV, 92 D. mukhmal (for Dabïkï wa-mukhmal, ?),
;
furs_h, Isbahbudhï, mahfürï, Tabari, XIII-IV, 113; mukhmal (velvet pile) of D.,
bistär (mattress), X, 76. XIII-IV, 112; musmata Dabïkïya, XV-VI, 78;
bitâna (pi., batä’in, linings), XI-II, 132; of fur, IX, D. mutarraz, XIII-IV, 92 D. Mutawakkilï, IX, ;
77. See mubattan. 72; muthallath (triple) D., XIII-IV, 109; al-
boucassins. See Büghâsî. sharb al-khäss al-Dabïkï, IX, 74; D. Shustarï, X,
Büghâsï, IX, 92. 73, 74; D. robe of Shustar, XIII-IV, 92; D.
Bükalamün, X, 70; XIII-IV, 95, 96, 97, 98, 1 1 5 ;
shukairï (red D.), X, 73; XIII-IV, 91; XV-
XV-VI, 59, 60, 76, 77 ; resembles peacock’s feath- VI, 76; shirt of sjtukairï D., XIII-IV, 92; al-
ers. XIII-IV, 96. See Kalamünï. sjiikak al-Dabïkïya al-sjrukairât (pieces of red D.
bukdja (packet), XIII-IV, 102. stuff), X, 93; sutür (awnings) of D., X, 100;
Bunduld (white cloth = Venetian cloth), XI-II, al-Dabïkï al-tamïm al-mudhahhab (gold Dabïkï
137;' XIII-IV, 85. brocade), XIII-IV, 113. See also khäm, mikrama,
Bünï (type of sharb), XIII-IV, 98. namat, sarâwïl, sutür.
burd (pi. abräd or burüd, cloaks, mantles, but usually Dabïkïya, XIII-IV, 96.
as striped cloaks, or stuffs), IX, 90; X, 80, 88, Dabïzï, XV-VI, 57.
100; XI-II, 106, 109, in, 1 1 7, 129; XIII-IV, Dabkâwï, XIII-IV, 91 XV-VI, 76. ;
76, 77. 79, 80, 81, 85, 86, 88, 93 XV-VI, 66, 77 ; ;
dâ’ir (border), XIII-IV, 115.
discussed, XIII-IV, 76; XV-VI, 66; black and dakkâk (cloth beater), XV-VI, 36, 65.
red striped burd, XIII-IV, 85 ;
Funduki burd, dalah (weasel fur), XI-II, 129. See dalak.
XI-II, 1 21 ;
burd mufawwaf, XIII-IV, 79; burd dalak (stoat fur), IX, 70.
dam al-akhawain, XIII-IV, 87. Dja'fari (of silk), XV-VI, 32.

Damsïsï (read for Dasisï), XV-VI, 76. Djahrami (carpets), X, 81, 85; (stuffs), X, 86;
dar. See kattän, kazz, kiswa, kutn, sabbägh, tiräz. XI-II, 102.
darâ’î. See kabä. djäkhät (bands), XI-II, 142; XIII-IV, 103.
darânik (carpets), IX, 88. See dürank. djäma (cloth, robes, stuffs, textiles), IX, 71; X, 76,
Dardas (stuff), IX, 83. 80; XI-II, 115, 123 XIII-IV, 91 dast djäma-yi- ; ;
däri (applied to dibädj), XIII-IV, 111. khäss (set of royal robes), XIII-IV, 95 djäma-hä- ;
därish (black leather), XV-VI, 78. yi-farsjj (carpet stuffs), XI-II, 134; djäma-yi-
dasätik sadida wa-mudhahhaba (plain and gold- ‘imârï (covers for litters), XIII-IV, 96; djäma-
embroidered cushions), XI-II, 102. yi-rangin (stuffs of various colors), X, 98 djäma- ;
dasjitaka (discussed), XV-VI, 66. ‘unvän (parade dress), XI-II, 123. See burd.
Dasisi. See Damsïsï. Djannäbi, X, 84; XV-VI, 78; kerchiefs (mindil),
dast. See djäma, dusüt. X, 81.
dastär (cloth, handkerchief, kerchief, turban-cloth), djarkawät (? military tents), XIII-IV, 113.
XIII-IV, 91, 95, 109; Bullï kerchiefs, IX, 90; Djarräda (locust, a dyestuff), XV-VI, 63, 71.
dastâr-i-bamï (Bamm turbans or kerchiefs), XI- djawrab (pi. djawärib, stockings), XI-II, no; XV-
II, 13 1 ; dastär-hä-yi-s_haräb bä ‘alam (dessert nap- VI, 77 78 .
,
kins with a fine border), XI-II, 104. See khïsh. djawzi (nut color), XV-VI, 48, 61.
dastärcha-yi-zarbäft (kerchiefs shot with gold), XI- djihät (directions, on a carpet), XV-VI, 53.
II, 103. Djindjäli. See watä’.
Dastrï (= Dastuwâ’ï), XI-II, no. djism (body), XV-VI, 65.
Dastuwâ’ï (robes, cloth), XI-II, no, 138, 141. djitr (umbrella), XI-II, 104. See citr, mizalla.
dawä’ir (walls of a tent), XIII-IV, 113. nawi (of flax), XV-VI, 68.
dj
dïbâ (brocade), XI-II, 105; XIII-IV, 83; dïbâ-yi- djubba (gown, upper gown, mantle), IX, 67, 77;
Ifrandji (European brocade), X, 98; Shustari d.,
XV-VI, 31, 41, 48, 68, 78; of Herat, XI-II, 118;
X, 74. See dibädj.
dj. süf, XIII-IV, 89.
dibädj (pi. dubudj, brocade, silken stuffs), IX, 60,
djükh (sheeting, drap), XI-II, 137; XIII-IV, 85.
64, 68, 71, 74, 75, 83, 89, 90; X, 71, 72, 73, 74,
djull (pi. djiläl, coverings), X, 75; (horse rugs),
76, 77, 80, 86, 88, 89, 91, 94, 103; XI-II, 102,
X, 100; (saddlecloths for elephants), XIII-IV,
XIII-IV, 88, 89, 97, 98,
105, 123, 125, 126, 141;
1 12 .
104, in, 113; XV-VI, 63, 65, 76, 81; dibädj de-
djulüd al-khazz (beaver skins), XV-VI, 74, 75 -
fined, X, 72; cheap brocade, XI-II, 118; gold

brocade, IX, 84; X, 97; XIII-IV, 103; gold-
Djurdjäni (stuffs), XV—VI, 33, 34.
djuväl (sacks), X, 103.
embroidered brocade, X, 103 red-and-white bro- ;
djuzz (stuff), XI-II, 137.

cade, X, 102 XIII-IV, 88 yellow brocade, XIII-
; ;
IV, 93 d. bis_hkas_h (brocade for presents), XI-II, dodiaz, X, 87.

;
dü-çhanbarï (two-circle cloth ?), XI-II, 137.

129; Herati brocade, XI-II, 119; dibädj al-khazz
(silken brocade), X, 71; Khuräsäni brocade, düd al-harir (silkworm), XV-VI, 39.
XIII-IV, 88, 89; Kühï brocade, XI-II, 119; d.
düd al-ibrism (silkworm), X, 102; XI-II, 129;
maliki (royal brocade), XIII-IV, 113; d. mulaw- eggs of, XI-II, 100.
wan, IX, 74. See, bisät, däri, dibä, diwädj, fars_h, düd or düda al-kazz (silkworm), X, 95, 96, 98; ac-
khazâ’inï, mikrama, muthakkal, Rümi, and the count of, XV-VI, 62; raising of, X, 102.
English word “brocade” throughout, dukhkhäniya (smoke-colored). See ghiläla.
dibädja, XIII-IV, 107. dürank (bi-colored), IX, 88. See daränik, durnük.
dikk (brocade), XI-II, 137; XIII-IV, 93; brocade durnük, IX, 88. See dürank.
or linen, IX, 65 brocaded linen, XIII-IV, 91.
;
durrä'a (long gown, shirt, tunic), X, 89; XI-II,
Dimyäti, XIII-IV, 94, in; XV-VI, 76; brocade, 115 XIII-IV, 79, 92, 103 XV-VI, 31, 67, 78.
; ;
XIII-IV, 97- dusüt (cushions), XV-VI, 76.

dir“ (shirt), XV-VI, 67. See index No. 3. dü-tärah. See tärah.
diwädj (brocade), XI-II, 116. See dibädj. duwädj (pi. dawäwidi, cloak, cover, mantle), IX,
djadä’il al-s_ha‘r (hair strings), IX, 91. 75; XV-VI, 73 ,
75.'
fäkhir (name applied to ‘Attäbi), XV-VI, 34. ghazli (spun), XIII-IV, 79. See maghzül.
fanak (desert-fox or marten furs), IX, 70; XI-II, ghazzäl (weaver), XV-VI, 63.
129, 139; XV-VI, 32, 33, 73, 75- Ghellé (kind of silk), X, 102.
faradji (for farakh), X, 87. ghifära. See ghafära.
farakh, X, 86, 87. ghiläla (variously rendered as cloak, women’s dress,
farasjia (to upholster), XIII-IV, 92. shirt), X, 93; XI-II, 102; XV-VI, 78; ghiläla
fardjiya (overmantle, loose robe), IX, 77 î
XI-II, dukhkhäniya (smoke-colored shirts), XV-VI, 78.
142 ;
XIII-IV, 103. al-ghiyär. See al-ghubär.
farrä’ (furrier), IX, 73 ;
XV-VI, 65. al-ghubär (dust-colored), XV-VI, 48.
fars_h (carpets, coverings, drapery, furnishings, rugs, ghubäri (dust-colored), XV-VI, 61.
upholstery, etc.), X, 71, 91, 92, 96; XI-II, 107; gilim (tapestry-woven carpets), IX, 89; X, 80; blue
XIII-IV, 97, 98, 1 12; XV-VI, 29, 65; brocaded gilims, XI-II, 104; Dailami gilims ©f zarbaft, XI-
carpets (dabäbidj al-farsjr), XI-II, 134, cut car- II, 103 white Kümisjh gilims, XI-II, 103.
;
pets (al-farsji al-kutü‘, perhaps read maktü“), gilïmïna ( tapestry- woven carpets), XI-II, 126.
XIII-IV, 109; Funduld carpeting, XI-II, 124.
See djäma, fursh, Tabari, hadw (shoes), XV-VI, 78.
farwa al-ba'ir (hair of camel), IX, 88. half (weaver’s instrument), XI-II, 116, 139; XV-
'
fäza (tent with two poles), XIII-IV, 113. VI, 66.
firä’ (furs), XI-II, 121 ; al-firä’ al-kibäshiya (sheep- haffi (cloth), X, 86; XI-II, 105, 129; XV-VI, 77;
skin furs), XV-VI, 73. white haffi garments, XI-II, 1 16. See ShähiJjänI.
firäsh (sleeping mats), XIII-IV, 79; firäs_h marküm haiks, XV-VI, 51.
matmüm (striped and knotted carpet), IX, 65. Hä’iti (name of sort of curtain), XV-VI, 55.
firind (figured cloth), XV-VI, 82. h'äka (weavers), IX, 61; X, 87; XI-II, 120; XV-
funduk al-kattän (linen store), XV-VI, 46.
'
VI, 69.
Funduld. See burd. hakiba (pi. hakä’ib, saddlebags), XI-II, 1 18.
fursjr (cloths, coverings, carpets, furnishings, textiles Halabi stuffs, XIII-IV, 1 13.
for upholstery, etc.),IX, 64, 67, 68, 86, 88, 91, XV-VI,
hallädjün (carders of cloth), 55.
92; X, 73, 81, 91; XI-II, 100, 129; XIII-IV, ni^Dn XV-VI, 51.
(blankets),
107, 108 XV-VI, 37, 77, 78 kit'a fursjj, IX, 63
; ; ; hanak (head rope), XV-VI, 48.
fursjh wa-busut (carpets and rugs), IX, 88; bisät hanbal (fur), XV-VI, 45.
va-furs_h, X, 80; furs_h al-Khiläfa, IX, 74; fursh Harawi (Herati). See karkar.
al-kirmiz (upholstery dyed with kirmiz), XIII- harlr-silk, IX, 60, 61, 71, 82, 84, 88, 89; X, 72, 74,
IV, 109; fursh al-Rabi‘ (spring furnishings), XI- 81, 87, 88, 102; XI-II, 99, 100, 103, 104, 106,
II, 99- 1 16, 1 17, 120, 121, 143; XIII-IV, 77, 80, 83, 87,
furüsjj (upholstery), X, 86. 88, 99, xoo, 104, 105, 107, 109, 1 13; XV-VI, 32,
fustät (marquee, large tent, pavilion), XI-II, 138; 33, 34, 38, 40, 41, 44, 45, 48, 52, 55, 59, 63, 64,
XIII-IV, 79, 108, 1 13. 65, 71, 77, 79, 82; black silk, XI-II, 141 ;
XIII-
füta (pi. fuwat, cloths, napkins, wrappers), IX, 90; IV, 106, 107; blue silk, XI-II, 136; XIII-IV,
X, 7i, 86, 87, 89; XI-II, 138; XIII-IV, 75, 86, 107 green silk, XIII-IV, 107 red silk, XIII-IV,
; ;
X09, 1 11 ; XV-VI, 66; explained, XIII-IV, 83; 107; harir ‘asijadi (silk decorated with gold),
worn by S. Arabian tribes, XIII-IV, 86; of khazz, XV-VI, 82; Iraqi silk, IX, 91; harir al-kazz,
XIII-IV, 103. XV-VI, 63; harir maghzül (spun silk), XV-VI,
fuwwa (madder), X, 101, 102; XI-II, 126, 127; 32; harir naiy (raw silk), XV-VI,
67; al-harir
XIII-IV, 84; XV-VI, 63, 71. al-Sha’mi, XV-VI, 81;
63; harir Sini, XV-VI,
market of harir-silk, XIII-IV, 105. See düd,
Gandji cloth, X, 101. killah, Kurkübï, madhün, makfüfa, mu'aiyan,
ghafära (hat, headdress, or mantle), XV-VI, 52, 66. musmata, numruk, ‘ummäl.
ghamar. See mandil. Häsjiimi (fabrics and boots), IX, 68; XV-VI, 78.
ghäshiya, IX, 80. häsjriya (pi. hawäsjii, border, selvage), IX, 70, 92;
ghazl (thread), XIII-IV, 47, 66; of Yemen, XIII- XIII-IV, 1 15; XV-VI, 66; häshiya mashküka
IV, 79- (fringed border), IX, 72.
ghazl al-dhahab (gold weaving), IX, 77. has_hs_hä’ (maker of padded clothing), XV-VI, 65.
hath (cotton), X, 83. D'taD’K (isatis tinctoria), XV-VI, 51.

hawäsil (soft skins), XV-VI, 73, 74. See index isbägh, XIII-IV, 93.
'
No. 3. Isbahbudhi Tabari carpet (bisät), XI-II, 99.
hazm al-khail (girths), XI-II, 124. Isfahäni cloth, XI-II, 138; XV-VI, 33, 34. See
hibara (striped cloths), XV-VI, 80. ‘Attäbi.
hibra =
XIII-IV, 76, 77, 79. See muhabbara.
burd, Iskandari, XIII-IV, 101, 103, ill. See Sikandari.
hisjhäya(making of padded garments), XV-VI, 65. istabrak (satin), XIII-IV, 113.
hiyäsa (waist belt), XI-II, 142; XIII-IV, 103. istabrakät (brocade), XIII-IV, 108.
hudb (fringes), XV-VI, 65. izär (variously rendered as loincloths, women’s
huila (pi. hulal, cloaks, mantles, striped cloaks, striped cloaks, men’s trousers, veils for women, but prob-
robes), IX, 63, 64;X, 80, 88; XI-II, 107, 108, ably simply lengths of cloth used for such pur-
116; XIII-IV, 75, 76, 77, 80, 82, 94, 97, 98, 108; poses), IX, 81, 92; X, 78, 89, 93; XI-II, 127;
XV-VI, 33, 34, 36, 37, 77; green cloaks, X, 75; XV-VI, 52, 78 ;
izâr RasJjïdï, X, 93. See lubüd.
of Nadjrän, IX, 63, 85; price of, XIII-IV, 96;
huila ‘Adaniya, XIII-IV, 82; huila awfäf yama- joula. See cülä.
niya muwasjhsjiä (cloak of cotton embroidered),
XIII-IV, 79; huila mudhahhaba (gold-embroi- kabä’ (pi. akbiya, variously rendered as cloak, gown,
dered cloak), XIII-IV, in hulal muwas_hs_hä (of ; robe, but might be best rendered as tunic), IX, 71,
figured silk), XV-VI, 33; al-hulal al-mawshiya 76; XI-II, 1 15, 142; XIII-IV, 103;
124, 126,
(of figured silk), XV-VI, 36. XV-VI, 49, 67, 83; Baalbak k., XI-II, 141 yel- ;
low Herat k. (k. Harawi ‘asfar), XI-II, 1 1 8 ;
ibrasjffm. See ibrism. Khuräsäni k., XI-II, in; Khwârizmian k., XI-
ibrlsjrm-silk, XI-II, 1 1 8, 137; XV-VI, 62, 78, 79. II, 137; Tabriz! k., X, 100.
See ibrism. XI-
kabä-yi-darä’i (tunic of silk of various colors),
ibrisjium (djäma-yi-, silk textiles), of two varieties,
II, 123. See kabä’.
yak rang (with one color), and bä-rang (with sev-
Kaisi (garments), XIII-IV, 107.
eral colors), X, 102.
kaiyim (woof), XV-VI, 64.
ibrism-silk, IX, 60, 63, 81, 85 ;
X, 72, 78, 80, 81, 86, käkum ( ermine, = k mäk m ?), IX, XV-VI,
77 ; 73,
93, 96, 100, 102, 104, no; XI-II, 100, 104, 105,
XI-II, 129.
74) 75! (weasel skins),
107, 108, in, 1 1 3, 114, 1 1 5, 121; XIII-IV, 79,
kälä (stuffs). See Shüstar.
101 ;
XV-VI, 38, 50, 83, 84; described, XV-VI,
Kalamünï (cloth), XIII-IV, in, 1 1 2 ;
(furnish-
65 exported, X, 100; origin of, XI-II, 1 13 raised,
; ’
ings), XIII-IV, 98.
;
X, 100; trousercords of, X, 93; Lähidji ibrism-

kalansuwa (pi. kalänis, caps, hats), IX, 67, 69, 84;
silk, X, 102. See dud, ibris_hm, ibrisjtum, parda,
XI-II, 1 15, 124, 129; XV-VI, 67, 69, 75; al-
sutür, tikka.
kalänis al-malikiya (royal k. caps), XI-II, 106;
ibrismiyät (thiyäb), IX, 82.
twisted k. caps, XI-II, 129; (= Rusäfiya), IX, 84.
idridj (red silk), X, 75. See tadridj.
kalawta (cap, headdress), XI-II, 142, XIII-IV,
Ifrandji (European, of brocade (dibä) ) ,
X, 98.
102, 103.
ihliladj (myroloban), XIII-IV, 84.
‘ihn (striped wool), XIII-IV, 114. käli (carpets), name discussed, X, 97; käli-hä-yi-
ihräm, XIII-IV, 88. mahfürî (carpets “in relief”), XI-II, 102. See
zïlü.
ihräms (cloth wrappers), XI-II, 141.
‘imäma (or ‘amäma, pi. ‘amä’im, turban), IX, 67, Kal‘i. See kisä’.
77, 81, 85, 90; X, 73, 74, 76; XI-II, 115, 1 17,
kälib (mold), XV-VI, 30.
131, 137; XIII-IV, 79, 89; XV-VI, 48,77; kalïca, X, 87.

green t., X, 75 silk t., IX, 75 of haffï Shähidjäni,
; ;
kalichey. See kalica.
XI-II, 1 16; maftüla (of twisted silk), XV-VI, kallawta. See kalawta.
63; of Merv. XI-II, 114; mudhahhaba, XV-VI, Kalsäniya (name of stuff), XV-VI, 39.
50. See mudama. kamd (action de donner le cati, bleaching), XV-VI,
‘imäri. See djäma. 45, 64.
‘isäba (kind of turban), XV-VI, 67; ‘asä’ib man- kamis (blouse, IX, 69; X, 74, 76, 84, 85;
shirt),
mudhahhaba (turbans embroidered 67, 78; Bukharan k., XI-
XV-VI,
'
küsjja in colors XÏII-IV, 91 5
and gold), XI-II, 1 1 7. II, 125; of Kühi, XI-II, 1 19.

kamkhä (silk stuff, perhaps Chinese silk), IX, 84; kazz (silk), IX, 72, 87, 92; X, 72, 76, 81, 86; XI-
discussed, X, 100; XI-II, 137; XIII-IV, 103; II, 105, 1 13, 114, 115, 1 16, 121, 125, 143; XIII-
described, XV-VI, 82; (velvet), XI-II, 116; (pi. IV, 77, 82, 92; XV-VI, 33, 37, 63, 78, 79; Dar
kawämikh ?), X, 100; (= kamkhän ?), X, 1 00. al-Kazz (House of Silk), IX, 78, 83; harir al-
See kamkhän. kazz, XV—VI, 63. See also düd, miknah
kamkhän, IX, 84; X, 100; worn by Zutts, X, 100; kazzäz (silk manufacturer), XI-II, 136.
— kamkhä, X, 100. See kamkhä. al-Kazzi. See al-Kassi.
Kanbäti (shoes), XV-VI, 78, 79, 81. Khâbisi (stuff), XIII-IV, 77.
kanbüsjh. See kunbüsjr. khaima (tent), XIII-IV, 108, 113.
kandji (stuff of silk and cotton), XIII-IV, 103; khaisji (coarse, heavy cloth), IX, 74; X, 78, 80;
read for Kh n dj, XV-VI, 32. XI-II, 98, 102 XIII-IV, 107; used for tents, X,
;
karäcür (belt), XI-II, 123. 78; manädil kh. (napkins of coarse cloth), XI-II,
karbäs. See kirbäs. 102. See khis_h.
Kardawäni (a stuff), X, 89. See Karduwäni. khaiyät (tailor), IX, 69, 73; XI-II, 119.
Karduwäni, XIII-IV, 113. See Kardawäni. khäl, XIII-IV, 85.
kärgäh (factories), of Shüstar, X, 75. khäm (pi. ät, raw, unbleached stuff), XI-II, 1 1 7 ;
karkar (loose shirt without sleeves) Harawi, XI-II, XIII-IV, 83; XV-VI, 66, 78; raw silk, XV-VI,
117-8. 67; of Dabiki, XIII-IV, 93; khämät al-ShäsJ}iyin
karzan (headdress), XV-VI, 67. (tax on), XÏII-IV, 105.
kasab (linen, or a linen stuff decorated with gold or khamisa (shirt), IX, 67.
silver),IX, 71, 90, 92; X, 80, 82, 83, 85, 86, 88, khaml kasir (short pile), IX, 88; khaml al-manâdïl
93; XI-II, 142; XIII-IV, 79, 80, 91, 93, 94, 95, (pile of towels), IX, 88.
96, 103, 105, 108 XV-VI, 52, 76, 77, 78 white
; ;
kharad, to be read khazz, X, 76.
k., XIII-IV, 95 yellow ;
k., X, 82 kasab
;
asfar wa- khärgähät (pavilions), XV-VI, 41. See below,
abyad (gold and silver thread), XV-VI, 64; kharkähät (tents), X, 86. See above,
kasab mudhahhab (gold-spangled linen), XI-II, khäshkhäsjri (poppy colored, of kirbäs), XI-II, 129.
142; XIII-IV, 103; al-kasab al-sharb, XV-VI, khäss (royal stuff ?), XIII-IV, III. See Dabiki,
78; Balkhi k., XIII-IV, 98; see tiräzi. kiswa, tiräz, tiräzi.
Kassi (= Qassiah or Qeissiah), XIII-IV, 1x3, 114, Khatä’i (Chinese stuff), X, 99; XIII-IV, 103.
115; Kassi stuffs (Kassiyät), XI-II, 106; := al- khätam (checks), XV-VI, 32.
Kazzi, XIII-IV, 1 14; disapproved by traditionists, khatt (pi., khutüt, stripes), IX, 81; XIII-IV, 76,
XIII-IV, 1 15. 79, 96.
katam (variety of henna), XV-VI, 70. khazä’ini (of dïbadj), IX, 64.
katärish (silk ?), XV-VI, 63. khazbüst (beaver skins), XI-II, 129. See below,
katifa (pi. kutuf, velvet), IX, 67, 103; XIII-IV, khazz (beaver skins), XV-VI, 75; (translated silk,
1 13; =
alcatifas, X, 87; Iraq velvets (kutuf al- but better, beaver skins), XV-VI, 83. See djulüd
Sawäd), XI-II, 108; kutuf Sawädiya, IX, 86; al-khazz, khazbüst.
Byzantine (Rümi) k., XV-VI, 76. khazz-silk (pi. khuzüz), IX, 68, 7 2 75, 78, 85, 86, >
kattän (linen or flax), IX, 65, 85; X, 80, 85, 88, 90, 91 X, 71, 72, 75, 76, 80, 86, 88, 91, 92, 102;
;
89, 90, 94, 95, 101 XI-II, 102, 144; XIII-IV,

;
XI-II, 1 13, 141 XIII-IV, 88, 91, 92, 103 XV-
; ;
83, 84, 94; XV-VI, 48, 49, 52, 68, 84; read for VI, 31, 32, 33, 36, 37, 48, 60, 61, 65, 67, 73, 76,
k bän, XI-II, 144; Alexandrine k., IX, 85; Cri- 77, 78, 79; (red silk), XIII-IV, 79, 94; Dja'fari
mean linen (kattän-i Kirimï), XV—VI, 137; of kh., IX, 91 Maghribi kh., XIII-IV,
;
maktü‘ m ;
Egypt, IX, 65 Rümi linen, X, 94 Basra al-

; ;
(cut) kh., XV-VI, 32; Mansürï, IX, 70; mulüki
Kattän, XV-VI, 53; Där al-Kattän (linen ware- (kingly), X, 76; al-khazz al-sakb (close-woven),
house), tax on, XIII-IV, 105. XV-VI, 37; täki, IX, 78. See dibädj, Dja'farï,
Kattänün (cotton dealers), XV-VI, 55. mabsüt, mitraf, mulham, sunnä‘, thakïla.
kawradja al-Mahäbis, XIII-IV, 87. khazzäzün (silk makers), IX, 81.
kazägand (quilted garments), XI-II, 129. khazz-rakm, or al-khazz-rakm (striped silk), IX, 67,
Kazeruni (cloth) or Käzirüni, X, 82, 83. 74; X, 73, 91; khazz wa-rakm, IX, 74. See
kazin (raw silk), XI-II, 105, 113-4. rakm.
Käzirüni. See Kazeruni. khidr (curtains), XIII-IV, 114.
—
khifaf zanâniya (women’s shoes), XV-VI, 79. kisära (fulling), XV-VI, 47.
khil‘a (robe of honor), IX, 69, 74, 75, 77; XI-II, kiswa (apparel, clothing, garment, robe), IX, 74;
136, 142 ;
XV-VI, 49. X, 73; XI-II, 106; XIII-IV, 88, 100, no; XV-
khimar (veil), XI-II, 108. VI, 32, 68; kasäwä (robes), XI-II, 136; kiswa
khirka (piece of cloth), X, 77 ;
(cloth of a tent), XI- li’l khässa (royal clothing), XIII-IV, 93; kiswa
II, 138. al-Misr (Egyptian apparel), X, 101.

khisji, IX, 90; dastär of (kerchiefs of linen and cot- kiswa (investiture), XV-VI, 49; Där al-Kiswa,
ton), XI-II, 103. XIII-IV, no; Kiswat al-Shitä’ (Winter Investi-
khitr (black dye), XIII-IV, 80, 85. ture), XIII-IV, in.
Kh n dj, XV-VI, 32. Kiswa (Kaaba covering), IX, 56, 64, 73, 86; X,
Khuldi (pi. Khalâdî, taffeta), XI-II, 118. 73, 74; XIII-IV, 85, 88, 89, 99, 100, 106; de-
khumra (small mat), XV-VI, 34. scription of, XIII-IV, 106; inscription on, XIII-
Khurâsânï cloth, XI-II, Hi. IV, 89, 100; texts of inscription on, XIII-IV,
khurdj (saddle-bag), XIII-IV, 76. 99; inscription in white on, XIII-IV, 106;
Khusrawânï (stuff, kingly, appertaining to the kings sources for history of, XV—VI, 80; provided by
of Persia), IX, 64; XIII-IV, 96, 112, 1x3; (bro- XIII-IV, 106; provided by Fatimids,
Baibars,
cade), X, 91; XIII-IV, 89, 96, 101, hi; Kh. XIII-IV, 89; by Harun al-Rashid, XIII-IV,
stuff with fringes, XIII-IV, hi, 112; red-gôÆ- 100; by Kings of the Yemen, XII-IV, 106;
embroidered Kh., XIII-IV, 1 12; Kh. Rümî by Mahdï, XIII-IV, 99 by Rasülids, XIII- ;
(Sasanian or royal, Byzantine), X, 91 Kh. carpet, ;

IV, 81 by the Tubba's, XIII-IV, 76; al-Muwaf-
;
XIII-IV, 1 12; zalâlï Khusrawânï Rümï kirmizï fak perhaps first to manufacture it at Shustar, X,
(crimson-colored Greek kingly textiles), XIII- 73 = parda-yi-Makka, X, 77.
;
IV, 96. kit‘a (piece of cloth), X, 91, 92. See makta‘ tiräz ;
Kibti, XIII-IV, 89. See Kubâtï. border.

killah (pi. kiläl, curtain, veil), X, 80, 81; killah k mäk m (ermine fur), IX, 70, 77; XV-VI, 74.
harïr asmândjünï (curtain of azure silk), XV- See käkum.
VI, 67. Kubâtï (Coptic cloth), IX, 64; XIII-IV, 88, 89, 99,
kinnab (hemp), XV-VI, 48. 100, 115; XV-VI, 76; disapproved of by tradi-
Kîrâtï (discussed), XV-VI, 76. tionists, XV-VI, 115. See Kibti.
kirbäs (or karbäs, pi. karâbïs, cotton cloth, muslin), Kubrusï (Cyprus cloth), XI-II, 144.
IX, 91; X, 88, 89; XI-II, 103, 106, 1 19, 121, Kudsï (Jerusalem stuff), XIII-IV, 103; green K.
123, 124, 129, 134, 139; XV-VI, Herat 83; cloth, XI-II, 142.
muslins, XI-II, 1 1 8 ;
Kundadji muslin, XI-II, kuhailï (blue), X, 89. See kuhli.
in. See khäsjikhäsjn. Kühï cloth, 78 poetic inscriptions on, XI-
XV-VI, ;
kirmiz (crimson, qermes), IX, 89; X, 86, 95; (dis- II, 119; price of, XI-II, 119; shirt (kamis) of,
cussed), 96, 97, 98; XIII-IV, 109; XV-VI, 35, XI-II, 119; soft Kühï linings (mubattanät), XI-
'
37. 38, 39, 84; carpets, X, 94; cocoon of, X, 99; II, 119; white cloth, XI-II, 120; Kühï mumassar
insect, habits of, X, 99 only found by a sect of;
(K. cloth dyed with reddish-yellow clay), XI-II,
Jews, X, 96, 97; XV-VI, 70; worm of, X, 96, 120.
98, 104. Kühïya, XI-II, 120.
kirmizï (cramoisy, crimson), IX, 84; XV-VI, 51, kuhli (dark blue, or bluish black), XI-II, 109; XV-
57. See Armani, Khusrawânï. VI, 63, 71.
_
kisâ’ (pi. aksiya, robe), IX, 63, 88, 89; X, 80, 85, kulâh-i-namad-i-siyâh-i-sïm-kasjnda (black felt hat
86, 88, 91; XI-II, 100, 102, 106, 107, no, 126, embroidered with silver), XI-II, 124.
141, 142; XIII-IV, 89; XV-VI, 49, 52, 53, 64, kumäsjj (pi. akmis_ha, cloth, stuffs), IX, 74; X, 77,
Egyptian woolen robes, XI-II, 99; orange 78, 87, 94. 98; XIII-IV, 105; XV-VI, 48, 59,
'
77;
robes, XI-II, 102; white robes, XI-II, 104; kisâ’ 80, 81.
‘id (festal robe), XV-VI, 49; Kal‘ï robes, XV- Kümisï (cloth), XI-II, 99, 104; read for Tümisï,
VI, 50; kisä’ mukhattat (striped robe), IX, 91;
*
XV-VI, 78.
Rümï aksiya, X, 94; tïlçân al-aksiya al-fäkhira al- kunbüsh (horse cloths), XIII-IV, 109; XV-VI, 50.
zurk (pieces of splendid blue robes), XV-VI, 44. Kundadji (muslin, karâbïs), XI-II, in. See Kun-
See Tabarï, tirâzï. dakï.
2Ç6 SERJEANT INDICES
Kundakî ( = Kundadjï, coarse garments), X, 87; Mahdawï (of cloth, thiyäb), XV-VI, 47.
XI-II, ni. mahfùr (in relief, applied to carpets), XV-VI, 37;
kundur (beaver), XV-VI, 74. busut mahfüra (carpets in relief), IX, 63; X, 91,
kundus (beaver fur), XI-II, 142; XIII-IV, 103; 92. See below, and Armani, kâlï.
'
XV-VI, 75. mahfürï (pl. ät, carpets with relief pattern), X, 92,
kunnab (flax or hemp), X, 76; XI-II, 102, 125. 94, 101.
kunü* (veils), XV-VI, 63. See mikna*. Maisânï (of carpets, silk, textiles), IX, 86, 88; X,
kürï (flax), XV-VI, 68. 91, 94; XV-VI, 66 .
Kurkübï, X, 86, 94; XI-II, 103; twisted K., X, 76; mak'ad. See mik‘ad.
rakm al-Kurkübï, X, 76; blue Tustarï Kurkübï makädim (front parts of a robe), XV-VI, 65.
silk (makta* harïr azrak), XIII-IV, 112. makfüfa (bordered, with silk (harïr) ), XIII-IV, 77.
kurr (pl. kirär), IX, 86. maksür. See ma‘sür.
kurtak (tunics), XI-II, 129; XV-VI, 67, 83. maksür (split, of shoes), XV-VI, 79; al-maksüra al-
kusjiairï (or reddish color), XV-VI, 76. See baft, kuttâbïya (split shoes of officials ?), XV-VI, 78.
Dabïkï. makta* (pl. makäti*, cloth or piece), XIII-IV, 1 12;
kutn (soft cotton), XI-II, 113 Dar al-Kutn (House ;
XV-VI, 40; Sultan’s cloth (makäti* sultânïya),
of Cotton), IX, 78. XIII-IV, 108; makäti* (rendered robes, but prob-
kutnïyât (cotton cloth), IX, 82. ably simply pieces of cloth), XI-II, 135. See kit‘a,
kutü*. See farsh. Kurkübï.
maktü*. See khazz, mu‘lam.
labâbïd al-Tïlakân (felts of Tïlakân)XV-VI, 50. maläbis, IX, 62.
labbâd (felt makers), XIII-IV, 116; XV-VI, 68. malbüs (clothes), XI-II, 105, 121 XV-VI, 77. ;
lädh (red silk), XIII-IV, hi XV-VI, 79- ; ma‘mal. See Tabari.

lafâfa (bands or girdles), XI-II, 102. mamzüdj (mixed with gold), IX, 71; XV-VI, 76.
lafuradj, IX, 64. See mumazzadj.
lakk, XV-VI, 35 XV-VI, 35-
J
Hindi, manäsidj (weaves), XIII-IV, 109.
lams (quality of stuff), XV-VI, 65. Manbidjï (robe), IX, 92.
länis (muslin), XV-VI, 81. mandil or mindïl (pl. manädil, kerchief, napkin), IX,
lawn samäwi (azure), XV-VI, 71. 63, 86; X, 77, 86, 90, 91; XI-II, 98, 102, 105,
läzward (lapis-lazuli), XV-VI, 82. 106, 131; XIII-IV, 89, 92, 108, X09, no,
125,
lâzwardï (lapis-lazuli color), XV-VI, 32. in XV-VI, ; 67, 77; white napkins, XI-II, 104;
libäs (pl. albisa, clothing), X, 74; XV-VI, 53; al- Asïrï kerchiefs, XI-II, 116; manädil al-ghamar
libäs al-khäss al-Djuma‘ï (royal apparel for Fri- (coarse napkins), XV-VI, 82. See khâïsh, khaml,
day Prayer)',' XIII-IV, 105 ;
libäs al-Khiläfa, IX, mukhmala.
75. See muharrar. manküsji (adorned), IX, (with drawings ?
64;
libs. See mutarraz. colored), IX, (variegated), X, 89. See
75;
lif (fibre), XIII-IV, 80. Armani, ‘isäba, mikrama, naksh.
lihäf (blanket), XV-VI, 68. See luhuf. mansüdj (woven), IX, 64; X, 73; XIII-IV, 112;
lubna (collar), XV-VI, 67. (woven with gold), XV-VI, 82; (woven with one
lubüd (felts), X, 91, XI-II, 1 18, 120; XV-VI, 37, thread), XIII-IV, 112; al-dhahab al-m. (woven
41, 68, 83; izärs of red felt, XI-II, 125. See
gold), XV-VI, 76; al-muclhahhab al-mansüdj, IX,
labâbïd.
85 XIII-IV, 79. mansüdj bi-djhahab, IX, 85.
;
lubüd thalâthïnïya (thirty felts), XV-VI, 37.

Marawï. See Marvian.
luhma (woof or web), X, 72, 88, 93; XV-VI, 65.
mar‘azz, or mir'izz, or mar‘izz (goat hair), IX, 92;
luhuf (blanket cloth), XI-II, 129; see lihäf.
X, 96, 98; XI-II, 137; mir‘izz (goat hair) robes
only found in Egypt, XIII-IV, 114; mir'izzî
mabsüt (applied to khazz), IX, 70.
(goat-hair) stockings, XV-VI, 78; read
madfün. See madhün.
madhün. See harïr. for ,
X, 98. See Armani, mar‘azzä.
maftüla. See ‘imäma, s_harräbät. mar'azzä or mar'izzä (goat hair), X, 80, 87; of
maghzül (djiahab m., gold thread), XIII-IV, 104; robes, XI-II, no.
(harïr m.), XV-VI, 82. mardjïl (striped Yemen stuff), XI-II, 125.
marküm (inscribed), XIII-IV, 100. See fîrâsh. mikram (red wool cloth), X, 95. See mikrama.
martaba (divan), XIII-IV, in, 112. mikrama (Decke), XIII-IV, 83; (striped linen
Marvian (cloth, garments, stuffs), X, 74; XI-II, stuff = sitära), XIII-IV, 1 12; of Dabild, XIII-
107, in, 1 13 at Baghdad, IX, 81; named after

;
IV, 93; mikrama dibädj hamrâ’ manküs_ha (em-
a district in Iraq, XI-II, 1 15 imported to Africa
; broidered red cloth of brocade), XIII-IV, 93.
and Spain, XI-II, 1 1 3 rough Mervian homespun
;
milaff masbügh (dyed blanket), XV-VI, 40.
weave, XI-II, 109; Mervian (Marawi), a dis- milhaf or milhafa (pi. malähif, cover, coverlet,
cussion of the use of the term, XI-II, 114; Mer- mantle, blankets or quilts), IX, 81; X, 73; XV-
vian applied to Tustar stuffs, X, 74; silk inscrip- VI, 31, 32; Baghdad cloths for horses, in Spain,
tions on M. stuffs, XI-II, 1 13; “soft” applied to IX, 81.
Merv cloth, XI-II, 114; Mervian brocade, XI-II, mimmä ‘umil bi-Basinnä (written on Wäsit cur-
1 19; M. carpets (tinfisah), XI-II, 1 1 3 M. cot- ;
tains), X, 78.
ton, XI-II, 1 14; housse d’étoffe mervienne, XI- mindil. See Djannäbi, mandil.
II, 1 13; striped stuffs of Merv, XI-II, 118; M. minsadj (pi. manäsidj, loom), IX, 82; XIII-IV,
turbans, white, XI-II, 114; M. turban (‘imäma), 109; XV-VI, 64.
XI-II, 1 14; Merv weaves, XI-II, 131. See minsjiafa (towel), XIII-IV, 98.
Shähidjäni. mintak (girdle), XV-VI, 67.
masbügh. See milaff. mirdan (spindle), XV-VI, 63.
mashata (comb flax), XV-VI, 68. mirfäk (pi. maräfik, pillow), XI-II, 103; XV-VI,
masjifü'a. See mi’zar. 67. See Armani.
mashkük (fringed), XIII-IV, 92. See häsjnya. mir‘izz. See mar'azz.
maskül (light, applied to nasäfi), XIII-IV, 103. mirsjiaha (red saddle felt), XV-VI, 68.
ma‘sür (compressed, close-woven, for maksür), XIII- mish (pi. musüh, and perhaps amsäh, q.v.), discussed,
IV, 93; XV-VI, 47, 55. XI-II, 108; (cloth), XI-II,' 1 19; (Kurdish
matä‘ (base, material), X, 81; (cloth), XIII-IV, cloth), XI-II, 108; (striped robes), IX, 91 ;
77, 1 12; (a Daibuli stuff), XV-VI, 80; (stuff of trousers of, XI-II, 1 08.
Yemen), IX, 63. misjiaddât(women’s belts or pieces of stuff rolled
matmüm. See firäsji, tamim. round turban), X, 102.
mawsjtiya. See huila. miski (musk-colored, scented ) ,
XV-VI, 66.
mawzün (gold-embroidered, of linen), XIII-IV, 94. misnad (couch, cushion, pillow), IX, 62; X, 96;
Merv. See Marv. XIII-IV, 107, 1 12; XV-VI, 84.
mi'djar (silken veil), XIII-IV, hi; (veils), XV- Misri (a kind of wool), XIII-IV, 109; XI-II, 107.
VI, 33, 34,' (black veils), XV-VI, 78. miswar (cushion or leather pillow), X, 96 XIII-IV, ;
midra‘ (linen shirt), XI-II, 100, 102. 83, 1 12.

midrab (large tent), XIII-IV, 108, 1 1 3, 114. mithkâlï (iya) ( cloths weighing a mithkäl ?), X,
mighzal (distaff), XV-VI, 62. 80; XI-II, 137.
mihs_hä (pi. mahäs_hi, padded garments, stuffs), XV- mitraf (cloak, robe), IX, 69, 91 ; X, 75 XI-II, 102
; ;
VI, 31, 65. XIII-IV, 94; XV-VI, 32, 67, 78, 79; of khazz,
mik'ad, or mak'ad (pi. makä'id, cushion, pillow), X, IX, 69.
81, 95, 98; Tustari cushions, XV-VI, 76;
96, mitrah (pi. matärih, carpet), IX, 88; XI-II, 142;
Tustar seats (but probably better cushions), X, XV-VI, 76, 77.See Armani, tarräha.
72. See Armani. mizalla (pi. mazäll, ceremonial umbrella), XIII-IV,
mikhadda (pi. makhädd, cushions, pillows), X, 81; 99, 105; (— catr) ,
IX, 80.
XIII-IV, 83, 92, 1 12; XV-VI, 67, 76; gold- mi’zar (pi. ma’äzir, variously rendered, cloaks for
embroidered, XIII-IV, 92; Diâbrawânï m., XI- women, mantle, shirt, waist cloths, wrappings, but
II, 108; makhädd mudhahhaba (gold-embroidered probably pieces of cloth used for these purposes),
pillows), XV-VI, 76. See Armani, rüy-i-mikhadda. X, 102; XI-II, 100, 102; XIII-IV, 1 14; XV-VI,
rnikna“ (pi. makäni“, headcloth, veil), X, 76; XI-II, 53; ma’äzir mashfü'a (lined(?) mantles), XV-
105, 1 14, 1 16, 1 17; XV-VI, 78; makâni kazziyät
1
VI, 40.
( silken veils) XI-II, 105 of mulham, XI-II,
, ; molochinê, XIII-IV, 76.
129. See kunü‘. monachê, XIII-IV, 75.
mikrädi (cut, slashed, shorn ?), IX, 71. Moncayar, XV-VI, 59.
Mosolins (cloth of gold and silver), IX, 92. mukallala. See sutür.
mu'aiyab (read muaiyan), XV-VI, 34. mukassab (embroidered with gold), XIII-IV, 100;
mu'aiyan (stuff marked with circles, with patterns of XV-VI, 76; (embroidered with gold and silver
circles, with an eye pattern), XI-II, 134; XIII- thread), XIII-IV, 107.
IV, 1 1 3; XV-VI, 66, 67; (read for mu'attab), mukawwara (made with hollows (?), of tailasäns),
IX, 63 (read for mu'aiyab), XV-VI, 34; harir m,
;
XI-II, 1 3 1.
(silk embroidered with circles), XV-VI, 78; sutür mukhaiyal (with pictures of horses), XIII-IV, 113;
mu'aiyana mu'lama (curtains with round circles XV-VI, 76.
and badges), X, 81. mukhaiyarät (stuffs), XIII-IV, 107.
mu'allam (with borders, badges), XIII-IV, 98; mukhaiyata (of thiyäb, tailored garments), XIII-IV,
mu'allama (bordered with gold), XV-VI, 52. See 106.
mu'lam. mukharram (embroidered), XIII-IV, 1 12.
mubaiyid (bleacher), XIII-IV, 116. mukhattam (checked), XIII-IV, 113; XV-VI, 32,
mubattan (lined with gold), XIII-IV, 113; (lined 38, 40, 48, 49, 50, 61, 66, 78.
with fur), XV-VI, 73, 75. mukhattat (striped), IX, 81; XIII-IV, 76; XV-
mubattanät (linings), XV-VI, 78; of soft Kühï, VI, 66; of a kisä’, IX, hi. See burd, khatt.
VI-ÏI, 1 19. mukhawwam (unbleached material), XV-VI, 76.
mubram (pi. mabärim, twisted, silk, stuff, textile), See khäm.
X, 102; XI-II, 105, 1 18. mukhmal (variously rendered velvety material, velvet
mudabbab (embroidered with lizards ?), XIII-IV, pile, velvet texture), IX, 72; X, 92, 93; XIII-IV,
II3- 103, 1 13; manädil mukhmala (napkins with a vel-
mudabbadj (brocaded), IX, 86; (of a tailasän), X, vety surface), X, 82 thiyäb mukhmala (velvet gar-
;
72. ments), XV-VI,

See Dabïkï. 81.
mudalla' (striped), XIII-IV, 113. muktarih, XI-II, 142; XIII-IV, 103.
mudannar (ornamented with gold coins, a pattern ?), mulabbad (name of a silk), XV-VI, 38, 40.
XIII-IV, 1 13; XV-VI, 65. mu'lam (with a border), IX, 60, 67; XI-II, 104;
mudarrabät (cushions), of Rümï brocade, XV-VI, XV-VI, 76; (marked), IX, 76; (with borders of
84. gold), XV-VI, 57; durrä'a min al-maktü' al-
mudhahhab (embroidered, worked, woven with gold), Misrï mu'lama (tunic of Egyptian linen with a
X, 82; XI-II, 103, 124; XIII-IV, 100, hi, border), XIII-IV, 103; Egyptian (Misrï) turban
1 12; of was_hy, X, 80, 81; ghair m. (of wasjjy), with border (‘imäma mu‘lama), XIII-IV, 103;
X, 80. See Dabïkï, dasâtik, huila, ‘imäma, ‘isäba, sutür mu'lama (curtains with borders), X, 81;
kasab, mansüdj, mikhadda, nat‘, sutür, washy, sutür mu'aiyana mu'lama (curtains with round cir-
mudjallali (stuff ?), XV-VI, 76^ cles and badges), X, 81. See mu'allam, muthakkal.
mudjawwakha djäkhät (embroidered with bands), mulawwan (colored, of thiyäb), XIII-IV, 97. See
XI-II, 142; XIII-IV, 103. dïbâdj, sutür.
mufaiyal (with pictures of elephants), XIII-IV, mulham (stuff with a warp of and woof of some
silk
1 13; (read for mufattal), XV-VI, 76. other material), IX, 68, 72; X, 93; XI-II, 107,
mufallas (with circles like copper coins), XIII-IV, 1 13, 1 14, 1 15, 1 16, 138; XIII-IV, 92; XV-VI,
1 13; XV-VI, 66. 31, 67, 77, 78; (stuff with a double warp), XI-
mufassal (picked out with gold), XV-VI, 76. II, 1 16; yellow m., XV-VI, 78; of khazz-silk,
mufattal. See mufaiyal. XI-II, 1 13; mulham-silk, XI-II,

1 14 al-mulham ;
mufawwaf (with white stripes, applied to burd), al-tirâzï,IX, 70; makäni“ (veils) of m., XI-II,
XIII-IV, 79. 129; Mutawakkilï m., X, 71, 72; Nïs_hâpürï m.,
muhabbara (striped robes), XIII-IV, 108. See XI-II, 1 16; thiyäb mulhama, IX, 71.
hibra. mumardjal (red garments, cloth), XI-II, 125.
muhaiyal. See mukhaiyal. mumassar. See Kühï.
muhalhal al-nasadj (light, delicate weave), X, 84. mumazzadj (mingled with gold), IX, 71; XV-VI,
muharrar (silken, of libäs), XV-VI, 38, (silken 49. See mamzüdj, mumtazidj.
doth), XV-VI, 31. See harir-silk. mumtazidj (gold-embroidered), discussed, XV-VI,
muhasjisjjät (with borders, with a selvage), XI-II, 49. See mamzüdj, mumazzadj.
104; XV-VI, 78. munabbat (quilted), XIII-IV, 1 1 5.
munahnahät. See munakhnakhät. Mutawakkili, XIII-IV, 92; of Dabiki, IX, 72; of

munaiyar (stuff with a double warp, or woof, or mulham, IX, 71, 72.
weft, or striped stuff), IX, 68; X, 86, 88; XI-II, mutawwis (better mutawwas), XIII-IV, 1x3.
106, 142; of Rayy, XI-II, 106; XV-VI, 77. See muthakkal (rendered embroidered with gold, heavily
Armani. adorned with gold), X, 73, 80; XIII-IV, 94, 98;
munakhkhakh (pi. ät), XIII-IV, 75; XV-VI, 52. dïbâdj m., XV-VI, 76; mu'lam m. (borders em-
See nakhkh. broidered with gold), IX, 81; XIII-IV, 92;
munakkas_h (ornamented), X, 72. XV-VI, 76.
munakkat (spotted), XV-VI, 66. muthamman (octagonal patterned check), XV-VI,
munammar (striped spotted), XIII— IV, 76. 32; of sutür (curtains), X, 86.
munkhal (sieve cloth), X, muthla (warp ?), XV-VI, 64.
84.
murabba* (square, of checks), XV-VI, muwarrad (rose color), XV-VI, 79.
32.
muwashsjiä (cloth of watered silk), X, 97; (orna-
muradjdjal, XIII-IV, 85.
mented), XV-VI, 76. See huila,
murahhal, XIII-IV, 85.
muyassar (plain, of linen), XIII-IV, 94.
muraiyasjj (striped stuff), XIII-IV, 113; XV-VI,
muzaiyana (decorated), X, 72.
33, 76.
muzannad (tight, of clothing), XV-VI, 49.
musabba', XIII-IV, 113.
muzannara. See sharb.
musabbaghät (dyed stuffs), XIII-IV, 94, 96. (embroidered with gold), XI-II, 136;
muzarkasj)
musaiyar (cloth) XIII-IV, 77. See siyarä’ ?
,
muzarkasha bi-dhahab, XI-II, 103, 137, 142. See
musallä (pi. musallayät, prayer carpet), IX, 62; X, taräkisjj.
81; XI-II, 1 19, 121, 124, 125, 127; XV-VI, 32,
67 Basti m., XV-VI, 36 m. of süsanjjird, X,
; ; 82. nac (= nakhkh, q.v.), IX, 84.
musallä-namäz (prayer mats), X, 102, 103. Nachidut (Ar. nasïdj), IX, 83.
musandjab (squirrel-furred material), XIII-IV, 97. nadjdjäd (upholsterer), IX, 73.
musattah (flat-roofed tent), XIII-IV, 1 13. Nafti (a stuff), XV-VI, 48, 61.
musha'ara (furred suède ?), XV-VI, 78, 79.
?, naiy (raw, of silk), XV-VI, 67.
musjhabrak (loose-woven, applied to Säbiri), IX, 85. nakhkh (pi. nakhäkh, nikhäkh, ankhäkh, carpet
musjiahhir (maker of border of robes), IX, 73. strips), IX, 75, 83, 84; X, 78, 81, 95, 96; XI-II,
mushamma' (waxed), XV-VI, 82; of silk, XV-VI, 1 16, 1 19; XIII-IV, 1 12; XV-VI, 32, 37, 76;
37- senses of, in Persian, XIII-IV, 75 read nakhkh
; for
mushtï, X, 86; XI-II, 1 1 6. Kh n dj ( ?), XV-VI, 32. See Nakhut.
musmat (cloth of a single color), XIII-IV, 81 ; XV- Nakhut (— Ar, nakhkh), IX, 83.
VI, 31 ;
discussed, XV-VI, 66; al-harir al-musmata naksh (pi. nuküsh, embroidery), XIII-IV, 100; in
XI-II, 141 thiyäb
(silken garments of one color), ;
color, XIII-IV, 103; (tiräz designs), X, 74; (de-
musmata, XI-II, 138; Widhârï garments of one signs), XV-VI, 65.
color, XI-II, 25. See tiräzi. namad XV-VI, 37; (pi. anmäd,
(saddlecloths),
mutabbak (folded, shrunk, of a tailasän), XI-II, XI-II, 102; (in sense of felt), see kuläh.
felts),
106. namad-zin (saddlecloths), XI-II, 127; XIII-IV,

mutaiyar, XIII-IV, 113. 96, 1 15.
perhaps to be read for mutakhaiyar, XIII-IV,

namat (pi. anmät, carpet, mat, sur-carpet), IX, 86;
X, 74, 78, 86, 94, 96; XI-II, 138; XIII-IV, 108,
108.
1 14; XV-VI, 33, 37; (felts), X, 92; anmät muh-
mutakhaiyar (chosen ?, cloth), XIII-IV, 108. See
kama (perfectly woven carpets), X, 85; Tabari
above.
anmät, IX, 75 anmät of Dabiki, IX, 75.
;
mutarraz (embroidered), IX, 76; in white, XIII- naques, XV-VI, 83.

IV, 1 12; with a white inscription; XIII-IV, 106; narmah (= narmak), XI-II, 104.
in gold; XV-VI, 50; with a tiräz border, XIII- narmak. See narmah.
IV, 98 Dabiki m., XIII-IV, 92 libs mutarraz
; ; Narsi stuffs, IX, 86.
(embroidered garment), XV-VI, 29. nasadj (weaving), X, 77; (weave), XV-VI, 66;
mutarriz (embroiderer), IX, 73; XI-II, 105; XV- (woven stuff), X, 99; XI-II, 102; (tissue), XV-
VI, 36, 65. VI, 65. See muhalhal.
Nasäfi (white silk stuff), IX, 84; XI-II, 136; rakaba (covering for Sultan’s horse), IX, 80.
XIII-IV, 103; XV-VI, 48; described, XV- rakama (write on silk), IX, 61.
VI, 66. rakamät (embroideries), XIII-IV, 99.
nasdj (weave), XIII-IV, 79. räkhtandj, XI-II, 1 1 5, 1 16 XV-VI, 76. ;
nasibi (a kind of wasjiy stuff), IX, 70. rakkäm (gold embroiderer, ornament stitcher),
nasich, XV-VI, 83. XIII-IV, 104; XV-VI, 36, 65; name of, XIII-
nasidj (woven stuff), IX, 71, 83, 84; Balansi n. IV, 106.
(woven stuff), XV-VI, 39. See also Nachidut. rakm (embroidery, striped silk), IX, 61; X, 92;
nat‘ (pi. antä‘, carpets), IX, 86; XV-VI, 41, 76; XV-VI, 36, 65. See khazz-ralçm, Kurkübï, mar-
antâ‘ mudhahhaba (gold-embroidered carpets), küm, ruküm.
XV-VI, 41. See index No. x for sense of nat‘ rakm-i-nusakh (writing of inscriptions on garments),
as leather. X, 99.
nawl (loom), XV-VI, 33. rang. See ibrisjhum.
ni‘äl (shoes, Zandji), XV-VI, 78. Rashidi (a stuff), name explained, X, 93; cloaks, X,
nil (indigo), XI-II, 134, 135, 139; XIII-IV, 80, 93 ;
XV-VI, 67, 78 ;
izâr, X, 93.
84, 1 14, 1 15, 1 17; manufacture of, XI-II, 143; rasm, inscription, XV-VI, 32, 36; border, XV-VI,
tax on, XIII-IV, 1 17. 64.
nila (indigo), XIII-IV, 117. ridä’ (pi. ardiya, cloaks, mantles, IX 67;
robes),
nitäk (belt), XV-VI, 49. X, 76; XIII-IV, 80, 81, 91, III ;
XV-VI, 40, 45,
. See 66, 67, 76, 77, 78; colored cloaks, XIII-IV, 95;
nukta (dots, on cloth), XV-VI, 32. Egyptian mantles, XV-VI, 77 ;
Rasjudi cloaks,
numruk (pi. namärik, cushions), X, 92; XV-VI, 76; XV-VI, 67; makfüfa bi-’l-harir (bordered with
n. harir (silk saddle cushion), XI-II, 98; (car- silk), XIII-IV, 77 See Tabari, -
pets), IX, 86.

rismân (thread), cost of, XI-II, 116.
nusakh (inscriptions on cloth), see rakm-i-nusakh. rubä‘1 (cloth measure ?), XV-VI, 55.
rüdïna (madder), X, 98, 103.
paibäf. See baibäf. ruküm (ornamented embroideries, inscriptions ?),
palas-rugs, X, 103; XI-II, 126. XIII-IV, 93. See rakm.
palas (woolen garments worn by the poor), XI-II, Rümï (Byzantine or Greek), brocade, IX, 72, 74,
1 18. 75, 76; X, 93, 103; XI-II, 141; XIII-IV, 83,
pamba, IX, 81. See panba. 1 1 5; linen (kattän), X, 94, XI-II, 137; stuffs,
panba (cotton), XI-II, 117. See pamba. X, 91, 98 linen after Sicilian manufacture, X, 98;
;
parda (curtains), X, 72; XI-II, 124; applied to satin, XIII-IV, 103. See Khusrawânï, kisä’, mi-
the Kaaba covering, X, 77. See ibrasjiim, XI-II, krädi, sundus.

102. rünäs (madder), X, IOO.
parniyän (silk), XI-II, 103; Chinese silk, X, 75. Rüsï,XIII-IV, 84.
pasjimin (woolen cloth), XI-II, 105; carpets (bisät) Rüyäni stuffs, IX, 64; XI-II, 98, 99, 103.
of, XI-II, 126. rüy-i-mikhadda (covers for cushions), XI-II, 129.
päy-täba (puttees), XI-II, 126. rüy-i-namad-zïn (covers for saddlecloths), XI-II,
*5», XIII-IV, 83. 127.
Qassiah. See Kassi. Sabani. See below.

Qeissiah. See Kassi. sabaniya (pi. ät, pieces of stuff for handkerchiefs or
wrappers), X, 95, 98; XI-II, 135; XIII-
veils,
radjih (heavy, weighted ?), XIII-IV, 1 13. IV, 102 black Sabani veils, X, 95.
;
raffä’ (mender, repairer), IX, 73; XIII-IV, 104; sabbägh (dyer), XIII-IV, 116; Där al-Sabbäghin
XV-VI, 36, 65. (House of the Dyers), IX, 68; XI-II, 143; XV-
rafraf (festoons), XI-II, 13 1 ;
(walls of tent), VI, 70.
XIII-IV, 1 13. Sâbirï, IX, 85, 86; XIII-IV, 79, 101 defined, XI- ;
Rahäwi (Edessan, of shoes), XV-VI, 79. II, 1 16; linen, X, 84; shirts or breast plates (dir‘),
rait (Iraqi stuff), XIII-IV, 114; (Syrian stuff), XV-VI, 77; Sâbirï ( = Säbüri) cloth, X, 88;
XV-VI, 77. Säbüriya stuffs, X, 87.
;;
Säbüri. See Sâbirï. sharâbï (stuffs), X, 86.

sadä (warp), X, 72, 88, 93; XV-VI, 65. sharâbïya (type of linen garment), X, 86; XI-II,
sädhidj (plain, sometimes in the sense of without 102.
gold), IX, 75; XI-II, 104; XIII-IV, 94, 112, sjtarb (linen stuff), XI-II, 131; XIII-IV, 93, 94,
1 13; XV-VI, 66. 96, 97. 98, 99, 100, 101, 103; XV-VI, 37, 45, 78;
Sa'di (of washy), XV-VI, 78. stamp on, XIII-IV, 105 ; turbans of dyed sh.,
sadjdjäda (of Tabari), XI-II, 103. XIII-IV, 98; al-kasab al-sharb, XV-VI, 78;
Safan (red robes of), XIII-IV, 1x4. shurüb muzannara (linens with decorated bands),
safsârï, XV-VI, 48, 49. XV-VI, 78; read for sjiarf, XV-VI, 45. See
sagmatogênê, XIII-IV, 76. Büni, Dabiki, shurüb.
sahhäbi (cloud-blue), XV-VI, 71. sjia'rbäf (cherbafe, ouvrier), XI-II, 109.
Sa'idi (cloth, garments), XI-II, 107, 1 1 6 XIII-IV,
;
sharf. See sharb.
77, 80; XV-VI, 77 perhaps read for ‘Abidi,
;
XV- sjia'ri (goat-wool cloth), XIII-IV, 113.
VI, 52. sharräbät (al-ibrïsm al-maftûla, twisted sh. cloths of
sä’igh (molder), XV-VI, 50. silk), XV-VI, 71.
sakala (iron or glaze), XV-VI, 64. shäsji (turban), XI-II, 142; XIII-IV, 103, 105.
sakb (a Kufan stuff, or soft cloth), IX, 85 ;
X, 76. s_häs_hät (muslins), XIII-IV, 103.
sakrawi, XIII-IV, 81. Shäsjiiyin. See khämät.

Salähi (stuff), XI-II, 137- Shatawi (cloth, garments), IX, 68; X, 82, 83;
sälü (red and black cloth), XI-II, 137- XIII-IV, 93, 94, 95, 98.
samâ’ï. See sibgh. shikka (pi. shikak, piece), IX, 70; XI-II, 142
Samarkandi (garments), XI-II, 125. XIII-IV, 83, 109, iix; XV-VI, 29, 32, 33, 44,
samât, XV-VI, 76. 45 >' sh* Sikiliya, XV-VI, 55. See Dabiki.
samäwi. See lawn, Shinizi (garments, stuffs), X, 81; XV-VI, 76. See
samêt, XV-VI, 76. Sinizi.
sammür (sable fur or skins), IX, 70; XI-II, 129; s_hirin-bäf (stuff), XI-II, 137.
XV-VI, 32, 37, 60, 73, 74, 75, 85. Shu'aibi (stuff), X, 93; (garments), XI-II, 114;
sarak (white silk), X, 75. (tunics), XV-VI, 32.
Sarakusti (name of stuff), XV-VI, 60. shukairi. See Dabiki.
saräwil (pi. ät, pantaloons, trousers), IX, 67, 69; shurüb (probably pi. of sjiarb), XIII-IV, 80, 82.
X, 92; XI-II, 105; XIII-IV, 79, 89; of Dabiki, shustaka (pi. ät & shasätik, garments, napkins), XI-
XI-II, 115. II, 100; discussed, XV-VI, 76. See below,
sard] (saddle, inscribed in black), XIII-IV, 115. shustaka, XI-II, 100. See above.
Sarmini, XI-II, 141. Shüstar (kälä-i-, Sh. stuffs), X, 75. See kärgäh,
satini (satin), X, 82. tiräz.
sawwäf (pi. suwwäf, workers in wool), X, 86; XI- sibgh (dye), IX, 71; X, 89, 94 i XV-VI, 65, 69;
II, 126. tax on, XIII-IV, 105; s. samä’i (pastel), XV-
s_hädurvän (large carpets, tapestry), XI-II, 121. VI, 40.
Shähidjäni (Mervian stuffs), IX, 68; XI-II, 114, Sikandari (Alexandrine stuff), XIII-IV, 103.
116; turbans of haffi Sh., XI-II, 1 1 6. siklätün (rendered scarlet in earlier sections, but it
shäliyät, XV-VI, 81. is a term which can apply to cloth not of this
X, 72, 98; XI-II, 1 1 7.
s_halvärband (trouser cords), color), IX, 74, 76, 77, 82; XI-II, 102, 108, 1 16
Sha’mi (Damascus or Syrian stuff), XIII-IV, 105. XIII-IV, 97; XV-VI, 29, 33, 34, 66, 7 7 i Alex-
shämla (striped blanket, carpet), XIII-IV, 75; andrine, XIII-IV, hi; references to earlier
(= burda), XIII-IV, 76. sources, XV-VI, 82.
Shamsi (sun-cloth ?), XI-II, 137. silk (dakik al-silk, fine thread), XIII-IV, 92.
sjiänbäf (a stuff), XI-II, 137. sim-kas_hida. See kuläh.
sjia'r (goat hair), IX, 72; X, 80; XV-VI, 55; goat- simkün (thiyäb s., silver-colored garments), XI-II,
hair garments (thiyäb), XI-II, 1 16; tax on, 125.
XIII-IV, 105; weavers of, X, 81. sindjäb (squirrel fur), IX, 70; XI-II, 120, 142;
sharäb (linen cloth), XI-II, 104; XIII-IV, 98. See XIII-IV, 103; XV-VI, 73, 74*
dastär. Sinisi. See Sinizi.
3° 2 SERJEANT INDICES
Sïnizï (cloth, stuffs), X, 84, 85, 90; XI-II, 125; (aksiya), XI-II, 99, 100; white T. robe (kisä’),
green S., XV-VI, 79 ;
manufacture of, X, 85. XI-II, 99; T. goat-hair robes (mar'azzä), X, 80;
sitära (hangings, veils), XIII-IV, 108. See mikrama. T. carpets (anmät), IX, 75; T. factory (ma'mal
sitr, cited in pi., sutür, q.v. al-Tabari), XIII-IV, 105; T. cloaks (ardiya),
siyarä’ (cloth), XIII-IV, 77. See musaiyar. XI-II, 100; XV-VI, 78; T
prayer carpets (sadj-
s m kin, XV-VI, 61. djäda), XI-II, 103. See Isbahbudhi.
subä‘i (explained), XIII-IV, 83. Tabaristânï (cloth), X, 89.
süf (wool), IX, 72, 92; X, 91, 94, 98; XI-II, 104, Tabas-silk, XI-II, 120.
121, 124, 144; XV-VI, 37, 48; (camlet), XI-II, tadäris (borders), XV-VI, 65.
144; Kubrusï wool, XI-II, 144; süf al-Misr täjj (turban), XV-VI, 50.
(Egyptian wool), XIII-IV, 91; süf-i-sittata tadridj (s_hadid al-t., deep red dye), X, 93.
‘ashari, XI-II, 144. See djubba, sunna' al-süf. tafäsil (garments), XIII-IV, 103.
süf al-bahr (sea wool), XV-VI, 33, 60. tafsil (cutting-out), XV-VI, 64; (tailoring), XV-
süf al-samak (fish wool), XV-VI, 49. VI, 65. See below.
Suhülîya (stuff), XIII-IV, 80. tafsïl-hâ bä ‘alam (pieces of cloth with borders),
Sukutrawiya, XIII-IV, 87. XV-VI, 55. See above.
Suïülï (of tailasäns), XV-VI, 78. Tahirid (cloth), XI-II, 115; XV-VI, 77.
sundus (brocade), X, 76; XV-VI, 81; (green bro- tailasän (head scarf, hood, mantle), IX, 69, 70; XI-
cade), X, 87; XIII-IV, in, 1 12, 1 13; sundus II, 98, 99, 102, 103, 104, no, 116, 131 ;
XV-VI,
textiles of green silk, X, 94; Rümï s. brocade, X, 45, 49, 78 ; XI-II, 106; woolen t., X, 98
white t., ;
94- XI-II, 106; Egyptian (Misri) t., XI-II, 99. See

(
sunnä' (makers of khazz-silk), X, 86; (al-süf, work- mudabbadj, mukawwara, mutabbak.
ers in wool), XI-II, 120. täkhtandj (twisted material, twisted silk), XI-II,
surädik (pi. at, pavilion, tent), IX, 91; XIII-IV, 115, 116; XV-VI, 76, 78; (linings of), XI-II,
79; XV-VI, 32. 115.
süsandjird or suzandjird, IX, 62; X, 72, 76, 80, 81, takläwät, XI-II, 137.
82, 89; XV-VI, 67, 76; carpets of, IX, 62; prayer Talâ (name of a kind of linen),
X, 103.
carpets of, X, 82. tamim (brocade), IX, 71; (gold brocade), XIII-
Süsi (pi. Sawäsi, cloth), XIII-IV, 83; XV-VI, 48; IV, 112; of Dabiki, XIII-IV, 113. See matmüm.
green Süsi garments, X, 75 ;
Süsi turbans, IX, 85 ;
Tänashi (stuff), XV-VI, 80.
X, 93- tang-i-asp (saddle girths), XI-II, 118.
sutür (sing, sitr, curtains), IX, 66, 88, 89, 91, 92; tärah (dü-tärah-yi-kar-i-bärgah-i, two-warp manufac-
X, 77, 81, 85, 86, 89, 93, 94, 96, 100; XI-II, 105, ture of the court), XI-II, 137.
107; (hangings), 124; XIII-IV, 107, 109, 112, taräkisji muzarkasjia (gold-embroidered quivers),
1 14; XV-VI, 67; length of, XIII-IV, 108; XI-II, 137.
Chinese s., XV-VI, 77; s. of Dabiki, XI-II, 103; taraz (to embroider), XV-VI, 47.
sutür Dabiki mulawwana (colored D. awnings), tardwahsji (stuff embroidered with scenes of the
XIII-IV, no; of Nisibin, IX, 92; ibrismi silk chase), IX, 64, 75, 84; XIII-IV, 103, 107, 142.
curtains, X, 86; sutür mudhahhaba muhkama al- tarha (hood), XI-II, 142; XIII-IV, 103.
sanä'a (curtains embroidered in gold of perfect tarika (stripe), XV-VI, 66.
workmanship), XV-VI, 53; sutür mukallala (cur- tarrâha Kubrusiya (square carpet of Cyprus), XI-II,
tains ornamented with precious stones), XV-VI, 143; XV-VI, 76.
33, 34. See mu'aiyana, mu'lama. tarraz (to stamp), IX, 65; (embroider), XI-II,
suzandjird. See süsandjird. 105; XV-VI, 53, 56; (work a border), XV-VI,
64.
tabakha (prepare dye), X, 96; (prepare flax), XV- tasjirif(present), IX, 75; (robe of honor), IX, 77.
VI, 68. Tatar! (Tatar robes), XI-II, 137.
Tabari (cloth, stuffs), X, 89; XI-II, 98, 99, 103, tatriz (embroidery, tiräz-borders) XV-VI, 36. ,
124; (carpets), XI-II, 98, 99, 103; (manufac- tavizi. See Tawwazi.
ture),X, 89; XI-II, 103 T. rugs (fars_h) XI-II,
; ,
tawila (long hat), IX, 67.
103; T. carpets (fursjj), IX, 63; X, 91; XI-II, tawk (neck of a garment), XV-VI, 64, 65.
100; T. mats (hasir), XI-II, 103; T. robes tawsjii' (markings), XV-VI, 76.
,
Tawwazï (cloth, garments, textiles), IX, 68; X, 81, t. border on a barrakän, IX, 88 ;
yellow t. of Kaaba
83, 84; XV-VI, 77. cover, XV-VI, 79; tiräz-bands, XV-VI, 37; tiräz
IX, 88 XI-II, hi, 113,
X, 71, 79, 80, 88
(jfj J» read for I
J XV-VI, 67. cities, ; ;
khuzüz), X, 75. 114; XV-VI, 37, 46; of Fars, X, 82; tiräz designs
thakila ( heavy, applied to silks,
of gold and silver (nuküsh), X, 74; där al-tiräz
thaîab (fox furs), XI-II, 129; XV-VI, 73, 75-
(pi. dür al-tiräz, tiräz factory), IX, 61, 67, 69,
thaläthiniya. See lubüd.
75; XI-II, 136, 142; XIII-IV, 100, 101, 104;
thiyäb al-Khiläfa, IX, 68.
expenses of,XIII-IV, no; turuz li-’l-khäss wa
al-thiyäb al-mulükîya, IX, 60.
li’l-‘ämma (private and public t. factories), XIII-
tikän. See kisâ’.
IV, 97; tiräz factories, IX, 58, 59; X, 71, 73, 75,
tikka (trouser bands or cords), IX, 88, 89, 90,’ X,
76, 80, 81, 84, 85, 86, 88, 90, 93, 99; XI-II, 106,
91, 94; XI-II, 1 17; XV-VI, 67, 77, 78;
93, no, in, 115, 1 16, 132, 134, 138, 141; XIII-IV,
manufacture of Tib introduced into Tüs, XI-II, 106,
81, 89, 91, 94> 98, 99, 100, 103, 104, 105,
1 17. See Armani. no, in, XV-VI,
107, 108, 109, 1 14 ; 29, 32, 34,
Tilimsânï (a kind of cloth), XV-VI, 48, 50* 35, 36, 44, 45, 46, 47, 49, 50, 51, 56, 61; of
tinfisa (pi. tanäfis, carpet), IX, 88, 89 X, 94; XIII-
; Ahmed al-Räsibi, X, 73 ; Egyptian t. factories, X,
IV, 85; XV-VI, 69; t Khalifiya, IX, 74; Khar- 93 ;
governors control, X, 73 public t. factories, ;
sjiäni carpet, XI-II, 127; XV-VI, 76. See XIII-IV, 108 merchants own, X, 85 names of,
; ;
Marvian. on cotton and wool, XIII-IV, 108; secretary for,

Tinnisi (cloth), XIII-IV, 100; XV-VI, 76. IX, 62; of Sultan, XI-II, 1 3 1 al-Mu‘allä b. ;
tiräz, IX, 54, 57, 60, 80, 86, 88; X, 82; XI-II, 115, Tarif governor of, in Khurasan, XI-II, in, 113;
1 16, 121; XIII-IV, 82, 91; XV-VI, 29, 31, 33, tiräz-inscription, IX, 61 X, 76 XI-II, 136 ; ; ;
35, 41; applied to a dyehouse, XI-II, 143; XIII-IV, no, 114; XV-VI, 51, 67; placed be-
Buwaihid (or Büya) t., IX, 75, 77; Delhi t., tween shoulders, XI-II, 137 hädjib (chambel- ;
number of silk manufacturers at (kazzäz), XI-II, lan), name of, on, IX, 77 wazir, name of, on, ;
136; t. of India, XI-II, 136-7; t. of Khurasan, IX, 77 tiräz-system, X, 77 XI-II, in; XV-VL
; ;
XI-II, 13; expenditure on in Ma’mün’s reign,

1 29, 31, 46; of ‘Abbäsids, XI-II, 136; of Mame-
XIII-IV, 104; expenditure on in al-Ämir’s reign, lukes, IX, 80; XIII-IV, 104; regulations for,
XIII-IV, 105; expenditure on in al-Afdal’s reign, XIII-IV, 96; dikk al-turuz (brocade or linen ?),
XIII-IV, 104; tiräz of Mu'izz al-Dawla, X, 73, IX, 65. See mutarraz, taraz, tarraz, tatriz,
76; farming of t., IX, 74; chief of t., XIII-IV, tiräzi.
105 t. industry, XI-II, 123 Persian origin of, X,

; ;
tiräzi (of cloth, stuffs, textiles), IX, 78, 86; XV-
61 organization of, XIII-IV, 104; salaries of offi-
; VI, 37, 46, 47; (arm bands), XV-VI, 66; silk,
cials of, XIII-IV, 105 tiräz-stamp, XIII-IV, 94;
; XV-VI, 33, 36, 60; robe, XI-II, 98, white t.
Sultans arrogate use of t. to themselves, X, 82 ; robes (aksiya), XI-II, 106 al-kasab al-khäss al- ;
khäss (royal) t., XIII-IV, 108; sähib (manager tiräzi (royal t. gold-spangled linen), IX, 70;
of factories),' IX, 61; XIII-IV,' 105; XV-VI,
t'.’ musmata tiräzi (stuff of one color), XV-VI, 78;
32 sähib (representative of tiräz ?), X, 73 houses
; ; thawb tiräzi, XI-II, 115. See mulham.
of tiräz (pi. atriza), XV-VI, 51; tiräz (em- (J
1
to be read as ,
XIII-IV, 1 n.
broideries), XIII-IV, 103; t. (embroidered stuff),
T rkuwä, XV-VI, 83.
XIII-IV, 100; tiräz-embroidered stuffs, XIII-IV,
for O hjli, XI-II, 137.
xo8; t. bearing textiles, XIII-IV, 86; tiräz-i-
Tümisï. See Kümisi.
Shüstar (embroidered cloth), X, 75; tiräz-stuffs,
Türakï stuffs, XV-VI, 45-
XV-VI, 33, 35; bait al-tiräz (t. factory), XI-II,
121; tiräz border, X, 84, 93; XI—II, 105, 115,
Turkumäniya. See bisät.
141, 142; XIII-IV, 92, 93, 94, 98, 103; Tustari (cloth), IX, 83 X, 71, 73, 86; XI-II, no,
;
137,
XV-VI, 46, 48, 67, 80; golden t. borders, XI-II, 138; XIII-IV, 113; worn by moneyed classes, X,
141 t. embroidered borders, XIII-IV, 100; t.
;
71 brocade shirt of Tustar, X, 75 lily compared
; ;
border of gold, XIII-IV, hi; t. border of gold to Tustar stuffs, X, 75 special products of Tustar,
;
and silver, XIII-IV, 112; tiräz-inscribed border, X, 74. See Kurkübi, Shüstar, tiräz.
XIII-IV, 82; broad t. border of Tustar, X, 74; Tüzï. See Tawwazï.
‘ummäl al-harïr (silk manufacturers), XIII-IV, 102. yagânagï. See yakänaki.

‘urda (a length of cloth), XIII-IV, 85. yakànaki (or yagânagï cloth), IX, 81.
urdjuwän (purple-red), XV-VI, 51. yak-rang. See ibrïsjrum.
‘usfur (yellow dye), X, 86; XV-VI, 48. yâmür fur, XV-VI, 74.
‘utb (cotton), XIII-IV, 86. yarmak, XI-II, 104, 106.
Yasdi, X, 87.
vikäya. See wikäya. Yazdi X, 87, 90; XI-II, 121, 139.
cloth,
yüe-no (white cloth), IX, 83.
wabar (fur), XI-II, 121 ;
XV-VI, 74, 75; (down),
XV-VI, 60; (hyrax), XV-VI, 74; (skins), XV- Zabïdï stuffs, XIII-IV, 85.
VI, 83. za'fürï (silk textile), XI-II, 105.
wabar al-samak down), XV-VI, See Zahri (applied to milhaf-mantles), XV-VI, 32.
(fish 49, 61.
süf al-samak. zanbaft (garments of women’s weaving ?), XI-II,
117. See zarbaft.
wars (yellow dye), XIII-IV, 80, 82; XV-VI, 70;
Zandadjï cloths, X, 77.
defined, XIII-IV, 85.
zandandjï (garments), XI-II, 124.
was_hi, better transliterated wasjty (figured stuffs),
zandanidji, XI-II, 123, 124.
IX, 85, 86, 89, 91 X, 80, 81, 86; XI-II,
;
zandapïcï, XI-II, 124.
108, 1 19; XIII-IV, 76, 77, 79, 80, 81, 82, 85,
zarâ’ifï (stuff), XI-II, 116.
93, 101 XV-VI, 34, 39, 52, 76, 77, 78, 79;
;
zaräkisha (makers of embroideries), XI-II, 136.
Alexandrine, XIII-IV, 79, 101 Djurdjäni, XIII- ;
See zarkas_h.
IV, 105; Kufan, XIII-IV, 79, 101 al-wasju al- ;
zarbaft (gold brocades), X, 99; Dailamx gilims of,
Yamânï, IX, 70; XIII-IV, 79; Yemenite, IX, 67; XI-II, 103; (gold thread), XI-II, 103; djäma-
(embroideries), X, 72; al-wasjii al-ghazli (spun hä-yi-zarbaft (gold-embroidered robes), XI-II,
figured stuff), XIII-IV, 79; mudhahhab (gold- 136; read zarbaft for zanbaft, XI-II, 1 1 7. See
figured silks), XV-VI, 38. See nasibi. zerbaft.
was_hk (marten fur), XI-II, 139; XV-VI, 74. zarbiya (carpet), X, 91.
wasïda (pi. wasä’id, cushions, pillows), IX, 62, 86; zardüz (embroidery), XV-VI, 77.
X, 95, 96, 98 ;
XIII-IV, 107 ;
XV-VI, 67 ;
colors zardüz (sewers with gold thread), X, 99.
of a wasida pillow, X, 82. zarkash (gold embroidery), IX, 61; XI-II, 137,
wasila (pi. wasä’il, striped Yemen cloth), IX, 86; 142; XIII-IV, 103.
discussed, XIII-IV, 86.
zarkas_ha (to embroider), XV-VI, 64.
zerbaft (gold and silver stuffs), XI-II, 109.
wasma (blue dye), XV-VI, 70.
zihära (tunics), Shu'aibi, XV-VI, 32.
watä’ (pi. awtiya, covers, coverlets), XV-VI, 39;
zïlü (rugs, carpets), X, 80, 85, 103; XI-II, 1 20,
Djindjäli, XV-VI, 39. See witä’.
134; zïlü rugs of Diahram XI-II, 134; zïlü
kind,
Widhârï. See musmat.
carpets (kâlï), X, 98; rendered as blankets, X, 85.
wikäya (belts), of Djurdjän type made in Balkh, Zuhairï (Kïrâtï), XV-VI, 76.
XI-II, 1 18; (headdress, headcloth), X, 88; XIII- zuhür (silk cloth), XIII-IV, 107.
IV, 95; (band to hold hair in place), XV-VI, 67 ;
zullïya (pi. zalâlï, carpets, large carpets, mats, rugs),
vikäya (long veils), XI-II, 105. X, 81, 94, 97; XI-II, 108, 109; XV-VI, 37, 76,
wishäh (belt), XV-VI, 67. 77. See Khusrawânï.
al-witä’ al-Bastï (Basta carpet), XV-VI, 36. See zunnär (band, belt), IX, 72; XIII-IV, 92 XV-VI, ;
watä’. 67, 79! zunnär al-wikäya (band to tie up hair),

1
Wizäriya, wrong reading for Widhârïya, XI-II, 123. XV-VI, 67. See muzannar.
w r gh näl (an unknown stuff), XV-VI, 64. zurbiya (carpet), XV-VI, 76.
I
SERJEANT INDICES 30S
LIST OF MAPS
V olume IX
1. Baghdad, showing the Round City, p. 79
2. Jazira and Iraq, p. 87
Volume X
1. Fars, p. 78
2. Jazira, Armenia, Arrän, Azerbaijan, Sc Shirvan, p. 92
Volume XI -I
X. Tabaristän, Kümis, Djurdjän, Sc Djibäl, p. 101
2. Khurasan Sc Kuhistan, p. 112
3. Transoxiana, p. 122
4. Khoresm (Khwârizm), p. 128
5. Kerman & Seistan, p. 133
6. Syria, p. 140
Volume XII 1-1 V

1. Yemen, p. 78
2. Egypt, with the Sinai peninsula, p. 90
3. The Delta of the Nile, p. 102
Volume XV-XVI
1. Muslim textile centers in Spain, p. 30
2. Muslim textile centers in North Africa & Sicily, p. 42
3. Textile centers in Asia Minor during the Mongol period, p. 58
INDEX TO ARS ISLAMICA, VOLUMES I-XVI (1934-1950)
AUTHOR INDEX
Abbott, Nabia Angulo, Diego
“Arabic Paleography,” in A Survey of Persian The Mudéjar Style in Mexican Architecture,
Art , VIII, 65. II, Pt. 2, 225.
Arabic-Persian Koran of the Late Fifteenth or
Arne, T. J.
Early Sixteenth Century A.D., VI, Pt. i, 91.
Arabic-Persian Wooden Manuscript
Kur’ânic
Funde von Gussformen für kufische Münzen und
Medaillen, IV, 461.
from the Royal Library of Shah Husain Safawi
I, 1105-35 H., V, Pt. i, 89. Ashton, Leigh
The Kasr Kharäna Inscription of 92 H. (710 Literature on Islamic Art Published in England
A.D.), a New Reading, XI-XII, 190. During the War, 1939-1945, XIII-XIV, 161.
Aga-Oglu, Mehmet Bader, O. N.

Articles: A Sasanian Vessel from Kungur, XV-XVI, 139.
About One of the “Two Questions in Moslem
Balbâs, Leopoldo Torres (See Torres)
Art,” III, Pt. i, xx6.
Bibliographia, I933~34, I, Pt. 2, 239. Bernheimer, Richard
Fragments of a Thirteenth Century Mihräb at A Sasanian Monument in Merovingian France,
Nedjef, II, Pt. i, 128. V, Pt. 2, 221.
The Khusrau wa Shïrïn Manuscript in the Freer
Gallery, IV, 479.
Berry,Burton Y.
The Landscape Miniaturesan Anthologyof
The Development of the Bracket Support in
Manuscript of the Year 1398 A.D., III, Pt. 1, Turkish Domestic Architecture, V, Pt. 2, 272.
Turkish Door Furnishings, I, Pt. 2, 223.
77 -
Memorandum on the “Corpus of Islamic Metal- Bittinger, R. T.

work,” XV-XVI, 133- Review :
Preliminary Notes on Some Persian Illustrated
Glass from Iran National Museum,
Mss. in the Topkapu Sarayi Müzesi Part I, — holm, by Carl Johan
in the
Lamm,
Stock-
III, Pt. 2, 216.
I, Pt. 2, 183.
A Study of the Holy Shrines at Nedjef and Born, Wolfgang
Kerbelä, II, Pt. 1, 135. A Lacquer-Painted Canteen, XV-XVI, 137.
Ivory Powder Flasks from the Mughal Period,
Reviews :
!X, 93-
Das Islamische Milet, by Karl Wulzinger, Paul
Small Objects of Semiprecious Stone from the
Wittek, and Friedrich Sarre, II, Pt. 2, 244.
Mughal Period, VII, Pt. 1, 101.
Fantastic Fauna. Decorative Animals in Moslem
Art, by Cleves Stead, II, Pt. 2, 249. Brian, Doris
Zum 22. Juni 1935»
Friedrich Sarre, Schriften. A Reconstruction of the Miniature Cycle in the
by J. Heinrich Schmidt, III, Pt. 2, 217. Demotte Shah Narnah, VI, Pt. 2, 97.
Iranskiye Miniaturi v Rukopisiyakh Shah-Nâme
Briggs, Amy
Leningradskikh Sobraniy, by L. T. Giusalian
Timurid Carpets. I. Geometric Carpets, VII,
and M. M. Diakonov, III, Pt. 2, 214.
Pt. i, 20; II. Arabesque and Flower Carpets,
Orientalische' Steinbucher und persische Fay-
XI-XII, 146.
encetechnik, by H. Ritter, J. Ruska, F. Sarre,
and R. Winderlich, II, Pt. 2, 248. Britton, Nancy Pence
Zwei Stiftungsurkunden des Sultans Mehmed Egypto-Arabic Textiles in the Montreal Mu-
II Fatih, by Tahsin Öz, III, Pt. 2, 215. seum, XI-XII, 198.
— — : ,
308 ARS ISLAMICA AUTHOR INDEX

Britton, Nancy Pence Continued Crane, Mary E.
Pre-Mameluke Tiräz in the Newberry Collec- Fourteenth Century Mihrab from Isfahan, VII,
tion, IX, 158. Pt. i, 96.
Brown, W. Norman Creswell, K. A. C.

A Jaina Manuscript from Gujarat Illustrated Lawfulness of Painting in Early Islam, XI-XII,
in Early Western Indian and Persian Styles, 159.
IV, 154.
David-Weill, Jean
Buchthal, Hugo Un Bois à épigraphe attribué au dixième siècle,
“Hellenistic” Miniatures in Early Islamic Manu- IV, 471 .
scripts, VII, Pt. 2, 125. Encore une “formule banale,” XV-XVI, 136.
A Note on Islamic Enameled Metalwork and
Day, Florence E.
Its Influence in the Latin West, XI-XII, 195.
A rticle :
Buchthal, Hugo; Kurz, Otto; and Etting- Dated Tiräz in the Collection of the University
hausen, Richard of Michigan, IV, 421.
Supplementary Notes to K. Holter’s Check List
Reviews:
of Islamic Illuminated Manuscripts before
A.D. 1350, VII, Pt. 2, 147.
The Ceramic Arts. A. History, in A Survey of
Persian Art VIII, 13.
Cahen, Claude Ceramic Art in Islamic Times. B. Dated Faï-
Documents relatifs à quelques techniques ira-

ence, in A
Survey of Persian Art , VIII, 49.
quiennes au début du onzième siècle, XV- Medieval Finds at A 1 Mina in North Syria, by
XVI, Arthur Lane, VI, Pt. 2, 186.
23.
Soieries persanes, by Gaston Wiet; and Reply,
Christie, A. H. XV-XVI, 231, 250.
Two Rock-crystal Carvings of the Fatimid
Denikè, Boris
Period, IX, 166.
Quelques monuments de bois sculpté au Tur-
Cohn-Wiener, Ernst kestan occidental, II, Pt. 1, 69.
A Turanic Monument of the Twelfth Century Diez, Ernst

A.D., VI, Pt. i, 88.
The Mosaics of the Dome of the Rock at Jerusa-
COOMARSWAMY, AnANDA K. lem, I, Pt. 2, 235.

Simultaneity in Islamic Art, IV, 185.
Articles :
Sino-Mongolian Temple Painting and its Influ-
Khwäjä Khadir and the Fountain of Life in the
ence on Persian Illumination, I, Pt. 2, 160.
Tradition of Persian and Mughal
Pt. 2, 173.
Art, I,
A Stylistic Analysis of Islamic Art — General
Part, III, Pt. 2, 201.
Note on the Philosophy of Persian Art, XV- A Stylistic Analysis of Islamic Art — Islamic Art,
XVI, 125.
V, Pt. i, 36.
Symbolism of Archery, X, 105.
Review : Dimand, Maurice S.
Arab Archery: “A Book on the Excellence of the

A rticle s
Bow and Arrow and the Description Thereof” A Persian Garden Carpet in the Jaipur Museum,
(Anon. Arabic ms. c. 1500), translated by VII, Pt. 1, 93 -
Nabih Amin Faris, with Notes and Appendix A Silver Inlaid Bronze Canteen with Christian
by Robert Potter Elmer, XIII-XIV, 198. Subjects in the Eumorfopoulos Collection, I,
Pt. I, 17.
Cott, Perry B. Studies in Islamic Ornament. I. Some Aspects
Sasanian Stucco Plaque in the Worcester Art of Omaiyad and Early ‘Abbäsid Ornament,
Museum, VI, Pt. 2, 167. IV, 293.
— — —
ARS ISLAMICA AUTHOR INDEX 309
Dimand, Maurice S. Continued. Ettinghausen, Richard Continued

Obituary : Editorials :
Josef Strzygowski, VII, Pt. 2, 177. Ars Islamica-Ars Orientalis, XV—XVI, vii.
Literature on Islamic Art, 1939-1945, Part I,
Reviews:
XIII-XIV, 150; Part II, XV-XVI, 151-
Persian Miniature Painting, by Laurence Binyon,
Reviews of A Survey of Persian Art, VIII, I.
J. V. S. Wilkinson, and Basil Gray, II, Pt. 2,
The Survey of Persian Art and its Critics, IX,
241.
169.
Sasanian and Islamic Metalwork in A Survey
Pope Obituaries:
of Persian Art, VIII, 192. Reply to
Criticism of Review, IX, 208. Ernst Cohn-Wiener, IX, 238.
Ananda Kentish Coomaraswamy, XV-XVI, 259.
Donaldson, Dwight M. George Eumorfopoulos, VII, Pt. 1, 123.
Significant Mihräbs in the Haram at Mashhad, Ernst Herzfeld (with supplementary bibli-
II, Pt. i, 1 18. ography), XV-XVI, 261.
John Ellerton Lodge, IX, 239.
Erdmann, Kurt
Reviews:
Articles:
Architecture through the Ages, by Talbot Ham-
Das Datum des Täk-i Bustän, IV, 79.
IX, 232.
lin,
Die Entwicklung der sasanidischen Krone, XV- Descriptive Catalog of the Garrett Collection of
XVI, 87.
Persian, Turkish, and Indie Manuscripts, in-
Ein wiedergefundener Teppich, I, Pt. I, 12 1.
cluding Some Miniatures in the Princeton
Kairener Teppiche. Teil I: Europäische und University Library, by Mohamad E. Mogha-
islamische Quellen des 15.-18. Jahrhunderts, dam and Yahya Armajani, VII, Pt. 120.
1,
V, Pt. 2, 179; Teil II: Mamlüken- und Islamic Metalwork in the British Museum, by
Osmanenteppiche, VII, Pt. I, 55. D. Barrett, XV-XVI, 255.
Review : Persian Paintings from Miniatures of the XII-
“The Art of Carpet Making,” in A Survey of XVI Centuries, by Basil Gray, VII, Pt. 1,
Persian Art, VIII, 121. 121.

The Treasury of Persepolis and Other Dis-
Erffa, Helmut von coveries in the Homeland of the Achaemenians,
A Selective Bibliography ofAmerican Publica- by Erich F. Schmidt, VII, Pt. 2, 173.
tions on Sasanian, and
Islamic, Parthian,
Ettinghausen, Richard; Buchthal, Hugo; and
Coptic Art Published from 1939-1945, XV-
Kurz, Otto
XVI, 187.
A Tombstone of the Timurid Period Supplementary Notes to K. Holter’s Check List
in the
Gardner Museum of Boston, XI—XII, of Islamic Illuminated Manuscripts before
184.
A.D. 1350, VII, Pt. 2, 147.
Ettinghausen, Richard
Fajans, Salomea
Articles:
Review :
Evidence for the Identification of Käshän
Pottery, III, Pt.
The Tiles of the Mausoleum from Khänakäh
1, 44.
Pir Husain, by Vera A. Kratchkowskaya,
The Exhibition of Persian Art at the Toledo
Museum of Art, II, Pt. 1, 137. XV-XVI, 251.
Important Pieces of Persian Pottery in London Faris, Nabih A., and Miles, George C.
Collections, II, Pt. I, 45. An Inscription of Barbak Shah of Bengal, VII,
Painting in the Fatimid Period: A Reconstruc- Pt. 2, 141.
tion, IX, 1 12.
“Six Thousand Years of Persian Art,” the Ex- Field, Henry, and Prostov, Eugene
hibition of Iranian Art, New York, 1940, VII, Archaeological Investigations in Central Asia,
Pt. i, 106. I 9 I 7 - 37 V, Pt.
, 2, 233.
310 ARSISLAMICA —AUTHOR INDEX
Field, Henry, and Prostov, Eugene — Continued Gray, Basil
Excavations at Khwärazm, 1937-38, VI, Pt. 2, Articles:
158. Fourteenth Century Illustrations of the Kalilah
Excavations in Uzbekistan, 1937-39, IX, 143. and Dimnah, VII, Pt. 2, 134.
Note on Recent Excavations at Khwärazm, Islamic Art at the Indian Exhibition, Royal
XIII-XIV, 139. Academy, London, November 1947 to Feb-
Frye, Richard N. ruary 1948, XV-XVI, 145.
Notes on the History of Architecture in Afghani- Obituaries :

stan, XI-XII, 200. Laurence Binyon, XI-XII, 207.
R. L. Hobson, IX, 237.
Gabriel, Albert
Oscar Raphael, IX, 236.
Dünäysir, IV, 352.
Sir E. Denison Ross, IX, 235.
Le Masdjid-i DjunTs d’Isfahän, II, Pt. 1, 7.
Glidden, Harold W. Guest, Grace D.
Articles: Notes on the Miniatures on a Thirteenth Cen-

tury Beaker, X, 148.
Fatimid Carved-Wood Inscriptions in the Col-
lection of the University of Michigan, VI,
Hall, Helen B.
Pt. i, 94-
A Note on the Automata of al-Djazäri, III,
Reviews:
Pt. i, 115. Exhibit of Islamic Art in San Francisco, 1937,
IV, 484-
Reviews :
Der Kiosk von Konia, by Friedrich Sarre, III,
Al-Iklil, al-Djuz’al-Thämin of al-Hamdäni, by Pt. 2, 215.
Nabih A. Faris, IX, 221. Man
The Spirit of in Asian Art, by Laurence
Introduction à l’histoire de l’Orient musulman:
Binyon, II, Pt. 2, 247.
Éléments de bibliographie, by Jean Sauvaget,
XIII-XIV, 195. Hartner, Willy
Godard, André The Pseudoplanetary Nodes of the Moon’s Orbit
Article: in Hindu and Islamic Iconographies, V, Pt. 2,
1 13-
L’Origine de la madrasa, de la mosquée et du
caravansérail à quatre ïwâns, XV—XVI, I.
Herzfeld, Ernst
Review : Articles:
The Architecture of the Islamic Period, in A A Bronze Pen-Case, III, Pt. 1, 35.
Survey of Persian Art. Compte-rendu, XIII,
Damascus: Studies in Architecture I-IV. I. In-
3- troduction, IX, i The Mukarnas Dome, IX,
;
Godard, Yedda A. 11 The Madrasa, IX, 40. II. The Cruci-

;
form Plan, X, 13; Syrian Architecture, Period

Notes épigraphiques [Manär and Masdjid, Bar-
of Nür al-Din, X, 30. III. The Ayyubid
siän], IV, 40.
Madrasa, XI-XII, 1. IV. The Mosque,
Notice épigraphique [Masdjid-i Djum'a, Demä-
XIII-XIV, 1 1 8.
wend], II, Pt. 2, 1 71.
Obituaries :
Goetz, H. and A.
Friedrich Sarre, XI-XII, 210.
Indian Studies in Islamic Art Published during
the War, 1939-1945, XIII-XIV, 162.
Hobson, R. L.
GoetZj Hermann Syria or Cyprus? IV, 467.
The Genesis of Indo-Muslim Civilization — Some Hollis, Howard C.
Archaeological Notes, I, Pt. 1, 46.
Sher Shah’s Mausoleum at Sasaram, V, Pt. 1, 97- A Unique Seldjük Bronze, II, Pt. 2, 231.
— —
ARS ISLAMICA AUTHOR INDEX 3II
Hopkins, Clark Kühnel, Ernst Continued

Articles: Reviews:
“The Dark Ages.” Loan Exhibition of Pagan Album du Musée Arabe du Caire, by Gaston
and Christian Art in the Latin West and Wiet, VI, Pt. 2, 175.
Byzantine East, 1937, Worcester Art Mu- Al-Fann al-Islâmï fï Misr. Vol. I, by Zaky
seum, IV, 481. Mohammed Hassan, VI, Pt. 2, 184.
A Note on Frontality in Near Eastern Art, III, Al-Funün al-Irâniya fîl-‘Asr al-Islâmi (Persian
Pt. 2, 187. Art in the Moslem Period), by Zaky Mo-
Reviews : hammed Hassan, XV-XVI, 213.
Archaeological History of Iran, by Ernst E. Les Bois à épigraphes depuis l’époque mamlouke,
Herzfeld, III, Pt. 213. by Jean David-Weill, VI, Pt. 2, 177.
2,
Old Routes of Western Iran, by Sir Aurel Stein, Bois sculptés d’églises coptes (Epoque fatimite),
IX, 217. by Edmond Pauty, VI, Pt. 2, 180.
Les Bois sculptés jusqu’à l’époque ayyoubide, by
Hubbard, Isabel
Edmond Pauty, VI, Pt. 2, 177.
Articles:
La Céramique musulmane de l’Égypte, by Aly
‘All Rizä-i ‘Abbäsi, Calligrapher and Painter, Bey Bahgat and Félix Massoul, VI, Pt. 2, 181.
IV, 282. L’Exposition persane de 1931, by Gaston Wiet,
The Celebrations of the Millennium of Firdawsi, VI, Pt. 2, 183.
II, Pt. i, 143. Les Filtres de gargoulettes, by Pierre Olmer, VI,
Exhibition of Oriental Rugs at the Toledo Mu- Pt. 2, 179.
seum of Art, 1937, IV, 498.
Gaibi et les grands fayenciers égyptiens d’époque
Reviews: mamlouke, by Armand Abel, VI, Pt. 2, 182.
The Ballard Collection of Oriental Rugs in the Guide sommaire du Musée Arabe, by Gaston
City Art Museum of St. Louis, by Maurice S. Wiet, VI, Pt. 2, 175.
Dimand, III, Pt. 2, 216. Kunüz al-Fâtimiyïn (Treasures of the Fati-
A Guide to an Exhibition of Oriental Rugs and mids), by Zaky Mohammed Hassan, VI, Pt. 2,
Textiles, by Maurice S. Dimand, II, Pt. 2, 184.
248. Lampes et bouteilles en verre émaillé, by Gaston
Islamic Pottery of the Near East, by Maurice Wiet, VI, Pt. 2, 176.
S. Dimand, III, Pt. 2, 217.
La Necropoli musulmana di Aswan, by Ugo
Kratchkowskaya, Vera A. Monneret de Villard, VI, Pt. 2, 179.
Articles: Objects en cuivre, by Gaston Wiet, VI, Pt. 2,
179.
A Propos de l’épigraphie d’un plat à lustre
métallique, IV, 468.
Publikationen des Arabischen Museums in Cairo
Fragments du mihrâb de Veràmïn, 1929-1939, VI, Pt. 2, 175.

II, Pt. 1,
132. Stèles funéraires. 5 vols., by Hassan Hawary,

Hussein Rached, and Gaston Wiet, VI, Pt. 2,
Obituary :
178.
Samuel Flury, II, Pt. 2, 235. A Study of Some Early Islamic Textiles in the
Kühnel, Ernst Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, by Nancy Pence
Britton, VI, Pt. 2, 185.
Articles:
Die ’abbâsidischen Lüsterfayencen, I, Pt. 2, 149.
Summa Artis. Historia General del Arte. XII
Arte Islamico, by José Pijoân, XV-XVI, 214.
The Islamic Department of the Berlin Museum,
XV-XVI, 143. Kurz, Otto; Buchthal, Hugo; and Etting-
A Survey
“Stoffe,” in of Persian Art. Rezension, hausen, Richard
VIII, 109.
Supplementary Notes to K. Holter’s Checklist
Obituary : of Islamic Illuminated Manuscripts before
Henri C. Gallois, V, Pt. 2, 292. A.D. 1350, VII, Pt. 2, 147.
,
3 12 ARS ISLAM ICA —AUTHOR INDEX

Ladd, Helen E. Martiny, Günter
The Writings of Ananda K. Coomaraswamy, Die Piyale Pasjia Moschee, III, Pt. 2, 131.
IX, 125.
Marzouk, Mohammad Abdil Aziz
Lamm, Carl Johan The Evolution of Inscriptions on Fatimid Tex-
Bibliography of Wartime Publications in Scandi- tiles, X, 164.
navia, 1939-1945, XV-XVI, 161.
Five Egyptian Tapestry- Weavings in Swedish Matson, Frederick R.
Museums, I, Pt. I, 92. Reviews:
A Fragment of an Early Carpet in Stockholm, The Ceramic Art in Islamic Times. C. Tech-
XV-XVI, 135. niques, in A
Survey of Persian Art, VIII, 59.
Some Mamlük Embroideries, IV, 65. The Ceramic Art in Islamic Times. D. Con-
Two Exhibitions in Stockholm and Some Sasan- temporary Techniques, in A Survey of Persian
ian Textile Patterns, VII, Pt. 2, 167. Art VIII, 64.
Lane, Arthur Mayer, Leo A.
Glazed Relief Ware of the Ninth Century A.D., A rticles :
VI, Pt. i, 56.

A Hitherto Unknown Damascene Artist, IX,
Läufer, Berthold 168.
Chinese Muhammedan Bronzes, with a Study of Literature on Islamic Art Published in Pales-
the Arabic Inscriptions by Martin Sprengling, tine, Iraq, and Egypt during the War Years,
I, Pt. 2, 133. XV-XVI, 154.

New Heraldic Emblem of the Mamlüks, IV,
Lechler, George 349 -
The Tree of Life in Indo-European and Islamic Saracenic Arms and Armor, X, I.
Cultures, IV, 369. Three Heraldic Bronzes from Palermo, III,
Pt. 2, 180.
Lo pardo, Jean
Review : Obituary :
El Panteon Real de las Huelgas de Burgos, by Halil Edhem Eldem, VI, Pt. 2, 198.
Manuel Gomez-Moreno, XV-XVI, 227. Reviews:

Lorey, Eustache de The Rise of the North Arabic Script and its
Kur’änic Development, with a Full Descrip-

Behzäd. Le Gulistän Rothschild, IV, 122.
tion of the Kur’än Manuscripts in the Oriental
L’Hellénisme de l’Orient dans les mosaïques de
Institute, by Nabia Abbott, VII, Pt. 2, 171.
la mosquée des Omaiyades, I, Pt. X, 22.
Miles, George C.
Mankowski, Tadeusz
Articles:
Influence of Islamic Art in Poland, II, Pt. 1, 93.
On Persian Rugs of the so-called Polish Type, Note on a Die Engraver of Isfahan, V, Pt. 1,
IV, 456. 100.
A Review of Polish Publications on Islamic Art, Epigraphical Notice [Two Dated Seljuk Monu-
III, Pt. i, hi. ments at Sin (Isfahan)], VI, Pt. 1, 11.
A Review of Polish Publications on Islamic Art, Epitaphs from an Isfahan Graveyard, VI, Pt. 2,
III, Pt. 2, 217. 151.

The Writings of Ernst Herzfeld, VII, Pt. 1, 82.
Marçais, Georges
Les Broderies turques d’Alger, IV, 145.
Reviews:
Epigraphy in A Survey of Persian Art, VIII,
Martinovitch, Nicholas N. 105.
A Djâmï Manuscript in the Lafayette College Geschichte der Stadt Samarra, by Ernst Herz-
Library, I, Pt. 1, 128. feld, XV-XVI, 225.
— : >
ARS ISLAMICA AUTHOR INDEX 313
Munajjid, Salahud Din Ricard, Prosper

Bibliographie des publications de l’art islamique Note au sujet d’un cartable du Sultan Sïdî
parus en Syrie, 1939-1945, XV-XVI, 185. Muhammad ben ‘Abd Allah (1 757-1 79°)
III, Pt. 1, 23.
Myers, George H. Sur un type de reliure des temps almohades, I,
The Dating of Coptic Textiles in the Light of Pt. 1, 74-

Excavations at Dura-Europos, IX, 156.
Rice, D. S.
Nykl, A. R.
Bibliography of Contributions on Islamic Art
Ali ibn Abi Talib’s Horoscope, X, 152. Published in Germany and Austria during the
Arabic Inscriptions in Portugal, XI-XII, 167. War Years, 1939-1945, XV-XVI, 151.
Oz, Tahsin
Rice, David Talbot
Publications on Turkish and Islamic Arts in
The City of Shäpür. With Historical Note by
Turkey, 1939-1945, XIII-XIV, 174.
Gerald Reitlinger, II, Pt. 2, 174.
Paryski, Marie The Expressionist Style in Early Iranian Art,

V, Pt. 2, 216.
Review :
The Oxford Excavations at Hïra, I, Pt. 1, 51.
Sztuka Islamu w
Polsce XVII w i XVIII
The Paris Exhibition of Iranian Art, 1938, V,
Wieku, by Tadeusz Mankowski, II, Pt. 2,
Pt. 2, 282.
248.
The Third International Congress and Exhibi-
Pfister, R. tion of Iranian Art and Archaeology, Lenin-
grad, 1935, III, Pt. i, 99-
Le Rôle de l’Iran dans les textiles d’Antinoé,
XIII-XIV, p. 46.
Riefstahl, Rudolph M.
Plumer, James Marshall Early Turkish Tile Revetments in Edirne, IV,
Certain Celadon Potsherds from Sämarrä Traced 249.
to Their Source, IV, 195.
Rosenthal, Franz
Pope, Arthur Upham Abü Haiyän al-Tawhïdï on Penmanship, XIII-
Some Recently Discovered Seldjük Stucco, I, XIV, i.
Pt. i, no.
The Survey of Persian Art and its Critics, IX, Ross,Marvin C.
169. An Eg34>to-Arabic Cloisonne Enamel, VII, Pt. 2,
165.
Prostov, Eugene, and Field, Henry
Archaeological Investigations in Central Asia, Rowland, Benjamin, Jr.
1917-37, V, Pt. 2, 233. Obituary :
Excavations at Khwärazm, 1937-38, VI, Pt. 2, Ananda Kentish Coomaraswamy, XV-XVI, 259.
158.
Excavations in Uzbekistan, 1937-39, IX, 143. Russell, Dorothea
Note on Recent Excavations at Khwärazm, A Note on the Cemetery of the Abbasid Caliphs
XIII-XIV, 139. of Cairo and the Shrine of Saiyida Nafisa, VI,
Pt. 2, 168.
Reitlinger, Gerald
The Interim Period in Persian Pottery: An Ruthven, Peter
Essay in Chronological Revision, V, Pt. 2, A rticles
155 .
Some Egyptian Wood Carvings in the Collection
Islamic Pottery from Kish, II, Pt. 2, 198. of the University of Michigan, IV, 449.
Unglazed Relief Pottery from Northern Meso- Two Metal Works of the Mamlük Period, I,
potamia, XV-XVI, ii. Pt. 2, 230.
—
3H ARS ISLAMICA -AUTHOR INDEX
Ruthven, Peter — Continued Schapiro, Meyer

Reviews: The Angel with the Ram in Abraham’s Sacrifice :
Exposition d’art persan, by Gaston Wiet, II, A Parallel in Western and Islamic Art, X,
Pt. 2, 245. 134 -
“2,000 Years of Silk Weaving.” An Exhibition,

Schmidt, Erich
X, 167.
Excavations at Rayy, II, Pt. 1, 139.
Sakisian, Arménag
Contribution à l’iconographie de la Turquie et
Schmidt, J. Heinrich
de la Perse, XV -XIX
e e
siècles, III, Pt. 1, 7-
Damaste der Mamlükenzeit, I, Pt. 1, 99.
Mahmüd Mudhahïb — Miniaturiste, enlumineur Figürlich sasanidische Stuckdekorationen aus
et calligraphe persan, IV, 338. Ktesiphon, IV, 175.
La Reliure dans la Perse occidentale, sous les
Schroeder, Eric
Mongols, au XIVe et au début du XV e
siècle,
I, Pt. 1, 80.
Ahmed Musa and Shams al-Din: Review of A
Fourteenth Century Painting, VI, Pt. 2, 113.
La Question des faïences de la Corne d’Or, V,
99.
An Aquamanile and Some Implications, V,
1,
Pt. i, 9-
Thèmes et motifs d’enluminure et de décoration
arméniennes et musulmanes, VI, Pt. X, 66. M. Godard’s Review of the Architectural Sec-
tion of A Survey of Persian Art, IX, 21 1.
Salmony, Alfred What was the Badi‘ Script? IV, 232.
Daghestan Sculptures, X, 153.
Serjeant, R. B.
Sarre, Friedrich Articles:
Die Bronzekanne des Kalifen Marwän II im Material for a History of Islamic Textiles up
Arabischen Museum in Kairo, I, Pt. 1, 10. to the Mongol Conquest: Abbasids, Tiräz
Eine seltene Lüsterschale der Rayy-Keramik, IV, under the, IX, 69; Armenian-Caspian Group,
190. X, 91 Asia Minor of Mongol Times, XV-
;
Sauvaget, Jean XVI, 57; Baghdad, Manufactures of, IX, 80;

Costume (Appendix I), XV-XVI, 76; Diibal,
Articles:
XI-XII, 106; Djurdjân, XI-XII, 98; Dyers,
L’Archéologie musulmane en France de 1939 à
XV-XVI, 70; Egyptian Textiles, XIII-XIV,
1945, XIII-XIV, 150. 88 Fars Group, X, 79 Furs, XV-XVI, 73
; ; ;
Les Caravansérails du Hadjdj de Constantinople, Index, XV-XVI,Tiräz in, XI- India,

273 ;
IV, 98. XII, 136; Indian, Chinese, and other Influ-

Caravansérails syriens du moyen-âge: I. Cara-
ences (Appendix III), XV-XVI, 80; Intro-
vansérails ayyübides, VI, Pt. 1, 48; IL Cara- duction, IX, 54; Iraq, Manufactures of, IX,
vansérails mamelouks, VII, Pt.
85; Kaaba Coverings (Appendix II), XV-
I, 1.
Notes épigraphiques sur quelques monuments XVI, 79; Jazira, Manufactures of, IX, 85;
persans, V, Pt. 103.
1, Kerman and Seistan, XI-XII, 1 3 1 Khoresm ;
Une Representation de la citadelle seljoukide de [Khwärizm], XI-XII, 129; Khurasan, XI-

Merv, XV-XVI, 128. XII, ni; Khuzistan, X, 71; Kümis, XI-
Une Signature de potier persan sur un tesson XII, 98; Maghreb, XV-XVI, 41; Manu-
d’al-Fustàt, XIII-XIV, 148. factures of Baghdad, IX, 80; Manufactures
Tessons de Rakka, XIII-XIV, 31. of Iraq and Jazira, IX, 85 Sea-wool, XV- ;
La Tombe de l’Örtokide Balak, V, Pt. 2, 207. XVI, 60; Seistan, XI-XII, 13 1 ;

Sicily, XV-
Obituary : XVI, 55 ;
Spain, Textiles and the Tiräz in,
Paul Pelliot, XIII-XIV, 202. XV-XVI, 29; Syrian Textiles, XI-XII, 138;
Tabaristän, XI-XII, 98; Technical Methods,
Schacht, Joseph XV-XVI, 62 Tiräz under the Abbasids, IX,
;
Ein archaischer Minaret-Typ in Ägypten und 69; Tiräz in India, XI-XII, 136; Tiräz
Anatolien, V, Pt. 1, 46. Cities in Khuzistan, X, 71; Tiräz in Spain,
—— — —
ARS ISLAMICA AUTHOR INDEX 3IS
Serjeant, R. B . Continued Strzygowski, Josef

XV-XVI, 29; Tirâz System, Origin of, IX, Iran, Asiens Hellas, IV, 42.
60; Trade Routes, Early (Appendix IV), Die islamische Kunst als Problem, I, Pt. 1, 7.
XV-XVI, 84; Transoxiana, XI-XII, 121; Der seelische Gehalt der iranischen Kunst
Yemen, Textiles in the, XIII-XIV, 75. Feuertempel und Avesta, III, Pt. 2, 189.
Reviews: Sunderland, A. L.
Excavations Samarra 1936—1939. Vol. I,
at Excavations at Kasr-i-Abü Nasr, II, Pt. 1, 141.
Architecture and Mural Decoration. Vol. 2,
Objects. Iraq Government, Department of Taylor, Joan du Plat
Antiquities, XI-XII, 203. Medieval Graves in Cyprus, V, Pt. 1, 55.
Some Notes on the Antiquities in the Abbasid
Palace. Iraq Government, Directorate of Torres Balbâs, Leopoldo
Antiquities, XI-XII, 205. Bibliography of Spanish Muslim Art, 1939-
Sumer, A Journal of Archaeology in Iraq. Iraq 1946, XV-XVI, 165.
Government, Directorate of Antiquities, XI-
Troll, Siegfried
XII, 205.
Damaskus-Teppiche, Probleme der Teppichfor-
Smith, M. B. schung, IV, 201.
A r tides :
Weibel, Adèle Coulin
Material for a Corpus of Early Iranian Islamic Article:
Architecture. I. Masdjid-i Djum'a, Demâ-
Francisque-Michel’s Contributions to the Termi-
wend. Notice épigraphique par Yedda A. nology of Islamic Fabrics, II, Pt. 2, 219.
Godard, II, Pt. 2, 153; II. Manär and
Masdjid, Barsiän (Isfahan). Notes épigraphi- Obituary:
ques par Yedda A. Godard, IV, 7; III. Two Mehmet Aga-Oglu (with bibliography), XV-
Dated Seljuk Monuments at Sin (Isfahan). XVI, 267.
Epigraphical Notice by George C. Miles, VI,
Reviews:
Pt. i, i.
Three Monuments Yazd-i Khwäst, VII, Pt.

The Arabs, A Short History, by Philip K. Hitti,
at 1,
X, 168.
104.
Iranian and Islamic Art, by Richard Etting-
Review : hausen and Eric Schroeder, X, 169.
Early Muslim Architecture: Umayyads, Early Safawid Rugs and Textiles. The Collection of
‘Abbäsids and Tulünids. Part Two: Early the Shrine of Imam ‘All at al-Najaf, by Meh-
‘Abbäsids, Umayyads of Cordova, Aghlabids, met Aga-Oglu, IX, 230.
Tulünids, and Samänids: A.D. 751-905, by
Weitzmann, Kurt
K. A. C. Creswell, XIII-XIV, 180.
An Early Copto-Arabic Miniature in Leningrad,
Sprengling, Martin X, 1 19.
A Study of the Arabic Inscriptions [Chinese Wethey, Harold E.

Muhammedan Bronzes], I, Pt. 2, 133. Review :
Selective Bibliography of Hispano-Islamic Art
Stern, Henri
in Spain and Northern Africa (711-1492),
Notes sur l’architecture des châteaux omeyjâdes, by Harriet Dyer Adams, VII, Pt. 2, 171.
XI-XII, 72.
Wiet, Gaston
Stöcklein, Hans Deux pièces de céramique égyptienne, III, Pt. 2,
Die Waffenschätze im Topkapu Sarayi Müzesi 172.
zu Istanbul ein vorläufiger Bericht, I, Pt. 2, Réponse à Miss Florence E. Day, XV-XVI,
200 .
244.
— —
3 l6 ARS ISLAMICA AUTHOR INDEX

Wiet, Gaston — Continued Wilber, Donald N. Continued
Tissus brodés mesopotamiens, IV, 54. Herat unter Husein Baiqara, dem Timuriden,
Un Bol en faïence du XII e siècle, I, Pt. I, 118. by Wilhelm Barthold, VII, Pt. I, 1 19.
Ulug Beg und seine Zeit, by Wilhelm Harthold,
Wiklund, SiGNHiLD, and Lamm, Carl Johan
VII, Pt. i, 1 18.
Some Woolen Girths from Egypt, VI, Pt. 2,
143 .
Wilkinson, J. V. S.
Wilber, Donald N. Article:
Articles: Some Persian Drawings in the Johnson Albums

Development of Mosaic Faience in Islamic Archi- at the India Office, London, XV-XVI, 132.
tecture in Iran, VI, Pt. 1, 16. Review :

“Pagan and Christian Egypt.” An Exhibition,
Persian Miniatures in the Fogg Museum of Art,
IX, 150.
by Eric Schroeder, XIII-XIV, 193.
Reviews:
Alep. Essai sur le développement d’une grande Wittek, Paul
ville syrienne des origines au milieu du XIX e Epigraphical Notice [The Wood Mimbar in the
siècle, by Jean Sauvaget, XV-XVI, 223. Masdjid-i Djämi‘, Nain], IV, Pt. 1, 33.
Dumbarton Oaks Papers: No. 3. The Horse
and Lion Tapestry at Dumbarton Oaks. A Worrell, William H.
Study in Coptic and Sassanian Textile De- On Certain Arabic Terms for “Rug,” I, Pt. 2,
sign, by Ernst Kitzinger, XV-XVI, 217. 219.
Famous Cities of Iran, by Laurence Lockhart, More About Arabic Terms for “Rug,” Pt. 1, 65.
VI, Pt. 2, 197.
Guide to Qum, issued by the Office of the Zaloscer, Hilde
Threshold at Qum, XV-XVI, 216. The Exhibition of Eurasiatic Art at the Kunst-
History of Yezd, by ‘Abd al-Husain Ayati, XV- historisches Museum in Vienna, II, Pt. 1,
XVI, 215. 136.
SUBJECT INDEX
Announcements Architecture
Les amis des églises et l’art coptes, I, Pt. 2, 255. Aga-Oglu, Mehmet
Dictionary of Islamic Artists, II, Pt. 1, 135. About One of the “Two Questions in Moslem
Editorials :
Art,” III, Pt. i, 1 16.
Ars lslamica, I, Pt. 1,3. Angulo, Diego

Ars Islamica-Ars Orientalis, XV—XVI, vii. The Mudejar Style in Mexican Architecture,
Literature on Islamic Art, 1939 to 1945, Part II, Pt. 2, 225.
I, XIII-XIV, 150; Part II, XV-XVI, 15 1. Berry, Burton Y.
1934-1944, X, iv. The Development of the Bracket Support in
Professor Friedrich Sarre, II, Pt. 2, 151. Turkish Domestic Architecture, V, Pt. 2,
Reviews of A Survey of Persian Art, VIII, 1. 272.
The Survey of Persian Art and its Critics, IX, Cohn-Wiener, Ernst
169. A Turanic Monument of the Twelfth Cen-
Excavations at Nis_häpür, II, Pt. I, 142. tury, A.D., VI, Pt. i, 88.
Gesellschaft für vergleichende Kuntsforschung, II, Crane, Mary E.
Pt. i, 144. A Fourteenth-Century Mihrab from Isfahan,
International Congress on Persian Art and Arche- VII, Pt. i, 96.
ology, II, Pt. i, 144 - Frye, Richard N.
Material for a Catalogue of Early Islamic Archi- Notes on the History of Architecture in Af-
tecture of Paris, II, Pt. 1, 144. ghanistan, XI-XII, 200.
— —
ARS ISLAMICA SUBJECT INDEX 317
Architecture — Continued Architecture — Continued

Gabriel, Albert Wilber, Donald N.
Dünäysir, IV, 352. The Development of Mosaic Faïence in Is-
Le Masdjid-i DjunTa d’Isfahän, II, Pt. 1, 7- lamic Architecture in Iran, VI, Pt. I, 16.
Godard, André
A Arms and Armor
The Architecture of the Islamic Period.
Survey of Persian Art, Compte-rendu, VIII, Born, Wolfgang
3-
Ivory Powder Flasks from the Mughal Period,
L’Origine de la madrasa, de la mosquée et du IX, 93.

caravansérail à quatre iwäns, XV-XVI, 1.
A Lacquer-Painted Canteen, XV-XVI, 137.
Goetz, Herman Mayer, Leo A.

Sher Shah’s Mausoleum at Sasaram, V, Pt. 1,
A New Heraldic Emblem of the Mamluks,
IV, 349-
97-
Saracenic Arms and Armor, X, 1.
Herzfeld, Ernst
Damascus: Studies in Architecture. I. Intro- Stöcklein, Hans
duction, IX, 1 The Mukarnas Dome, IX, Die Waffenschätze im Topkapu Sarayi Müzesi
;
il The Madrasa, IX, 40. IL The Cruci- zu Istanbul ein vorläufiger Bericht, I, Pt.
;
form Plan, X, 13; Syrian Architecture, 2, 200.
Period of Nür al-Dïn, X, 30. III. The Bibliography

Ayyubid Madrasa, XI—XII, 1. IV. The
Aga-Oglu, Mehmet
Mosque, XIII-XIV, 118.
Bibliographia, I933~34> E Pt- 2, 239.
Martiny, Günter
Selected Bibliography (by Adèle Coulin
Die Piyale Pâs_hâ Moschee, III, Pt. 2, 13 1.
Weibel), XV-XVI, 268.
Russell, Dorothea
Ashton, Leigh
A Note on the Cemetery of the Abbasid Literature on Islamic Art Published in Eng-
Caliphs of Cairo and the Shrine of Saiyida
land during the War, XIII-XIV, 161.
Nafisa, VI, Pt. 2, 168.
Sauvaget, Jean
Buchthal, Hugo; Kurz, Otto; and Ettinghausen,
Richard
Les Caravansérails du Ha didi de Constanti-
Supplementary Notes to K. Holter’s Check
nople, IV, 98.
List of Islamic Illuminated Manuscripts
Caravansérails syriens du moyen-âge. I. Cara-
before A.D. 1350, VII, Pt. 2, 147.
vansérails ayyübides, VI, Pt. 1, 48 IL Cara- ;
vansérails mamelouks, VII, Pt. 1, I.

Coomaraswamy, Ananda K.
Schacht, Joseph The Writings of Ananda K. Coomaraswamy
Ein archaischer Minaret-Typ in Ägypten und (by Helen E. Ladd), IX, 125.
Anatolien, V, Pt. 1, 46. Eldem, Halil Edhem
Schroeder, Eric Selected Bibliography (by Leo A. Mayer), VI,
M. Godard’s Review of the Architectural Sec- Pt. 2, 198.
tion of A Survey of Persian Art, IX, 21 1. Erffa, Helmut von

Smith, Myron B. A Selected Bibliography of American Publica-
Material for a Corpus of Early Iranian Is- tions on Islamic, Parthian, Sasanian, and
lamic Architecture. I. Masdjid-i DjunTa, Coptic Art, Published from 1939-1945,
Demäwend. Notice épigraphique par Yedda XV-XVI, 187.
A. Godard, II, Pt. 2, 153; II. Manär and Goetz, H. and A.
Masdjid, Barsiän (Isfahan), IV, 7; III. Indian Studies in Islamic Art Published dur-
Two Dated Seljuk Monuments at Sin ing the War, XIII-XIV, 162.
(Isfahan), VI, Pt. 1,1. Herzfeld, Ernst
Three Monuments at Yazd-i Khwäst, VII, The Writings of Ernst Herzfeld (by George
Pt. i, 104. C. Miles), VII, Pt. i, 82.
Stern,Henri Supplement to “The Writings of Ernst Herz-
Notes sur l’architecture des châteaux omey- feld” (by Richard Ettinghausen), XV-
yades, XI-XII, 72. XVI, 266.
— — ,
3 l8 ARS ISLAMICA SUBJECT INDEX
Bibliography — Continued Decorative Arts Continued

Lamm, Carl Johan Sakisian, Arménag
Bibliography of Wartime Publications in Reliure dans la Perse occidentale, sous les
Scandinavia, 1939-1945, XV-XVI, 161. Mongols, au XIV e et au début de XV e
Mankowski, Tadeusz siècle, I, Pt. 1, 80.

A Review of Polish Publications on Islamic Book Illumination
Art, III, Pt. i, hi.
Abbott, Nabia
Mayer, L. A.
Literature on Islamic Art Published in Pales-
An Arabic-Persian Wooden Kur’ânic Manu-
scriptfrom the Royal Library of Shäh
tine, Iraq, and Egypt during the War Years,
Husain Safawi I, 1105-35 H, V, Pt. 1, 89.
XV-XVI, 154.
Arabic-Persian Koran of the Late Fifteenth
Munajjid, Salahud Din
or Early Sixteenth Century A.D., VI, Pt. 1,
Bibliographie des publications de l’art islami-
91.
que parus en Syrie, 1939-1945, XV-XVI,
185.
Brown, W. Norman
A Jaina Manuscript from Gujarat Illustrated
Oz, Tahsin
in Early Western Indian and Persian Styles,
Publications on Turkish and Islamic Arts in
IV, 154.
Turkey, 1939-1945, XIII-XIV, 174.
Hubbard, Isabel
Rice, D. S.
‘Ali Rizä-i ‘Abbäsi, Calligrapher and Painter,
Bibliography of Contributions on Islamic Art
IV, 282.
Published in Germany and Austria during
Arménag
Sakisian,
the War Years, 1939-1945, XV-XVI, 151.
Thèmes et motifs d’enluminure et de décora-
Sauvaget, Jean
tion arméniennes et musulmanes, VI, Pt. 1,
L’Archéologie musulmane en France de 1939
66 .
à 1945, XIII-XIV, 150.

Smith, M. B. Ceramics (Pottery, Tiles, and Faience Mosaic)
Annotated list of recent publications on Early Aga-Oglu, Mehmet
Muslim Architecture, XIII-XIV, 186. Fragments of a Thirteenth Century Mihräb
Torres Baibas, Leopoldo at Nedjef, II, Pt. 1, 128.
Bibliography of Spanish Muslim Art, 1939- Crane, Mary E.
1945, XV-XVI, 165. A Fourteenth-Century Mihräb from Isfahan,
VII, Pt. i, 96.
Bone. See under Decorative Arts. Day, Florence E.
Bookbinding. See under Decorative Arts. A Review “The Ceramic Arts. A. His-
of
tory,” in A
Survey of Persian Art VIII, 13.
Book Illumination. See under Decorative Arts. A Review of “The Ceramic Art in Islamic
Times. B. Dated Faïence,” in A Survey
Calligraphy. See under Epigraphy, Paleography,
of Persian Art , VIII, 49.
and Calligraphy. Donaldson, Dwight M.
Ceramics. See under Decorative Arts.

Significant Mihrâbs in the Haram at Masji-
had, II, Pt. i, 1 18.
Christian Art. See under Non-Islamic Arts. Ettinghausen, Richard
Evidence for the Identification of Käsjiän
Decorative Arts Pottery, III, Pt. 1, 44.
Bookbinding Important Pieces of Persian Pottery in Lon-
Ricard, Prosper don Collections, II, Pt. 1, 45.
Note au sujet d’un cartable du Sultan Sïdï Guest, Grace D.
Muhammad ben ‘Abd Allah (i 757-1 790), Notes on the Miniatures on a Thirteenth
III, Pt. 1, 23. Century Beaker, X, 148.
Sur un type de reliure des temps almohades, Hobson, R. L.
I, Pt. 1, 74. Syria or Cyprus ? IV, 467.
—
ARS ISLAMICA SUBJECT INDEX 3 19
Decorative Arts — Continued Decorative Arts — Continued

Kratchkowskaya, Vera A. Wiet, Gaston
Fragments du mihräb de Verâmïn, II, Pt. i, Un Bol en faïence du XII e siècle, I, Pt. 1, 118.
132. Deux pièces de céramique égyptienne, III,
A Propos de l’épigraphie d’un plat à lustre Pt. 2, 172.
métallique, IV, 468. Wilber, Donald N.

Kühnel, Ernst The Development of Mosaic Faïence in Is-
lamic Architecture in Iran, VI, Pt. 1, 16.
Di ‘abbäsidischen Lüsterfayencen, I, Pt. 2,
149. Metalwork (excluding Numismatics, Arms, and

Lane, Arthur Armor)
Glazed Relief Ware of the Ninth Century Aga-Oglu, Mehmet
A.D., VI, Pt. i, 56. Memorandum on the Corpus of Islamic Metal-
Matson, Frederick R. work, XV-XVI, 133.
A Review of “The Ceramic Art in Islamic Bader, O. N.
Times. C. Techniques,” in A Survey of A Sasanian Vessel from Kungur, XV-XVI,
Persian Art, VIII, 59. 139 .
Review of “The Ceramic Art in Islamic Berry, Burton Y.

Times. D. Contemporary Techniques,” in Turkish Door Furnishings I, Pt. 2, 223.
A Survey of Persian Art, VIII, 64. Buchthal, Hugo
Plumer, James Marshall A Note on Islamic Enameled Metalwork and
Certain Celadon Potsherds from Sämarrä its Influence in the Latin West, XI-XII,
Traced to Their Source, IV, 195. 195.
Pope, Arthur Upham Cahen, Claude

The Survey of Persian Art and its Critics, IX, Documents relatifs à quelques techniques ira-
169.
quiennes au début du onzième siècle, XV-
Reitlinger, Gerald XVI, 23.
The Interim Period in Persian Pottery: An Dimand, Maurice S.
Essay in Chronological Revision, V, Pt. 2,

A Reply, IX, 208.
155 .
A Review of Sasanian and Islamic Metalwork
Islamic Pottery from Kish, II, Pt. 2, 198.

in A
Survey of Persian Art, VIII, 192.
Unglazed Relief Pottery from Northern Mes-

A Silver Inlaid Bronze Canteen with Chris-
tian Subjects in the Eumorfopoulos Collec-
opotamia, XV-XVI, 11.
tion, I, Pt. i, 17.
Rice, David Talbot
Herzfeld, Ernst
The Oxford Excavations at Hïra, I, Pt. 1,51.
Riefstahl, Rudolph M.
A Bronze Pen-Case, III, Pt. 1, 35.
Hollis, Howard C.
Early Turkish Tile Revetments in Edirne, IV,
A Unique Seldjük Bronze, II, Pt. 2, 231.
249.
Läufer, Berthold
Arménag
Sakisian,
Chinese Muhammedan Bronzes. With a Study
La Question des faïences de la Corne d’Or,
Arabic Martin
of the Inscriptions by
V, Pt. 1, 99-
Sprengling, I, Pt. 2, 133.
Sarre, Friedrich
Mayer, Leo O.
Sine seltene Lüsterschale der Rayy-Keramik,
Three Heraldic Bronzes from Palermo, III
IV, 190. Pt. 2, 180.
Sauvaget, Jean Pope, Arthur Upham
Tessons de Rakka, XIII-XIV, 31. The Survey of Persian Art and its Critics,
Une Signature de potier persan sur un tesson IX, 169.
d’al-Fustât, XIII-XIV, 148. Ross, Marvin C.
Taylor, Joan du Plat An Egyp to- Arabic Cloisonné Enamel, VII,
Medieval Graves in Cyprus, V, Pt. 1, 55. Pt. 2, 165.
—
ARS ISLAMICA ‘SUBJECT INDEX
Decorative Arts — Continued. Decorative Arts — Continued

Ruthven, Peter Erffa, Helmut von
Two Metal Works of the Mamlük Period, I, A Tombstone of
the Timurid Period in the
Pt. 2, 230. Gardner Museum of Boston, XI-XII, 184.
Sarre, Friedrich Miles, George C.
Die Bronzekanne des Kalifen Marwân II im Epitaphs from an Isfahan Graveyard, VI,
Arabischen Museum in Kairo, I, Pt. 1, IO. Pt. 2, 15 1.
Sauvaget, Jean Arménag

Sakisian,
Une Représentation de la citadelle seljoukide Thèmes et motifs d’enluminure et de décora-
de Merv, XV-XVI, 128. tion arméniennes et musulmanes, VI, Pt. 1,
Schroeder, Eric 66 .
An Aquamanile and Some Implications, V, Salmony, Alfred

Pt. 1, 9-
Daghestan Sculptures, X, 153.
Sauvaget, Jean
Rugs La Tombe de l’Ortokide Balak, V, Pt. 2, 207.
Briggs, Amy Stucco
Timurid Carpets. I. Geometrie Carpets, VII,
Cohn-Wiener, Ernst
Pt. 1, 20; II. Arabesque and Flower Car-
pets, XI—XII, 146.
A Turanic Monument of the Twelfth Cen-
tury A.D., VI, Pt. i, 88.
Dimand, Maurice S.
Cott, Perry B.
A Persian Garden Carpet in the Jaipur Mu-
A Sasanian Stucco Plaque in the Worcester
seum, VII, Pt. 1, 93.
Art Museum, VI, Pt. 2, 167.
Erdmann, Kurt
Pope, Arthur Upham
“The Art of Carpet Making,” in A Survey
Some Recently Discovered Seldjük Stucco, I,
of Persian Art, Rezension, VIII, I2I.
Pt. i, no.
Ein wiedergefundener Teppich, I, Pt. 1, 121.
Rice, David Talbot
Kairener Teppiche. Teil I: Europäische und
The Oxford Excavations at Hïra, I, Pt. 1,51.
islamische Quellen des 15.-18. Jahrhun-
derts, V, Pt. 2, 179; Teil II: Mamlüken- Textiles
und Osmanenteppiche, VII, Pt. 1, 55. Britton,Nancy Pence
Lamm, Carl Johan Egypto-Arabic Textiles in the Montreal Mu-
A Fragment of an Early Carpet in Stockholm, seum, XI-XII, 198.
XV-XVI, 135. Pre-Mameluke Tiräz in the Newberry Col-
Mankowski, Tadeusz IX, 158.
lection,
On Persian Rugs of the so-called Polish Type, Cahen, Claude

IV, 456. Documents relatif à quelques techniques ira-
Troll, Siegfried
quiennes au debut du onzième siècle, XV-
Damaskus-Teppiche. Probleme der Teppich- XVI, 23.
forschung, IV, 201.

Day, Florence E.
Dated Tiräz in the Collection of the Uni-
Worrell, William H.
versity of Michigan, IV, 421.
On Certain Arabic Terms for “Rug,” I, Pt. 2,
Kühnei, Ernst
219.
“Stoffe,” in A Survey of Persian Art. Rezen-
More About Arabic Terms for “Rug,” II,
sion, VIII, 109.
Pt. i, 65.
Lamm, Carl Johan
Stone and Semiprecious Stone Five Egyptian Tapestry-Weavings in Swedish
Born, Wolfgang Museums, I, Pt. 1, 92.
Small Objects of Semiprecious Stone from the Some Mamlük Embroideries, IV, 65.
Mughal Period, VII, Pt. 1, 101. Two Stockholm and Some
Exhibitions in
Christie, A. H. Sasanian Textile Patterns, VII, Pt. 2, 167.
Two Rock-crystal Carvings of the Fatimid Marçais, Georges
Period, IX, 166. Les Broderies turques d’Alger, IV, 145.
—
ARS ISLAMICA •SUBJECT INDEX 321
Decorative Arts — Continued Decorative Arts — Continued

Marzouk, Mohammad Abdil Aziz XVI, 29; Tiräz System, Origin of, IX, 60;
The Evolution of Inscriptions on Fatimid Trade Routes, Early (Appendix IV), XV-
X, 164.
Textiles, XVI, 84; Transoxiana, XI-XII, 1 2 1 ;
Myers, George H. Yemen, Textiles in the, XIII-XIV, 75.

The Dating of Coptic Textiles in the Light Weibel, Adèle C.
of Excavations at Dura-Europos, IX, 156. F rancisque-Michel’s Contributions to the
Pfister, R. Terminology of Islamic Fabrics, II, Pt. 2,
Le Rôle de l’Iran dans les textiles d’Antinoé, 219.
XIII-XIV, 46.
Wiet, Gaston
Pope, Arthur Upham Tissus brodés mesopotamiens, IV, 54.
The Survey of Persian Art and its Critics, Wiklund, Signhild, and Lamm, Carl Johan
IX, 169. Some Woolen Girths from Egypt, VI, Pt. 2,
Ruthven, Peter 143 .
Note on “2,000 Years of Silk Weaving,” in IV ood, Ivory , Bone , and Papier Mâché
the Los Angeles Exhibition, X, 167. Born, Wolfgang
Schmidt, J. Heinrich Ivory Powder Flasks from the Mughal Period,
Damaste der Mamlükenzeit, 99.
I, Pt. 1, IX, 93-
Persische Seidenstoffe der Seldjükenzeit, II, A Lacquer-Painted Canteen, XV-XVI, 137.
Pt. I, 84. David-Weill, Jean
Serjeant, R. B. Un Bois à épigraphe attribué au dixième siècle,
Material for a History of Islamic Textiles up to IV, 471.

the Mongol Conquest: Abbasids, Tiräz un- Denikè, Boris
der the, IX, 69 Armenian-Caspian Group,
; Quelques monuments de bois sculpté au Tur-
X, 91 Asia Minor of Mongol Times,
;
XV- kestän occidental, II, Pt. 1, 69.
XVI, 57; Baghdad, Manufactures of, IX, Glidden, Harold W.
80; Costumes (Appendix I), XV-XVI, Fatimid Carved-Wood Inscriptions in the
76; Djibal, XI-XII, 106; Djurdjän, XI- Collection of the University of Michigan,
XII, 98; Dyers, XV-XVI, 70; Egyptian VI, Pt. i, 94.
Textiles, XIII-XIV, 88; Fars Group, X, Ruthven, Peter
79; Furs, XV-XVI, 73; Index, XV-XVI, Some Egyptian Wood Carvings in the Col-
273; India, Tiräz in, XI-XII, 136; Indian, lection of the University of Michigan, IV,
Chinese and other influences (Appendix
449 -
III), XV-XVI, 80; Introduction, IX, 54; Arménag

Sakisian,
Iraq, Manufactures of, IX, 85 Kaaba ;
Thèmes et motifs d’enluminure et de décora-
Coverings (Appendix II), XV—XVI, 79; tion arméniennes et musulmanes, VI, Pt. 1,
Jazira, Manufactures of, IX, 85 Kerman ;
66 .
and Seistan, XI-XII, 131; Khoresm Smith, M. B.

[Khwärizm], XI-XII, 129; Khurasan, The Wood Mimbar in the Masdjid-i Diami*.
XI-XII, in; Khuzistan, X, 71; Kümis, Nain with Epigraphical Notice by Paul
XI-XII, 98; Maghreb, XV-XVI, 41; Wittek, V, Pt. 21.
1,
Manufactures of Baghdad, IX, 80; Manu-
factures of Iraq and Jazira, IX, 85 ;
Sea- Dictionary of Islamic Artists
wool, XV-XVI, 60; Seistan, XI-XII, 13 1 ; Aga-Oglu, Mehmet
Sicily, XV-XVI, 55 Spain, Textiles and
; Sinän Bey, Suppl., I, iii.
the Tiräz in, XV-XVI, 29; Syrian Tex- Taeschner, Franz

tiles, XI-XII, 138; Tabaristän, XI-XII, ‘Ali b. Hadjdjï Ahmed Tebrizï, Suppl., I, iv.
98; Technical Methods, XV-XVI, 62; ‘Ali b. Husain, Suppl., I, v.

Tiräz under the Abbasids, IX, 69 Tiräz ; ‘Ali b. Ilyâs Ali, Suppl., I, vii.
in India, XI-XII, 136; Tiräz Cities in Christodulos, Suppl., I, iv.
Khuzistan, X, 7 G Tiräz in Spain, XV- Hadjdjï ‘Ali, Suppl., I, v.

. —
3 22
ARS ISLAMICA SUBJECT INDEX
Dictionary of Islamic Artists — Continued, Epigraphy, Paleography, and

Hädjdj Müsä, Suppl., I, iv. Calligraphy — Continued
‘Ivaz Pasha, Suppl., I, v. Miles, George C.
Mehemmed al-Madjnün, Suppl., I, iv. Epigraphical Notice [Two Dated Seljuk
Monuments at Sïn (Isfahan)], VI, Pt. 1,
Epigraphy, Paleography, and Calligraphy 11.
Abbott, Nabia Epigraphy in A Survey of Persian Art, VIII,
An Arabic-Persian Wooden Kur’ânic Manu- 105.
from the Royal
script Library of Shah Epitaphs from an Isfahan Graveyard, VI,
Husain Safawï I, 1105-35 H., V, Pt. I, 89. Pt. 2, 15 1.
“Arabic Paleography,” in A Survey of Persian Nykl, A. R.

Art, VIII, 65. Arabic Inscriptions in Portugal, XI-XII, 167.
Arabic-Persian Koran of the Late Fifteenth Rosenthal, Franz
or Early Sixteenth Century, VI, Pt. I, 91. Abü Haiyän al-Tawhïdï on Penmanship,
H. xiii-xiv, i.
The Kasr Kharäna Inscription of 92 (7 10
Sauvaget, Jean
A.D.), a New Reading, XI-XII, 190.
Notes épigraphiques sur quelques monuments
David-Weill, Jean
persans, V, Pt. 1, 103.
Bois à épigraphie attribué au dixième siècle,
La Tombe de l’Ortokide Balak, V, Pt. 2, 207.
IV, 471.
Schroeder, Eric
Encore une “formule banale,” XV— XVI, 136.
What was the Badi‘ Script? IV, 232.
Day, Florence E. Sprengling, Martin
Dated Tirâz in the Collection of the Uni- A Study of the Arabic Inscriptions [Chinese
versity of Michigan, IV, 421. Muhammedan Bronzes], I, Pt. 2, 133.
Erffa, Helmut von Wittek, Paul
A Tombstone of the Timurid Period in the Epigraphical Notice [The Wood Mimbar in
Gardner Museum of Boston, XI-XII, 184. the Masdjid-i Djämi‘, Näln], V, Pt. 1, 33.
Faris, Nabih A., and Miles, George C.
Exhibitions. See under Museums and Exhibitions.
An Inscription of Bärbak Shah of Bengal,
VII, Pt. 2, 141. Expeditions and Excavations
Glidden, Harold W. Aga-Oglu, Mehmet
Fatimid Carved-Wood Inscriptions in the Col- A Study of the Holy Shrines at Nedjef and
lection of the University of Michigan, VI, Kerbelä, II, Pt. 1, 135.
Pt. I, 94- Field, Henry, and Prostov, Eugene
Godard, Yedda A. Archaeological Investigations in Central Asia,
Notes Épigraphiques [Manär and Masdjid-i, 1917-37, V, Pt. 2, 233.

Excavations at Khwärazm, 1937-38, VI, Pt.
Barsiän], IV, 40.
2, 158.
Notice Épigraphique [Masdjid-i Djum'a, Demä-
Excavations in Uzbekistan, 1937-39, IX, 143.
wend], II, Pt. 2, 1 71
Note on Recent Excavations at Khwärazm,
Hubbard, Isabel
XIII-XIV, 139.
‘Ali Rizâ-i ‘Abbâsî, Calligrapher and Painter, Rice, David Talbot
IV, 282. The City of Shäpür, II, Pt. 2, 174.
Kratchkowskaya, Vera A. The Oxford Excavations at Hîra, I, Pt. 1, 51.
A Propos de l’épigraphie d’un plat à lustre Schmidt, Erich
métallique, IV, 468. Excavations at Rayy, II, Pt. 1, 139.
Lamm, Carl Johan Sunderland, A. L.
Five Egyptian Tapestry-Weavings in Swedish Excavations at Kasr-i-Abü Nasr, II, Pt. 1,
Museums, I, Pt. 1, 92. 141.

Taylor, Joan du Plat
Marzouk, Mohammad Abdil Aziz
Medieval Graves in Cyprus, V, Pt. 1, 55.
The Evolution of Inscriptions on Fatimid
Textiles, X, 164. Far Eastern Art. See under Non-Islamic Arts.
ARS ISLAMICA —SUBJECT INDEX 3 23
General Iconography — Continued

Coomaraswamy, Ananda K. Schapiro, Meyer
Note on the Philosophy of Persian Art, XV- The Angel with the Ram in Abraham’s Sacri-
XVI, 125. fice: A Parallel in Western and Islamic

Diez, Ernst Art, X, 134-
Schroeder, Eric
Simultaneity in Islamic Art, IV, 185.
Stylistic Analysis of Islamic Art: General An Aquamanile and Some Implications, V,
Pt. i, 9.
Part, III, Pt. 2, 201 ;
Islamic Art, V, Pt. 1,
36. Indian Art. See under Non-Islamic Arts.

Dimand, Maurice S.
Islamic Artists. See under Dictionary of Islamic
Studies in Islamic Ornament. I. Aspects of Artists.
Omaiyad and Early ‘Abbäsid Ornament,
Ivory. See under Decorative Arts.
IV, 293.
Goetz, Hermann Metalwork. See under Decorative Arts.
Genesis of Indo-Muslim Civilization — Some Miscellaneous

Archaeological Notes, I, Pt. 1, 46. Coomaraswamy, Ananda K.
Hopkins, Clark The Symbolism of Archery, X, 105.
Note on Frontality in Near Eastern Art, III, Mankowski, Tadeusz
Pt. 2, 187. Influence of Islamic Art in Poland, II, Pt. 1,
Rice, David Talbot 93 -
Expressionist Style in Early Iran. Art, V, Mosaics. See under Painting and Mosaics.
Pt. 2, 216.
Strzygowski, Josef
Museums and Exhibitions
Islamische Kunst als Problem, I, Pt. I,

7.
Seelische Gehalt der Iranischen Kunst — Feuer- The Exhibition of Persian Art at the Toledo
Museum of Art, II, Pt. 1, 137.
tempel und Avesta, II, Pt. 2, 189.
Iran, Asiens Hellas, IV, 42.
“Six Thousand Years of Persian Art,” the
Exhibition of Iranian Art, New York, 1940,
Iconography VII, Pt. I, 106.
Born, Wolfgang Gray, Basil
Ivory Powder Flasks from the Mughal Period, Islamic Art at the Indian Exhibition, Royal
IX, 93- Academy, London, November 1947 to
Coomaraswamy, Ananda K. February 1948, XV-XVI, 145.
Khwädjä Khadir and the Fountain of Life in Hall, Helen B.
the Tradition of Persian and Mughal Art, Exhibit of Islamic Art, San Francisco, 1937,
I, Pt. 2, 173. IV, 484.
Hartner, Willy
Hopkins, Clark
“The Dark Ages.” Loan Exhibition of Pagan
The Pseudoplanetary Nodes of the Moon’s
and Christian Art in the Latin West and
Orbit in Hindu and Islamic Iconographies,
Byzantine East, 1937, Worcester, IV, 481.
V, Pt. 2, 1 13.
Hubbard, Isabel
Lechler, George
The Celebrations of Millennium of Firdawsi,
The Tree of Life in Indo-European and Is-
II, Pt. i, 143.
lamic Cultures, IV, 369.
Exhibition of Oriental Rugs at the Toledo
Sakisian, Arménag Museum of Art, 1937, IV, 498.
Contribution à l’iconographie de la Turquie Kühnei, Ernst
et de la Perse, XV -XIX
e e
siècles, III, Pt. 1, The Islamic Department of the Berlin Mu-
7 -
seum, XV-XVI, 143.
Sauvaget, Jean Lamm, Carl Johan
Une Représentation de la citadelle seljoukide Two Exhibitions in Stockholm and Some
de Merv, XV-XVI, 128. Sasanian Textile Patterns, VII, Pt. 2, 167.
—
324 ARS ISLAMICA SUBJECT INDEX
Museums and Exhibitions — Continued Non-Islamic Arts — Continued

Rice, David Talbot Läufer, Berthold
The Paris Exhibition of Iranian Art, 1938, V, Chinese Muhammedan Bronzes, with a Study
Pt. 2, 282. of the Arabic Inscriptions by Martin
Third International Congress and Exhibition Sprengling, I, Pt. 2, 133.
of Iranian Art and Archaeology, Lenin- Plumer, James Marshall
grad, 1935, HI, Pt. i, 99- Certain Celadon Potsherds from Sämarrä
Ruthven, Peter Traced to Their Source, IV, 195.
“2000 Years of Silk Weaving.” An Exhibi-
Indian Art
X, 167.
tion,
Wilber, Donald N. Born, Wolfgang
“Pagan and Christian Egypt.” An Exhibition, Ivory Powder Flasks from the Mughal Period,
IX, 150. IX, 93.

Zaloscer, Hilde Brown, W. Norman
The Exhibition of Eurasiatic Art at the Kunst- A Jaina Manuscript from Gujarat Illustrated
historisches Museum in Vienna, II, Pt. 1, in Early Western Indian and Persian Styles,
136. IV, 154.

Frye, Richard N.
Non-Islamic Arts Notes on the History of Architecture in Af-
Christian Art ghanistan, XI-XH, 200.
Angulo, Diego Hartner, Willy
The Mudejar Style in Mexican Architecture, The Pseudoplanetary Nodes of the Moon’s
II, Pt. 2, 225. Orbit in Hindu and Islamic Iconographies,
Buchthal, Hugo V, Pt. 2, 1 13.
A Note on Islamic Enameled Metalwork and
Pre-Islamic Arts
its Influence in the Latin West, XI-XH,
195 -
Bader, O. N.
Myers, George H. A Sasanian Vessel from Kungur, XV-XVI,
The Dating of Coptic Textiles in the Light 139 .
of Excavations at Dura-Europos, IX, 156. Bernheimer, Richard

Arménag
Sakisian, A Sasanian Monument in Merovingian
Thèmes et motifs d’enluminure et de décora- France, V, Pt. 2, 221.
tion arméniennes et musulmanes, VI, Pt. 1, Cott, Perry B.
66 . A Sasanian Stucco Plaque in the Worcester
Schapiro, Meyer Art Museum, VI, Pt. 2, 167.
The Angel with the Ram in Abraham’s Sacri- Dimand, Maurice S.
fice: A Parallel in Western and Islamic A Review of Sasanian and Islamic Metalwork
Art, X, 134. in A Survey of Persian Art, VIII, 192.
Taylor, Joan du Plat Erdmann, Kurt
Medieval Graves in Cyprus, V, Pt. 1, 55. Das Datum des Täk-i Bustân, IV, 79.
Weitzmann, Kurt Die Entwicklung der sasanidischen Krone,
An Early Copto-Arabic Miniature in Lenin- XV-XVI, 87.
X, 1 19.
grad, Hopkins, Clark
Wilbur, Donald N. Note on Frontality in Near Eastern Art, III,
“Pagan and Christian Egypt.” An Exhibition, Pt. 2, 187.
IX, 150. Lamm, Carl Johan
Far Eastern Art Two Exhibitions in Stockholm and some
Diez, Ernst Sasanian Textile Patterns, VII, Pt. 2, 167.
Sino-Mongolian Temple Painting and its In- Lorey, Eustache de

fluence on Persian Illumination, I, Pt. 2, L’Hellénisme et l’Orient dans les mosaïques
160. de la mosquée des omaiyades, I, Pt. 1, 22.
—
Non-Islamic Arts — Continued. Painting and Mosaics — Continued

Pfister, R. Brian, Doris
Le Rôle de l’Iran dans les textiles d’Antinoé, A Reconstruction of the Miniature Cycle in
XIII-XIV, 46. the Demotte Shah Namah, VI, Pt. 2, 97.
Rice, David Talbot Brown, W. Norman
City of Shäpür, II, Pt. 2, 174. A Jaina Manuscript from Gujarat Illustrated
Schmidt, J. Heinrich in Early Western Indian and Persian Styles,
Figürliche sasanidische Stuckdekorationen aus IV, 154.
Ktesiphon, IV, 175. Buchthal, Hugo
Strzygowski, Josef “Hellenistic” Miniatures in Early Islamic
Seelische Gehalt der iranischen Kunst —Feuer- Manuscripts, VII, Pt. 2, 125.
tempel und Avesta, II, Pt. 2, 189. Buchthal,Hugo; Kurz, Otto; and Ettinghausen,
Richard
Numismatics Supplementary Notes to K. Holter’s Checklist
Arne, T. J. of Islamic Illuminated Manuscripts before
Funde von Gussformen für kufische Münzen A.D. 1350, VII, Pt. 2, 147.
und Medaillen, IV, 461. Coomaraswamy, Ananda K.
Miles, George C. Khwäjä Khädir and the Fountain of Life, in
Note on a Die Engraver of Isfahan, V, Pt. 1, the Tradition of Persian and Mughal Art,
100. I, Pt. 2, 173.
Creswell, K. A. C.
Obituaries
The Lawfulness of Painting in Early Islam,
Aga-Oglu, Mehmet, XV-XVI, 267.
XI-XII, 159-
Binyon, Laurence, XI-XII, 207.
Diez, Ernst
Cohn-Wiener, IX, 238.
Coomaraswamy, Ananda Kentish, XV-XVI, 259.
The Mosiacs of the Dome of the Rock at
Jerusalem, I, Pt. 2, 235.
Eldem, Halil Edhem, VI, Pt. 2, 198.
Sino-Mongolian Temple Painting and its In-
Eumorfopoulos, George, VII, Pt. 1, 123.
fluence on Persian Illumination, I, Pt. 2,
Flury, Samuel, II, Pt. 2, 235.
160.
Gallois, Henri C., V, Pt. 2, 292.
Herzfeld, Ernst, XV-XVI, 261.
Hobson, R. L., IX, 237. Painting in the Fatimid Period : A Recon-
Lodge, John Ellerton, IX, 239. struction, IX, 1 12.
March, Benjamin, II, Pt. 1, 145. Glidden, Harold W.

Martin, Frederick Robert, I, Pt. 1, 4.
A Note on the Automata of al-Djazârî, III,
Pelliot, Paul, XIII-XIV, 202. Pt. i, 1 15-
Raphael, Oscar, IX, 236. Gray, Basil

Riefstahl, Rudolph Meyer, IV, 499. Fourteenth Century Illustrations of the Kalilah
Ross, E. Denison, IX, 235. and Dimnah, VII, Pt. 2, 134.
Sarre, Friedrich, XI-XII, 210. Islamic Art at the Indian Exhibition, Royal
Strzygowski, Josef, VII, Pt. 2, 177. Academy, London, November 1947 t0
February 1948, XV-XVI, 145.
Painting and Mosaics Guest, Grace Dunham
Aga-Oglu, Mehmet Notes on the Miniatures on a Thirteenth Cen-
The Khusrau wa Shïrïn Manuscript in the tury Beaker, X, 148.
Freer Gallery, IV, 479. Hubbard, Isabel
The Landscape Miniatures of an Anthology ‘Ali Rizä-i ‘Abbäsi, Calligrapher and Painter,
Manuscript of the Year 1398 A.D., III, IV, 282.
Pt. i, 77. Lorey, Eustache de
Preliminary Notes on Some Persian Illus- Behzäd. Le Gulistân Rothschild, IV, 122.
trated Mss. in the Topkapu Sarayi Müzesi L’Hellénisme et l’Orient dans les mosaïques
— Part I, I, Pt. 2, 183. de la mosquée des Omaiyades, I, Pt. 1, 22.
— ,
326 ARS ISLAMICA SUBJECT INDEX
Painting and Mosaics — Continued Reviews — Continued

Martinovitch, Nicholas N. Aga-Oglu, Mehmet, Safawid Rugs and Textiles.
A Djämi Manuscript in the Lafayette College The Collection of the Shrine of Imam ‘Afi
Library, I, Pt. I, 128. at A 1 Najaf. Reviewed by Adèle C. Weibel,
Mayer, Leo A. IX, 230.
A Hitherto Unknown Damascene Artist, IX, Arabisches Museum, Cairo, 1929-1939, Publika-
168. tionen des Arabischen Museums in Cairo,
Nykl, A. R. 1929-1939. Reviewed by Ernst Kühnei, VI,
Ali ibn Abi Talib’s Horoscope, X, 152. Pt. 2, 175.
Sakisian, Arménag Bahgat, Aly Bey, and Massoul, Félix, La Cérami-
Contribution à l’iconographie de la Turquie que musulmane de l’Egypte. Reviewed by
et de la Perse, XV -XIXe e
siècles, III, Ernst Kühnei, VI, Pt. 2, 181.
Pt. 1, 7 -
Barrett, D., Islamic Metalwork in the British
Mahmüd Mudhahib— Miniaturiste, enlumi- Museum. Reviewed by Richard Ettinghausen,
neur IV, 338.
et calligraphe persan, XV-XVI, 255.
Thèmes et motifs d’enluminure
et de décora-
Barthold, Wilhelm, Herat unter Husein Baiqara,
tion arméniennes et musulmanes, VI, Pt. 1, dem Timuriden. Reviewed by Donald N.
66 .
Wilber, VII, Pt. I, 1 19.
Schapiro, Meyer Ulug Beg und seine zeit. Reviewed by Donald
The Angel with the Ram Abraham’s Sacri-
in N. Wilber, VII, Pt. 1, 118.
fice: A Parallel in Western and Islamic Binyon, Laurence, The Spirit of Man in Asian
Art, X, 134. Art. Reviewed by Helen B. Hall, II, Pt. 2,
Schroeder, Eric
247.
Ahmed Musa and Shams al-Din: A Review
Binyon, Laurence Wilkinson, J. V. S. and Gray,
; ;
of Fourteenth Century Painting, VI, Pt. 2,
Basil, Persian Miniature Painting. Reviewed
1 13-
by Maurice S. Dimand, II, Pt. 2, 241.
Weitzmann, Kurt
An Early Copto-Arabic Miniature in Lenin-
Britton, Nancy Pence, A
Study of Some Early
Islamic Textiles in the Museum of Fine Arts,
grad, X, 1 19.
Boston. Reviewed by Ernst Kühnei, VI, Pt.
Wilkinson, J. V. S.
2, 185.
Some Persian Drawings in the Johnson Albums
Creswell, K. A. C., Early Muslim Architecture:
at the India Office, London, XV-XVI, 132.
Umayyads, and Tülünids.
Early ‘Abbâsids
Paleography. See under Epigraphy, Paleography, II. Early ‘Abbâsids, Umayyads of Cordova,
and Calligraphy. Aghlabids, Tülünids, and Samänids: A.D.
Papier Mâché. See under Decorative Arts. 751-905. Reviewed by M. B. Smith, XIII-
XIV, 180.
Pre-Islamic Art. See under Non-Islamic Arts. David-Weill, Jean, Les Bois à épigraphes jusqu’à
Reviews l’époque mamlouke. Reviewed by Ernst
Abbott, Nabia, The
Rise of the North Arabic Kühnei, VI, Pt. 2, 177.
Script Kur’anic Development, with a
and Its Day, Florence E., A
Review of “The Ceramic
Full Description of the Kur’an Manuscript Arts. A. History,” in A Survey of Persian
in the Oriental Institute. Reviewed by Leo Art VIII, 13.
L. Mayer, VII, Pt. 2, 171. A Review of “Ceramic Art in Islamic Times.
‘Abd al-Husain Ayati, History of Yezd. Reviewed B. Dated Faience,” in A Survey of Persian
by Donald N. Wilber, XV-XVI, 215. Art VIII, 49.
Abel, Armand, Gaibi et les grands fayenciers Dimand, Maurice S., The Ballard Collection of
égyptiens d’époque mamlouke. Reviewed by Oriental Rugs in the City Art Museum of
Ernst Kühnei, VI, Pt. 2, 182. St. Louis. Reviewed by Isabel Hubbard, III,
Adams, Harriet Dyer, Selective Bibliography of Pt. 2, 216.

Hispano-Islamic Art in Spain and Northern Guide to an Exhibition of Oriental Rugs and
Africa (711-1492). Reviewed by Harold E. Textiles. Reviewed by Isabel Hubbard, II,
Wethey, VII, Pt. 2, 171. Pt. 2, 248.
, —
Reviews — Continued Reviews — Continued

Islamic Pottery of the Near East. Reviewed by Sumer, A
Journal of Archaeology in Iraq. Re-
IsabelHubbard, III, Pt. 2, 217. viewed by R. B. Serjeant, XI-XII, 205.
A Review of Sasanian and Islamic Metalwork Kitzinger, Ernst, The Horse and Lion Tapestry
in A Survey of Persian Art VIII, 192. Re- at Dumbarton Oaks. A Study in Coptic and
ply to Pope Criticism of Review, IX, 208. Sassanian Textile Design. Reviewed by Donald
Erdmann, Kurt, “The Art of Carpet Making,” in N. Wilber, XV-XVI, 217.
A Survey of Persian Art. Rezension, VIII, Kratchkowskaya, Vera A., The Tiles of the Mau-
121.
soleum from the Khänakäh Pïr Husain. Re-
Ettinghausen, Richard, and Schroeder, Eric, Ira-
viewed by Salomea Fajans, XV-XVI, 251.
nian and Islamic Art. The University Prints.
Lamm, Carl Johan, Glass from Iran in the National
Reviewed by Adèle C. Weibel, X, 169.
Museum, Stockholm. Reviewed by R. T.
Faris, Nabih Amin, Al-Iklil, al Djuz’ al-Thämin
Bittinger, III, Pt. 2, 216.
of al Hamdäni. Reviewed by Harold Glidden,
IX, 221. Lane, Arthur, Medieval Finds at Al Mina in
Arab Archery .... Translation, with Notes North Syria. Reviewed by Florence E. Day,
and Appendix by Robert Potter Elmer. Re- VI, Pt. 2, 186.
viewed by Ananda K. Coomaraswamy, XIII- Lockhart, Laurence, Famous Cities of Iran. Re-
XIV, 198. viewed by Donald N. Wilber, VI, Pt. 2, 197.
Giusalian, L. T., and Diakonov, M. M., Iranskiye Mankowski, Tadeusz, A Review of Polish Publi-
Miniaturi v Rukopisiyakh Shah-Näme Lenin- cations on Islamic Art, III, Pt. 1, ill.
gradskikh Sobraniy. Reviewed by Mehmet Sztuka Islamu w Polsce w XVII i XVIII
Aga-Oglu, III, Pt. 2, 214. Wieku. (The Art of Islam in Poland in the
Godard, André, “The Architecture of the Islamic XVII and XVIII Centuries.) Reviewed by
Period” in A Survey of Persian Art. Compte- Marie Paryski, II, Pt. 2, 248.
rendu, VIII, 3. Matson, Frederick, A Review of “The Ceramic
Gômez-Moreno, Manuel, El Panteon Real de las Art in Islamic Times. C. Techniques,” in A
Huelgas de Burgos. Reviewed by Jean Lo- Survey of Persian Art, VIII, 59.
pardo, XV-XVI, 227. A Review of “The Ceramic Art in Islamic
Gray, from Miniatures of
Basil, Persian Paintings
Times. D. Contemporary Techniques,” in A
the XIII-XVIth Reviewed by
Centuries. Survey of Persian Art, VIII, 64.
Richard Ettinghausen, VII, Pt. 1, 121.
Miles, George C., Epigraphy in A Survey of Per-
Hamlin, Talbot, Architecture Through the Ages.
sian Art, VIII, 105.
Reviewed by Richard Ettinghausen, IX, 232.
Moghadam, Mohamad E., and Armajani, Yahya,
Hawary, Hassan Rached, Hussein, and Wiet,
;
Descriptive Catalog of the Garrett Collection
Gaston, Stèles funéraires. (5 vols.) Reviewed
of Persian, Turkish, and Indie Manuscripts,
by Ernst Kühnei, VI, Pt. 2, 178.
including Some Miniatures in the Princeton
Herzfeld, Ernst E., Archaeological History of Iran.
University Library. Reviewed by Richard
Reviewed by Clark Hopkins, III, Pt. 2, 213.
Ettinghausen, VII, Pt. 1, 120.
Geschichte der Stadt Samarra. Reviewed by
Olmer, Pierre, Les Filtres de gargoulettes. Re-
George C. Miles, XV-XVI, 225.
viewed by Ernst Kühnei, VI, Pt. 2, 179.
Hitti, Philip K., The Arabs: A Short History.
Reviewed by Adèle C. Weibel, X, 168. Oz, Tahsin, Zwei Stiftungsurkunden des Sultans
Iraq Government, Department of Antiquities, Ex- Mehmed II Fatih. Reviewed by Mehmet Aga-
cavations at Samarra 1936-1939. Vol. I, Oglu, III, Pt. 2, 215.
“Architecture and Mural Decoration.” Vol. Pauty, Edmond, Bois sculptés d’églises coptes.
II, “Objects.” Reviewed by R. B. Serjeant, (Époque fatimite.) Reviewed by Ernst
XI-XII, 203. Kühnei, VI, Pt. 2, 180.
Iraq Government, Directorate of Antiquities, Some Pauty, Edmond, Les Bois sculptés jusqu’à l’époque
Notes on the Antiquities in the Abbasid Palace. ayyoubide. Reviewed by Ernst Kühnei, VI,
Reviewed by R. B. Serjeant, XI-XII, 205. Pt. 2, 177.
—
328 ARS I8LAMICA SUBJECT INDEX
Reviews — Continued Reviews — Continued

Pijoân, José, Summa Artis. Historia General del Stein, Sir Aurel, Old Routes of Western Iran.
Arte. XII. Arte Islamico. Reviewed by Reviewed by Clark Hopkins, IX, 217.
Ernst Kühnei, XV-XVI, 214. Villard, Ugo Monneret de, La Necropoli musul-
Pope, Arthur Upham, The Survey of Persian Art mana di Aswan. Reviewed by Ernst Kühnei,
and Its Critics, IX, 169. VI, Pt. 2, 179.
Qum, Office of the Threshold at, Guide to Qum. Wiet, Gaston, Album du Musée Arabe du Caire.
Reviewed by Donald N. Wilber, XV-XVI, Reviewed by Ernst Kühnei, VI, Pt. 2, 175.
216. Exposition d’art persan. Reviewed by Peter
Ritter, H. Ruska, J. Sarre, F.; and Winderlich, Ruthven, II, Pt. 2, 245.
; ;
R., Orientalische Steinbücher und persische L’Exposition persane de 1931. Reviewed by

Fayencetechnik. Reviewed by Mehmet Aga- Ernst Kühnei, VI, Pt. 2, 183.
Oglu, II, Pt. 2, 248. Guide sommaire du musée arabe. Reviewed by
Ruthven, Peter, A Review of “2,000 Years of Silk
Ernst Kühnei, VI, Pt. 2, 175.
Weaving.” An X, 167.
Exhibition,
Lampes et bouteilles en verre émaillé. Reviewed
by Ernst Kühnei, VI, Pt. 2, 176.
Sarre, Friedrich, Der Kiosk von Konia. Reviewed
Objets en cuivre. Reviewed by Ernst Kühnel,
by Helen B. Hall, III, Pt. 2, 215.
VI, Pt. 2, 179.
Sauvaget, Jean, Alep. Essai sur le développement
Soieries persanes. Reviewed by Florence E. Day,
d’une grande ville syrienne, des origines au
milieu du XIX e siècle. Reviewed by Donald
XV-XVI, 231.
Réponse à Miss Florence Day, XV-XVI, 244;
N. Wilber, XV-XVI, 223.
Miss Day’s Reply, XV-XVI, 250.
Sauvaget, Jean, Introduction à l’histoire de l’Orient
Wulzinger, Karl; Wittek, Paul; and Sarre, Fried-
musulman: Éléments de bibliographie. Re-
rich, Das Islamische Milet. Reviewed by Aga-
viewed by Harold W. Glidden, XIII-XIV,
Oglu, II, Pt. 2, 244.
195 .
Zaky Mohammed Hassan, Al-Fann al-Islâmï fi
Schmidt, Erich F., The Treasury of Persepolis and Misr, Vol. i. Reviewed by Ernst Kühnel, VI,
Other Discoveries in the Homeland of the
Pt. 2, 184.
Achaemenians. Reviewed by Richard Etting-
Al-Funün al-Iräniya fil- ‘Asr al-Islämi. (Persian
hausen, VII, Pt. 2, 173.
Art in the Moslem Period.) Reviewed by
Schmidt, J. Heinrich, Friedrich Sarre, Schriften. Ernst Kühnel, XV-XVI, 213.
Zum. 22. Juni 1935. Reviewed by Mehmet Kunüz al-Fätimiyin. (Treasures of the Fati-
Aga-Oglu, III, Pt. 2, 217.
mids.) Reviewed by Ernst Kühnel, VI, Pt. 2,
Schroeder, Eric, Persian Miniatures in the Fogg 184.
Museum of Art. Reviewed by J. V. S. Wil-
kinson, XIII-XIV, 193. Rugs. See under Decorative Arts.
M. Godard’s Review of the Architectural Sec-
Stone and Semiprecious Stone. See under Deco-
tion of A Survey of Persian Art, IX, 21 1.
rative Arts.
Schroeder, Eric, and Ettinghausen, Richard, Iranian
and Islamic Art. Reviewed by Adèle C. Stucco. See under Decorative Arts.
Wiebel, X, 169.
Textiles. See under Decorative Arts.
Stead, Cleves, Fantastic Fauna. Decorative Animals
in Moslem Art. Reviewed by Mehmet Aga- Wood, Ivory, Bone, and Papier Mâché. See under
Oglu, II, Pt. 2, 249. Decorative Arts.

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Freer Gallery of Art

Freer Gallery of Art

Reitlinger, Gerald .... Unglazed Relief Pottery from Northern Mesopo-

Coomaraswamy, Ananda K. . . Note on the Philosophy of Persian Art . . . .125

MUSEUMS AND EXHIBITIONS 143

Kühnel, Ernst The Islamic Department of the Berlin Museum . 143

Lamm, Carl Johan .... Bibliography of Wartime Publications in Scandina-

Munajjid, Salahud Din . . Bibliographie des publications de l’art islamique

IN MEMORIAM: Ananda Kentish Coomaraswamy, by Benjamin Rowland, Jr. . . .

Walter A. Donnelly, Editor of Museums and official publications of the

made the success of Ars Islamica possible.

L’ORIGINE DE LA MADRASA, DE LA MOSQUEE ET DU CARA-

quatrième siècle de l’Hégire, école privée, voilà déjà

et de locaux d’habitation et de service dans les parce qu’entre le moment de l’exécution du

de celle d’Isfahân, qui devait être, elle aussi,

à quatre îwâns. Nous savons en effet, par Ibn

nom (A. Godard, “Additions, Masdjid-é Djum'a d’Isfa-

actuellement connue, la Nizâmïya de Khargird ou construise désormais sur son emplacement,

sance à ces deux excellents types de monuments 19

sanctuaire ou lieu de réunion, carrée, circulaire ou octo-

Fig. 3 —Rayy. Plan d’une Madrasa seldjoukide

Fig. 2 Kh argird.Plan de la Madrasa au nom de

Fig. 5 Bämiyän. Plan d’une Maison

Fig. 8 —Plan du Robät Sharaf

Fig. 9 — Plan du “Palais” d’

important d’une route de leur

tion irraisonnée de la cour de la madrasa telle

Tenant à la fois de la maison du Khoras- Madrasa

THE FIRST STYLE Khorsabad or Nimrüd, but if so, there is no

cere hope that the object I have reproduced is still in

sites is almost uniformly bad.

The earliest of the North Mesopotamian

perpetuate the tradition of the goddesses and 23

Fig. 3 —British Museum Fig. 4 —Found in Takrît. Baghdad Museum

Figs. 7-8. —Found at Sinn al-Dhibbän. (No. A.M. 12.)

Figs. 5-8 — Baghdad Museum

Figs. 11-12 — Baghdad Museum. (No. A.M. 26.)

Fig. 13 —Baghdad Museum. (No. A.M. 7149.)

Fig. 15 —Baghdad Museum. (No. A.M. 4295.)

Figs. 19-20 — Baghdad Museum. (No. A.M. 7150.)

Syria. The was the Zangid king-

as far west as the sites along the Khäbür river

UNGLAZED RELIEF POTTERY 19

O. M. Dalton, Treasure of the Oxus (London, 40

UNGLAZED RELIEF POTTERY 21

14. A.M. 5840. Upper part of habb, Style II; from

to the Author at the Beginning of 1947 ity (see Fig. 22).

Mosul (see Figs. 11 and 12).

5. A.M. 1974-1990; 2611-2637. Unglazed frag- sischen Kunstsammlungen, XXVI (l9°5)>

drinking figure and two chamberlains on the ;

Baghdad in 1907. Rather rudimentary.

by Friedrich Sarre in Takrit in 1907. Molded

3734 )- No. 42, under the word “Kunsthandel.”

Kunstsammlungen, XXVI (1905), Fig. 6.

seljukide. dû être un peu en désordre; il semble mettre

qu’allusion à l’ouvrage). Journal asiatique de 1879 à 1888.

court problème), l “Hôtel de l’Or”

(que l’on trouvera ci-après) et l’autre, l’en- _J

essentiellement économiques et fiscaux pour

sérieux commentaire. Mais à ma connaissance

Js^ ^jJë —j s Jp- J®' >^3 <i 3 W'

de parallèles dans aucun texte analogue publié.

sous la main. On ne trouvera donc ci-après, ,~-- IjA

pJäe (_Jb JJ 1 iJJ^J j| öjslJ là VI 3 baSl) 3 1 jj|j Jlälj Traduction.