AESTHETICS OF

DECAY
APPROPRIATION, NOSTALGIA,
AND CREATIVE REWRITING OF
URBAN RUINS

AMANDA GUIDO OCHOA

SUPERVISED BY: GIOIA LAURA IANNILLI 2022

AESTHETICS OF
DECAY
APPROPRIATION, NOSTALGIA,
AND CREATIVE REWRITING OF
URBAN RUINS

AMANDA GUIDO OCHOA

ID: 939811

SUPERVISED BY: GIOIA LAURA IANNILLI

2022
MASTER OF SCIENCE IN ARCHITECTURAL DESIGN
AND HISTORY

SCHOOL OF ARCHITECTURE URBAN PLANNING

CONSTRUCTION ENGINEERING
TABLE OF CONTENTS
LIST OF MAPS IV

LIST OF FIGURES V

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS IX

ABSTRACT X

INTRODUCTION XIII

1. AESTHETICIZATION AND DECAY: A

RUPTURE IN THE FLOW 1

1.1 DEFINITION OF AESTHETICS 2

1.2 AESTHETICIZATION 4

1.2.1 INTRODUCTION OF AESTHETICIZATION 4

1.2.2 ANAESTHETICS OF ARCHITECTURE 7
1.2.3 AESTHETICIZATION OF POLITICS 10
1.2.4 COMMODIFICATION OF HERITAGE 13
1.2.5 DECAY, AESTHETICIZATION, AND THEIR POTEN-
TIALS 16

2. NOSTALGIA: A HISTORICAL EMOTION 21

2.1 A BRIEF HISTORY OF THE TERM 23

2.1.1 NOSTOS OR THE MYTHICAL RETURN TO HOME 31

i
 2.2 DIS-PLACE-MENT 34

2.3 RESTORATIVE AND REFLECTIVE NOSTALGIA 37

2.4 A LOOK INTO THE FUTURE 43

3. SPACES OF RESISTANCE: APPROPRIA-

TING DECAY FOR SOCIAL PRACTICES 47

3.1 SUBCULTURAL THEORY 48

3.2 SUBCULTURAL SPACE AND APPROPRIATION 54

4. CASE STUDY CSOA FORTE PRENESTI-

NO 61

4.1 INTRODUCTION 63

4.2 URBAN AND HISTORICAL CONTEXT: THE FORT

AS PART OF A LARGER SYSTEM OF DEFENSE 63

4.2.1 THE ENTRENCHED CAMP OF ROME – IL CAMPO

TRINCERATO DI ROMA 63
4.2.2 THE TYPOLOGY 64
4.2.3 FORTE PRENESTINA 64

4.3 HISTORY OF AN OCCUPATION 69

4.4 APPROPRIATION OF DECAY FOR SOCIAL

PRACTICES 79
4.4.1 THE MODEL OF CENTRO SOCIALE AUTOGESTITO 79

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 4.4.2 A CONSTELLATION OF SOCIAL CENTERS 80
4.4.3 ORNAMENT IS NOT A CRIME: APPROPRIATION
THROUGH GRAFFITI AND ARCHITECTURAL PROGRAM 82

4.5 THE AESTHETIC EXPERIENCE OF ROMAN

RUINS IN CONTRAST WITH FORTE PRENESTINO 90

4.6 REFLECTIVE NOSTALGIA: REFLECTING ON

THE PAST TO BUILD THE FUTURE 96

5. CONCLUSIONS 99

5.1 APPROPRIATION OF DECAY AND THE CREA-

TIVE REWRITING OF URBAN RUINS 100

BIBLIOGRAPHY 104

APPENDIX 110

iii
LIST OF MAPS

Map. I Map of the entrenched camp in 1880, only 13 forts were built by 65
then, and Trionfale and Antenne were missing. The city was still concen-
trated in the historical center.

Map. II Map of 1900, forts Trionfale and Antenne were already built and 65
the fortification system was completed. The city begins to grow towards
the outskirts and the countryside

Map. III Map of the entrenched camp in 1930, the growth of the city of 65
Rome almost reached the fortification ring

Map. IV Map of the entrenched camp in 1960. The city grew past the for- 65
tification ring and the defense system became obsolete

Map. V Map of the entrenched camp of Rome and the position of the Forts 66
in relation to the contemporary city

Map. VI Map of some of the Self-manage social centers in the Italian pe- 81
ninsula.

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LIST OF FIGURES

Fig. 1 The replica of a street, Synecdoche New York, @ IMDb 10

Fig. 2 One of the theater sets recreating Caden’s life, Synecdoche New York, @ IMDb 10
Fig. 3 Panopticon project, Jeremy Bentham, 1791 11
Fig. 4 Casa del Fascio photomontage of the main facade with propaganda, (Kirk, 2005) 13
Fig. 5 Piranesi, Temple of Saturn. 1774. Davis Museum, Wellesley College 25
Fig. 6 View of the Flavian Amphitheater, called Colosseum by Giovanni Battista Piranesi 25
Fig. 7 Angelus Novus by Paul Klee, The Pushkin Museum, Moscow, 1920 27
Fig. 8 Stills from the book New Psychedelia by Leif Podhajsky 30
Fig. 9 Stills from the book New Psychedelia by Leif Podhajsky 31
Fig. 10 Odysseus sculpture at British Museum 32
Fig. 11 Timeline of the evolution of Nostalgia 37
Fig. 12 Image explaining the spatial and temporal dimensions of nostalgia 38
Fig. 13 Two types of nostalgia: Restorative looks toward the past, ignoring the present and the
future, Reflective looks toward the past in order to build a better future 45
Fig. 14 Arco Della Pace in Milan, the virtual “sculpture” was built by a flow of images gene-
rated by an artificial intelligence system, AI DATAPORTAL_ARCH OF LIGHT, https://www.
reasonedart.com/arch-of-light 52
Fig. 15 3 Punk girls, King’s Rd, London, ST#400 @Ted Polhemus, 1980s 53
Fig. 16 Entrance of the store SEX, @Vivienne Westwood, 1970s 52
Fig. 17 Singer Siouxsie Sioux photo by By Malco23 52
Fig. 18 Vivienne Westwood inside her store, @Vivienne Westwood 53
Fig. 19 The Sex Pistols Performing in London, @Dave Wainright 56
Fig. 20 Façade of the KA86 building Photo credit: Daniela Sandler 57
Fig. 21 Punks in Kastananielle 86 64
Fig. 22 Footprint of the typology of the Prussian Fortification style 67
Fig. 23 Forte Monte Mario, Archivio digitale Progetto Forti - Fondo Forti di Roma - Photo by
Fabrizio Latini - Ernesto Di Giorgio 67
Fig. 24 Forte Trionfale, Archivio digitale Progetto Forti - Fondo Forti di Roma - Foto di Fa-
brizio Latini 67
Fig. 25 Forte Braschi, Archivio digitale Progetto Forti - Fondo Forti di Roma - Foto di Fabri-
zio Latini 67
Fig. 26 Forte Boccea, Archivio digitale Progetto Forti - Fondo Forti di Roma - Foto di Fabri-
zio Latini 67
Fig. 27 Forte Aurelia Antica, Archivio digitale Progetto Forti - Fondo Forti di Roma - Foto di
Fabrizio Latini e Simone Ferretti 67
Fig. 28 Forte Bravetta, Archivio digitale Progetto Forti - Fondo Forti di Roma - Photo by
Fabrizio Latini 67
Fig. 29 Forte Portuense, Archivio digitale Progetto Forti - Fondo Forti di Roma - Photo by
Fabrizio Latini 67
Fig. 30 Forte Ostiense, Archivio digitale Progetto Forti - Fondo Forti di Roma - Photo by Fa-
brizio Latini 67
Fig. 31 Forte Ardeatina, Archivio digitale Progetto Forti - Fondo Forti di Roma - Photo by
Fabrizio Latini 67
Fig. 32 Appia Antica, Archivio digitale Progetto Forti - Fondo Forti di Roma - Photo by Fa-
brizio Latini 67

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Fig. 33 Forte Casilina, Archivio digitale Progetto Forti - Fondo Forti di
Roma - Photo by Fabrizio Latini 67
Fig. 34 Forte Prenestina, Archivio digitale Progetto Forti - Fondo Forti
di Roma - Photo by Ernesto Di Giorgio 67
Fig. 35 Forte Tiburtina, Archivio digitale Progetto Forti - Fondo Forti
di Roma - Foto di Fabrizio Latini 67
Fig. 36 Forte Pietralata, Archivio digitale Progetto Forti - Fondo Forti
di Roma - Foto di Fabrizio Latini 67
Fig. 37 Forte Antenne, Archivio digitale Progetto Forti - Fondo Forti
di Roma - Foto di Fabrizio Latini 68
Fig. 38 Plan of the masonry at the level of the bastion. 1889. ISCAG,
Forti di Roma 68
Fig. 39 Plan of the masonry at the level of the bastion. 1889. ISCAG,
Forti di Roma 72
Fig. 40 Streets of Centocelle, 1985. © Archivio Forte Prenestino 73
Fig. 41 Forte Prenestino © Archivio Forte Prenestino 72
Fig. 42 Hours before the occupation, 1986. © Archivio Forte Prenesti-
no 72
Fig. 43 1977 occupation. 1997, Photo credit: © Archivio Forte Prenesti-
no 73
Fig. 44 Dancing couple, 1996. Photo credit: Konstantin Sergeyev. 74
Fig. 45 The first occupation, 1977. © Archivio Forte Prenestino 76
Fig. 46 Bloody Riot, First concert inside the Fort, 1986 © Archivio
Forte Prenestino 77
Fig. 47 First occupation 1977, © Archivio Forte Prenestino 77
Fig. 48 First occupation 1977, © Archivio Forte Prenestino 76
Fig. 49 Forte Presnestino© Archivio Forte Prenestino 78
Fig. 50 Poster of the first of May 1987. Cristiano Rea. © Archivio Forte
Prenestino 82
Fig. 51 Views from the basement, Photo credit: Valentino Bonacquisti 82
Fig. 52 Views from the basement, Photo credit: Valentino Bonacquisti 82
Fig. 53 Views from the basement, Photo credit: Valentino Bonacquisti 83
Fig. 54 Piece by Aloha, Photo credit: Valentino Bonacquisti 83
Fig. 55 Monkey by Tenia, Photo credit: Valentino Bonacquisti 84
Fig. 56 Graffiti in ground floor. Photo by author 85
Fig. 57 Graffiti and additions, Photo by Author 87
Fig. 58 Graffiti by Blu, Photo by Author 87
Fig. 59 Entrance of one of the tunnels, Photo by Author 88
Fig. 60 Mural by Carlos Atoche, Photo by author 89
Fig. 61 Layout of the main activities in the year 1991 © Archivio Forte
Prenestino 94
Fig. 62 Largo di Torre Argentina, a ruin occupied by cats, Photo by
Author 95
Fig. 63 Occupied ruins of the Imperial Palace of Rome, by Author 95
Fig. 64 Roman Colosseum, Photo by Author

vi
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viii
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

[EN]
I would like to express my infinite gratitude to Professor Gioia Laura Ian-
nilli for guiding me through this process, her encouragement and her wise
advice.

To my mom, dad, and brother Claudio, for their virtual support, to Alui-
sio, Anhelí, Ana Flavia, Ana Sofía, Arda, Camila, Francisco, Jorge, Juan,
Juliana, Junmei, Linda, Maca, Marc, Marcela, Maria Paula, Marisol, Mar-
tina, Miguel, Rabab, Rania, Silvia, Shane and Yusheng.

[ES]
Quisiera expresar mi infinita gratitud a la profesora Gioia Laura Iannilli
por guiarme en este proceso, su aliento y sus sabios consejos.

A mi mamá, papá y hermano Claudio, por su apoyo virtual, a Aluisio,

Anhelí, Ana Flavia, Ana Sofía, Arda, Camila, Francisco, Jorge, Juan, Julia-
na, Junmei, Linda, Maca, Marc, Marcela, Maria Paula, Marisol, Martina,
Miguel, Rabab, Rania, Silvia, Shane y Yusheng.

[IT]
Vorrei esprimere la mia infinita gratitudine alla Professoressa Gioia Laura
Iannilli per avermi guidato in questo percorso, il suo incoraggiamento ei
suoi saggi consigli.

A mia madre, mio papà e mio fratello Claudio, per il loro supporto vir-
tuale, ad Aluisio, Anhelí, Ana Flavia, Ana Sofía, Arda, Camila, Francisco,
Jorge, Juan, Juliana, Junmei, Linda, Maca, Marc, Marcela, Maria Paula,
Marisol, Martina, Miguel, Rabab, Rania, Silvia, Shane e Yusheng.

ix
 ABSTRACT [IT]
La decadenza e le rovine sono segni del passaggio del tempo, dei cicli natu-
rali di vita e morte, della guerra, dei disastri naturali, dell’appropriazione,
dell’incuria, dell’abbandono, tra altri, e la sua influenza sugli esseri umani
varia da caso a caso. A seconda del loro contesto specifico, alcuni segni di
decadenza portano pesanti associazioni negative mentre altri sono pieni
di associazioni positive e forniscono un senso di appartenenza e identità.

Questa ricerca esplora tre dimensioni dell’estetica del degrado e delle ro-
vine e il loro potenziale come agenti di emancipazione. In primo luogo, il
suo ruolo nei processi di estetizzazione, intesi come un processo o una se-
rie di processi che riguardano la riproduzione di certi tratti o valori estetici
che prima non erano esteticamente rilevanti. In secondo luogo, il concetto
di Nostalgia e il suo legame con la decadenza, le rovine, il restauro e lo
sviluppo di nuove tecnologie; in particolare, il suo potenziale di utilizzare
il passato per costruire il futuro. E infine, l’appropriazione del degrado da
parte delle sottoculture e di individui e gruppi al di fuori del mainstream,
al fine di garantire il loro diritto allo spazio urbano.

Lo scopo di questa ricerca è quello di riconoscere il potenziale delle rovine

e del degrado di essere trascendentale per l’esperienza umana, in partico-
lare in termini di pratiche sociali inclusive, creatività, e libertà.

Forte Prenestino è stato scelto come caso di studio a causa della sua parti-
colare condizione: un edificio storico abbandonato, decaduto e trascurato,
che, lontano dall’interesse delle autorità nel suo restauro e rivalorizzazio-
ne, proiettava associazioni piuttosto negative non solo con la guerra, ma
anche con l’abbandono e il crimine, ed è stato ricontestualizzato dopo la
sua occupazione, spostando le associazioni negative in quelle positive.

Come contributo finale, questa ricerca è un invito a ripensare le pratiche

di restauro e conservazione che sostengono i valori artistici e culturali
mainstream dati e spesso imposti, e a considerare un uso alternativo de-
gli edifici del patrimonio che può servire a diversi gruppi o individui che
resistono e desiderano vivere fuori dal mainstream e contribuire a creare
la storia, anche quando sono solitamente dimenticati o ignorati dai filtri
della narrativa storica.

x
ABSTRACT [EN]
Decay and ruins are signs of the passage of time, of the natural cycles
of life and death, of war, natural disasters, appropriation, neglect, aban-
donment, and more. Their effect on people varies from case to case and
depends on their specific context. Some signs of decay are associated with
heavy negative connotations, while others are full of positive associations
and provide a sense of belonging and identity.

This research explores three dimensions of the aesthetics of decay and

ruins and their emancipatory potential. First, their role in the processes of
aestheticization understood as a process or series of processes that involve
the reproduction of certain features or aesthetic values that were not aes-
thetically relevant. Second, the concept of nostalgia and its connection to
decay, ruins, restoration, and the development of new technologies, par-
ticularly the potential to use the past to shape the future. And finally, the
appropriation of decay by subcultures and individuals and groups outside
the mainstream to secure their right to urban space.

The goal of this research is to recognize the potential of ruins and decay as
transcendent to the human experience, particularly in terms of inclusive
social practices, creativity, and freedom.

Forte Prenestino was chosen as a case study because of its particular con-
dition: an abandoned, dilapidated and neglected historical building that,
far from the authorities’ interest in its restoration and valorization, evoked
rather negative associations not only with the war but also with aban-
donment and criminality, and after its occupation was recontextualized,
transforming the negative associations into more positive ones.

As a final contribution, this research is an invitation to reconsider the

restoration and conservation practices that uphold the given and often
imposed artistic and cultural values of the mainstream, and to consider al-
ternative uses of architectural monuments that can serve different groups
or individuals who resist and want to live outside the mainstream and
contribute to the writing of history, even if they are usually forgotten or
ignored through the filters of the historical narrative.

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xii
INTRODUCTION

Ruins and decay are signature elements of the Roman urban landscape
and of the image that is preserved and reproduced of the eternal city. The
state of decay gives Rome a certain charm and picturesque quality that
has inspired and continues to inspire poets, writers, architects, painters
and travelers. However, this rather positive association with decay and
ruins applies only to the specific case of Rome and, let us assume, to other
ancient cities such as Pompeii and Athens. In other cases, decay and ruins
are a reminder of war, destruction, natural disasters, and even poverty and
social inequality.

Above we have talked only about the ancient part of Rome, the part where
the Colosseum, the Roman Forum, the Pantheon and all the ruins of the
Roman Empire are located. The suburbs of the city give a different picture,
where the ruins are not so important for tourist promotion or historical
interest in the city.

At the end of the Nineteenth Century, after the unification of Italy and the
appointment of Rome as the capital of the newly founded kingdom, a new
defense system was established as a protective measure in case of attack by
the French tropes. This new defensive belt consisted of fifteen forts built
at strategic points around the city. However, they never fulfilled their ori-
ginal purpose, and by the mid twentieth century, the rapid growth of the
city reached and exceeded the defense belt, so that the protective proper-
ties of the forts were no longer sufficient, which contributed even more to
their abandonment and decay.

Forte Prenestina, located in the eastern part of the belt, witnessed the
emergence of a new neighborhood, but also its own neglect and aban-
donment by the local authorities. Soon it became an urban void, a space
associated with war and defense in the middle of a neighborhood that
grew without planning and detached from the old city. However, it shone
in a new light when it was occupied in 1986 by a group of collectives and
individuals who needed a space to resist, gather, and share their political
and cultural values that were different from those of those in power. Since
then, the CSOA Forte Prenestino has been a space for activism, equality,
freedom, creativity and cultural production.

Forte Prenestino was chosen as a case study because of its particular con-
dition: an abandoned, dilapidated and neglected historical building that,
far from the interest of the authorities in its restoration and valorization,
projected rather negative associations not only with war but also with
abandonment and criminality, and after its occupation was recontextuali-
zed, transforming the negative associations into more positive ones.

Restoration practises that focus on the preservation, protection, and safe-

guarding of architectural heritage often consider the repurposing of his-

xiii
 toric buildings into facilities that preserve and promote tourism, gentrifi-
cation, and commodification practices in historical cities. These practises
are a threat to certain groups and individuals who are displaced and un-
derrepresented by the filtered cultural values and historical narratives that
hegemonic culture seeks to preserve.

This may seem like a serious accusation, but it is a growing reality. Yet the-
se practises also have positive effects, such as supporting local businesses
and cultural exchanges that can promote tolerance and solidarity among
nations and cultures.

Against this backdrop, this research project explores the [aesthetic] poten-
tial of architectural decay and ruins to be transcendent to the human ex-
perience, particularly their potential to be emancipatory and appropriated
and recontextualized by groups, collectives, and individuals whose values
differ from those reproduced and promoted by hegemonic culture.

This thesis is divided into three chapters or sections, each of which explo-
res a theme related to the aesthetic experience of decay and ruins. A fourth
and final chapter is dedicated to the analysis of the case study: Centro So-
ciale Occupato e Autogestito Forte Prenestino.

The first chapter, Aestheticization and decay: a rupture in the flow, begins
with the definition of aesthetics, which is crucial for the development of
the concepts and theories that follow, in particular the notion of aesthetics
as an instrument that conveys knowledge and its superficial and deep qua-
lities. The chapter moves to the concept of aestheticization and its histori-
cal development. Aestheticization is understood as a process that consists
in making an element or a set of elements aesthetically relevant or appea-
ling, even if they were not relevant before.

There are also various approaches to aestheticization. Among the most re-
levant for this study are Wolfgang Welsch’s distinction between superficial
and deep processes of aestheticization and their emancipatory potential
(Welsch, 1997), Giovanni Matteucci’s two levels of the aesthetic experien-
ce (Matteucci, 2016), and Neil Leach’s highly critical work the Anaesthe-
tics of Architecture (1999). This chapter defines and critically analyzes
the concepts of touristification, the commodification of heritage, and city
branding. The chapter concludes with an examination of the potential of
aesthetization processes and decay and how they are associated and em-
bodied in Venice.

The second chapter, Nostalgia: a Historical Emotion, explores the con-

cept of nostalgia and its historical development. The main theoretical fra-
mework for this research was the book The Future of Nostalgia (2001) by
Svetlana Boym, a work that offers a different perspective on the concept
of nostalgia and its potential to shape a better future. Boym proposed two
types of nostalgia, restorative and reflective. The specific conditions and
expressions of each type can be related to the two main theories of restora-

xiv
tion and preservation by Eugene Violet-Le-Duc and John Ruskin, but also
to the future and technological development, especially the use of virtual
reality as a means of preserving architectural heritage.

The third chapter, Spaces of Resistance: Appropriating Decay for Social

Practices, addresses the issue of subcultural space and the appropriation
of decay and ruins by subcultures. Two theoretical frameworks were ex-
plored for this section. The first, Counterpreservation, was coined by
Daniela Sandler in her book Counterpreservation, architectural decay in
Berlin since 1989 (2016), a work that explores the appropriation of decay
in Berlin for social practices and as a way of resisting gentrification. The
second body of work is Henri Lefebvre’s writings on the right to the city
and the social production of space (1991), which addresses the right of
people outside the mainstream to access public urban space and the possi-
ble alternative strategies for when they are denied this right, based on two
principles: Appropriation and Autogestion.

This section opens one of the most important questions that arise in this
research: Is space formative for the emergence of subcultures?

The analysis of the case study begins with a historical review of the en-
trenched camp of Rome, the fortification system built in Rome in the late
nineteenth century, an analysis of the typology and a brief history of Forte
Prenestina before its occupation.

It then presents the history of Forte Prenestino, its occupation, and its sta-
tus as part of a larger system of self-managed social centers in Italy.

This analysis also examines the appropriation of the building and its de-
cay through graffiti and a change in architectural program with a major
statement: ornament is not a crime (Hill, 2006). This echoes the critique
of Adolf Loos’ ideas regarding ornamentation and shifts the perspective
of graffiti from something destructive to an additive element that resists
oppression by modern architectural forms.

In addition, this section addresses the different aesthetic experiences and

attitudes that locals and visitors have in Rome, as well as the contrast be-
tween the experience of ancient Roman ruins and Forte Prenestino. The
chapter ends with an examination of how Forte Prenestino embodies the
Reflective type of nostalgia proposed by Svetlana Boym and what alterna-
tive futures are possible.

Due to the complexity of the research and the expected results, a quali-
tative approach was chosen. The main tools used to gather, observe, and Word made up by author. A reference to the
1

Flaneur or urban stroller who observes with

analyse the information were: the collection of existing data in the form
of texts, images, videos, interviews, and articles; historical research; reco-
llection of personal anecdotes; and personal interviews conducted by the
author. Also, a visit to the case study site and a Flaneuesque1 urban explo-
ration of the Roman ruins.
certain distance, avoiding taking part of what
is she/he observing. A literary type used by
Charles Baudelaire and Walter Benjamin as
a symbol of modern life in the metropolis.

xv
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 1
AESTHETICIZATION
AND DECAY: A RUP-
TURE IN THE FLOW
1
 1

1.1 AESTHETICS
In order to introduce the concept of aestheticization, we need to deal first
with the concept of aesthetics. The term itself is very broad and has chan-
ged and been appropriated several times in the development of philosophy
and aesthetic theories.

Etymologically, the word aesthetic has its roots in the Greek word aisthesis,
which means perception from the senses, not necessarily associated with
beauty and art. Historically, it has been linked to the nature of beauty and
taste. Furthermore, the concept has been associated with the properties of
objects, attitudes, judgment, experience, and value.

The concept of aesthetics was introduced by Alexander Baumgarten, who

appropriated the word that in terms of use was closer to its etymologi-
cal meaning, used to describe the ability to receive stimulation from the
senses. Baumgarten introduces the term aesthetica in 1735 (Baumgarten,
1954) in his Meditations on Poetry, considered the first text that deals with
aesthetics as a philosophical discipline. He defines aesthetics as a science,
thus as something capable to convey knowledge.

“THE GREEK PHILOSOPHERS AND THE CHURCH FATHERS HAVE ALWAYS CAREFULLY DISTINGUISHED
BETWEEN THE AISTHETA AND THE NOETA,” THAT IS, BETWEEN OBJECTS OF SENSE AND OBJECTS OF
THOUGHT, AND WHILE THE LATTER, THAT IS, “WHAT CAN BE COGNIZED THROUGH THE HIGHER FACULTY”
OF MIND, ARE “THE OBJECT OF LOGIC, THE AISTHETA ARE THE SUBJECT OF THE EPISTEME AISTHETIKE
OR AESTHETICS,” (Baumgarten, 1954:116)

Baumgarten refers to art as something that we perceive and understand

using the senses, and aesthetics as the science of sensible cognition. We
perceive our surroundings through our senses and these experiences can
promote both pleasant and unpleasant sensations. A representation of an
object can evoke an emotive sensation in us. In his definition, he implies
that we can acquire knowledge through these experiences, sensitive per-
ception is the vehicle that helps human beings to experience and access a
reality.

Baumgarten’s definition falls into the category of epistemology, but the

concept of aesthetics has been used to understand the experience of re-
fined beauty as well as mundane and superficial experiences that gratify
our lower senses and oscillate between a theory of knowledge and a theory
of art. There is not a general or accepted definition of the term aesthetics.

Every aesthetic theorist says something interesting, but each says some-
2
W. Welsch, Undoing Aesthetics Theory, thing different2 (Welsch, 1997). Sometimes it concerns beauty, sometimes
Culture & Society, Sage publications inc., knowledge, perception, art, the sensuous, judgment, etc. This ambiguity
New York, 1997
3
idem turns the discipline into a very complex field of studies characterized by an
4
idem overlap of different meanings.

2
 1

German philosopher Wolfgang Welsch used Wittgenstein’s concept of fa-

mily resemblances, arguing that the term aesthetics can be characterized
and categorized by family resemblances. Hence, he identifies three catego-
ries of aesthetics based on semantic groups or usage of the word. Welsch
argues that things that could be thought to be connected by one essential
common feature may be connected by a series of overlapping similarities,
where no one feature is common to all of the things.

The sensuous-semantic group or aisthetic deals with the idea that aesthetics
is always related to the sensuous or the lower senses, and for this category,
the vulgar-sensuous overlaps with the concept of the elevatory semantic
element3, which adds a level of tension to the sensuous and recognizes it
but at the same time takes distance from it and add a higher and distin-
guished attitude towards it. In other words, the addition of the elevatory
element promotes a distance and an awareness of the sensuous, which is
not always related to art and beauty and helps us to perceive art and beau-
ty in a more cultivated and conscious way.

Therefore, the aisthetic has a double character given by the opposition of

two forces: Perception and sensation. Sensation is related to pleasure and
is processed with the lower senses and consists of a subjective evaluation
of an object, he introduces sensation as the hedonistic semantic element4,
more focused on the experience or the surface rather than the substance
or meaning.

Perception is related to a more objective acquisition of information, and

it’s linked to the theoretical and elevatory semantic element and is more
concerned about the form, proportion, and relationship between objects,
the formal qualities, but always on a superficial level, focusing only on the
surface.

Welsch also introduces three different qualitative facets of the aesthetics

directly related to each semantic category.

The artistic facet deals with our perception and evaluation of works of art
in a social context, the second or aisthetic meaning, with the sensuous and
cognitive forms of aesthetic experiences which are not connected to art,
and the third is the callistic meaning, which combines the artistic and the
aisthetic meaning and is related to the sensation of beauty.

Welsch named this third category callistic-sublime acknowledging the

complexity of the aesthetics, introducing the perception of the sublime.
A pure artistic form that we perceive as beautiful is too restrictive. Beauty
is related to harmony and balance while the sublime with disruption or
transcendence of the beautiful, therefore, the callistic-sublime experience
has the potential to be transcendental and go beyond our limits, promo-
ting transformation and self-awareness.

This research is focused on the callistic-sublime category, its potential to

3
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be transcendental, and also on the idea of acquiring knowledge through

perception.

1.2 AESTHETICIZATION
1.2.1 AESTHETICIZATION
5
G. L. Iannilli, Aestheticization, “Interna- Aestheticization as a term and its earliest use date back to the beginning of
tional Lexicon of Aesthetics”, Spring 2018
Edition, URL = https://lexicon.mimesisjour- the twentieth century. However, as a concept was shaped by certain events,
nals.com/archive/2018/spring/Aestheticiza- especially, during the second half of the nineteenth century with the first
tion.pdf, DOI: 10.7413/18258630004.
6
idem malls and universal exhibitions that defined the link between economics
and aesthetics and also to the artistic counterculture, in other words, aes-
theticization wouldn’t be possible without the development of art and con-
sumer culture in big cities such as New York and Paris.

Moreover, during the 20th century, appeared as the consequence of the

relationships formed between mass production, art, technology, and con-
sumerism, subsequently, related to pop culture, the saturation of images
and commodification of art, and nowadays, represents new technologies,
information, media, and the development of individual identity through
social networks and the aestheticization of everyday life5.

Mike Featherstone defined aestheticization as “the effacement of the boun-

dary between art and everyday life, the collapse of the distinction between
high art and mass/popular culture, general stylistic promiscuity, and play-
ful mixing of codes,” (Featherstone, 2007: 64)

In this definition Featherstone stresses the access of mass society to high

art as one of the catalyzers of the aestheticization processes, revealing aes-
theticization as a more widespread phenomenon rather than an individual
one.

The concept of Aestheticization, hence can be referred to as a process, a

series of processes, a phenomenon, and to an age6. For the effect of this
research, we are more concerned about aestheticization as a process.

In the words of Baudrillard, “And so art is everywhere since artifice is at

the very heart of reality. And so, art is dead, not only because its critical
transcendence is gone, but because reality itself, entirely impregnated by
an aesthetic which is inseparably from its own structure, has been confu-
sed with its own image.” (Baudrillard, 1983: 151)

The term seems to imply that the objects or systems become more aes-
thetically appealing, often focusing only on the superficial qualities, thus
the process of aestheticization promotes superficial changes often ignoring
reality or the broader context such as religion, ethical concerns, econo-
mics, etc. ‘Aestheticization’ basically means that the unaesthetic is made, or
understood to be, aesthetic (Welsch,1997) Aestheticization does not follow

4
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the same model or pattern everywhere, it’s always different from case to
case.

Wolfgang Welsch identified the differences between the superficial and

deep processes of aestheticization, related also to the concepts of lower
and higher senses.

Taking back the three qualitative facets of aesthetics, the process of aesthe-
ticization can be linked to these categories as well. Aestheticization can be
seen as a superficial process focused on the embellishment and creation
of experience following one’s lower sensory urges and grasping only the
surface of the aesthetic sphere, focusing on the reproduction of superficial
aesthetic values, usually with beauty as the main concern. This type of aes-
theticization is the most criticized among the experts, allegedly leading to
a loss of meaning and ignoring the broader context of an object or system.

The superficial level, praise pleasure, and amusement shape our whole
culture and serves economic purposes. It creates short-lived fashions that
promote values such as replacement and obsolescence.

On the other hand, the deep-seated level of aestheticization deals with the
aestheticization processes that have the potential to change the founda-
tions of reality and affect not only the surface but the core.

According to Welsch, these processes are related to the acceptance of new

technologies but also, they can be related to their potential to be trans-
formational, transcendental, and educational and challenge the self and
grasp reality.

We can also trace a line between the concept of callistic-sublime aesthetics

and the deep-seated process, related to the enhancement of our higher
senses, it has a meaningful and transcendental effect on the individual.
Represents a process of cultivation and self-growth.

According to Kant and Schiller, beauty represents the highest degree of

freedom and autonomy. Although this idea of beauty as an emancipatory
element can be contradictory to social practices, by giving priority to this
aesthetic realm we ignore or undermine ethical concerns and alter the
connections that form a community.

The emancipatory factor of aestheticization deals with the concept of true

beauty and has been linked to freedom as an aesthetic experience. The ex-
perience of beauty breaks boundaries and limits and helps us to embrace
perfection and a limitless state. The studies or appreciation of beauty can
free us and make us better human beings. The development of an aesthetic
consciousness can trigger a sensibility that has the potential to become
socially relevant.

Aestheticization can lead also to democratization of art, anyone can crea-

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te, understand, and enjoy art, breaking with the close circles of art exper-
tise. Art becomes accessible and understandable to the masses. Although,
this breaking of the hierarchies of art can lead to the commodification of
art, turning the art experience into a spectacle. It’s also related to the term
Common culture, which aims to educate the common people on better
tastes.

Philosopher Byung-Chul Han supports the deep-seated level of aestheti-

cization and condemns a shallow process that lacks depth and meaning.

According to Han, this merely superficial process leads to violence of po-

sitivity that leaves no room for negativity. The process of aestheticization
renders everything likable and appealing rather than challenging or mo-
ving; it’s an avoidance of everything that disrupts the self. In the words of
Welsch, “sugar-coating the real with aesthetic flair” (Welsch 1997).

Along the lines of Welsch’s concepts of superficial and deep-seated levels,

Giovanni Matteucci introduces two levels of the aesthetic experience: The
hyper-aesthetic and the hypo-aesthetic (Matteucci, 2016). The hyper-aes-
thetic or everyday dimension of aesthetics is associated with the diffusion
of aesthetics, advertising, commodification processes, and the superficial
embellishment of reality, usually promoted by the art system.

The Hypo-aesthetic level or the aesthetic dimension of everyday life deals

with the roots of human experience, contributes to structure and shapes
the interaction with the environment, and concerns deep and fundamen-
tal technological changes. Matteucci argues that we can trace this kind of
process back to the basic fact that human beings have always created their
reality through aesthetic devices. Hence, it has the potential to be trans-
cendental.

In the context of architecture and heritage, aestheticization refers to the

reproduction of the beautiful and stylish, often ignoring the reality and
the historical layers, creating a condition of being produced, changeable,
reproducible, and artificial. This phenomenon can lead to the loss of exis-
tential meaning in a building.

Nowadays, Adaptive reuse represents a growing phenomenon in the ar-

chitecture field. This means the conversion of a building in decay and the
disconnection of its former or original program of use. Besides the change
of function, this conversion changes also the atmosphere and the way we
perceive the building, in other words, we acquire new information about
the object through our senses and experiences. This conversion process
enables the process of aestheticization, where new aesthetic values that
usually respond to the economic potential that the conversion of the buil-
ding represents are introduced, wiping its original meaning or intention.
These buildings become desirable and marketable. They are likely to beco-
me aestheticized objects.

6
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The aestheticization of architecture involves the removal of all social, eco- 7

N. Leach, The Anaesthetics of Architecture,
The MIT Press, Massachusetts, 1999
nomic, and political concerns. In this process, the political and social con-
tents are absorbed and nullified, while the seduction of images opposes
any social commitment, including implicit commitments. The aesthetici-
zation of architecture thus becomes the anaesthetics of architecture7.

ANAESTHETICS OF ARCHITECTURE 1.2.2

Neil Leach book The Anaesthetics of Architecture (1999) is the point of

departure of this section. Leach’s premise is that architects have become
more and more obsessed with images.

“(…) leaving the architects pampered within their aesthetic cocoons, far
away from the current concerns of the life of every day”. (Leach, 1999)

In an aestheticized world, the image becomes the most relevant source of

information. This inundation or saturation of images and information is
supposed to lead us to an information society promoting communication
and sharing, but it has the opposite effect. As Jean Baudrillard said, “more
information, less meaning” (Baudrillard 1994: 79), referring to the pro-
liferation of signs that leads to the sign itself becoming meaningless. So
instead of information being a generator of meaning, it denies, destroys,
or neutralizes meaning and while doing it, it dissolves the social content.

With this proliferation of images, a new reality or hyperreality appears.

The contents of our world become detached from its referents in the real
world.

In his book Symbolic exchange and death, Baudrillard presents three or-
ders of simulacra, which represent different stages in the history of the
reproduction of images.

The first order or counterfeit corresponds historically to the premodern

age, from the classical period to the industrial revolution. In this stage, the
image is conceived as a clear imitation of the real, a recognizable copy of
the original model.

The second-order or production was the dominant schema in the indus-

trial era, when the increase of the production capacity made it possible
to produce copies in series of the original model, this increase of copies
broke with the differences between representation and image, but the dis-
tinction remains, even when it was hard to tell apart a copy from its origi-
nal source, the reproduction still had a strong link to reality.

The third and last order or the Simulation, corresponds to the postmo-
dern era and current times. Representation precedes and determines the
real. The distinction between reality and representation disappears and

7
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the simulacrum is left. This distortion of reality is hyperreal. The simula-

crum is a symbol that represents something that does not exist.

In semiotics and postmodernism, hyperreality consists of an inability of

consciousness to distinguish reality from a simulation of reality. Hype-
rreality is a sign, without an original referent.

“It is precisely in this infinite cloning of the image, in this infinite prolifera-
tion of signs, that the sign itself has become invisible.” (Baudrillard, 1994)

Charlie Kaufman´s 2008 film Synecdoche, New York, illustrate the simu-
lacrum and the simulation of reality in a very clear way. The film follows
Caden, a theater director and writer who wins a grant to create a new play.
He builds inside a warehouse an exact same model of New York City and
hires actors to play the real people that are part of his life, his wife, daugh-
ter, even himself, with the intention that the play would develop organica-
lly but without a clear idea on how to do it and where to go.

The model then becomes detached from reality and instead of represen-
ting and mirroring the real life of Caden, it acts independently and ahead
of it, transcending and creating a reality of its own. The scenography then
becomes a simulacrum.

Baudrillard argues that a simulacrum is not a copy of the real but becomes
truth in its own right: the hyperreal.

In the context of architecture and heritage, this phenomenon is well seen

in the consumption of heritage as a touristic commodity. A historical buil-
ding that is seen as an icon and attracts a diverse public, becomes an ex-
perience more than a tangible reality. It loses touch with its own urban
context and historical reference, often dissolving unpleasant meanings or
associations.

The detachment of these architectural objects from their original complex

cultural situation decontextualizes them. The object is emptied from its
original meaning becoming a form to be consumed and reproduced, and
more important, intervened to render an acceptable shape.

“In a world where capitalism absorbs our heritage into the framework of
commodified tourism, the line between authenticity and inauthenticity
becomes blurred”. (Leach, 1999)

There are many examples of this phenomenon, especially in a country like

Italy, where the cities are a display of many historical layers that coexist.
These objects become transported into the aesthetic realm and valued
for their appearance rather than their historical processes. They become
appropriated as art. It’s important to understand that the primary role of
art is not to serve as a literal form of communication.

8
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The world of the architect is a world strictly linked to the image. This pri-
vileging of Architecture became a complex of images and forms that dic-
tate the live experience and it’s out of touch with practical needs.

According to Leach, Aestheticization leads to anesthetics, a form of anes-

thesia because of the intoxication of images and information that contem-
porary human beings are consuming.

This form of anesthesia also reaches the individual on a personal level.

Leach refers to the concept of blasé, introduced by Georg Simmel. In his
writing The metropolis and mental life, Simmel explores the way in which
modern individuals maintain their own individuality and independence
against the sovereign powers of society, the weight of the historical herita-
ge, and the external culture and technique of life (Simmel, 1903), alleging
that human beings acquired this sense of individuality during the nine-
teenth century, linked to the division of labor which made possible the
transcendence and existence of single individuals and at the same time,
set the way to more complex connections and relationships, leading the
individual to be more dependent on the activity of others.

This creation of the metropolitan individuality caused an intensification

of emotion due to the ever-growing exposure to new internal and exter-
nal stimuli, in contrast with the emotional and mental stability that li-
ving in a small or rural town represents, where the routines, relationships,
and customs still follow a constant rhythm and are not easily exposed to
disruption, the metropolitan life made impossible to develop meaningful
relationships with the social context, taking everything to a mental level.

The metropolitan individual, therefore, was forced to react rationally ins-

tead of emotionally, the individual is forced to act from a mere sphere of
mental activity that acts as a protection of the inner life against the domi-
nion of the metropolis.

“The struggle individuals confront in maintaining individuality and offers

a compelling account of blasé attitude, not as an indication of coldness,
apathy, or dullness, but rather as a safeguard for the individuals psychic
well-being”. (Simmel, 1903)
8
G. Simmel, “The Metropolis and Mental
Life” Classic Essays on the Culture of Cities.
The blasé attitude, thus is the defense mechanism that modern metropo- Ed. Richard Sennett. Meredith Corporation;
litan individual must develop against the mental overstimulation of the N.Y., N.Y. 1969: pgs 47-60
life in the city, is defined as absolute boredom or lack of concern due to
frequent exposure or indulgence8. This attitude becomes a defensive condi-
tion against overstimulation, an adaptive phenomenon that leads the in-
dividual to a state of apathy by underreacting against stimulation. Simmel
compares this unemotional pattern of behavior within the capitalistic me-
tropolis with capitalism itself. Interpersonal relationships become moved
by economic concerns, instead of as a way to form a community.

The blasé, hence, is the symbol, the consequence, and the cure to the con-

9
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temporary aestheticization of everyday life. A condition that leads the hu-

man being to crave meaning in a world so crowded that became meanin-
gless and at the same time, intoxicated to the point of excess.

In contrast to small towns where the narrow social relationships can be

oppressive de-individualizing and imposes limits on the individual, living
in a metropolis represents a certain degree of freedom and autonomy, the
metropolis becomes a huge network of interlaced personalities that enrich
intellectually one another. The Blasé attitude makes it possible to humans
to detach and also to gain perspective of their cultural context and decide
if they want to engage in the collective behaviors, traditions and social
practices that are outdated, o in a way toxic to certain part of the popula-
tion.

Aestheticization leads not only to the reduction of ontological meaning,

but it also extends to the political sphere.

Fig 1.The replica of a

street, Synecdoche New
York, @ IMDb

Fig 2. One of the theater

sets recreating Caden’s
life, Synecdoche New
York, @ IMDb

1.2.3 AESTHETICIZATION OF POLITICS

According to Fredrich Jameson, political content does not reside in artistic

form, is projected onto it by a process that is strictly allegorical and in order
to perceive the political meaning, one has to understand the allegorical sys-
tem9.

10
 1

“It was one of the signal errors of the artistic activism of the ’60s to su-
ppose that there existed, in advance, forms that were in and of themselves
endowed with a political, and even revolutionary potential by virtue of
their own intrinsic properties” (Jameson, 1997)

This premise does not restrict the fact that in a given place, at a given time,
and for a given group of people, a work of art will inevitably be seen as the
concrete embodiment of certain political values10. In other words, art does
not have an inherent political meaning, but it is projected onto it in the
moment of its creation for a given period of time. This ephemeral projec-
tion of meaning can lead to the erase or recontextualization of art forms
and the loss of their original meaning. To recontextualize art means to
give it another meaning.

This premise takes us to the question, Is space political? There is no ques-

tion that space can influence human beings in different ways. Architectu-
ral space influences our behavior, and our mood and even has the poten-
tial to direct the way we socially engage. However, just as art, space does Fig 3. Panopticon project, Jeremy Bentham,
not possess an inherent political meaning, it is also allegorical, and space 1791
has the potential to be recontextualized once the original meaning is lost.

According to Jameson, great political art (Brecht) can be taken as pure and
apolitical art; art that seems to want to be merely aesthetic and decorati-
ve can be rewritten as political with energetic interpretation. The political
rewriting or appropriation then, the political use, must also be allegorical;
you have to know that this is what it is supposed to be or mean—in itself it
is inert.11

Michel Foucault in his discussions about the Bentham’s panopticon, offers

some insight about the link between architecture and the politics of use.
The panopticon layout consists of several stories of cells arranged radially
around a central control tower, the architectural form facilitates the moni- 9
N. Leach, The Anaesthetics of Architecture,
The MIT Press, Massachusetts, 1999
toring and control of the prisoners and the position of power of the guards 10
idem
12
. In this case, is not an architectural form that conditions the behavior 11
N. Leach, Rethinking Architecture, A rea-
der in Cultural Theory, Routledge, New
but the power relationship between guards and inmates. The architectural York, 1997
layout facilitates and supports this power but does not impose it. 12
N. Leach, The Anaesthetics of Architecture,
The MIT Press, Massachusetts, 1999

One clear example is casa del fascio in Como, born as the headquarters of
the fascist party in Como, it was recontextualized from its original politi-
cal associations several times during its lifetime, and nowadays functions
as a governmental building.

The building embodies all the principles of the rationalist architecture that
do not necessarily still represent or are linked to the fascist period, this
political association was projected onto it at the moment of its erection,
and after almost a century of changes in function, the building does not
communicate its original intentions, but it’s still recognized by its formal
characteristics. The building communicates the specific language of its
particular style but not the original political content.

11
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The allegedly “glass house of fascism” was Giuseppe Terragni’s abstract

composition. He believed the building embodied “the Mussolinian con-
cept that fascism is a glasshouse into which everyone can pear, giving rise
to the architectural interpretation that is the complement of this idea: no
encumbrance, no barrier, no obstacle between the political hierarchy and
the people”. For example, Terragni used transparence as a symbolic ele-
ment, the glass doors of the main entrance represent the blurred lines be-
tween interior and exterior, and the government and the people, and the
marble as the main material, was chosen because it represented strength
and durability This symbolic representation of the main values and prin-
ciples of fascism are not readable these days. If we visit the building, we
perceive the main entrance as a barrier and not as an invitation to enter.

In his essay The Work of art in the Age of Mechanical Reproduction which
explores how the involvement of capitalistic property relations in the tech-
nical reproducibility of art changed the character of politics and art, and
the relationships between humans and technology, Walter Benjamin in-
troduces the concept of the aestheticization of politics.

This process is discussed by Benjamin through the concept of aura and its
loss. Aura is considered as a property that determines the unique existence
and the mass existence of art, in which the unique existence follows the
context of tradition whereas the mass existence is lost and degenerates the
experience of authenticity.

Walter Benjamin uses the extreme example of fascism to illustrate what

would happen if aestheticization and politics collide. He considered that
both Fascism and capitalism use and exploit the aestheticization of poli-
tics, Fascism by erasing the individual, art comes from the leader and the
bourgeois society while capitalism exploits art to make it profitable. He ad-
dresses Marinetti’s manifesto on the Ethiopian civil war, where Marinetti
attempts to aestheticize war.

“For twenty-seven years we Futurists have rebelled against the branding

of war as anti-aesthetic… Accordingly, we state: War is beautiful because
it establishes man’s dominion over the subjugated machinery by means of
gas masks, terrifying megaphones, flame throwers, and small tanks. War
is beautiful because it initiates the dreamt-of metallization of the human
body. War is beautiful because it enriches a flowering meadow with the
fiery orchids of machine guns. War is beautiful because it combines the
gunfire, the cannonades, the cease-fire, the scents, and the stench of pu-
trefaction into a symphony. War is beautiful because it creates new archi-
tecture, like that of the big tanks, the geometrical formation flights, the
smoke spirals from burning villages, and many others… Poets and artists
of Futurism! . . . remember these principles of an aesthetics of war so that
your struggle for a new literature and a new graphic art... may be illumined
by them!” (Marinetti 1909)

According to Benjamin, the politicization of the aesthetic by communism,

12
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work as an opposition to the aestheticization of politics. The politicization

of aesthetics identifies and resists the way art is exploited and recognizes
its revolutionary potential. While in fascism the art comes from the lea-
der, Marxist art should originate from the people. In other words, in con-
trast with the aestheticization of politics which consists of the ideological
and repressive use of new technologies, the politicization of aesthetics has
emancipatory potential.

For Walter Benjamin, the defining principle of fascism was the implemen-
tation of propaganda targeted to give visibility to the masses, but without
answering their needs in terms of property relationships. Fascism rende-
red politics as a spectacle, it transformed every political event into an aes-
thetic performance. As he stated: Fascism sees its salvation in granting
expression to the masses, but on no account granting them rights. (Ben-
jamin, 1936)

When politics become anesthetized two things could happen. War and
the dilution of the political to the level of the image, in other words, the
reduction of history to simultaneous images.

Fig 4. Casa del Fascio

photomontage of the main
facade with propaganda,
(Kirk, 2005)

COMMODIFICATION OF HERITAGE 1.2.4

In a society that focuses on the consumption of experiences rather than

the meaning and content, the commodification of architectural heritage is
a growing phenomenon.

Before going deeply into this topic, we need to address the definition of
heritage. The word heritage refers to something that is inherited, a legacy
transmitted from a predecessor. According to UNESCO Cultural heritage
is, in its broadest sense, both a product and a process, which provides socie-
ties with a wealth of resources that are inherited from the past, created in

13
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13
UNESCO https://whc.unesco.org/ the present, and bestowed for the benefit of future generations13. Not all the
14
idem
legacy transmitted from the past can be considered heritage, but it corres-
ponds to a process of selection. Heritage includes tangible (monuments,
buildings), intangible (tradition, language, folklore), and natural heritage
(landscape, biodiversity).

In which sense this legacy is beneficial to culture and development? Cultu-

ral heritage promotes the revalorization of culture and identities, enriches
social capital by creating a sense of community and belonging, and can
generate new economic activities linked to tourism. However, poorly ma-
nage touristic practices can represent a threat to cultural heritage.14

Heritage commodification consists of the evaluation of cultural heritage

and expressions by their exchanging value. Cultural expression (tangible,
intangible, and natural) become cultural goods transformed into commo-
dities to be bought, sold, or profited. In this phenomenon, heritage’s eco-
nomic value prevails over its cultural value. Defenders of cultural tourism
argue that this phenomenon can be beneficial to the revival of local interest
in traditional cultural practices, however, the increase in cultural tourism
can lead to a cultural commodification, that instead of promoting a genui-
ne interest in local costumes, touristic practices focus more on consuming
the experience, often ignoring the historical layers and the social reality.

Moreover, the consumption of heritage, culture, and history can lead to

a decrease in meaning as more people consume it. This is similar to the
premise of anaestheticization leading to a loss of meaning. A touristic
commodity is reproduced and consumed to the extreme that its meaning,
associations, and historical context are lost or unclear.

On the other hand, heritage commodification has its positive aspects as

well. Societies with different socio-cultural structures interact by means
of tourism, therefore, it can strengthen the bonds of two different cultures
and promote tolerance. It also can support economically a community and
increase the productive activities among locals.

Touristification is cultural tourism taken to the extreme of allowing tou-

ristic practices to make significant changes in the socio-cultural fabric of
a city or town. It promotes depopulation, an increase in carbon footprint,
a rise in rent prices, etc.

But what is the role of architecture in this phenomenon? Architects are

the mediators between culture and space. They are in complicity with the
creation of a city Brand.

In Fashion in Focus, Concepts, Practices, and Politics, Tim Edwards defi-

nes a brand as essentially shorthand for a series of far more complex ideas,
values, and meanings.

After the boom of production that industrialization and globalization

14
 1

brought, the concept of brand became useful in order to differentiate ge-

neric products and services or as Baudrillard states the shift of the con-
sumption of products to the consumption of signs and symbols (Baudri-
llard 1981). When we buy a certain brand, we don’t buy only the product
or services, we acquire ideology and symbolic meanings (Arielli, 2019).
A brand represents a system of symbols, metaphors, and allegories that
help the individual construct a social self and brings values such as social
recognition, wellbeing, and happiness.

Moreover, a brand displays a series of aesthetic qualities that give them a

“personality”, the aesthetic dimension has assumed an even more central
role for the brand, becoming not only a tool for communicating the pro-
duct’s value but also the primary object of attention and consumption.
(Arielli 2019) We consume a series of emotions and aesthetic experiences.

In the context of city branding, the Brand represents a symbolic value that
projects a series of lifestyles that can be acquired with the experience of
living or visiting the city. With the progressive development of tourism, in
order to attract the greatest number of people possible, the city managers
make use of marketing strategies to advertise the city itself, the image of
the city becomes the object of marketing, and in order to obtain a mar-
ketable and profitable image to sell, the administration has to invest in
construction and design and as well in the case of historical cities, in the
exploitation of the history and cultural heritage as a marketing strategy.

In the large systems of signs and symbols that a city brand uses, heritage is
one the most important elements to be exploited.
The phenomenon of city branding that has spread from the end of the
twentieth century, is based on the choice to design and build iconic ar-
chitecture representative of an entire intervention recovery and hiring a
world-famous architect.

The concept of the Archistar has existed for a long time but the term was 15
G, Lo Ricco, S, Micheli, Lo spettacolo de-
ll’architettura: Profilo dell’archistar, Bruno
created by authors Gabriella Lo Ricco and Silvia Micheli in the spectacle of Mondadori, Milano, 20
architecture: Profile of the Archistar15. The spread, in fact, of new means of
communication and, consequently, of more and more information, causes
access to them from part of the masses. The architect becomes a celebrity,
international superstars get media attention.

An example is Bilbao and the “Bilbao effect”, a phenomenon whereby cul-

tural investment plus showy architecture is supposed to equal economic
uplift for cities. The city of Bilbao became the center of a new interest after
the construction of a branch of the Guggenheim Museum designed by
world-famous architect Frank Gehry. The introduction of the building in
the post-industrial city replaced the economy based on industry with an
economy based on tourism attracting millions of visitors every year and
allegedly putting Bilbao on the map.

Venice is another example of this phenomenon. Due to the mass tourism

15
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and the growing number of festivals and biennale culture, Venice has been
introduced with touristic gentrification that has displaced the original in-
habitants who cannot pay the increasing rent prices anymore.

The city became a brand to be consumed and marketed, the Venice ex-
perience includes a gondola ride, a visit to the biennale, and a picture in
St Mark’s square. This mindless consumption has turned the city into a
theme park, a place that is not real anymore, and its history, costumes and
socio-cultural reality have step aside.

Contemporary architecture has been introduced in the city by members

of the architecture star system, such as Ponte Della Constituzione by San-
tiago Calatrava (who receive a lawsuit from the Venice government). This
touristic aestheticization of Venice is going to be explored more deeply in
the next section.

1.2.5 DECAY, AESTHETICIZATION AND THEIR POTENTIALS

When do we consider that a ruin or an element in decay has an aesthetic

or existential potential?

In his essay Layers of the past: On the potential of ruins, Zoltán Somhegyi
argues that “decay is a continuous process and depending on which phase
the observer steps in or encounters the architectural piece while in its de-
reliction, different layers of insight can be gained” (Somhegyi, 2018) and
later he makes a distinction between not-yet-ruin and not-anymore-ruin,
where the not-yet-ruin is a building in a state of decay that just needs some
restoration in order to keep its function and the not-anymore-ruin, occurs
when the element is in an advance state of ruination and it’s almost impos-
sible to recognize its parts. The ruin, thus, has its life span in between these
two concepts, and its potential is recognized within this spectrum.

A building is also considered a ruin when it loses its function, therefore a

16
Oxford English dictionary https://www.
oed.com/view/Entry/148805?redirected-
From=potential#eid
ruin cannot have a practical potential, it can be used or destined to fulfill
any other function because it represents a threat to the users. According to
Somhegyi, a ruin has only an aesthetic and existential potential. The ruin
is an affirmation that something existed and is remaining.
According to the definition from the Oxford English Dictionary, poten-
tial is defined as having or showing the capacity to become or develop into
something in the future16. The word implies “becoming”, with the concept
of the future as a central point. But where does the potential of a ruin lie?
It has the capability of the aesthetic manifestation of the passing of time,
which is visible through the layers. According to Somhegyi, dilapidation
can be seen as a peeling of the building, in other words, decay and dilapi-
dation work as a sort of inverse time-lapse in which we can see every layer
of the building fading and showing the layer below, this being helpful to
read and understand the elements of the building in its different additions

16
 1

throughout time. Thus, decay, dereliction, and ruination can also have
educational potential. But this potential is limited to the understanding of
a small sector of the population, only to people that have the knowledge
to read the different elements of a building, the educational potential lies
in the possibility of “accidental knowledge” a phenomenon that consists
of the accidental acquisition of information of certain event that triggers
interest in the observer to know more.

Going back to the aesthetic and existential potential, Somhegyi states that
Ruins’ potential lies in the capability of the aesthetic manifestation of this
passing of time (Somhegyi, 2018) they Trigger our observation and imagi-
nation and help us to meditate about our existential position in the world.

Ruins and objects with signs of decay become an element that has the po-
tential to help us to acquire knowledge about the different historical layers
of a site or building and also invite us to understand the present with the
analysis of our relationship with the past.

As we discussed before, touristification and commodification of heritage

can be detrimental to the preservation and understanding of built herita-
ge.

We talked about Venice before and its inevitable touristification as an

example of the commodification of heritage, but what if we consider ano-
ther perspective? Is it easier to approach cultural history when it’s touris-
tified?

In order to answer this question, we can start with the concept of “aesthetic
attitude”, an aesthetic attitude is the way we perceive the world or a way to
control our perception of it and pay attention only to certain phenomena.
For example, a tourist engages with a place or environment differently
than a local. The tourist movements are slow and focused on grasping as
much as they can of the environment details, atmospheres and particular
traits of the environment which hold no interest for the inhabitant can be
appreciated by the tourist (Somhegyi 2018) whereas the local’s experience
is less attentive to their environment and more directed to their everyday
activities. The locals and the tourist coexist in the same space and time but
are separated by the way they perceive and experience the environment.

Therefore, there are certain elements in a city or place that can be percei-
ved and enjoy by tourist but completely ignored by a local.

If we talk about historical cities, the aesthetic attitude is directly linked to

the use of the town. Max Ryynänen In his essay Historical Cityscape as
Museums and Theme Parks, explores two different possibilities or uses of
the townships, besides the real-life where normal activities performed by
the inhabitants occur, a township can also be a museum or a theme park,
and often both at the same time.

17
 1

The theme park’s main characteristic is the masses. It attracts a horde of

tourists interested on experience the historical reality of a city that usually
is aestheticized, curated, and performed to fulfill the visitor’s experien-
ce. Another important element of theme parks is their safety, they offer
pleasant, pedestrian-friendly public spaces where the visitor can engage in
sociability and conversation and stop by to admire the atmosphere.

Ryynänen explores the example of Venice as a touristified historical city in

his essay The Most Serene Sinking Ruins: Fragments from the History of
the aesthetics of Venice. When we buy a brand we buy its meaning, “The
city provides a rich variety of cliched sets of sight and landscapes which
visitors seek out to explore consume and experience”. (Ryynänen 2018)

Morphologically speaking Venice’s architecture has not changed conside-

rably over the centuries due to its fragile infrastructure, but historically
it has been a dynamic art center, a marketplace, and nowadays, a touris-
tic destination. The city has been portrayed in several works of literature,
poetry, painting, and cinema without the artist knowing the city. It has
very specific and distinguishable characteristics that we can even perceive
as a brand. We buy the Venice experience, the bridges, gondolas, the si-
ghts, and even the patina.

Even when we tend to think that the touristification of Venice is a recent

phenomenon, it has been around for centuries now. As soon as modernity
developed, Venice declined as a city, specifically after it surrendered before
the occupying French tropes in 1797. It became a haunted ruin admired
by the artists of romanticism. This haunted allure gave it recognition that
by the nineteenth century it was already the first European travel destina-
tion. The aesthetic attitude back then would have been the museum, the
empty, silent atmosphere accessible to the elite, in part because it was hard
to reach. The railway changed everything, the city became connected to
Milan and accessible to more people, this started to also change the eco-
nomical nature of the city, but architecturally it remains untouched with
the exception of the bridges that were added in order to aid the visitors to
transit around the island.

This interest developed in the change of use of building, now destined for
touristic activity. The city became a theme park, where hordes of tourist
transit every day, and the cultural manifestation are a spectacle for tou-
ristic consumption, now is difficult to recognize real-life if it exists, we
may consider the touristic reality the real life of the city. Venice became a
simulacrum, an image that transcended its original model, and the touris-
tification another historical layer.

“Accepting that historical townships are theme parks, and even more than
they have become so due to their historical and artistic appreciation, it
might help us cope with their change.” (Ryynänen 2018)

Before moving to the museum experience, we must go back to the concept

18
 1

of aesthetic attitude and mentioned that two types of tourists are present
in a historical township, and they experience the environment in a diffe-
rent way: Masses and elite tourists. For the elite, the museum atmosphere
has always been more favorable than the theme park atmosphere, men-
tions Ryynänen, the elite seeks a “real” experience and consumes certain
cultural products that sometimes are not accessible to the masses, their
presence is more arrogant and exclusive. But that doesn’t mean that the
masses don’t consume the museum experience.
17
Max Ryynänen In his essay “Historical
Cityscape as Museums and Theme Parks” in
The museum as a horizon of experience consists of a more quiet and less Learning form decay, Essays on the Aesthetics
crowded environment. Nighttime makes most historical townships more of architectural dereliction and its consump-
tion, Peter Lang, Berlin, 2018
like museums, they are old, not lively at that moment, and for a while, they
are not overloaded with light and tourists.17

As mentioned before, historical township attracts tourist activity due to

their historical and artistic relevance. The presence of the masses is a sign
of the democratization of taste and culture when beauty becomes accessi-
ble to all. The change of use of a historical township also has the potential
to save the township economically and prevent it to become a ghost town.

But the most interesting potential of the touristification of a historical

township is the different aesthetic attitudes that are present, specifically
the way that different elements that are normally ignored by the locals
become visible for the tourists. The visitor is more aware of the historical
layers that can pass unnoticed by the inhabitants. The touristified towns-
hip displays even when false or performed the different historical layers
instead of the present as the only reality. In some cases, like Venice, touris-
tification becomes another historical layer that altered and modified the
town economically.

Restoration and preservation can be practices that sustain or promote the

commodification of heritage. Heritage buildings are rendered complete
and beautiful in order to be used. Here the aesthetic need prevails over the
structural needs.

After exploring the existential potential of decay and the positive and ne-
gative traits of the commodification of heritage, can we consider that a
ruin or architectural object with clear signs of decay, loses its potential to
become a commodity and its cultural value can prevail over its economic
potential? These objects can become a gap or break in the flow promoted
by aestheticization and work as a sort of document that communicates
its history in a more authentic way, without the filters of restoration that
erase part of the history and the need to eliminate unpleasant associations.

An unpleasant or subversive object is rendered to be acceptable and to

fit the aesthetic values and relieve it from unpleasant associations, thus
ignoring the broader context. According to Walter Benjamin, in an aes-
theticized world, an object that shows clear signs of decay, incompletion, or
ruination, acts as a subversive element that is marginalized from the space

19
 1

18
D. Trigg, The Aesthetics of Decay: No-
thingness, nostalgia and the absence of re-
ason, Peter Lang Publishing, inc, New York,
2006
of production, they subvert the myth of progress and permanency and it no
longer fit the needs of capitalism that classifies things in terms of their pro-
ductive value.18

In other words, in the context of commodification of heritage and touris-

tification, a ruin or object in decay, can resist the status of a commodity
and become a real and true document that supports both the acquisition
of knowledge and experience of the past and the maintenance of cultural
identity without being defined by its productive value.

Moreover, Leach talks about the aestheticization of war, and its relations-
hip with Italian futurism, the example given by Walter Benjamin. In 1924
Benjamin meet the Italian futurist, poet and propagandist, Filippo Tom-
maso Marinetti. He admired the artistic qualities of his works but also re-
cognized the dark and sinister elements of Marinetti’s work that celebrated
the putrefaction and destruction of war, specifically Marinetti’s Futurist
manifesto where he depicts the horrors of war as a potential inspiration for
artists. In this example, destruction and decay represent artistic sources of
inspiration and creation.

On the other hand, decay can also support the negative traits of aestheti-
cization, commodification, and touristification by being reproduced as a
trait of a certain place and exploited as a commodity. Going back to the
example of Venice, the presence of decay, is one of the most identifiable
characteristics of the city as a brand. Another example is Rome, where the
ruins are one of the most visited places and reproducible images of the city.

The presence of decay can end or potentially wake up us from the dream
that aestheticization put us on. It can trigger an awareness of the context
of an object or a series of architectural objects and help us to grasp reality,
and at the same time, being a transcendental and liberating element. De-
cay ends with the tyranny of the perfect reproducible image and renders
an object unique. However, it can also be aestheticized and reproduced
creating a false narrative.

20
 2
NOSTALGIA: A HIS-
TORICAL EMOTION
21
 2

“THEY … WERE DYING OF

NOSTALGIA.”(Small, 1864)19
Abner R Small, a commissioned officer in the 16th Mai-
19

ne Volunteers, was captured by Confederate forces in Au-

gust 1864 and spent several months as a prisoner of war.
In his diary, Small recorded the effects of imprisonment
upon his fellow inmates. “They became homesick and di-
sheartened,” he noted. “They … were dying of nostalgia.”

22
 2

A BRIEF HISTORY OF THE TERM 2.1

In 1688, Johannes Hofner introduced the term Nostalgia in his disserta-
tion for his medical studies at the University of Basel, Switzerland. Among 20
S. Boym, The Future of Nostalgia, Basic
Books, New York, 2001
the subjects for his research were the Swiss mercenaries serving abroad, 21
idem
who presented a series of symptoms such as anxiety, sleeping problems, 22
idem

loss of appetite, and heart palpitations. The symptoms increased with the
sight of home, or to be more specific, something that reminded them of
home. These symptoms were not fatal but easily treatable, the most effi-
cient treatment, besides leaches and opium, was to send them back to the
alps.

As understood, the term nostalgia originated from medical studies, not

politics or psychology. However, it evolved and developed from medicine
to a mental disorder to a tool to create art for the romantics and later, to
a rather negative trait that opposed the notion of progress. Nostalgia also
touches the way we understand and preserve our heritage. Usually, the
term is linked to the experience of the past and the return to a place or
time that does not exist anymore, but it also has to do with the search for
freedom, the creation of identity, and the construction of the future.

Etymologically, the word nostalgia comes from two Greek words, even
though the word itself does not have Greek origins; “Nostos”, which can be
translated as the painful desire of returning to a home, and “Algia” which
means longing. This definition has an implicit impossibility, longing refers
to a desire, an urge that cannot be satisfied, hence, we can define the word
nostalgia as the painful urge to return to home.

“Nostalgia was said to produce “erroneous representations” that caused

the afflicted to lose touch with the present. Longing for their native land
became their single-minded obsession. The patients acquired “a lifeless
and haggard countenance,” and “indifference towards everything,” confu-
sing past and present, real, and imaginary events.” (Boym, 2001)

According to Svetlana Boym, the nostalgic have an incredible capacity of

remembering sounds, tastes, sensations, and smells of their home, and is
often triggered when exposed to them20. For Hofner, nostalgia was also a
demonstration of patriotism, loving the native land so much that being
away makes us sick.21

Nostalgia was compared with melancholia, however, melancholia was

treated as a philosophical and psychological condition that usually affec-
ted intellectuals, whereas nostalgia was a more “democratic” condition,
that affected sailors, soldiers, and anyone who is experiencing displace-
ment, making it a public condition that contradicted modernity.22

Hofner’s notion of nostalgia as a contradiction between the need and will

for freedom and the love and longing for one’s native land was challen-

23
 2

23
A. Huyssen, “Nostalgia for Ruins”, ged later by the military American doctor Theodore Calhoun who per-
Grey Room 23, P. 6-21, 2006
24
S. Boym, The Future of Nostal- ceived nostalgia as a “shameful disease that revealed a lack of manliness
gia, Basic Books, New York, 2001 and unprogressive attitudes” (Boym 2001) disease of people alienated by
their daydreaming and imagination originated by their weak character.
This attitude toward the concept introduced some positive changes in the
living conditions of the soldiers, they even were able to return home for a
brief period.

The French revolution, believed to be a consequence of the enlightenment

ideas, brought a new perception of progress; it was linked to the industrial
development that was focused on the improvement of the future. New mo-
dern objectivity was acquired, objectivity that transformed the perception
of time into a more linear concept. This benefited the industrial progress
as defined by organized schedules.

“What mattered in the idea of progress was an improvement in the future,

not a reflection on the past.” (Boym 2001)

During this time the idea of progress, central to industrial development,

took a great distance from nature, arts, and humanities. It focused only
on the ways in which society could reach industrial development, hence,
nostalgia naturally opposed to this notion of progress, linked to rational
thinking and the perception of time as a linear and measurable factor.

The Venetian artist Giovanni Battista Piranesi proposed an alternative

understanding of the passage of time during the age of reason, separated
from the belief of modern progress and morality, and woke up the fasci-
nation for ruins with his etchings of Rome that depicted ruins taken by
nature. In his essay about Nostalgia for ruins, Andreas Huyssen23 proposes
that the ruins depicted in Piranesi’s etchings were full of authenticity, they
showed an honest and uncanny vision of the monumentality of the ruins
of the Roman Empire.

“Piranesi’s ruins and his jails are artifice through and through. That is what
constitutes their authenticity within his rather dark vision of a modernity
still much in the shadows of a glorious Roman past.” (Huyssen, 2006)

The work of Piranesi materialized as well, both the spatial and temporal
dimensions that constitute nostalgia and made clear that nostalgia is in-
trinsically linked to a place.

Moreover, many philosophers and writers were concerned with extending

the concept of progress to all human spheres, reaching art, science, and na-
ture. According to Boym, during the nineteenth century, medicine practi-
tioners believed that nostalgia could be cured by progress in the medical
field.24 The medical advances cured indeed a series of diseases that were
confused with nostalgia, and the task of understanding this phenomenon
passed from doctors to philosophers and writers. With this shift, nostalgia
started to be seen as a sign of sensibility, of romance with the past and with

24
 2

Fig. 5 Piranesi, Temple of Saturn. 1774. Davis Museum, Wellesley College

Fig. 6 View of the Flavian Amphitheater, called Colosseum by Giovanni Battista Piranesi

25
 2

25
S. Boym, The Future of Nostal- a new sense of patriotism, instead of healing it, they focused on spread it.
gia, Basic Books, New York, 2001
26
A. Huyssen, “Nostalgia for Ruins”,
Grey Room 23, P. 6-21, 2006 Romanticism was a response to the universality of reason25 that the enli-
27
J. A. Pinto, “Speaking Ruins: Travelers’
Perceptions of Ancient Rome”, A Journal of ghtenment brought by highlighting emotions and sentiment, specifically
Place, Foundation for Landscape Studies, a sentiment related to nationalism. Nostalgia once again changed its me-
Vol. 11, No. 2 (Spring 2016, pp. 3-5, 2016
28
S. Boym, The Future of Nostal- aning and gained a positive perspective that matched the main traits that
gia, Basic Books, New York, 2001 were valued during romanticism.

A curious expression of this new acceptance of the concept of nostalgia

was the idealization of ruins. In a different perspective from Piranesi’s au-
thentic representation of decay, Ruins were praised for beautifying by way
of the picturesque.26 The presence of ruins of old buildings was highlighted
in cities and the interest in visiting them grew, even new ruins were built
in gardens in order to trigger this sentiment.

Rome was the perfect setting to host the ruin fever. For many visitors,
specifically the Romantic writers, ruins were the emblem of Rome, they
gave the city its identity. The Romantic movement found its own prin-
ciples (sentiment, individuality, passion, transcendence, imagination) re-
flected and also highlighted by the city. In his famous “moonlight stanza”
of Childe Harold’s Pilgrimage, Lord Byron dedicated a few lines to the
Colosseum:

“But when the rising moon begins to climb Its topmost arch and gently
pauses there; When the stars twinkle through the loops of time, And the
low night-breeze waves along the air, The garland forest, which the gray
walls wear, Like laurels on the bald first Caesar’s head; When the light
shines serene but doth not glare, Then in this magic circle raise the dead:
Heroes have trod this spot – ‘tis on their dust ye tread” (Byron, 1816)

Romanticism preferred the notion of historical cycles and the organic cy-
cle of growth and decay instead of linear narratives. Besides the fascina-
tion for ruins, this era brought a transcendental vision of nature and the
primacy of the spiritual over the empirical27 Landscape design took dis-
tance from the orthogonal and rational forms and focused on reproducing
alluring naturalistic features. Landscape designers even made indiscrimi-
nate use of fake ruins to adorn their gardens.

Many poets and philosophers explored nostalgic longing for its own sake
rather than using it as a vehicle to a promised land to evoke nationalis-
tic feelings. Kant saw in the combination of melancholy, nostalgia, and
self-awareness, a unique aesthetic sense that did not objectify the past but
rather heightened one's sensitivity to the dilemmas of life and moral free-
dom.28

This new acquired sensibility also helped to conceive the past as heritage.
Around this time, preservation became an important concern regarding
the built history, old monuments were restored to their “original” forms,
removing later historical layers that were important to understand the pas-

26
 2

sing of time and the role of the monuments in each period. Part of history
was removed from the monuments in order to bring back their original
shape.

Moreover, by the end of the century, there was an open debate between the
defenders of the restoration practices that focused on the stylistic unity of
the monuments, choosing one single ideal shape that corresponded to a
certain period of time, and the defenders of preservation practices, that
were directed to correct only great damages, leaving the building almost
untouched in order to conserve its historicity intact according to their age
value, this leading to the reflection of the passing of time. These two theo-
ries are going to be developed further in later sections.

The end of the nineteenth century and the beginning of the Twentieth
witnessed the birth of modernity. This period of time defined by the full
industrialization of the world was moved by change and innovation. The
longing for the past was replaced by excitement for the future.

The modernist art principles took distance from the representation of na-
ture, patriotism, and nostalgia, rejected history and conservative values,
and promoted experimentation and innovation. Art was concerned with
materials, styles, techniques, and processes and was driven by social and
political issues. It also shifted from the idealization of nature to the inte-
rest in the city, the new paradise, and at the same time the technologi-
cal and societal changes moved fast, and art and culture kept reinventing
themselves in order to keep pace.

The positive associations with the concept of nostalgia changed and be-
came once again anti-progressive, the nostalgic longing for the past was
incompatible with the modernist yearning for the future and its rapid in-
novation and change.

However, as seen in the previous section, the modern individual became

anesthetized by the diverse stimuli that life in the city offered and began
to feel a longing for rural life.

In 1921 Walter Benjamin bought Paul Klee’s painting Angelus Novus and
kept it with him for the rest of his life. This art piece inspired Benjamin’s
thoughts and led him to write a thesis on the philosophy of history, where
he used poetic and scientific analogies to present a critique of history and
his rejection of the past as a continuous progress.

“A Klee painting, "The Angel of History," shows an angel looking as thou- Fig. 7 Angelus Novus by Paul Klee, The Pus-
gh he is about to move away from something he is fixedly contempla- hkin Museum, Moscow, 1920
ting. His eyes are staring, his mouth is open, his wings are spread. This is
how one pictures the angel of history. His face is turned towards the past.
Where we perceive a chain of events, he sees one single catastrophe which
keeps piling wreckage upon wreckage and hurls it in front of his feet. The
angel would like to stay, awaken the dead, and make whole what has been

27
 2

smashed. But a storm is blowing from Paradise; it has got caught in his
wings with such violence that the angel can no longer close them. This
storm irresistibly propels him into the future to which his back is turned,
while the pile of debris before him grows skyward. This storm is what we
call progress.'' (Benjamin, 1974)

Benjamin’s critique revolves around the concept of historical reason and

challenges the notion of history as a continuous and progressive factor
with the idea of the importance to look to the past to build the future as
a central discourse. According to him, the past is something that is sti-
ll influencing the present and the future, thus, it cannot be historicized;
temporal realities are a series of constellations that are interlaced and in-
fluence each other. The angel is frozen in time, paralyzed by a storm called
“progress” that pulls him into the future without being able to “awaken the
dead” or mend the catastrophe at his feet.

Fredrich Jameson goes on to say: “But if nostalgia as a political motivation

is most frequently associated with Fascism, there is no reason why a nos-
talgia conscious of itself, a lucid and remorseless dissatisfaction with the
present on the grounds of some remembered plenitude, cannot furnish as
adequate a revolutionary stimulus as any other: the example of Benjamin
is there to prove it.” (Jameson, 1974)

The sense of nostalgia was brought back by postmodernism after the post-
war disillusionment. Postmodernism gave access to all the historical styles
to the point of parody. The nostalgia of postmodernism was a response to
the disillusion with modern progress, but this time became a commodity
and was appropriated by mass culture.

“It seems to be exceedingly symptomatic to find the very style of nostalgia

films invading and colonizing even those movies today which have con-
temporary settings: as though, for some reason, we were unable today to
focus our own present, as though we have become incapable of achieving
aesthetic representations of our own current experience.” (Jameson, 1992)

Nostalgia moved from being perceived as anti-progressive in the begin-

ning of the Twentieth century to an element to be capitalized and reprodu-
ce by mass culture in contemporary times. It was appropriated by popular
culture specifically by the entertainment industry. According to Fredrich
Jameson, this phenomenon was reflected specifically in the film industry.

Svetlana Boym uses the case of Jurassic Park to exemplify this new concep-
tion of nostalgia. According to Boym, “Dinosaurs are ideal animals for the
nostalgia industry because nobody remembers them. Their extinction is a
guarantee of commercial success; it allows for total restoration and global
exportability. Nobody will be offended by the improper portrayal of the
dinosaur, not even animal rights activists.” (Boym 2001)

This new conception of nostalgia does not have a grasp on the collective

28
 2

historical memory, but it promotes a yearning for a past that the subject 29
A. Appadurai, Modernity at Large: Cultu-
ral Dimensions of Globalization, University
never experienced. The mythical return to home was replaced by a jour- of Minnesota, Minneapolis, 1996
ney to an alternative reality, the heroes arrive at a home they do not know. 30
idem
31
N. Russo, “Psycherelic Rock ”, Volume !
[Online], 11 : 1 | 2014, Online since 30 De-
Nowadays we are presented with the same idea of nostalgic experience cember 2016,
connection on 15 November 2021. URL:
mainly represented by contemporary music proposals that attempt a re- http://journals.openedition.org/volu-
vival of the genres that were popular during the 1960s, 1970s, and 1980s me/4344 ; DOI: https:// doi.org/10.4000/vo-
lume.4344
decades. Genres such as post-punk revival and New Psychedelia are in-
creasingly popular nowadays, and the consumption of this music comes
with the whole experience of the aesthetics of the model of reference.
“IT FEELS LIKE WE ONLY GO BACKWARDS” (Tame Impala, 2012)
Contemporary retro music has the capacity to evoke the past through a
series of sounds, arrangements, reverberations, and images, specifically in
young audiences who did not live to experience the model of reference.
However, retro music fails in evoking the social and cultural context that
influenced the development of the musical genres and its link with the
emergence of countercultures. We can draw a line between these pheno-
mena and the simulacrum proposed by Baudrillard and analyzed before
in this research, Contemporary retro music act as a simulacrum that went
beyond its original model and detached from the potential of being trans-
cendental for collective identity.

“Unlike a traditional nostalgia for one’s own personal past, this music
evidences a yearning for a past outside of lived experience. This effect of
evoking nostalgic sentiment in new music relies in large part upon the
use of particular sound elements that are identifiable by musicians and
audiences as the sonic cultural markers of the 1960s and which appeal to
the wider collective memory of that era.” (Russo, 2016)

The term Ersatz nostalgia29 or nostalgia without lived experience or collec-

tive historical memory30 has been coined by Arjun Appadurai in his book
Modernity at Large: Cultural Dimensions of Globalization(1996). This term
consists of the act of implanting a sense of longing within consumers for
things that they had never really missed because they had never had them
in the first place.31

Not only contemporary retro music evokes this kind of nostalgic expe-
rience, but fashion does also it as well. Fashion trends keep renewing
themselves every season often evoking the past, and like music, fashion
appropriates the symbols and elements of subcultures and groups that
used style as a way to express their cultural identity. The mass production
of clothes and accessories from the fast fashion industry makes it possible
to access easily, consume and dispose of those nostalgic devices that are
reproduced in series.

However, vintage fashion proposes a more sustainable consumption of

the past. Instead of consuming new products that evoke the fashions of

29
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the past, vintage fashion re-circulates garments that otherwise would be

disposed of.
Late marketing techniques have exploited nostalgia as a commodity to be
consumed implanting not only a feeling of longing in the consumers but
also a remedy, the final product is sold as the solution for this newly ac-
quired yearning.

“One could speak about "inculcation of nostalgia" into merchandise as a

marketing strategy that tricks consumers into missing what they haven't
lost”. (Boym, 2001)

Fig. 8, 9 Stills from the

book New Psychedelia
by Leif Podhajsky, 2021

30
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NOSTOS OR THE MYTHICAL RETURN TO HOME 2.1.1

The concept of Nostos was a common theme in ancient Greek literature, it

usually consisted of a long journey by the sea where the hero is tested on
multiple occasions in order to elevate his status and honor upon arrival.

The theme of Nostos is present in Homer’s notorious work The Odyssey,

where the main hero, Odysseus attempts to return home after battling in
the Trojan war and in his way, he is presented with a series of challen-
ges and temptations that made difficult his homecoming. Odysseus spent
twenty years away from Ithaca, his home, ten years fighting the trojan war
and another ten in his return. Upon his arrival, he realizes that the home
that he left was changed, his son grew up and his wife was being courted
by a series of suitors. Odysseus killed the suitors and took back the palace;
however, he never returns to the exact vision that kept him traveling back
home.

In this work, Nostos or Nostalgia is expressed as the element, vision, or

promise that drives the heroes through all the challenges and temptations
that are presented to them. The symptoms of a disease, the anti-progres-
sive factor, and the romantic idealization of the past were preceded by
this concept of nostalgia as a promise that keeps the hero moving toward
home.

Fig. 10 Odysseus sculpture

at British Museum

31
 2

ANCIENT SEVENTEENTH EIGHTEENTH NINETEENTH

CENTURY CENTURY CENTURY

NOSTOS: THE MYTHICAL RETURN TO ROMANTISCISM: FASCINATION FOR

HOME NOSTALGIA AND RUINS
PIRANESI’S
ETCHINGS
HOFNER’S
MEDICAL STUDIES

CALHUM
CRITIQUE
TO AGE OF REASON: NOSTALGIA
HOFNER AS ANTI-PROGRESSIVE

Fig. 11 Timeline of the evolution of Nostalgia

32
 2

ENTH TWENTIETH TWENTY-FIRST THE FUTURE

RY CENTURY CENTURY

CINATION FOR
S
POSMODERNISM:
+

?
APPROPIATED
FROM MASS
CULTURE
EZRATZ NOSTALGIA MUSIC/CINEMA/-
FASHION +/-
MODERNITY:

-
NOSTALGIA AGAINST
PROGRESSIVE
VALUES

33

2.2
32
Pp 55, D. Trigg, The aesthetics of decay:
Nothingness, nostalgia and the absence of re-
ason, Peter Lang Publishing, inc, New York,
2006,
33
“Nostalgia for mud “phrase coined by Émi-
le Augier In Act I, Scene I of the 1855 play Le
Mariage d'Olympe:
LE MARQUIS: Mettez un canard sur un
lac au milieu des cygnes, vous verrez qu’il
regrettera sa mare et finira par y retourner.
(Translation: You put a duck in the middle of
swans, you'll see that he will miss his pond
and eventually return.)
MONTRICHARD: La nostalgie de la boue!
34
2
DIS-PLACE-MENT
“The impossibility of nostalgia predicates itself on the desire of the absent”
(Trigg 2018)
Nostalgia contains a conjunction of the spatial and temporal realms. When
we talk about a return to home, the word return implies travel back in time
while the word home is a spatial condition.
Johannes Hofner’s definition of nostalgia relies only on the spatial condi-
tion, acknowledging that the disease was the result of a geographical dis-
placement. The concept was reunited with the temporal condition when it
became an obstacle to modern progress. Immanuel Kant presented ano-
ther proposal about the Swiss mercenaries and determined the temporal
condition of nostalgia.
“The homesickness of the Swiss… is the result of a longing that is arou-
sed by the recollection of a carefree life and neighborly company in their
youth, a longing for places where they enjoyed the very simple pleasures
of life” (Kant, 1978)
According to Kant, the Swiss mercenaries’ homesickness was rooted in a
longing for childhood, not only a spatial displacement. “Clear memories
from our childhood appear to be detached from us” (Bachelard, 1994) The
detachment mentioned by Bachelard relies on the disassociation between
the desire to return to a place and the desire to return to the same place
that we remember. It is possible to go back to the house where we spent
our childhood for instance, however it is not possible to re-live all of our
childhood memories and the role that we played back then.
The spatial-temporal disassociation that is triggered by the possibility to
go back to a place but not a temporal reality, creates a sort of estrangement
and unfamiliarity, as Dylan Trigg mentions a fragmentation of personal
identity32. We build a familiar image of the past that is fixed in the present
thus neglecting the present or the possibility of a future.
“Even when the object of nostalgia is of ruin, dissolution, or suffering as
indeed the French term “nostalgie de la boue”33 suggests, its appeal is still
enticing, knowing that any such contact with the object is impossible…
looking back upon the past with melancholy pleasure, knowing that any
return is impossible, induces happiness but also gloom.” (Trigg, 2018)
Moreover, this paradox promotes a disruption in the fabric of reality, whe-
re temporality is exclusive and unreachable, supporting the fixed and static
image of history. Traditions arise when we keep trying to adapt that past
image to the present, relying on preservation and restoration practices.
How can this be translated into the context of heritage and architecture?
 2

A monument that works as a representative element of a certain period, 34

embodies perfectly this spatial-temporal condition. The monument acts
as a fixed image of the past even when it has been altered or shows signs
of decay and dilapidation due to natural forces. It is forced to stand in the
present, even though the social, cultural, natural, and built environment
has changed, creating a spatial-temporal disruption triggered by its pre-
sence and contrast with the everchanging and transforming environment.
According to Alois Riegl, the deliberate
monuments were those that corresponded to
the original conception of the term, serving
the specific purpose of keeping particular
human deeds or destinies and meant to be
preserve for future generations.
35
Pp 69, A. Riegl, The Modern Cult of Monu-
ments: Its Character and Origin, MIT press,
Cambridge, 1903.

Firstly, let’s define the word monument. The definition and the notion of a
monument can vary depending on the political, social, and cultural con-
text, however, in the broader sense, referring to the etymological meaning
of the word which means “memorial” we can consider a monument as a
document or instrument that testifies an important historical moment or
the life and legacy of a person.

In his treatise, The Modern Cult of Monuments: Its Character and Origin,
Alois Riegl analyzed the different values that the monuments can embody.
According to him, when we speak of the modern cult of monuments or his-
toric preservation, we rarely have “deliberate” monuments in mind, rather
we think of “artistic and historical monuments34. For Riegl, a monument
that has historical value has a place in the developmental chain of art his-
tory, historical value implies the idea of development, and we can consider
a historical moment as irreplaceable.

Hence historical monuments are tangible or intangible elements with

artistic value that were not meant to be deliberate monuments from
the moment of their creation but became one once they represented an
irreplaceable part of the historical development of a certain event or art
movement, in other words, unintentional monuments. Both deliberate
and unintentional monuments have commemorative value, however, for
unintentional monuments, the commemorative value is given by us, while
by the deliberate monuments, the commemorative value is given by their
creator.

Subsequently, Riegl defines different values that can be identified in every

monument. The most relevant for this research are Age Value, Historical
Value, Use Value, and Newness Value.

Age value is revealed easily in the outer appearance of a monument, Age

value is revealed in imperfection, in lack of completeness… characteristics
that are in contrast with those of modern, newly created works35. This va-
lue acknowledges the monument as an organism that follows the natural
cycles of growth and decay that human beings recognize in themselves.
Hence, it promotes self-reflection and the acknowledgment of human fi-
nitude.

Even though the presence of decay is accepted, partial destructions have

to be introduced by natural forces such as time, not by mechanical forces
or human interference, this value is also incompatible with restoration

35

36
Pp 74, A. Riegl, The Modern Cult of Mo-
numents: Its Character and Origin, MIT
press, Cambridge, 1903.
36
2
practices or any form of additions and subtractions. Age value accepts and
promotes the natural dilapidation of a monument, celebrating its past but
focusing on its future.
Historical Value, on the other hand, is based on the very specific yet indivi-
dual stage that the monument represents in the development of human crea-
tion in a particular field36, in other words in contrast with the age value,
the historical value does not consider the natural cycle of a building as an
ideal but the monuments original form that represents the exact moment
of its construction.
Moreover, historical value considers the monument as a document that
can support historical research; hence its preservation is important in or-
der to preserve it for future generations, it considers that any form of de-
cay and dilapidation interferes with the reading and understanding of the
monument document.
Use value consists of giving a practical use to the building, and the most
important factor is its structural security. Also incompatible with age va-
lue, use value relies not only on restoration but also on structural conso-
lidation.
For newness value, the most important factor is unity and completion. It
has the biggest conflict with age value, and it is compatible with the use va-
lue. A monument that projects newness value, is usually restored in order
to render an ideal and complete image, as it was built recently, usually, it
falls into stylistic restoration, its restoration also focuses on removing any
trace of age that can be disturbing to the view.
The conflict between commemorative and modern values also integrates
the way that the monument is perceived by the users. Age value, for instan-
ce, can be recognized and assimilated by everybody. Every person has the
capability to identify an incomplete monument and as mentioned before,
recognize their own finitude. Newness value can also be recognized easily
by the masses, it is usually the most accepted and reproducible value, due
to its potential to be practical or usable and also by its immediacy. As dis-
cussed before, Historical value is not usually recognized by the masses but
by a small group of historians and professionals in similar fields due to its
status as a tool or document accessible by people with enough knowledge
to understand it.
Hence, these values influence the way we express nostalgia and interact
with a monument, either they promote an acceptance of the past and the
need for continuity and development, a fixed view of the past as something
that has to be preserved the way it was, or as a document that can be read,
studied, and transmitted to future generations.
As mentioned before, monuments are representative elements, and the
way they are intervened by the human hand also influences the way we
 2

interact with them and the values that they embody. For instance, a resto-
red monument erases the traces of history and promotes a more static and
fixed image of history. A monument in ruins as a result of natural forces
shows the different traces of history and continues to be part of a chain of
events. Preserving the state of disrepair means giving the monument the
chance to play a role in the present instead of becoming an element that
represents a spatial and temporal disruption, disconnected from present
times and progressive values.
FUTURE
TIME

OBSERVER

PR
ES
EN E
T SPAC

T
SEN
PRE
PAST

Fig. 12 Image explaining the

spatial and temporal dimen-
sions of nostalgia

RESTORATIVE AND REFLECTIVE NOSTALGIA 2.3

In her book The Future of Nostalgia (2001), Svetlana Boym introduces the
two faces or types of nostalgia, Restorative and Reflective. Both of them
have a direct relation with the etymological definition of the word nostal-
gia; according to Boym,

“(The) Two kinds of nostalgia are not absolute types, but rather tenden-
cies, ways of giving shape and meaning to longing. Restorative nostalgia
puts emphasis on nostos and proposes to rebuild the lost home and patch
up the memory gaps. Reflective nostalgia dwells in algia, in longing and
loss, the imperfect process of remembrance.” (Boym, 2001)

37
 2

In other words, the restorative type is present when we desire to recons-

truct the past and re-live it, although is impossible. It conceives the past
as an idealized reality while the reflective type gravitates toward the ac-
ceptance of the past, and rather than trying to re-live those experiences, it
reflects critically on them.

Neither of both can be labeled as negative or positive or as good or bad,

these two types are merely an attitude toward the way we experience nos-
talgia and can be intertwined. According to Boym, the two terms can inter-
mingle and lost their individual ideals, but they do depict different aspects
of nostalgia and the past. Both face part from the same bases, nostalgia is
tied to the collective memory and cultural identity and affects both the
individual and the collective.

Restorative nostalgia can be sensed as static and leaning toward absolutes.

Consists of the idealization of the past and the desire to return and re-live
a certain past reality. In the frame of the mythical return to home, resto-
rative nostalgia signifies the longing for that mythical place, and the effort
to go back to it even when we find that the place does not exist anymore,
or it never did.

Within the frame of a collectively owned context, these nostalgic tenden-

cies are expressed in the form of cultural identity and invented traditions.
Why invented tradition? According to Boym “restored or invented tradi-
tion refers to a "set of practices, normally governed by overtly or tacitly
accepted rules and of a ritual of symbolic nature which seeks to inculcate
certain values and norms of behavior by repetition which automatically
implies continuity with the past." The new traditions are characterized by
a higher degree of symbolic formalization and ritualization than the ac-
tual peasant customs and conventions after which they were patterned.”
(Boym; 2001:73)

PAST

PRESENT

FUTURE

RESTORATIVE REFLECTIVE

Fig. 13 Two types of nostalgia: Restorative looks towards the past, ignoring the present and the future, Relfec-
tive looks towards the past in order to build a better future.

38
 2

This conservative approach is more present when we are experiencing a

rapid change and modernization, and tend to be selective with the past,
preserving certain elements and ignoring others, and also manipulated by
political entities disguised as truth and tradition (Boym 2007: 13) in order
to provide social cohesion, a sense of community and a positive response
to authority. In other words, an aestheticization process that focuses on
the reproduction of certain cultural values.

Reflective nostalgia on the other hand is a more conscious attitude towards

the past. It reflects critically on past experiences but always grounded on
the present moment. It is also aware of the selective process of memory
and takes distance from the recreated images of the past and considers the
past as a resource, not as a model.

‘Reflective nostalgia is concerned with historical and individual time, with

the irrevocability of the past and human finitude’ (Boym 2007: 15). In
the mythical return to home, reflective nostalgia is manifested when the
heroes are already home and are remembering and rejoicing about their
journey.

Collectively speaking, reflective nostalgia is expressed in the individual

frames that are shared with a community, a sort of constellation formed
by individual and complex experiences that are intertwined together by
collective memory.

One curious example of both types is the 2011 film Midnight in Paris. The
story follows Gil, a screenwriter who is enamored with Paris, but specifi-
cally with Paris during the 1920s. Gil travels to Paris with his fiancé and
ends up walking alone around the city at midnight and traveling back in
time to his idealized decade. There he meets his favorite artist, writers, and
musicians, reinforcing his idealization of this period and detaching every
day more from his real life. Gil finds himself creatively more fitting for the
1920s than for his own time, however, when offered the opportunity to
stay back and continue his life in the past, he chooses his own temporal
reality.

The time travel event opens his eyes to a reality that he was denying and
took the decision to change his life and stay in the twenty-first century
Paris and leave his fiancé. In this story, the concept of ersatz nostalgia is
present, Gil has nostalgia for a period of time and a place that he did not
experience but idealizes. He had the chance to travel back in time to his
dream period only to find that by doing this, he was denying his present
reality, and he decided to go back to face it and change his life for the bet-
ter, in this case, nostalgia was a trigger for a better condition, the protago-
nist was able to self-reflect from his nostalgic condition and this triggered
positive changes into his life.

Along with the film, Gil expresses the restorative tendency by being obses-
sed with a fixed image of the past and being disappointed with the present.

39
 2

Towards the end of the film, he switches perspectives and decides to take
the past as an inspiration to live and succeed in the present reality.

Nevertheless, for the effect of this research that is more concern with he-
ritage, both types of nostalgia can be linked with the main preservation
theories and use it to exemplify the expression of each tendency.

As mentioned before, at the end of the Nineteenth Century, two opposi-

te theories regarding restoration and preservation were presented by two
prominent theorists. Eugene Viollet-Le-Duc, a French architect that devo-
ted his life to restoring gothic French cathedrals defended the stylistic res-
toration while, on the other hand, British Historian John Ruskin defended
the natural dilapidation of buildings and promoted the aesthetic values of
ruins.

Considering the fact that these two theories represent two extremes that
have been studied, defended, repudiated, and transformed throughout
history to the point of exhaustion, their presence in this research is aimed
only to represent each one of the types of nostalgia and create a link be-
tween them and the context of heritage and preservation.

Both characters had points in common but mostly, their theories contra-
dicted each other. They both were considered nostalgic, specifically, they
expressed nostalgia for medieval times. Eventually, these two opposite
theories were challenged at the end of the first half of the Twentieth cen-
tury when new needs for architectural preservation appeared after World
War II when the destruction was triggered by the human hand and cultu-
ral memory and identity were affected.

Eugene Viollet-Le-Duc had a successful career restoring French gothic

buildings, among them, the Notre Dame of Paris. He is considered the first
modernist architect and the first restoration architect of history. He was
born in France in 1814 in a wealthy family dedicated to construction. This
familiarity with the built environment led him to become an architect.
As a highly conservative person, he defended the academic dogmas and
rational ideals and dedicated his life to revalorizing the artistic heritage
of France, one of the first countries to develop a historical consciousness.

His theory of stylistic restoration focuses on the reestablishment of a buil-

ding to an ideal unity. Consists of the removal and addition of elements
that cannot support the historical and stylistic unity of the building and
the reinforcement and strengthening of the structure in order to preserve
it for the future.

“To restore a building is not to repair it, not to do maintenance, or to re-

build it, is to reestablish it in an ultimate state that never existed before.”
(Viollet-Le-Duc, 1875)

Stylistic restoration conceives the perfect image of a building based on

40
 2

pure speculation; it does not follow any document that testify its original
state. It seeks to erase the traces of time, and dreams about the timeless
unity of the building.

Viollet-Le-Duc thoughts and stylistic restoration embody the spirit of res-

torative nostalgia by idealizing the past and trying, by all means, to go
back to it, however, the past is the center of interest of both stylistic resto-
ration and restorative nostalgia never existed. What exists is an image of
the ideal past that is imposed in present times as historical unity.

“The point, however, was not merely to re-create a building by imitating

medieval practices but rather to and the solutions to architectural pro-
blems that medieval artisans would have adopted had they had the tech-
nical means available to them in the nineteenth century”. (Spurr, 2012)

John Ruskin was born in England in 1819 in a protestant wealthy family

that fomented his interest in traveling, art, and literature. He graduated
from Oxford University as a Sociologist, and started to publish at a young
age, becoming one of the most respected art critiques and historians,
always supported by English society.

Ruskin’s interest in architecture was expressed in his book The Seven

Lamps of Architecture, a treatise where he introduced seven principles
that according to him, should be reflected in a building.

In The Lamp of Memory, he gives architecture the power to convey me-

mories and stresses the importance of keeping the memories intact by
honoring the buildings through conservation and maintenance so they
can last longer. Any addition, subtraction, intervention, or restoration was
forbidden, because it would mean erasing the history of the building, also,
he believed we should not touch a building that was started by someone
else.

“Restoration, so called, is the worst manner of Destruction. It means the

most total destruction that a building can suffer: a destruction out of
which no remnants can be gathered… It is impossible, as impossible as to
raise the dead, to restore anything that has ever been great or beautiful in
architecture.” (Ruskin, 1969)

Moreover, Ruskin founded the Society for the protection of Ancient Buil-
dings where he promoted not only the conservation of historical buildings
but also the interest in territorial planning and landscape. He extended his
interest beyond the building to the context and defended the role of nature
as the model for art.

Ruskin as a detractor of modern architecture could be defined as an incu-

rable nostalgic, however, his nostalgic attitude promoted a critical reflec-
tion on ruins and architecture, and the possibility to consider a ruin an
allegorical object that represents a disruption of the past and continuity, a

41
 2

reminder of finitude. He defended the natural progress of a building from

life to death and the effects of nature in architectural work.

“The aesthetic of ruins can thus be seen as an authentic nostalgia, as the

melancholy cult of the past arising out of the space of rupture, and cons-
cious of the irremediable absence of its object.” (Spurr, 2012)

Reflective nostalgia acknowledges and celebrates the past and the traces of
time and considers the existence of the architectural objects as a process
rather than as a fixed and static image.

As mentioned before, these two theories influenced later approach to res-

toration and preservation and stand as a starting point for the develop-
ment of other less extremist approaches and also the creation of interna-
tional instruments for the restoration and preservation of heritage such as
restoration charters.

Italian Architect and academic Camillo Boito developed a more balanced

approach toward restoration called Philological restoration. He conside-
red a building as a fragment of a manuscript, that, when restored by a
philologist, it’s not possible to confuse the original parts and the additions.
He also opposed both Viollet-Le-Duc and John Ruskin, stressing that a
stylistic restoration means falsification of the building and that Ruskin’s
approach would mean letting the building fall.

Moreover, for Boito, restoration should be considered the last resort when
intervening in a building, the first step should be consolidation. According
to him, all the new addition should be recognizable and documented so
the building can express all its historical layers.

Boito’s theory interwinds both restorative and reflective nostalgia by ma-

king it possible to preserve the original shape of a building by completing
it with distinguishable additions and at the same time, recognizing the
passage of time. He also considered buildings as documents that testify to
every historical layer.

The reconstruction of Norcia after the 2016 earthquake, brought plenty

of debate about how to rebuild a building that is lost or damaged after a
natural disaster. The devastating earthquake hit Norcia and destroyed and
damaged a large part of the town, however, after the damages were identi-
fied, the inhabitants decided to stay in the town.

One of the most damaged buildings was the Basilica di San Benedetto, de-
dicated to San Benedetto who was born in Norcia. The Basilica represents
an important symbol of the town.

After the damages were identified, both the president of the restoration
committee and the bishop, agreed on the reconstruction of the basilica
following a modern design and keeping visible the signs of the earthquake

42
 2

as a respect of the history of the basilica. The Bishop proposed an inter- 37

http://www.umbriadomani.it/spoleto/
norcia-la-basilica-di-san-benedetto-ve-
national competition for the reconstruction of the basilica un concorso rra-ricostruita-come-era-prima-boccia-
internazionale aperto a tutti, anche a grandi nomi dell’architettura, per un ta-lidea-del-vescovo-boccardo-la-soddisfa-
zione-del-sindaco-244586/
progetto che tenga insieme i pezzi rimasti della chiesa, la facciata, l’abside, la
base del campanile, collegandoli ad un’aula liturgica nuova che custodisca la
memoria del passato, aprendosi al presente e al futuro, valorizzando i resti
del terremoto che sono cicatrici che non possiamo cancellare.37

However, the citizens did not agree with the proposal and instead de-
manded the reconstruction of the basilica as it was before the earthquake,
launching a petition on change.org to seek support. The citizens succee-
ded and it was decided to rebuild the Basilica as it was with the help of all
kinds of documentation available provided by the citizens and the visitors.

A LOOK INTO THE FUTURE 2.4

In the previous chapter we talked about the potential of decay, now let’s 38
Oxford English dictionary https://www.
oed.com/view/Entry/148805?redirected-
have a look into the potential of nostalgia. As mentioned before in this From=potential#eid
research, the word potential is defined as having or showing the capacity 39
https://www.reasonedart.com/arch-of-
light
to become or develop into something in the future38 potential implies beco- 40
Ouchhh is a digital art collective https://
ming. ouchhh.tv/PROJECTS
41
Non fungible token is a digital asset that
usually represents a work of art stored in
On one hand, the potential of nostalgia relies on a reflective attitude. the blockchain. https://ethereum.org/en/
nft/
Reflective nostalgia as seen before reflects critically on the past and acts 42
https://www.internimagazine.com/agen-
mainly at the individual level, forming a constellation of experiences that da/in-milan-the-first-monument-in-the-
world-in-the-metaverse/
can build a community with a critical approach to traditions. This take 43
https://time.com/6116826/
will be applied to the case study later on. what-is-the-metaverse/

On the other hand, by bringing back also the concept of hyperrealism and
emancipatory potential of aestheticization that proposes the development
of technology as one of the perks of the aestheticization processes, we can
think of technology as the device that awakens the potential of nostalgia,
specifically the development of virtual reality.

Arco Della Pace in Milan was the first monument in the world to enter
the metaverse for a couple of days from the 30th of December 2021 to the
2nd of January 2022, the virtual “sculpture” was built by a flow of images
generated by an artificial intelligence system, AI DATAPORTAL_ARCH
OF LIGHT39 is a project initiated by the collective Ouchhh40, turning the
monument into an immersive digital artwork.

Eventually, the virtual representation of the monument will become an

NFT41. This initiative is the starting point for the creation of a research
space focused on digital art, science, and technology that will provide
scholarships for young artists, curators, and researchers42.

Metaverse is a concept first explored by science fiction writer Neal Stephen-

43
 2

45
https://www.timelooper.com/about-time- son in his 1992 dystopic, cyberpunk novel Snow Crash43. Nowadays, away
looper/
46
https://lithodomos.com from science fiction literature and cinema, the metaverse is a growing rea-
lity, it consists of a shared virtual reality for socialization, where people re-
presented by an avatar can interact with each other and share experiences.

The metaverse offers new opportunities to develop new architectural prac-

tices but also the need to determine a social, cultural, and historical con-
text. Nowadays architectural design in the real world follows late capita-
lism and branding practices that make them indifferent to the context,
local identity, and social practices the metaverse architecture might reflect
and sustain the same practices, however, it can also represent a way of
preserving architectural heritage without intervening the real monuments
giving a lot of possibilities of using those virtual structures, and also, be-
come an educational device for future architecture and heritage students.

In current times there are a few applications that explore the possibility of
the preservation of heritage by digital means using 3D modeling techni-
ques to document buildings and sites. However, usually, these applications
are created for entertainment purposes as a new form of virtual tourism.

One of the proposals is Timelooper, an application that is defined as an In-

terpretive Experience Design firm committed to enriching the interaction
between cultural institutions and the modern visitor45 that focuses on the
creation of augmented reality virtual experiences with the aid of mapping,
holographic images, and 3D scanning tools. They sell an immersive virtual
experience of historical events from one person’s perspective.

Likewise, Lithodom46 offers trips to a virtual reality in order to experience

ancient Rome’s ruins with the help of smartphones headsets. This applica-
tion was developed by Australian archaeologist Simon Young.

The Open Heritage Project is an initiative created by CyArk and Google to

digitally document world heritage sites specifically sites at risk as a form of
preservation. Team members used VR to upload 3d models of diverse sites
including part of Pompeii, and the temple of Kukulkan in Chichén Itzá.
The project focuses on the accessibility of heritage buildings and sites by
sharing them as they are in the present time, mainly because most of them
are difficult or impossible to access due to their remote location or because
they are restricted by authorities, they also focus on the accessibility to
people from poorer backgrounds and disabilities.

Even though these projects offer an interesting proposal to study, docu-

ment, and preserve architectural heritage, they could lead to a misinter-
pretation of the buildings and sites if they attempt to rewrite history for the
entertainment value, losing their reference to the original model in reality.

44
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Fig. 14 Arco Della Pace in Milan, the

virtual “sculpture” was built by a flow of
images generated by an artificial intelli-
gence system, AI DATAPORTAL_ARCH
OF LIGHT, https://www.reasonedart.
com/arch-of-light

45
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SPACES OF RESISTANCE:
APPROPRIATING DECAY FOR
SOCIAL PRACTICES
48
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3.1 SUBCULTURAL THEORY

The concept of culture is so wide that considering one single definition
might be limited to understanding the term. It has been linked to natural
science, to refer to cell culture or tissue culture, for instance, however, the
most common association is culture related to the different expressions of
society.

In the pure anthropological sense, culture is defined by the Center for Ad-
vanced Research on Language Acquisition as shared patterns of behaviors
and interactions, cognitive constructs, and understanding that are learned
by socialization. This definition implies that culture is a series of social pat-
terns vital for group identity and the formation of community and expres-
sed or embodied through cultural elements such as language, customs,
styles, dress, laws, social behavior, and traditions.

For instance, Mexican culture refers generally to those groups whose cul-
tural baggage derives from the syncretism between Spanish culture and
native Mexican culture, expressed through the use of the Spanish langua-
ge, the dominance of Roman Catholicism among the population, the use
on national symbols such as the flag, the national anthem and the coat
of arms, and the celebration of traditions and national holidays. Mexican
culture is also expressed in art, architecture, and gastronomy and embra-
ced by groups of people with Mexican origins living outside the country,
specifically in the south of the United States, where a subculture emerged
among US citizens with Mexican roots, Chicano subculture was born as
an anti-assimilation movement and opposition to the American culture,
representing people that were neither fully Mexican nor American.

Hence, culture can adapt, transform, and evolve usually by changes in the
social structures triggered by conflicts, acts of resistance, and contact with
other cultures, among others.

Culture also refers to popular culture that can be defined as a series of ob-
jects, practices, and beliefs that are dominant in a society in a given period
of time, influenced by the mass appeal and entertainment industry.

48
Definition by Oxford English Dictionary
https://www.oed.com/oed2/00055636
Nevertheless, the term culture has a different usage related to intellectual
achievement. As the Oxford English dictionary defines it, the cultivating or
development (of the mind, faculties, manners), improvement or refinement
by education and training; the condition of being trained or refined; the in-
tellectual side of civilization; the prosecution or special attention or study of
any subject or pursuit.48

This specific usage of the word implies that culture is something that we
can acquire through education or social status. The phrase “man of cultu-
re” or “woman of culture” refers to a person with good manners, refined
taste, and knowledge about arts and philosophy. This concept also relies

48
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on a group of cultural elements and social patterns but is usually related

to high culture and etiquette. Culture became a standard for aesthetic ex-
cellence (Hebdige, 1979:6).
49
Coined by Gramsci in A. Gramsci, “Hege-
The concept of Cultural Hegemony49 was conceived by Antonio Gramsci mony, Relations of Force, Historical Bloc,” in
Forgacs, David, and Hobsbawm J., Eric, The
from Karl Marx’s theory that the ruling material force of society becomes Antonio Gramsci Reader. Selected Writings
its ruling intellectual force, and the not dominant or ruling class has to 1916-1935, New York University Press, 2000.
50
Extract from D. Hebdige, Subculture. The
accept the ideas of the ruling class. Meaning of Style, London, Routledge, 1979.
Pp. 16
51
A. Gramsci, Selections from the Prison No-
“The term hegemony refers to a situation in which a provisional alliance of tebooks, International Publishers, 1971
certain social groups can exert ‘total social authority’ over other subordi-
nate groups, not simply by coercion or by the direct imposition of ruling
ideas, but by ‘winning and shaping consent so that the power of the domi-
nant classes appears both legitimate and natural’ (Hall, 1977).50

Cultural hegemony preserves the class structure and supports the econo-
mic system by reproducing the ideological system through institutions as
a series of norms and rules. In his essay The Intellectuals51, Gramsci ack-
nowledges the power of ideology to reproduce the social structure throu-
gh institutions such as religion and education.

Naturally, certain individuals or groups that are excluded or marginalized,

create resistance toward cultural hegemony, often developing a new ideo-
logical system.

The term subculture originally referred to criminal and deviant groups

or individuals, or groups labeled as outsiders that lived on the margins of
society (Arielli, 2019), and gained cohesiveness through the expression of
certain behaviors, collective representation, dress codes, among others.
However, the definition changed during the 60s when the Center for Con-
temporary Cultural Studies in Birmingham focused their studies on British
young culture during the post-war.

“Teddy boys, mods, skinheads, punks, and rockers defined their identi-
ty through style, music consumption, and the unusual appropriation of
items of consumer culture”. (Arielli, 2021)

Subcultural groups find themselves different from mainstream culture by

different traits such as sexual orientation, musical and art affiliation, eth-
nicity, etc. Historically, subcultures have sprouted when the social, econo-
mic, and cultural conditions start changing as a way of resistance. Subcul-
tural groups construct meaning by taking those objects, signs, or forms
from the dominant culture and injecting them with their own meaning.
(Sheridan, 2017)

In Subculture, the Meaning of Style (1979) Dick Hebdige argues that the
development of youth culture was an answer to the polarizing economic
and class situation in England during the post-war period, where the wor-
king class was fragmented by the dramatic changes such as the influence

49
 3

of mass media, the changes in the family structures and the organization
of work and school. For instance, he considers Mods, Teddy boys, and
Skins styles a mediation between family, tradition, and innovation.

Moreover, Hebdige, parting from a Marxist and semiotic analysis, con-

sidered that subcultures are seen as interference or disruption in the se-
miotics of the dominant culture. According to him, subcultures do not
resist cultural hegemony directly but through stylistic choices and cultural
appropriation.

52
T. Edwards, Fashion in Focus, Routledge,
The notion that subcultures are result of political resistance has been cri-
New York, 2011 ticized by Tim Edwards in his book, Fashion in Focus52, where he offers
Idem. P. 109
a critical review of Hebdige analysis alleging that is problematic in the
53

sense that Hebdige always considers a divorce or separation between do-

minant culture and subcultures, but in reality, this relationship is more
fragmented, less hegemonic, and also more mutually influential. Subcul-
tures’ aesthetic choices are less about political resistance and more about
the affiliation to a group.

Ted Polhemus also objected to the idea of rigidity in social groups, arguing
that individuals have more dynamic and adaptable affiliations with sub-
cultures. Polhemus’s post-subcultural approach focuses on the shift from
subcultural style to street style, in the Supermarket of Style (1997) alleging
that fashion in postmodern times is something that can be picked up and
mixed, where one is a Mod one day, a Punk the next, and a raver in the eve-
ning with an equal sense of parody or authenticity in each case (Edwards,
2011).

“The punks appropriated the rhetoric of crisis which had filled the airwa-
ves and the editorials throughout the period and translated it into tangible
(and visible) terms. In the gloomy, apocalyptic ambiance of the late 1970s
– with massive unemployment… it was fitting that the punks should pre-
sent themselves as ‘degenerates’ as signs of the highly publicized decay that
perfectly represented the atrophied condition of Great Britain. The various
stylistic ensembles adopted by the punks were undoubtedly expressive of
genuine aggression, frustration, and anxiety”. (Hebdige, 1979)

Probably the most distinctive and influential subculture that originated

in the last century is the Punk subculture. Originated parallelly in New
York and London during the mid-70s, influenced by a great number of
literatures, poetry artistic movements, and philosophical ideologies, prin-
cipally anarchism, Punk was also shaped by nihilism, modern art, speci-
fically the irreverence of dadaism, the speed and raw power of futurism,
and pop art and Andy Warhol’s factory that influenced new York’s punk
scene. Musically, the Punk genre derived from the influence of artists such
as New York Dolls, Iggy Pop and the Stooges, the Velvet Underground,
David Bowie, and Mc5.

In literature, the working-class politics, the depiction of street youth in

50
 3

Charles Dickens’s work, The aesthetics of Artur Rimbaud, and the lifestyle
and stories of the beat generation artist such as William Burroughs, Jack
Kerouac, and Allen Ginsberg.

The label punk appeared in New York city in the mid 70’s, the scene revol-
ved around places such as CBGB and Max's Kansas City featuring bands
like Ramones, Pattie Smith, Blondie, and Television in the midst of an
economic crisis that hit New York city and more specifically the lower east
side of Manhattan.

In London, punk movement was born around two central points: Vivienne
Westwood and Malcolm McLaren’s boutique named “SEX”, which propo-
sed a clothing style based on rips, pins, fetish wear, and strong do-it-your-
self aesthetics. The store was located in the middle of Chelsea a bourgeois
neighborhood. The façade was decorated with huge lettering spelling the
name of the store and on the inside, the boutique was covered in graffiti,
as a form of appropriation of the space. The store was frequented by the
members of the band Sex Pistols whose name was chosen by McLaren.

The second point in the chain development of punk subculture was The
Sex Pistols, the music scene revolved around them, and many new groups
started to form. Those new bands proposed lyrics about the struggles of
the working class and the job situation in England, also the economic re-
cession and a garbage strike triggered dissatisfaction with life among the
youth, who used music as a way of expression.

Soon both scenes collided, and punk was defined and spread around the
globe. Although the movement has variations according to each place, its
most distinctive elements remained. The punk subculture is associated
with the theatrical use of clothing, following Westwood and McLaren’s
proposals and the do-it-yourself movement, with the creations of zines
with straightforward messages on political issues and social injustice, and
working-class and middle-class backgrounds.

Stylistically punk subculture’s signature is the do-it-yourself movement,

and a sort of bricolage of elements such as safe-pins, tight jeans, rubber
bags, customized regular clothes, leather jackets, Dr. Martens boots, and
razor blades and lockets as jewelry, they also show body modification, and
some cut their hair into mohawks or other peculiar shapes, style it into
spikes, and color it with vibrant colors.

“And all this, more often than not, got jumbled together. The French use
the word bricolage to describe a way of making something new from as-
sorted - found at hand - bits and pieces; it is a very apt way of describing
the Punks’ approach to dress (and, indeed, to music, politics, philosophy).
The objective was/is to mix together the most diverse, unexpected, absurd,
and downright contradictory combinations of styles. Scavenging from
‘primitive’ tribal peoples, clandestine fetishists, a host of other style tribes
(Bikers, Skinheads, Glam Rockers, Teddy Boys), 50s kitsch, 40s glamour,

51
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Fig. 17 Singer Siouxsie

Sioux photo by By Mal-
co23 from Wikimedia
Commons

Fig. 18 Vivienne Westwood

inside her store, @Vivienne
52 Westwood, 1970s
 3

Fig. 15 3 Punk girls, King’s Rd,

London, ST#400 @Ted Polhe-
mus, 1980s (left)
Fig. 16 Entrance of the store
SEX, @Vivienne Westwood,
1970s (right)

Fig. 19 The Sex Pistols Per-

forming in London,@Dave
Wainright, 1977 53

54
M. Roberts, Notes on the Global Under-
ground: Subcultures and Globalization, in
K. Gelder (ed.), The Subcultures Reader, Lon-
don, Routledge, 2005.
3.2
55
C. Fisher, The Subcultural Theory of Urba-
nism: A Twentieth-Year Assessment, Ameri-
can Journal of Sociology, Vol. 101, No. 3, pp.
543-577, Nov 1995
54
3
tacky sci-fi movies, military uniforms, etc., etc., etc., the Punks assembled
for them” (Polhemus, 1996)
Even though Vivienne Westwood influence was a fundamental for Punk
subculture, she was also responsible of turning some of punk’s signs into
commodities, by taking punk style into Haute Couture.
Subcultural industry54 is referred to the paradox created by the commer-
cialization of subcultural practices that are often opposed to commerciali-
zation. Subcultural practices are incorporated into the market mechanism
even though they are the expression of subversiveness and rebellion. This
commercialization is animated by aesthetic affiliation rather than a form
of social protest or resistance.
“Commodities can be symbolically ‘repossessed’ in everyday life and en-
dowed with implicitly oppositional meanings” (Hebdige, 1979: 16).
Usually, the studies on the appropriation and repossession of commodi-
ties, objects signs, and forms from subcultures focus on elements such as
clothing, art and music, symbols, and behaviors, not on the spatial realm.
Space is equally important in the creation of subcultures
The question is, does space has a formative role regarding subcultural spa-
ce?
SUBCULTURAL SPACE AND APPROPRIATION
OF DECAY
As Dougal Sheridan mentions in The Space of Subculture in the City: Get-
ting Specific about Berlin’s Indeterminate Territories The understanding of
indeterminate territories as spaces outside hegemony, offering the expe-
rience of urban fragments removed from the spatial and temporal conti-
nuum of the city, suggests that these spaces may indeed have a formative
effect. (Sheridan, 2017)
For formative, we understand that the conditions of certain spaces such
as the layout, their position within the urban or rural fabric, their level of
preservation, their material qualities, and more importantly, their status
as space outside hegemony, are determinants of the formation of new sub-
cultures.
In his study Subcultural Theory of urbanism (1975) and in his update 20
years later55, Claude S. Fisher, proposed the theory that city life stimulates
unconventionality in contrast with rural life, which is usually more homo-
geneous. According to him, large concentrations of population generate
variety and are culturally heterogeneous due to the fact that cities concen-
trate a greater number of immigrants and have more diversity in terms of
 3

culture, sexuality, economy, and education, among others, however, Fi-

sher’s theory is only effective to address the presence of subculture in the 56
Counterpreservation runs counter to
urban scale in contrast with the rural life. mainstream preservation Coined by Daniela
Sandler for the first time in “Counterpre-
servation Decrepitude and Memory in
Daniela Sandler’s theory of Counterpreservation56, considers the context Post-Unification Berlin”, Third text, Issue
6: Ruins: Fabricating Histories of Time, p.
of the historical building more effectively, specifically, the appropriation 687-697, 2011
of decay for social practices57. 57
D. Sandler, Counterpreservation: architec-
tural dilapidation in Berlin since 1989, Cor-
nell University Press and Cornell University
“The word “Counterpreservation” serves to identify, analyze, and aggrega- Library, New York, 2016, pp27
Idem, p. 22
te tendencies present in a range of examples, indicating coincident social
58

processes and convergent cultural meanings”. (Sandler, 2016)

In the words of Sandler, Counterpreservation is not the same as passi-

vely letting a building decay. It is neither neglect nor active effacement.
Even though the decay may have resulted from involuntary actions, in
Counterpreservation it is intentionally framed as a desirable feature, as an
element to be displayed and noticed. Individuals, groups, and designers
reappropriate decay and put it to good use, turning decay into a means of
achieving affordable living and working spaces in prime neighborhoods.

This reappropriation is not only concrete, but also symbolic, infusing de-
cay with positive associations of social inclusiveness, freedom, and creati-
vity. (Sandler, 2016)

In other words, Counterpreservation offers an opportunity to show the

historical layers of a building that, otherwise would have been erased with
restoration, and allows groups outside the mainstream, to appropriate de-
cay in a more symbolic way, recontextualizing its negative associations
and also adding, as a form of appropriation, new elements such as murals,
graffiti, temporal structures, and installations that would not have been
permitted by restoration guidelines58.

Sandler offers the analysis of different case studies that embody Counter-
preservation. One of them is more suitable for the effect of this research.

The Berlin neighborhood, Prenzlauer Berg, was formed at the end of the
19th and the beginning of the 20th century in the northeast side of the
city. In contrast with other areas, Prenzlauer Berg was not heavily dama-
ge during World War II, however, the neighborhood, part of the “Soviet
zone” was neglected after the war (had a large Jewish presence) and the
lack of maintenance was evident in the buildings. During the 80s and 90s,
the neglected area was frequented by artists, squatters, students, writers,
poets, punks, and activists, who started to occupy the buildings.

The most notable one is the Kastananielle 86 building that housed both
the Tuntenhause, a residential project created by the gay community and
also, a communal house project with a community kitchen and a space for
a collective.

55
 3

The KA 86 was built in 1870 following the typology of the neighborhood

buildings, a series of apartments distributed around a central courtyard.
When occupied, the building already had heavy signs of decay and dilapi-
dation. The collectives and groups that occupied it, added certain elements
such as murals and banners but the most notable addition was the four
signs on the main façade that read “Kapitalismus normiert, zerstört, tötet”,
which means: “Capitalism normalizes, destroys, murders.”

After the unification of Germany, new policies for urban renewal were
introduced in Prenzlauer Berg following western capitalistic strategies
which resulted in the commodification of housing, the adoption of mar-
ket principles of real state, and the privatization of properties. Inhabitants
were displaced by gentrification, the rise in rent prices, and foreign in-
vestors who turned the neighborhood’s buildings into housing projects,
galleries, and cafes.

Nowadays, the KA 86 functions as a collective affordable housing project

in the middle of a gentrified and trendy neighborhood and still exhibits
a grey partially dilapidated, and fragmented façade, the murals, and the
lettering, in contrast with the bourgeois neighbor buildings that were res-
tored in order to render an acceptable façade. “Kastananielle 86 offers a
critical counterpoint—a physical space for people who dissent from hege-
monic views, and a symbolic reminder of the need for diversity.” (Sandler,
2016)

As Sandler further mentions, Counterpreservation works in the very spe-

cific case of a city like Berlin, where the presence of decay and dilapidation
is often a reminder of war and its aftermath, when Berlin was fragmented
into two. The symbolic re-appropriation of decay offers a way to remem-
ber, showcasing part of the history of Berlin, and also generate and host

Fig. 20 Façade of the KA86

building, Photo credit: Da-
niela Sandler, 2006

56
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Fig. 21 Punks in Kasta-

nanielle 86 Photo credit:
imago

new groups who resist the capitalistic tendencies adopted after the unifi-
cation.
Nevertheless, if we change location, for instance, in Latin American coun-
tries where economic differences are wider, spaces with signs of decay and
dilapidation are often seen as urban leftovers, symbolizing poverty and
oppression, people inhabit those spaces not by choice, not as a way of re-
sistance but as the last resort they have. The nostalgic longing for ruins is
not present in that specific context.

“Counterpreservation points the way toward a communicative architec-

ture whose ever-changing quality lies not so much in crumbling walls
and rusting mullions, but in the ever-changing nature of the social realm”.
(Sandler, 2016)

In the words of Daniela Sandler, Counterpreservation’s election of dila-

pidated and dirty spaces is not a celebration of morbidity, destruction,
and death. It is the defense of vital and imperfect social contexts. Moreo-
ver, there is no direct equation between social diversity and architectural
decay. Dilapidation is neither an end result nor the symbol for social or
cultural values. Rather, Counterpreservation is the condition that makes
it possible for certain social groups to use urban spaces within the context
of globalization and gentrification. (Sandler, 2016:45)

After presenting the Counterpreservation theory, let’s reformulate the

question, Are spaces outside hegemony more suitable for the formation
of Subcultures?

Henri Lefebvre’s studies on the right to the city and the production of so-
cial space, -which influenced the work of Daniela Sandler and her Coun-
terpreservation theory- explored the production of space for social prac-
tices.

Lefebvre defined the right of the city as the right of socially, economica-
lly, and culturally diverse groups and individuals to use urban space for
everyday life, personal and social development, and dialogue. According
to him, when this right is not given to groups or individuals because they
do not align with the interests of capitalism and the state, the inhabitants
must take alternative action such as occupation and reappropriation of

57
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space in order to ensure their right.

Gentrification and touristification practices turn urban space into a com-

modity of exchange value, overlooking the interest of the inhabitants that
are often displaced if they do not fit or adapt to the new dynamics of the
urban space, in contrast to the exchange value, Lefebvre mentions the
use-value, as a way of practical relation with space that ensures social and
cultural practices within the city.

Moreover, Lefebvre’s proposals for the right of the city revolve around two
concepts: autogestion and appropriation. Autogestion can be defined as
Self-management, in the context of urban space, autogestion represents a
direct attack from the citizens on the property relations between the state
and property owners who determine and control the exchange value of the
space, by collectively managing decisions and asserting their own power.
As a result of autogestion practices, the role of corporations and the state
in the urban space seem to make less sense.

In addition to autogestion, Lefebvre sees appropriation as a way that citi-

zens can assert their right to the city, by re-taking the physical space and
making it their own and by rethinking the concept of ownership and who
rightfully owns the city. According to him, appropriation represents a ra-
dical alternative that would return the city to those who rightfully own it,
those who inhabit it. This would lead to inhabitants making meaningful
interactions, engaging in social and cultural activities, and strengthening
their bonds and collective relationships.

Lefebvre’s theory has been labeled utopian and too radical, however, it
has been proved to be practical and applicable. As seen in the example
of the KA86, and in many examples of occupation and squatting around
the world, appropriation and autogestion are totally plausible strategies to
claim the right to the city by some groups that usually are not considered
or excluded from the urban core.

Squatting is a practice that consists of the occupation of a building without

the consent of the legal owner. We can identify different reasons behind
the squatting practices, one, as an act of protest against private property,
another reason is the necessity, when the state is unable to provide affor-
dable accommodation to people in need and occupying a building is their
last resort, and a third reason could be the rejection of private property by
affiliation with anarchism.

Urbanist Peter Marcuse identified two groups of squatters: the deprived

and the discontented. According to him, the deprived group represents in-
dividuals or groups that are excluded from the benefits of urban life whose
immediate rights are not fulfilled: The homeless, the hungry, prostitutes,
persecuted people, etc.… (Marcuse, 2012: 32) In other words the most
marginalized sector of the population. The discontent group on the other
hand includes individuals or groups from all social classes who are ex-

58
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cluded from political participation that need a space to be fulfilled their

creative potentials, such as students, cultural workers, and collectives.

The practice of squatting is not only related to housing and accommo-

dation, but Art squatting for instance is also a practice focused on the
occupation of buildings for the sole purpose of art production. One of the
most relevant art squats is 59 Rue de Rivoli in the Montmartre neighbor-
hood in Paris, an old bank building that was abandoned for eight years
and occupied by the collective Chez Robert, Électrons Libres in 1999. A
few days later, a dozen artists joined to squat the building, inhabit it, and
set up their studios, which they open to visitors. In 2006 as part of a city
initiative to legitimize art venues, the building was bought, renovated, and
legalized by the city.
Self-manage Social centers are another occupation practice present all
over the world but more commonly in Italy, the United Kingdom, and
the United States. They consist of free and autonomous spaces, often run
by volunteers and collectives independent from the dominant institutions
and ideologies, represent opposition to police and gentrification, and offer
cultural and recreational activities and workshops.

Some squatted buildings have been bought by their occupants and suc-
cessfully legalized such as the case of 59 Rue de Rivoli, some of them seek
legalization or at least a form of amnesty. We can conclude this section
with another question. Would the regularization of their legal status inter-
fere with their role as a space for resistance outside hegemony?

59
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60
 4
CASE STUDY: CSOA
FORTE PRENESTINO
61
 4

“LA FESTA CONTINUA DENTRO”.

UN FIUME DI PERSONE VARCÒ
IL CANCELLO CON LA GIOIA E
LA FRENESIA DI CHI, PERSO
IN MARE, CERCA UNA TERRA
DOVE APPRODARE. UNA STRU-
TTURA MILITARE, UN LUOGO
SIMBOLO DI DOLORE, MORTE E
DISTRUZIONE STAVA DIVENTAN-
DO UN CENTRO SOCIALE: IL
CENTRO SOCIALE OCCUPATO E
AUTOGESTITO FORTE PRENES-
TINO.”59
59
“The party continues inside”. A river of people crossed the gate with the joy and frenzy of those
who, lost at sea, are looking for a land where to land. A military structure, a symbolic place of pain,
death and destruction was becoming a social center: the Occupied and Self-managed Center Social
Forte Prenestino. p.7 CSOA Forte prenestino, Fortopia, storia amore e autogestione, Forte pressa,
Roma, 2016

62
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INTRODUCTION 4.1
Centro Sociale Occupato Autogestito Forte Prenestino, a former military
fort part of a larger fortification system built in the late nineteenth cen-
tury, was turned into a social center and space for art and activism, active ANTI-FASCIST,
since 1986.
ANTI-SEXIST,
“è un centro sociale, un luogo di socialita’ incontro divertimento e organizzazione del
tempo collettiva, di scambio di idee visioni energie saperi,
ANTI-RACIST,
è occupato, era abbandonato al degrado ed e’ stato riaperto abitato attraversato e vissuto ANTI-PROHIBITIONIST.
senza autorizzazioni che mai sarebbero arrivate, servitù’ politiche o riconoscimenti lega-
li. un posto illegale per necessità e per scelta. è’ autogestito, sperimenta un’organizzazione
del proprio spazio e delle proprie attività basata sulla libera associazione di individui
uniti da una progettualità e da un’etica condivisa.”

Is a social center, a place of sociality, meeting, fun, and collective organiza-

definition found in the website
tion of time, of exchange of ideas, visions, energy, knowledge, it is occupied,
60

https://www.forteprenestino.net/chi-siamo
it was abandoned to decay, and it has been reopened as a town crossed and
lived without authorizations that would never have arrived, political ease-
ments or legal recognition. an illegal place by necessity and by choice. it is
self-managed; it experiences an organization of its own space and activities
based on the free association of individuals united by shared planning and
ethics.60

URBAN AND HISTORICAL CONTEXT: IL FORTE 4.2

AS PART OF A LARGER SYSTEM OF DEFENSE
THE ENTRENCHED CAMP OF ROME-IL CAMPO TRINCERATO 4.2.1
DI ROMA

The kingdom of Italy was a state that existed from 1861 to 1946, following
the Risorgimento that led to the unification and consolidation of different
states into one single state, and the capture of Rome from the Papal States
and its eventual designation as the new capital.

In a response to the fear of an attack from the French empire and in the
midst of an uncertain international political climate, the new kingdom
released and approved the Regio Decreto which deliberated the construc-
tion of a new defense system for the capital.

The system consisted of an entrenched camp that circled the city. Rome is
circular so the new defense belt followed the same shape. It consisted of
fifteen forts in the Prussian typology located at a strategic point of access
to the city and four batteries with walls as a safety belt with an extension
of 37km.

Construction began in 1877 under the supervision of the director of the

military engineering division Luigi Garavaglia, with the construction of

63

4.2.2
61
Marc-René, marquis de Montalembert was
a French military engineer who propose a
simplified polygonal structure to replace the
outdated and complex star-shaped fortresses
and soon became the standard European for-
tification system of the early 19th century.
Fig. 22 Footprint of the typology of the Prus-
sian Fortification style. (Selem, 1979:45)
4.2.3
62
Forte Prenestina was the original name of
the fort, its use in this research is to refer to the
building before occupation.
64
4
the first forts in the right side of the river Tiber, fearing an attack from the
French army from that area.
The first forts that were built were Monte Mario, Braschi, Boccea, Aurelia
Antica, Bravetta and Portuense, two years later Ardeatina, Casilina, Prenes-
tina, Tirburtina and Pietralata were built, Ostiense and Monte Antenne a
few years later and lastly Forte Trionfale. The construction was completed
in five years with a budget of around 23 million liras.
Nevertheless, the defense system was underused and soon became aban-
doned and neglected. The City of Rome grew towards the limits and by
1960, it overpassed the fortification ring, making it useless for protection.
The city extended further into the belt and the forts became part of the
definition of new neighborhoods. The large dimensions of the Forts and
the property status made them difficult to maintain and restored, a few re-
mained neglected and abandoned, and others were turned into museums
and institutional buildings.
THE TYPOLOGY
The polygonal fortification typology or Prussian style originated in France
and was further developed in Germany in the mid nineteen century, repla-
cing the bastion system that was proven to be ineffective and obsolete. This
typology consists of a series of fortifications distributed radially forming
a ring around the place that they are aimed to protect, supported by bat-
teries and walls, the forts must be positioned strategically protecting the
possible accesses and at a certain distance from each other’s. This typology
kept being built and rebuilt during the twentieth century.
Built in 1793, The fort Tigne in Malta was the first fort built following the
polygonal system inspired by the writings of Montalembert61.
In Italy, this system was applied in the entrenched camps of Verona, Pes-
chiera, Mestre, Bologna, Ancona, and Piacenza around the mid-nineteen-
th century.
FORTE PRENESTINA
Forte Prenestina62 was built between 1880 and 1884 for total of 1.235.400
liras in the right side of Via Prenestina, covering the space between Tibur-
tina on the north and Casilina on the south as part of the second construc-
tion phase.
The fort was built following a pentagonal layout with an external “salient”
front and a straight gorge front with symmetrical sides. The front facing
the city is a rectilinear symmetrical façade, the two symmetrical and re-
 4

Map I. Map of the etrenched camp in 1880, only 13 forts were built by then, and Map II. Map of 1900, forts Trionfale and Antenne were already built and the
Trionfale and Antenne were missing. The city was still concentrated in the histo- fortification system was completed. The city begins to grow towards the outs-
rical center. (Selem, 1979:45) kirts and the countryside (Selem, 1979:45)

Map III. Map of the entrenched camp in 1930, the growth of the city of Rome Map IV. Map of the entrenched camp in 1960. The city grew past the fortifica-
almost reached the fortification ring. (Selem, 1979:45) tion ring and the defense system became obsolete. (Selem, 1979:45)

65
 4

2 15

1 14
3
13
4

5 12

6
11
7

8
9 10

Map V. Map of the entrenched camp of Rome and the position of the Forts in relation to the contemporary city.
From top left, Fig. 23 Forte Monte Mario, Archivio digitale Progetto Forti - Fondo Forti di Roma - Photo by Fabrizio Latini - Ernesto Di Giorgio, Fig. 24 Forte Trionfale,
Archivio digitale Progetto Forti - Fondo Forti di Roma - Foto di Fabrizio Latini, Fig. 25 Forte Braschi, Archivio digitale Progetto Forti - Fondo Forti di Roma - Foto di Fa-
brizio Latini, Fig. 26 Forte Boccea, Archivio digitale Progetto Forti - Fondo Forti di Roma - Foto di Fabrizio Latini, Fig. 27 Forte Aurelia Antica, Archivio digitale Progetto
Forti - Fondo Forti di Roma - Foto di Fabrizio Latini e Simone Ferretti, Fig. 28 Forte Bravetta, Archivio digitale Progetto Forti - Fondo Forti di Roma - Photo by Fabrizio
Latini, Fig. 29 Forte Portuense, Archivio digitale Progetto Forti - Fondo Forti di Roma - Photo by Fabrizio Latini,

66
 4

1. FORTE 2. FORTE 3. FORTE 4. FORTE 5. FORTE

MONTE MARIO TRIONFALE BRASCHI BOCCEA AURELIA ANTICA
Current use: Current use: Current use: Current use: Current use:
Abandoned Hosted the 3rd En- Hosts the External Military prision un- Center of guardia di
gineers Regiment for Information and Se- til 2008. currently finanza
over a century curity Agency no use

6. FORTE 7. FORTE 8. FORTE 9. FORTE 10. FORTE

BRAVETTA PORTUENSE OSTIENSE ARDEATINA APPIA ANTICA
Current use: Current use: Current use: Current use: Current use:
Open to the public Municipality pro- Seat of the Lazio Abandoned Department of the
perty TLC Zone Air Force deposit.

11. FORTE 12. FORTE 13. FORTE 14. FORTE 15. FORTE
CASILINA PRENESTINA TIBURTINA PIETRALATA ANTENNE
Current use: Current use: Current use: Current use: Current use:
Storage CSOA Forte Prenes- Custody at the mili- Seat of the Mechani- Department of the
tino tary department zed Brigade “Grena- Air Force deposit.
diers of Sardinia
Fig. 30 Forte Ostiense, Archivio digitale Progetto Forti - Fondo Forti di Roma - Photo by Fabrizio Latini, Fig. 31 Forte Ardeatina, Archivio digitale Progetto Forti - Fondo
Forti di Roma - Photo by Fabrizio Latini, Fig. 32 Appia Antica, Archivio digitale Progetto Forti - Fondo Forti di Roma - Photo by Fabrizio Latini, Fig. 33 Forte Casilina,
Archivio digitale Progetto Forti - Fondo Forti di Roma - Photo by Fabrizio Latini, Fig. 34 Forte Prenestina, Archivio digitale Progetto Forti - Fondo Forti di Roma - Photo by
Ernesto Di Giorgio, Fig. 35 Forte Tiburtina, Archivio digitale Progetto Forti - Fondo Forti di Roma - Foto di Fabrizio Latini, Fig. 36 Forte Pietralata, Archivio digitale Progetto
Forti - Fondo Forti di Roma - Foto di Fabrizio Latini, Fig. 37 Forte Atenne, Archivio digitale Progetto Forti - Fondo Forti di Roma - Foto di Fabrizio Latini.

67
 4

Fig. 38 Plan of the masonry at the level of the bastion. 1889. ISCAG, Forti di Roma

Fig. 39 Plan of the masonry at the level of the bastion. 1889. ISCAG, Forti di Roma

68
 4

treat flanks present two Carnot walls and the front facing the countryside
has two walls forming an angle of 166 degrees. The Artillery is on the left
flank facing north.

The rampart floor can be reached by two ramps placed on the sides of
the central crossbar. The fort has three levels, with an average heigh of 12
to 15m. The ground floor is the intermediate one and is located slightly
lower than street level. The highest level hosts the spaces for officers and
warehouses. It also has two military squares. The materials used for its
construction were mainly Travertine and brick.

It belonged to the monarchy, therefore, when the regime collapsed, it beca-

me part of the public domain. The fort was used as barracks at the begin-
ning of the twentieth century and hosted the military service just as Forte
Boccea, until the 1970s it was used as a deposit for artillery materials.

The forte hosted, for a brief period of time, a refugee camp during World
War II, and a detention center for people arrested during the Nazi exile
of the Cento Celle and Quarticciolo neighborhoods. During 1944-1945,
after the liberation of Rome the Fort was occupied by the Allied forces
along with other military buildings around Italy and were returned in the
following decades.

In 1977 the Municipality of Rome started the expropriation procedure

which was never completed. The fort remained closed and neglected until
1986, when was occupied and turned into the C.S.O.A Forte Prenestino.

The Fort is in a good state of conservation having remained almost un-

changed over time; it became part of the Code of Cultural Heritage with
D.M. 28/04/2008.

“It is somehow curious that throughout its history, Forte Prenestina seems
to have always offered shelter to marginal figures rather than serving the
military purpose it was originally made for.” (Cajano, 2006)

In the mid 1970’s, the city of Rome included Forte Prenestina as one of
the areas that would be transformed into parks, however the project was
never completed.

HISTORY OF AN OCCUPATION 4.3

The history of the C.S.O.A. Forte Prenestino and its occupation is an oral
history. This section is based on the recollection of articles, interviews,
newspapers, photographs, and anecdotes of people who were and have
been part of the development of the social center, originally in the Italian
language and interpreted and translated by the Autor of this research.
This story began more or less in the mid-1970s when a group of local
activists attempted to occupy Forte Prenestina and were evacuated by the

69

63
Stop now, a cultural association that defen-
ded the right to the access of green spaces. P. 13
CSOA Forte prenestino, Fortopia, Storie d’Amo-
re e d’Autogestione, Forte pressa, Roma, 2016
70
4
police. By this time, the Fort was in the middle of a neighborhood that
was growing in a non-homogeneous way, lacking enough infrastructure to
establish a connection with the city and public services, such as hospitals,
schools, and cultural venues.
Quartiere Prenestino-Centocelle was established as a neighborhood offi-
cially in 1961. In the middle of it, Piazza Gerani function as a meeting
point for various groups such as Centocelle communist assembly and sub-
cultural groups such as Punks and Skins. These meetings developed some
innovative ideas such as Vuoto a Perdere, a newspaper that was the mixtu-
re between a fanzine and a magazine.
Through Vouto a Perdere and from the people who used to meet at the
square, some initiatives were proposed and realized on the non-Labor Day
(Giorno del non-Lavoro) an alternative proposal to Labor Day, initiated by
young people who did not feel like celebrating an unpaid, exploitative, and
non-existing job.
In the Quartiere Prenestino-Centocelle, the celebration of the non-Labor
Day, started on the 1st of May of 1983 in the square right in front of Forte
Prenestina, with the permission of the authorities who allowed the event
to extend only until midnight every year.
However, the year 1986 was different. The ground for the occupation was
prepared before. The cultural association Adesso Basta63 occupied the fort
for one week in December of the previous year, offering free concerts and
exhibitions. This was a symbolic occupation, with the objective of proving
that the association could be in charge of the abandoned space and offer
a cultural agenda to the benefit of the Quartiere that did not have cultural
spaces, launching the “Fort is open to the neighborhood” petition.
Later on, in March, Leonardo Rinaldi, the leader of the association wrote
to the municipality asking for the Fort in exchange for cultural events and
workshops. He also demanded the renovation of the fort and the insta-
llation of electric power. The municipality rejected the proposal. Let’s re-
member that by then (and still), Forte Prenestina was State property, it did
not belong to the city, and the municipality considered it non-habitable.
Following the negative answer, the party for the non-Labor Day still occur
the 1st of May, in the midst of radioactive rain; the Chernobyl disaster
happened five days before, and the residual radioactivity extended to the
Italian peninsula as radioactive rain. The party continued as usual with lo-
cal music proposals such as the roman punk band Bloody Riot. When the
clock hit 00:00, the party did not stop. A banner was hanged in front of the
stage stating, “The party continues” and immediately, someone broke the
chain, and the stage was set inside, and the party went on the whole night.
From that night on, Forte Prenestina became Centro Sociale Occupato e
Autogestito Forte Prenestino.
 4

Around forty people were part of the occupation and soon they were joi- 64
Taken from PhD dissertation of Valeria Fe-
derici, V. Federici, Network Culture in Italy in
ned by Collettivo Fuori di Sede, a collective of foreign students from the the 1990s and the Making of a Place for Art and
south of Italy, and other diverse groups and activists, such as Punks, stu- Activism, Ph. D., Brown University, 2019
65
https://crack.forteprenestino.net/
dent associations, and Feminist groups that were interested in occupying 66
https://babel.forteprenestino.net/
the spaces.

The Fort’s main activities were defined as:

- A kitchen for social and financial purposes
- Music, theatre, and visual art lessons
- Studio for music bands to practice
- Organize film screenings
- Organize weekly concerts featuring local and non-local bands
- Create a music library
- Create a library of books, journals, and zines
- Hold regular weekly meetings for discussion64

The negotiations with the municipality continued as the Fort grew in po-
pularity and attendance. They kept asking for a clean water supply and
electricity. The district supported the occupation and mediated between
the fort and the municipality, alleging that the Social Center provided the
cultural activities that the neighborhood was lacking.

By the end of the 1980s and beginning of the 1990s, Forte Prenestino was
somehow detached from the Quartiere and from the rest of the city, howe-
ver, the growing phenomenon of the Social Center started to spread all
over Italy and The Fort overcame the sense of separation by creating a
network with other Social Centers, specifically with Leoncavallo in Mi-
lan. Eventually Il Forte gained visibility and popularity on a national and
international level, by hosting concerts of important national and interna-
tional music proposals.

However, the legal situation of the building kept being a constant threat.
In 1990, The Fort joined other associations in Rome and started to media-
te a possible amnesty for all the squatted social centers in Italy under the
slogan “Yes to private property only if it is self-governed”.

In 1994, another petition was launched to officially occupy the spaces

in exchange for a nominal rent, an initiative supported by the mayor of
Rome, Francesco Rutelli. However, the ownership of the building kept be-
ing a problem. In 1995, the building appears on a list of buildings to be
auctioned by the Ministry of the Interior.

The city could never afford to buy the building from the state and nowa-
days, the C.S.O.A. Forte Prenestino is still an illegal occupation.The Fort
offers a similar cultural program as the original one that was proposed
after the occupation. The main spaces are the Cinema, Library, Enoteca,
Pub, Taverna, and the activities musical production. The Fort also hosts
festival such as Crack! Fumetti Dirompenti65 of Drawn and Printed art,
and BaBel66, the independent Biennale of critical housing.

71
 4

Fig. 40 Streets of Cento-

celle, 1985. © Archivio
Forte Prenestino

Fig. 43 1977 occu-

pation. 1997, Photo
credit: © Archivio
Forte Prenestino

72
 4

Fig. 41 Forte Prenes-

tino © Archivio For-
te Prenestino

Fig. 42 Hours befo-

re the occupation,
1986. © Archivio
Forte Prenestino

Fig. 44 Dancing
couple, 1996. Photo
credit: Konstantin
Sergeyev. 73
 4

Fig. 45 The first occupation, 1977. © Archivio Forte Prenestino

74
4

75
 4

Fig. 46 Bloody Riot,

First concert inside the
Fort, 1986 © Archivio
Forte Prenestino

76
 4

Fig. 47 First occupation

1977, © Archivio Forte
Prenestino

Fig. 48 First occupation

1977, © Archivio Forte
Prenestino (right)

Fig. 49 Forte Presnesti-

no© Archivio Forte Pre-
nestino (left)

77
 4

Fig. 50 Poster of the first of May, 1987. Cristiano Rea. © Archivio Forte Prenestino

78
 4

APPROPRIATION OF DECAY FOR SOCIAL PRACTI- 4.4

CES
THE MODEL OF CENTRO SOCIALE AUTOGESTITO 4.4.1

The history of Italian Social Centers started in the mid-1970s in Milan by

the effort of young people such as students and the unemployed. Leon-
cavallo social center was first occupied in 1975 in a former factory and
destined to host concerts, yoga classes, debates, exhibitions, and a radio
station. In 1989, the center was evicted and partially demolished by the
local authorities and then occupied and rebuilt, evicted once again in 1994
by rightwing politicians who saw the center as a threat, however, a buil-
ding nearby was squatted and supported by local politicians.

The first wave of Social Centers followed an anti-institutional movement

led by two collectives: Circolo del proletariat giovanile and Autonomia
Operaria “started a process of ‘claiming the city’ through widespread
squatting of public spaces and the occupation of empty buildings” (Rug-
giero 2000:170). These two collectives sought to achieve the autonomy of
the working class from the capitalistic organization of labor.

By the end of the 1970s, Social Centers became less popular due to the
violent protests and demonstrations from the far left and kept a low profi-
le, they began to be supported by different collectives and groups such as
the Punk movement that added a creative and artistic layer to the social
centers in addition to the proposal and activities focused on the working
conditions.

During the 1980s and the beginning of the 1990s, there was a boom of so-
cial centers all around the Italian peninsula, this period experienced more
social inclusion and an end to marginalization, triggered by two events,
firstly, the resistance of the occupants of Leoncavallo in 1989 mentioned
before and the student movement “the Panther”, that mobilized students
from all over the country who joined the social centers (Dines, 1999).

The common features that the occupied social centers share are the fo-
llowing:
1.- Illegal occupation of space
2.- Self-management
3.-Social center as social aggregation center
4.-Self-financing

Every center has their own proposal and initiatives and also, collective,
and political affiliation, some centers are aimed resisting state repression,
while others might focus on offering a cultural agenda.

79
 4

4.4.2 A CONSTELLATION OF SOCIAL CENTERS

As mentioned before, Forte Prenestino is part of a larger network of Social

Centers distributed around the Italian peninsula. Milan has the highest
presence among all, and Rome offers other spaces besides Forte Prenes-
tino, such as CSOA Corto Circuito, Teatro Valle Occupato, La Torre, and
Brancaleone. Some of the centers mentioned, were evicted, or disappeared
for different reasons, but mainly because of their unclear legal status.

1.TORINO 3.VICENZA 9.FIRENZE

CSOA Gabrio Ya Basta CPA - Centro Popolare
El Paso Occupato Autogestito Firenze Sud
Manituana - Laboratorio CSA Next Emerson
4.GENOVA
Culturale Autogestito LSOA Buridda
CRCA Pergolesi 10.ROMA
C.S.O.A. Forte Prenestino
5.PIACENZA
2.MILANO CSOA Corto Circuito
Belfagor
Adrenaline, Teatro Valle Occupato
Area, La Torre
Breda37 6.VERONA Brancaleone
Cantiere Pecora Nera
Cox 18, Interzona
Deposito Bulk 11.NAPOLI
Eterotopia, CSOA Officina 99
San’Antonio Rock Squat, 7.PADOVA D.A.M.M.
Golgonooza Inc. La Corte
(X) Laboratorio anarchico
12.PALERMO
Leoncavallo 8.BOLOGNA
(X) Mandragora Centro Sociale ExKarcere
Atlantide
Micene
Circolo Anarchico Ber-
Panetteria Occupata
neri
Pergola Tribe
Ponte della Ghisolfa Livello 57
S.Q.O.T.T. Pratello Occupato
Torkiera,
Torricelli
Transiti
La Tribu’
(X) Bakeka
Sintesi Sociale, Seregno

80
 4

2
6 3
7

1 5 8
4

10
11

12

Map VI. Map of some of Self-manage social centers in the italian peninsula.

81
 4

4.4.3 ORNAMENT IS NOT A CRIME: APPROPRIATION OF DECAY THROU-

GH GRAFFITI AND ARCHITECTURAL PROGRAM

In the previous chapter, we addressed the topic of subcultures and whether

or not, space has a formative character regarding the appropriation of spa-
ce from subcultures, reaching the conclusion that indeed, space possesses
certain features that are influential in the appropriation from subcultural
groups. Also let’s remember that space does not have an inherent political
meaning, that every meaning is projected onto it, hence, space can be re-
contextualized once the original meaning is lost.

We can propose the hypothesis that Forte Prenestino was occupied for a
series of reasons that are enlisted below.

1.- Following Fisher’s theory of subcultural urban space, Forte Prenestino

Fig. 51, Fig, 52, Fig. 53 Views from the
basement, Photo credit: Valentino Bo-
nacquisti
is located within an urban space in a rather new area of the city of Rome
that developed in an informal way, lacking services and connections with
the rest of the city. The area was inhabited by diverse subcultural groups,
collectives, and communist associations that used the neighborhood’s
square to meet.
2.- Forte Prenestina was abandoned, neglected, and decaying at the mo-
ment of the occupation. It was not fulfilling its original use.
3.- The architectural layout is flexible, and the spaces are suitable to host
diverse activities.

Moreover, in contrast with the Ruins such as the Colosseum and Roman
forum which architectural decay is considered as sublime and as the wit-
ness of historical development, the ruins of Forte Prenestina had a rather
negative connotation, after all, they were the ruins of a fort designed for
protection in the case of war or attack, the ruin was a reminder of the war.

Hence, the state of decay of Forte Prenestino at the moment of its occu-
pation, its architectural layout, and its location were determinant factors
for its occupation. Moreover, there is another possible factor: its visibility
inside the Centocelle-Prenestino area. Forte Prenestino is, after all, a heri-
tage site, a monument.

Following Alois Rigel’s categories, Forte Prenestino is an unintentional

monument with historical and age value. Historical because it represents
a single moment in the development of an architectural (defensive) style
and it has use-value because it followed the natural cycle of birth and de-
cay, even though it was altered by human intervention after the occupa-
tion.

Its status as a monument gives it relevance inside the urban space, hen-
ce the activities and initiatives of the Social Center gain more visibility
among the neighbors, the inhabitant of the city of Rome, the media, the
authorities, and more importantly, the individuals and groups that share

82
 4

the ideals that Forte Prenestino promotes. 67

Graffiti originated from the Italian word sgra-
ffito, J. Hill, Immaterial Architecture, Routled-
ge, Oxfordshire, 2006
Let’s remember that subcultures express their ideals and affiliation throu- 68
P. 143 J.I. Ross (Ed), Routledge Handbook of
Graffiti and Street Art, Routledge, Oxfordshire,
gh a system of objects, signs, and symbols that convey certain political and 2006
artistic messages. The majority of them through stylistic choices such as 69
Idem P. 144

fashion and artistic expression.

“Ornament is not a crime”. (Hill, 2006)

In order to understand the appropriation through graffiti let’s consider

graffiti as an ornament, following Rafael Schacter’s essay about graffiti in
the Routledge Handbook of Graffiti and Street Art and Jonathan Hill’s de-
finition of sgraffito67 in his book Immaterial Architecture. According to
Rafael Schacter, graffiti must be understood as a contemporary (insur-
gent) ornamentation68 , additive, rather than reductive. Graffiti is connec-
ted to an existing surface, denying, and concealing what is underneath.

Jonathan Hill considers graffiti or sgraffito a form of resistance against the

dominant architectural forms, specifically Adolf Loos’s ideas about orna-
Fig. 54 Piece by Aloha, Photo credit: Valentino
mentation and graffiti. In Ornament and Crime, published in 1908, Loos Bonacquisti
denounces ornamentation and graffiti as degenerate practices and promo-
tes the appreciation of the material as it is, unornamented.

“Through ‘tattooing walls’, graffiti ‘free[s] them from architecture and tur-
n[s] them once again into living, social matter” (Baudrillard, 1976/1993:36)

Parting from these points of view we can understand graffiti as an additive

ornamental element that is intrinsically attached to an existing architectu-
ral element and subverts the idea of a pure architectural form. Graffiti also
contains unity, proportion, style, contrast, balance, and rhythm, and at the
same time, works as a subcultural linguistic discourse69.

Hence, just as subculture appropriates form ornamental elements, subcul-

tural space also embodies a bricolage of elements with graffiti as the main
form of ornamentation. In addition, graffiti adds a human touch to the
depersonalized urban landscape, providing a sense of place and belonging
to subcultures, groups, and collectives.

According to Myra F. Taylor, Julie Ann Pooley, and Georgia Carragher, A

person’s sense of belonging within society has been described as being a Fig. 55 Monkey by Tenia, Photo credit: Valentino
Bonacquisti
convergence of cognitions, behaviors, and emotional effects as well as an
environmental experience. (2016)

The subcultural sense of place is activated by the collective occupation of

a shared physical space, claiming temporary ownership that reinforces the
feeling of being connected, included, and supported within a subculture,
group, collective, or community. In other words, the sense of belonging is
trigger not only by the physical occupation of shared space but also by the
cognitive experience of it.

83
 4

70
tag (signature), piece (a complete mural made “The use of Graffiti art inside the Fort speaks to the process of appropria-
in the style of Graffiti art), throw-up (signature
in bubble letters). tion and adaptation that this building went through since 1986” (Federici,
71
http://blublu.org 2017)

From the beginning, Graffiti became a distinctive feature in Forte Pre-

nestino, its appearance did not change too much during the 1980s, that
displayed only a few examples of tags and throw-ups70. The forte is a spa-
ce for artistic expression in addition to its political and social content. In
the early 1990s, Forte Prenestino received many artists, performers, and
sculptures, and specifically in a festival held in 1991, it hosted a Graffiti
Jam session, that included renowned graffiti artists such as Blu71.

Blu started his artistic activities in the Emilia-Romagna region, specifically

in Bologna at the end of the 1990s, where he transformed the narrative of
urban space, especially in industrial areas. Blu’s street art focuses on topics
that express social inequality, injustice, society insurrection, capitalism,
and consumerism.

The form of graffiti that was present in Rome during that period, was let-
tering and tags conveying political messages. The Graffiti at Forte Prenes-
tino also had political content, however, it embraces a more artistic and
figurative representation, not only letters. Both individual and collective
identities are expressed through the murals and graffiti around the Fort.
These forms of art contribute to completing the process of re-adaptation of
the Fort’s spaces, Graffiti manifest the presence of the different collectives
and groups that share space inside the community.

“Within its walls, Il Forte has been working on the revolution of space of

Fig. 56 Graffiti in
ground floor. Photo
by author, 2022

84
 4

which Lefebvre writes, in particular when he affirms: ‘A revolution that

does not produce a new space has not realized its full potential.’” (Federici,
2016)

The revolution that Lefebvre talked about last century, is embodied in the
Fort through the presence of Graffiti, banners, sculptures, and the occu-
pation of its internal spaces. The occupied internal spaces, their shapes,
ceiling, tunnels, and rooms are relational spaces that create community
and a sense of belonging.

Even the presence of Forte Prenestino is signaled when approaching from

the street, where the walls of near apartments and stores are progressively
decorated with street art and banners that show the way to the Social Cen-
ter.

The architectural program is equally important in the process of re-appro-

priation. We can consider this form of appropriation adaptive reuse of a
historical building; the occupation changed the use of the building and
each of its spaces that were not originally designed to fulfill the current
needs and activities. Adaptive reuse is a practice usually done through
contemporary interventions in a building in order to give them a new life.

Nevertheless, adaptive reuse usually responds to the capitalistic need of

the owners and developers, turning the buildings into commodities. The
case of Forte Prenestino is adaptive reuse done by collectives, artists, and
occupants, rather than by an architecture firm, and by artistic intervention
and the repurpose of the space rather than with contemporary architectu-
ral elements that embellish the buildings.

Fig. 57 Graffiti and

additions, Photo by
Author, 2022

85
 SECURE
4

ORNA-
RIGHT TO
MENT IS
CITY THR
NOT A
GH APPR
TION
CRIME
AUTOGE
86
 THE
4

O THE
ROU-
ROPRIA-
Fig. 58 Graffiti by
blu, Photo by Au-
thor, 2022

Fig. 59 Entrance of
one of the tunels,

ESTION
Photo by Author,
2022

87
 4

Fig. Graffiti and

banners, Photo by
Author, 2022

88
 4

Fig. 60 Mural by
Carlos Atoche, Pho-
to by author
Fig. 61 Layout of
the main activities
in the year 1991 ©
Archivio Forte Pre-
nestino

89
 4

4.5 THE AESTHETIC EXPERIENCE OF ROMAN RUINS

IN CONTRAST WITH FORTE PRENESTINO
Rome Caput Mundo is a Latin phrase used to name Rome as the capital
city of the world. The touristic interest of Rome began with the Grand
Tour and the archeological findings by German historian John Winkel-
man, Also the city constituted a center of pilgrimage before, however, the
state as the city of arts and cultures began in the late renaissance.

The Grand Tour was a journey usually done by members of the English
aristocracy starting from the 17th century, focused on the visit of impor-
tant archeological sites and also, the “contemporary” neoclassical works
and the study of nature. Rome was one of the centers of the Grand Tour
included on the journey, where the visitors engage in the study of ancient
Roman culture, art, philosophy, and architecture.

In the mid-1800s, Rome became popular not only among the English aris-
tocracy but for people all around the world, however, the number of visi-
tors decreased during the period of battles and revolutions related to the
Risorgimento. At the beginning of the 20th Century, became a popular
and fashionable city once again, thanks to films such as Roman Holiday
and La Dolce Vita, which showed the city as one of their main characters.

As mentioned before in this research, touristification, and heritage com-

modification practices can lead to the displacement of the local population
who cannot afford the rent prices anymore and also to the exploitation of
tangible and intangible heritage for economic purposes, however, these
practices can also lead to the democratization of the art that makes art and
history accessible to everyone, to the interaction with different cultures
and to the increase on local productive activities.

The Rome brand comes with the experience and consumption of cultural
heritage by the masses. The presence of masses can be detrimental to the
preservation of fragile structures but also, makes them accessible to ever-
yone, art, culture, and beauty can be reached by everybody.

Moreover, the experience and consumption of ruins contain and display a

series of different aesthetic attitudes. As analyzed in the first chapter, in a
touristified historical town many aesthetic attitudes are present, however,
two are more important for this research. The local and the tourist. As
mentioned before, the tourist and locals generally engage with a space in a
different way, the locals are more focused on their everyday activities and
somewhat ignore their surroundings, we can draw a line with the concept
of Blasé proposed by George Simmel, whereas the tourists generally stop
to admire, observe, and take photographs. These two are merely attitudes,
not fixed categories, hence they can be present in different degrees and
even overlapped.

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 4

Matteucci’s levels of the aesthetic experience mentioned in the first chap-

ter, also take an important role in the way the two attitudes are present,
the hyper-aesthetic focuses on the superficial embellishment of reality and
the diffusion of aesthetics, and the hypo-aesthetic, deals with the roots of
human experience and shapes the interaction with the environment and
has the potential to be transcendental for human beings. Another concept
useful in this context is Ersatz nostalgia, addressed in the second chapter,
which could be present in the way that the city of Rome and its ruins are
marketable: they evoke a certain feeling of temporal belonging in a visitor,
who experiences nostalgia for a chain of events of the past that are linked
to a specific place.

Moreover, bringing back the concepts of theme parks and museums men-
tioned in the first chapter of Max Ryynänen’s essay Historical Cityscape
as Museums and Theme Parks, Rome can be included in both categories.
The Theme Park is present in areas highly frequented by hordes of tou-
rists, such as the Colosseum, the Pantheon, or the Roman Forum. Let’s
remember that the Theme Park provides safe infrastructure for the tourist,
such as pedestrian and bicycle paths, spaces where to stop, admire the at-
mosphere, and take photographs, but the most important trait of the the-
me parks is that it turns tangible and intangible heritage into a spectacle,
and it’s often selective with the information that provides to the visitors,
therefore, the visitor´s experience might be manipulated.

Nevertheless, the aesthetic experience and aesthetic attitude still vary from
person to person even when the experience that they consume is curated.
Following a qualitative analysis of the experience of both a tourist and a
local, we can identify different aesthetic attitudes in both their experiences
with Rome, specifically with Ruins.

The Tourist, for instance, mentioned the overwhelming feeling of being

presented with so many options and distractions when walking around
Rome. The presence of different stimuli makes this person select where to
aim their attention, slow down and engage in a more detailed experience.
This person can sense the historical atmosphere above all and find the city
unique due to its very distinctive historical layers.

Tourist later remarks that is more difficult to stop and engage in busy
areas, where the locals and tourist collide, and that they prefer to find
small and intimate spaces to stop and observe alleging that noisy and busy
streets destroy the experience of antiquity.

Moreover, regarding ruins, the tourist relates the ruins and decay of Rome
with calmness and spiritual experience, and rather than experiencing
emotional or self-reflection, the tourist senses the historical relevance of
the ruins and feels “happy” to be in a place with so many historical layers
where they can feel, momentarily part of its history. Tourist also mentions
the importance of involving touch in the interaction with ruins, it makes
it easier to connect to them, and also, that it is difficult to connect with si-

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 4

tes such as the Roman Forum and the Colosseum, principally because the
suggested trail and the lack of benches and shade make it difficult to stay
around for a long time.

The Local agrees that being exposed to daily beauty and decay can anes-
thetize the eyes, although, considers Rome so vast, layered and dynamic
that is possible to experience a different scene every day, the local consi-
ders the appropriation and interaction between city and inhabitants the
factor that changes the everyday experience of the city.

Regarding ruins, the local does not only relate momentarily with them but
tangles the ruins’ history with their own personal history, by remembe-
ring past events of their personal life around them. The local interaction
with ruins triggers a different kind of nostalgia than the tourist, reflecti-
ve nostalgia is present by the way the local measures their own personal
development by mentioning that after living for a period outside Rome,
they always come back to look at the ruins with different eyes, hence, the
contact with the ruins promotes self-reflection and appreciation of beauty.

In summary, is notable how the different aesthetic experiences overlap

and also oppose the experience of both the tourist and the local. The tou-
rist, unexpectedly, relates with Georg Simmel’s Blasé attitude, analyzed in
the first chapter, when is overwhelmed by the different stimuli of the city,
however, it leads to more detailed observation and experience of certain
spaces, chosen by the subject for their intimate nature. The local on the
other hand¸ observe more of the interactions between the city and inha-
bitants and experiences a different scene every day. However, the tourist
engages more with the experience of the historical atmosphere than the
locals, who interwind their own history with the ruins.

Regarding Matteucci’s two levels of aesthetic experience, both the

hyper-aesthetic and the hypo-aesthetic are present in the experience of
both the tourist and the local, the hyper-aesthetic gives an aesthetic cons-
ciousness that can trigger a sensibility that has the potential to become so-
cially relevant however, the hypo-aesthetic seems to dominate both cases
that seek a more transcendental experience of ruins, an experience that
promotes in one case historical consciousness and in the other, self-reflec-
tion.

“Incomplete and eroding surfaces and forms initiate and stimulate drea-
ming in the same way that an ink-blot Hermann Rorschach invites figural
interpretations.” (Pallasmaa, 2011)

In the embodied image, Pallasmaa argues that architectural ruins have the
potential to trigger imagination and contemplation and also invite us to
engage emotionally with them. The ruin represents a rich image that sti-
mulates the power of our imagination and the way we create associations.

In conclusion, the different aesthetic attitudes overlap and coexist in the

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 4

experience of one single person, however, the local’s experience of ruins is

more transcendental because the local resists the blasé attitude and finds
a different perspective of the city every day, by noticing details and the
scenes of everyday life, but also by contributing to transform and appro-
priate the city’s spaces. The tourist, on the other hand, mentions that they
feel temporary linked to ruins and part of its historical development, the
tourist seeks to understand the mind and the life experiences of the peo-
ple that lived in the period where the ruins fulfilled a practical purpose,
Hence Ersatz nostalgia is present in the experience for this person, who
longs for a past he/she never lived. The tourist also mentioned that some
archeological places are not inviting to experience those kinds of feelings
due to its infrastructure and services, such as the lack of benches and sha-
de, that make impossible to stay enough time to appreciate and reflect on
the objects.

“There is a difference between a state of disrepair to which one eagerly

rushes and a state of disrepair from which one desperately flees.” (Elizabe-
th Spelman, 2002)

Forte Prenestino seems distant from the center of Rome, not only by phy-
sical distance but also by the way this ruin interacts with inhabitants and
tourists. Firstly, it is located in a rather new area that developed during
the mid-1900s, where forte Prenestino is the most antique building, in
contrast with the center of Rome.

Secondly, even though the building is part of a larger fortification system

and represents an important point in the development of an architectural
typology, the fort never actually fulfilled its original purpose, hence why it
was neglected for a long period of time and does not have the same histo-
rical relevance as the colosseum.

Forte Prenestino lies between the state of disrepair that one eagerly rushes
and the state of disrepair from which one desperately flees, following Eli-
zabeth Spelman’s statement. And more important, Forte Prenestino can-
not be considered a ruin because it has a practical use, nowadays is still
an active social center. However, we can consider it a building with signs
of decay that before the occupation was abandoned and neglected and the
decay was never erased from its surfaces. It can also be considered as a
space that is removed from the spatial and temporal continuity of the city
and its specific neighborhood.

The aesthetic attitude and the aesthetic experience of Forte Prenestino do

not rely on the recognition of beauty or human finitude, not even in the
identification of the historical layers, it relies on the potential to be inclusi-
ve, socially transcendental, and a space that resists the aesthetic values gi-
ven by the hegemonic culture, which selects and determines the relevance
of a historical building.

Forte Prenestino is detached and distant from the colosseum and the Ro-

93
Fig. 62 Largo di Torre Argentina,
a ruin occupied by cats, Photo by
Author, 2022
Fig. 63 Occupied ruins of the Im-
perial Palace of Rome, by Author,
2022

94
Fig. 64 Occupied Colos-
seum, by Author, 2022

95
 4

man Forum because it disrupts this aesthetic relevance and the notion of
historical continuity. Forte Prenestino’s role in the Roman urban fabric
is as a rupture in the aestheticization processes that supports the notion
of the Rome brand and a rupture as well of the gentrification and tou-
ristification processes analyzed in the first chapter. The aesthetic attitude
and aesthetic experiences of Forte Prenestino recognize the sublime as a
disruption or transcendence of the beautiful and freedom as an aesthetic
experience.

4.6 REFLECTIVE NOSTALGIA: REFLECTING ON THE

PAST TO BUILD THE FUTURE
72
Taken from http://monumenttotrans- Svetlana Boym defines Ruinophilia as a fascination for ruins that goes be-
formation.org/atlas-of-transformation/
html/r/ruinophilia/ruinophilia-apprecia- yond postmodern quotation marks72. Boym relates Ruinophilia with nostal-
tion-of-ruins-svetlana-boym.html gia, specifically with the reflective type, that dreams of the potential futures
73
idem
rather than imaginary pasts73.

At first, establishing a link between ruins and the future seems quite pa-
radoxical. In our understanding, the possible future of a ruin that follows
the natural cycle of birth and death its total destruction, or as mentioned
in the first chapter, when it is almost impossible to recognize the parts and
it becomes the not-anymore-ruin, how Zoltán Somhegyi defines the state
of advance ruination.

Nevertheless, the purpose of this research is to recognize the potential of

ruins and decay to be transcendental for human experience, specifically in
terms of inclusive social practices, creativity, and freedom.

If we position ourselves back in time before the occupation and think about
the alternative futures of Forte Prenestino, if it had not been occupied,
there are a few possibilities. The Fort could have been restored and turned
into a museum or institutional building, or into a park, as the original plan
of the municipality intended. Another possibility is the abandonment, the
fort was already neglected, abandoned and in an unclear legal state of pro-
perty. In current times we would have consider an adaptive reuse project,
adding a contemporary layer and a complete change of use.

However, it was occupied, and its occupation erased, at least, for an un-
defined period, the alternative futures mentioned above, it avoided the
appropriation of the building by the hegemonic culture that would have
use the building to preserve and transmit its own cultural, political, and
social values, and also put a halt to the state of abandonment that could
have leaded to the not-anymore-ruin state.

Forte Prenestino supports the reflective nostalgia type, mentioned in the

second chapter of this research, firstly, because its existence is a process
that continues to advance forward into the future, not a fixed image of
the past creating a spatial and temporal displacement. Secondly, because

96
 4

the Fort supports the creation of individual frameworks that are shared 74
Refers to the original CyberSyn project by
Salvador Allende developed in Chile, aimed to
within a community forming a constellation of experiences that generate produce new tools for democratic government
collective memory. 75
Seen in T. Bazzichelli, Networking: The Net
as Artwork, DARC, Milan, 2006
76
Taken from
The historical layers of the building can be recognized, but the Fort invites https://web.archive.org/web/20180110170034/
https://avana.forteprenestino.net/hacktivism.
to engage with its history critically. The associations with war and defense htm, translation by the author,
are still recognizable, firstly in its name, secondly in its status as part of the 77
https://web.archive.org/
web/20180110170422/https://www.hackmee-
Entrenched camp, however the building projects another meaning nowa- ting.org/hackit00/proclama.html
days, and offers a utopian program focused on productive and creative
practices meant to emancipate rather than control or impose ideals.

Parting form today, what are the alternative futures for Forte Prenestino?
From the beginning the social center has engage with technology, speci-
fically with video production and rave parties, where they had the chance
to experiment with video and sound technologies.

“At Forte Prenestino, many interpreted information technologies as an

opportunity to create a cyber political utopia as well as a way to use anon-
ymity to protect political actions” (Federici, 2019)

AvANa (Avvisi, Ai Naviganti) is collective that started its activities inside

the Fort in 1994, They strengthen the link between social centers and the
experimentation with new technologies. The collective developed the pro-
ject Forthnet, a free internet network inside the Fort to communicate the
different spaces.

Subsequently, AvANa proposed the project CyberSyn II74, a technological

platform aimed to encourage cooperative work on the net75 inside the fort
and extended to the rest of Italian social centers.

Moreover, AvANa kept working with new computer technologies and

linked them with internet democracy, social networking, DIY, and creati-
ve production activities and organized the “Technological Thursdays” in
Forte Prenestino, a DYI participation project focused on sharing knowle-
dge about the conscious use of technology and to encourage the assistants
to learn how to assemble themselves.

“Hacktivists are software hackers and ecologists with computers, they are
digital artists and activists, researchers, academics and political activists,
media spoilers and telematic pacifists. For hacktivists, computers and ne-
tworks are instruments of social change and terrain of conflict. Hackti-
vism is direct action on the net. Hacktivism is the way computer activists
build worlds where they want to live. Free.” 76

AvANa organized as well, the Hackmeetings in Forte Prenestino, focused

on the congregation and collaboration between hackers and artist, and on
the possibility of developing free software and social cooperation.77

In other words, AvANa collective focused on the development of projects

97

78
Seen in Forte Prenestino website https://
www.forteprenestino.net/laboratori/avana
79
Arte-19 VVR è spettacolo, gioco, riflessio-
ne, interazione, resistenza, sperimentazione. 3
anni, 3 fasi, 3 chiavi di lettura: distanza, inno-
vazione, adattamento. https://arte19vvr.games/
98
4
experimenting with new technologies, digital democracy, freedom of ex-
pression and make it democratic and accessible, and also on encouraging
people to learn how to use those technologies for creative purposes.
“Who are we? Well, that's a good question, ... but also where we go, why
and with whom; all these questions seem worthy of our interest.
Unfortunately, in life you can't do everything, and everything at once,
for now we have asked ourselves some questions, for the answers there is
time.... meanwhile we can tell you that AvANa stands for Avvisi Ai Navi-
ganti...
- we warn that there is a way to use technology consciously, and we teach
how.
- we warn that technology helps and prefigures sharing (not only of
knowledge), and we push for sharing what we know and for others to do
the same.
- we warn that free software exists, and we spread it.
- we warn that technology brings control, and we teach how to avoid it.
- we warn that technology offers opportunities for liberation, and we
look for the right tools and forms of communication.
- we warn that technology is also an area of conflict, and we try to iden-
tify it and equip ourselves not to be surprised.
- we warn that.”78
Nowadays, AvANa is still operating in Forte Prenestino as one of the La-
boratories, defending free internet access and teaching how to use techno-
logy consciously.
A possible alternate future to the Fort, could involve an approach to vir-
tual reality, by taking their activism and creative production to the virtual
world, as a form of appropriation of a different, less tangible, and even
more flexible space. Virtual Reality communities after all, can be conside-
red subcultures.
Arte-19 - Virus Virtual Reality Games79, is a virtual interactive game and
festival focus on finding alternative spaces where artist can experiment
and perform during the COVID-19 pandemic. The first edition in 2020,
consisted of different live streaming art performances accessible through
virtual reality. The shows were completely interactive and free, and they
were virtually recreated in Piazza dei Mirti, in the Centocelle neighbor-
hood, not so far away from Forte Prenestino, where the assistants found
totems all around the square to connect to their avatars and access the
festival.
This initiative works as an example of how alternative art and music pro-
posals can be shared for free within a community by means of virtual rea-
lity, a more accessible outlook of these technologies that are usually expen-
sive, inaccessible, and run by corporations, and offers a contrast with the
touristic virtual reality projects that are including the main touristic spots
in Rome.
 5
CONCLUSION
 5

5.1 APPROPRIATION OF DECAY AND THE CREATIVE

REWRITING OF URBAN RUINS
The three main topics of this research oriented towards the aesthetic un-
derstanding of ruins and decay and the role that they play in each topic
served as a base and as a theoretical framework to be applied in the analy-
sis of the case study.

The case study represents both a model that has been replicated all around
Italy and other countries but at the same time, a very specific case of a
heritage building that serves social, political, and creative purposes. Ideo-
logically, Forte Prenestino is part of a larger community of social centers
that share the same ideological and political base, with little variation from
case to case. However, symbolically, and materially, it represents a unique
case that responds to a very specific context.

Symbolically, by means of reappropriation of an abandoned and neglec-

ted space of historical relevance within the suburbs of Rome, and the re-
contextualization of its original meaning, related to war, defense, and the
power of a regime.

The appropriation of decay for social practices and activism is a topic that
was discussed in the third chapter of this research that Daniela Sandler
addresses in her theory and book Counterpreservation, an alternative to
orthodox preservation practices, which focuses on the reappropriation of
decayed buildings to offer affordable housing and spaces for alternatives
ways of living that resist gentrification and promote a rewriting of history.

The appropriation and recontextualization of Forte Prenestino were done

by means of graffiti, murals, banners, sculptures, and a change of the archi-
tectural program, giving new use to every space and supporting the acti-
vities of the different collectives that are part of the occupation, and those
elements infused the Fort with the positive association of social inclusion
and creativity.

Materially, by rejecting restoration practices and embracing, somewhat,

John Ruskin’s views on preservation mentioned in the second chapter, fo-
cused on recognizing the passage of time and the historical imprints of the
building, and also, supporting Ruskin’s ideas on the importance of the ma-
nual intervention and the crafts, in this case, the interventions were made
manually by the individuals and collectives that are part of the Fort, a sort
of do-it-yourself project, and are signifiers of the activities and people who
inhabit the building.

In addition, aesthetically, in the individual aesthetic experiences and atti-

tudes of the visitors and the people who are part of the social center. These
experiences are rooted in the recognition of the sublime and the way these
experiences contribute to structure and shape the interaction with the en-

100
 5

vironment, in the way the users create their reality through aesthetic de-
vices, but above all, in the potential of creative freedom and emancipation
from given cultural and artistic models.
Hence, Forte Prenestino serves both the collective and the individual di-
mensions. The collective or socio-political has the quality to create ne-
tworks, community, a sense of belonging, and the power to change or
80
la Fortopía non è un'utopia, qualcosa che si
allontana sempre più. La Fortopía è un'eteroto-
pia, un luogo che una volta passato il ponte e
superato il cancello è reale, presente e pulsante,
con le sue regole che sono vere qui e non altro-
ve. Un luogo dove il possibile si espande nel po-
tenziale senza allontanarsi dal reale, divenendo
concreto e praticabile. Taken from, CSOA Forte
prenestino, Fortopia, Storie d’Amore e d’Auto-
gestione, Forte pressa, Roma, 2016

resist outdated structures. The individual is more concerned with the per-
sonal aesthetic experience of the symbolic and the material, leading to
self-reflection, self-growth, the transformative experience of the sublime,
and creative freedom.

In the context of aestheticization, Forte Prenestino can be identified as a

subversive element that creates a rupture in aestheticization, touristifica-
tion, and gentrification processes. Although, it has the potential to trigger
a new aestheticization process that focuses on the reproduction of decay,
graffiti, and the aesthetic experiences that the Fort promotes, leading to a
loss of meaning.

Forte Prenestino is destined to receive masses but in contrast with other

Roman ruins such as the Colosseum or the Roman Forum, which receive
hordes of tourists every day and have to be protected and surrounded with
fences, creating a detachment between buildings and visitors, The Fort is
reachable by its audience and allows them to create a personal relationship
with it.

Reflective nostalgia is one of the attitudes that Svetlana Boym mentions

in her book, The Future of Nostalgia, which gives another perspective to
the concept of nostalgia, and that was addressed in the second chapter,
usually related to the longing for a lived past, and the temporal and spatial
impossibility to go back to it. Reflective attitude is a deep process of reflec-
tion that can be transformational and even utopian, reflective nostalgia
considers the possibility of a future, a future that is built from reflection on
the past. It breaks with the notion of historical continuity and recognizes
ruptures in historical processes.

Forte Prenestino evokes reflective nostalgia by, instead of keeping its his-
tory as a fixed image of the past that has to be restored and preserved for
the future, it keeps evolving, provoking, and proposing with the future
in mind. The Fort, as mentioned by the people that were involved in the
occupation, is not a utopian project; it is a Heterotopia, Heterotopia80; a
real space where individual experience and frameworks collide to create
community.

Following the concept of the right of the city by Henri Lefebvre that was
analyzed in the third chapter, that sustains occupation and appropriation
practices in order to defend the right that culturally diverse groups and in-
dividuals have to occupy urban space and create a practical relation with it
through two specific actions: autogestion and appropriation, Forte Prenes-

101
 5

tino represents a perfect example of a successful occupied space destined

to fulfill the need of groups and individuals whose values are outside the
mainstream by means of autogestion and appropriation. Lefebvre’s theory,
often seen as utopian, has been practically applied to this specific case.

Taking back the question, does space have a formative role regarding sub-
cultural space? And the affirmative answer, Forte Prenestino can be con-
sidered as a space outside hegemony because it represents an urban frag-
ment and a space out of the temporal and spatial continuum, as mentioned
before, following the definition given by Douglas Sheridan, and its loca-
tion and physical conditions indeed played a formative role in the creation
of a safe subcultural space.

Hence, we can consider, not only the case of Forte Prenestino, but in gene-
ral the idea or the model of appropriation of decay for social practices; a
rupture in aestheticization processes; a rupture in the notion of historical
continuity, and a rupture in the preservation of the given artistic and cul-
tural models.

Moreover, regarding the potential of architectural decay, we can consider

it as an element that can promote a deep level of aesthetic experience rela-
ted to emancipation and freedom, and as an element that allows the crea-
tive rewriting of buildings.

Finally, regarding the link that Forte Prenestino has with the use of new
technologies, specifically aimed to develop a more conscious use of tech-
nology and the internet, and the free and democratic access to software
and platforms, the future of Forte Prenestino could aim in that direction.

The use of virtual reality technologies by the social center to expand their
activism to not tangible spaces is an alternative future proposed and ex-
pected by the author of this research, in that way Forte Prenestino could be
accessed by a wider range of individuals, groups, subcultures, and collecti-
ves who need a space to resist, transform and belong.

This research is an invitation to rethink the restoration and preservation

practices that sustain the given and often imposed mainstream artistic and
cultural values and consider an alternative use of heritage buildings that
can serve different groups or individuals who resist and desire to live out-
side the mainstream and contribute to creating history, even when they are
usually forgotten or ignored by the filters of historical narrative.

Is also an invitation to perceive and consider architectural decay as a sign

that can be appropriated from and recontextualized with positive associa-
tions of social inclusion, creative freedom, emancipation, and also with re-
sistance, instead of an element to be concealed and erased from a building
by means of restoration.

102
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W. Welsch, Undoing Aesthetics Theory, Culture & Society, Sage publica-

tions inc., New York, 1997

CHAPTER 02

A. Appadurai, Modernity at Large: Cultural Dimensions of Globalization,

University of Minnesota, Minneapolis, 1996

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S. Boym, The Future of Nostalgia, Basic Books, New York, 2001

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don, 1816

A. Huyssen, “Nostalgia for Ruins”, Grey Room 23, P. 6-21, 2006

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A Journal of Place, Foundation for Landscape Studies, Vol. 11, No. 2
(Spring 2016, pp. 3-5, 2016

A. Small, The Road to Richmond: The Civil War Memoirs of Major Abner
R. Small of the Sixteenth Maine Volunteers : Together with the Diary that
He Kept when He was a Prisoner of War, Fordham University Press, 2000

D. Spurr, Architecture and Modern Literature, University of Michigan

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of Reason, Peter Lang Publishing, inc, New York, 2006

E.E. Viollet-Le- Duc, On Restoration, Sampson Low, Marston, Low, and

Searle, London, 1875

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ment-in-the-world-in-the-metaverse/
https://www.reasonedart.com/arch-of-light
https://ouchhh.tv/PROJECTS
https://ethereum.org/en/nft/

CHAPTER 03

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Edition, URL = https://lexicon.mimesisjournals.com/archive/2019/
spring/Subculture.pdf, DOI: 10.7413/18258630060.

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T. Edwards, Fashion in Focus, Routledge, New York, 2011

106
C. Fisher, The Subcultural Theory of Urbanism: A Twentieth-Year Assess-
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H. Lefebvre, The Production of Space, Blackwell, Oxford, 1991

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shers, Cambridge, 1996

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1989, Cornell University Press and Cornell University Library, New York,
2016

D. Sheridan, “The Space of Subculture in the City: Getting Specific about

Berlin’s Indeterminate Territories”, Field: A Free Journal for Architecture,
vol 1, Pp. 97, 2017

T. Polhemus, “In the Supermarket of Style”, in S. Redhead, D. Wynne, J.

O’Connor (eds.), The Clubcultures Reader: Readings in Popular Cultural
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T. Polhemus, Street Style: From Sidewalk to Catwalk, Thames & Hudson

Press, London, 1994.

107
 M. Roberts, Notes on the Global Underground: Subcultures and Globali-
zation, in K. Gelder (ed.), The Subcultures Reader, London, Routledge,
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city, UNESCO, Paris, 2006

Websites
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https://www.viviennewestwood.com

CHAPTER 04

J. Baudrillard, Les graffiti de New York ou l’insurrection par les signes, 1993
(1976) Available at: www.lpdme.org/projects/jeanbaudrillard/koolkiller.
zip.

T. Bazzichelli, Networking: The Net as Artwork, DARC, Milan, 2006

CSOA Forte prenestino, Fortopia, Storie d’Amore e d’Autogestione, Forte

pressa, Roma, 2016

E. Cajano, Il Sistema dei Forti Militari a Roma, Gangemi, Roma, 2006

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novanta”, Quaderni di Sociologia, XLIII 2, 1999

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Place for Art and Activism, Ph. D., Brown University, 2019

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David, and Hobsbawm J., Eric, The Antonio Gramsci Reader. Selected
Writings 1916-1935, New York University Press, 2000

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I.A.A.S, York, 1986

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Italian Social Centres”, Antipode, 36 (5), pp. 917-41, 2004

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108
Oxfordshire, 2006

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The Sociological Review, issue 48, P.167-185, 2000

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per il Reuso del Constuito, Bulzoni, Roma, 1979

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Press, Boston, 2002

Archives
Archivio Forte Prenestino, Rome
Istituto Storico e di Cultura dell’Arma del Genio, Rome (ISCAG)

Websites
https://forteprenestino.net/
https://babel.forteprenestino.net/
https://crack.forteprenestino.net/

Interviews and articles

https://zero.eu/en/persone/il-mito-sotterraneo-di-centocelle-intervis-
ta-a-valerio-mattioli/
https://zero.eu/en/news/1-maggio-1986-la-storia-del-del-forte-prenesti-
no/
https://www.vice.com/it/article/rznky9/spazi-di-comunione-forte-pre-
nestino
https://web.archive.org/web/20180110131411/https://www.dinamopress.
it/news/al-forte-prenestino-la-storia-del-punkromano/
https://www.forteprenestino.net/index.php

Graffiti at Forte Prenestino

https://web.archive.org/web/20180108122331/https://traumastudio.
noblogs.org/cera-una-volta-un-forte/

Ruinophilia
http://monumenttotransformation.org/atlas-of-transformation/html/r/
ruinophilia/ruinophilia-appreciation-of-ruins-svetlana-boym.html

Technology and virtual reality

https://culture.roma.it/manifestazione/arte19-virus-virtual-reality-ga-
me-2/
https://avana.forteprenestino.ne
https://zero.eu/en/webevent/arte-19-virus-virtual-reality-game/?lang=de

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 APPENDIX
INTERVIEWS

LOCAL
Gender: Femenine She/Her
Age: 25
Occupation: Student
Residence: Rome

About your Aesthetic experience in Rome

1.-Parting from the concepts of Blasé considered as an attitude of the mo-
dern metropolitan individual and a defense mechanism against the overs-
timulation of the life in a big city, (the blasé individual experiences the
city in a mental level avoiding the emotional involvement and lives in a
constant state of anesthesia), and Flaneur/Flaneuse, the urban stroller who
wanders and observes, think about a normal day in Roma as a local, How
do you move around? What do you focus your attention on? Do you give
yourself the time to observe and appreciate or do you focus more on your
everyday activities?

Credo che nascere e crescere a Roma ti forgia gli occhi, li espone ogni gior-
no alla bellezza e alla decadenza; forse quasi li anestetizza alle visioni che
divengono familiari, e dopo un po’ a non fai più caso all’imponenza di un
acquedotto che scorre nel finestrino di un treno. Ma Roma è così vasta, Roma
offre un palinsesto di paesaggi così stratificato, che non basta una vita. Così,
nella mia esperienza personale, camminare a Roma è sempre un viaggio
dentro una città nuova, di cui scopro sempre nuovi angoli, da cui traggo
sempre nuovi stimoli, di cui decifro sempre un pò di più il mistero. Mi piace
soffermarmi sulle scene di vita quotidiana, su come le persone si appropriano
degli spazi, li sporcano, li riscrivono.

I believe that being born and raised in Rome forges your eyes, exposes them
daily to beauty and decadence; perhaps it almost anesthetizes them to vi-
sions that become familiar, and after a while you no longer notice the gran-
deur of an aqueduct flowing through a train window. But Rome is so vast,
Rome offers such a layered palimpsest of landscapes, that a lifetime is not
enough. So, in my personal experience, walking in Rome is always a journey
into a new city, of which I always discover new corners, from which I always
draw new stimuli, of which I always decipher a little more mystery. I like to
dwell on the scenes of daily life, on how people take possession of spaces, dirty
them, rewrite them.

2.- How do you engage with Roman ruins? Do you stop to appreciate them
and take pictures, or do you recognize their presence but don’t feel the
need to stop and observe every day? Which one is your favorite and why?

Ho trascorso la mia infanzia a girare in bicicletta sull’Appia Antica – antica

110
via consolare romana punteggiata di rovine abbandonate nella campagna –
e a scorrazzare tra gli archi del Parco degli acquedotti: le rovine mi parlano
tanto, da sempre, e sempre in modo nuovo. Adesso, con gli occhi della Linda
che sono diventata avendo viaggiato e vissuto fuori Roma, le rovine mi ri-
cordano che mi trovo a casa. Adoro osservare l’Acquedotto Claudio quando,
al tramonto, si tinge di una luce rosata: non ho mai trovato una luce così
altrove.

I spent my childhood biking along the Appia Antica - the ancient Roman
consular road dotted with abandoned ruins in the countryside - and fro-
licking among the arches of the Aqueduct Park: the ruins speak to me so
much, always, and always in a new way. Now, with the eyes of the Linda
I have become having traveled and lived outside of Rome, the ruins re-
mind me that I am home. I love to look at the Claudian Aqueduct when,
at sunset, it is tinged with a pinkish light: I have never found such a light
elsewhere.

About Forte Prenestino

3.- Have you visited Forte Prenestino? If not, why? If you have, talk about
your experience briefly.

Come quasi tutti i ragazzi cresciuti nei quartieri a sud-est di Roma, conosco
il Forte Prenestino, il suo attivismo, ma soprattutto le sue feste: penso di aver
trascorso lì il 1° Maggio più divertente della mia vita.

Like almost all the young people who grew up in the south-east of Rome, I
know Forte Prenestino, its activism, but above all its parties: I think I spent
there the most fun May 1st of my life.

TOURIST
Gender: Femenine She/Her
Age: 28
Occupation: Student
Residence: Germany

Talk about your “aesthetic experience” visiting Rome, specifically Ruins.

Rome is special and overwhelming, with so much stuff happening at the
same time. Hardly you find in the touristic spot something not to get dis-
tracted or attracted to something old that can make you slow down your
walk.

There is a background feeling of a historic atmosphere, more than from other

places. Unique elements due to historical layering. You really get a notion of
Heritage.

Busy streets make it harder to stop and engage, she prefers more intimate
and small spaces with not so many tourists around.

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 She relates ruins with calmness and spirituality. And more that trigger self/
reflection, for her they trigger a notion of historical relevance, she wonders
what could have happened there and also a sort of emotional reflection- ha-
ppy to be in a place that has history.

She considers that Is important to touch it, that places such as the Colosseum
and the Roman Forum seem distant and difficult to connect with due to lack
of intimacy with the place, lack of benches and shade, and the impossibility
to get physically close.

Noise and busy streets destroy the experience of antiquity.

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113