People Power Revolution

The People Power Revolution, also

People Power Revolution
known as the EDSA
Revolution [Note 1] or the February
Revolution,[4][5][6][7] was a series of
popular demonstrations in the
Philippines, mostly in Metro Manila,
from February 22 to 25, 1986. There
was a sustained campaign of civil
resistance against regime violence and
electoral fraud. The nonviolent
revolution led to the departure of
Ferdinand Marcos, the end of his 20-
year dictatorship and the restoration of
democracy in the Philippines.

It is also referred to as the Yellow

Revolution[8] due to the presence of
yellow ribbons during demonstrations
(in reference to the Tony Orlando and
Dawn song "Tie a Yellow Ribbon
Round the Ole Oak Tree") as a symbol
of protest following the assassination of
Filipino senator Benigno "Ninoy"
Aquino, Jr.[9] in August 1983 upon his
return to the Philippines from exile. It
was widely seen as a victory of the
people against two decades of
presidential rule by President Marcos,
and made news headlines as "the
revolution that surprised the world".[10]
The majority of the demonstrations took
place on a long stretch of Epifanio de
los Santos Avenue, more commonly
known by its acronym EDSA, in Metro
Manila from February 22 to 25, 1986.
They involved over two million
Filipino civilians, as well as several
political and military groups, and
religious groups led by Cardinal Jaime
Sin, the Archbishop of Manila, along
with Catholic Bishops' Conference of
the Philippines President Cardinal
Ricardo Vidal, the Archbishop of Cebu.
Hundreds of thousands of people filling up Epifanio de los
Santos Avenue (EDSA), facing northbound towards the Boni
Serrano Avenue–EDSA intersection (February 1986)
Date February 22–25, 1986 (3 days)
Location Philippines, primarily Epifanio de los Santos
Avenue, Metro Manila
Caused by
Assassination of Benigno Aquino Jr. in 1983
Fraud during the 1986 snap presidential
election
Decades of oppressive and autocratic rule
Goals
Removal of Ferdinand Marcos from power
Installation of Corazon Aquino as President
Restoration of democracy in the Philippines
Resulted in Opposition victory
Ferdinand Marcos removed from office
End of the Marcos regime
Marcos clan flees to Hawaii
Start of the Fifth Republic
Corazon Aquino becomes president
Parties to the civil conflict
The protests, fueled by the resistance
and opposition after years of Opposition Government
governance by President Marcos and Political parties: Military loyalists:
his cronies, ended with the ruler, his
family, and some of their supporters UNIDO Armed Forces of the
fleeing to exile in Hawaii; and Ninoy PDP–Laban Philippines
Aquino's widow, Corazon Aquino, Liberal Party Presidential Security
inaugurated as the eleventh President of Group[3]
the Philippines.[11] Military defectors: Integrated National Police

Reform the Armed Government parties:

Background and history Forces Movement
Defectors of the Armed Kilusang Bagong Lipunan
President Ferdinand E. Marcos was Forces
elected president in 1965, defeating Others:
incumbent President Diosdado Others:
Macapagal by a margin of 52 to 43 Pro-Marcos civilian
percent. During this time, Marcos was Anti-Marcos civilian supporters
very active in the initiation of public protesters
works projects and the intensification of
tax collections. Marcos and his Religious groups:
government claimed that they "built
more roads than all his predecessors Archdiocese of Manila
combined and more schools than any CBCP[1]
previous administration".[12] Amidst Protestant churches of the
charges from the opposition party of Philippines
vote-buying and a fraudulent election,
President Marcos was reelected in the Militant groups:
1969 Philippine presidential election,
this time defeating Sergio Osmeña, Jr. Bagong Alyansang
by 61 to 39 percent. Makabayan[1][2]

President Marcos's second term for the Kilusang Mayo Uno

presidency was marred by allegations League of Filipino
by the opposition Liberal Party of Students
widespread graft and corruption. Christians for National
According to leftists who rioted during Liberation
the First Quarter Storm, the increasing
disparity of wealth between the very Lead figures
wealthy and the very poor that made up
the majority of the Philippines' Corazon Aquino Ferdinand Marcos
population led to a rise in crime and (Leader of the Opposition) (President of the Philippines)
civil unrest around the country. In
March 1969, the New People's Army Others: Others:
(NPA) was formed as the military wing Salvador Laurel Imelda Marcos
of the Communist Party of the Juan Ponce Enrile Fabian Ver
Philippines, initiating the still-ongoing
Fidel Ramos Arturo Tolentino
CPP–NPA–NDF rebellion. Marcos
Gringo Honasan Imee Marcos
quickly denounced the movement,
hoping to gain monetary and political Jaime Cardinal Sin Bongbong Marcos
support from anti-Communist Number
administrators in the United States.[13]
In 1972 the Moro National Liberation 2,000,000+ protestors No figures available
Front, a militant Muslim separatist
group, formed in the southern island of Mindanao.[14]

Marcos soon used the rise of militant and civil unrest as justification for declaring martial law.

Martial law

Barred from running for a third term as president in 1973, Marcos

announced Proclamation No. 1081 on September 23, 1972,
declaring martial law,[15] using the civil unrest that arose after the
1969 Philippine balance of payments crisis as a justification for the
proclamation.[16]

Martial law protest Through this decree and through a controversial referendum in
which citizen assemblies voted through a show of hands, Marcos
seized emergency powers giving him full control of the Philippines'
military and the authority to suppress and abolish the freedom of speech, the freedom of the press, and
many other civil liberties.

President Marcos also dissolved the Philippine Congress and shut down media establishments critical of the
Marcos Administration.[16] He also ordered the immediate arrest of his political opponents and critics.
Among those arrested were Senate President Jovito Salonga, and the leaders Senator Jose W. Diokno and
Senator Benigno Aquino Jr. — whom Marcos sent to Laur, Nueva Ecija[17] — and the man who was
groomed by the opposition to succeed President Marcos after the 1973 elections.[16]

A constitutional convention, which had been called for in 1970 to replace the Commonwealth-era 1935
Constitution, continued the work of framing a new constitution after the declaration of martial law. The new
constitution went into effect in early 1973, changing the form of government from presidential to
parliamentary and allowing President Marcos to stay in power beyond 1973. The constitution was approved
by 95% of the voters in the Philippine constitutional plebiscite. The constitution was part of the landmark
Javellana v. Executive Secretary case (G.R. No. 36142) that led to the resignation of Chief Justice Roberto
Concepcion. Part of the plot of the regime involved legitimizing the military rule through the new
constitution providing legislative and executive powers to the president. Simultaneously Marcos conducted
the 1973 plebiscite through the simple counting of hands raised by children and adults that involved
questions such as the option for more rice in lieu of constitutional affirmation.[18]

With practically all of his political opponents arrested, out of office, and in exile, President Marcos's pre-
emptive declaration of martial law in 1972 and the ratification of his new constitution by more than 95% of
voters enabled Marcos to effectively legitimize his government and hold on to power for another 14 years
beyond his first two terms as president. In a Cold War context, Marcos retained the support of the United
States through Marcos's promise to stamp out communism in the Philippines and by assuring the United
States of its continued use of military and naval bases in the Philippines.[16]

On November 27, 1977, a military tribunal sentenced Aquino and two co-accused, NPA leaders Bernabe
Buscayno (Commander Dante) and Lt. Victor Corpuz, to death by firing squad.[19] In 1978, while still the
last opposition leader yet to be released from prison at Fort Bonifacio, Aquino founded his political party,
Lakas ng Bayan (abbreviated "LABAN"; English: People's Power) to run for office in the Interim
Batasang Pambansa (Parliament). All LABAN candidates lost, including Aquino himself. He appeared in a
television interview with Ronnie Nathanielsz to freely criticize the regime during the campaign. In 1980,
Ninoy Aquino suffered a heart attack, and was compassionately released from prison to undergo a heart
bypass surgery in the United States.[20][21] Aquino stayed with his wife Corazon, and children in Boston
College as a fellow for numerous American universities such as Harvard and the Massachusetts Institute of
Technology.

1980s Economic collapse

Because the Marcos administration's spending had relied so heavily on debt since the Marcos family's first
term in the 1960s,[22] the Philippines was left vulnerable when the US economy went into recession in the
third quarter of 1981, forcing the Reagan administration to increase interest rates.[23] The Philippine
government plunged further into debt and the economy began going into decline in 1981, continuing to do
so by the time of the Benigno Aquino Jr. assassination in 1983. By the end of that year, the economy
contracted by 6.8%.[24]

The economic and political instability combined to produce the worst recession in Philippine history in
1984 and 1985,[25][26] with the economy contracting by 7.3% for two successive years.[23][22][27]

Aquino Assassination

Despite warnings from the military and First Lady Imelda

Marcos, Ninoy Aquino was determined to return home.[21]
Asked what he thought of the death threats, Aquino
responded, "The Filipino is worth dying for."[28] Ninoy's
passport expired and the renewal was denied. Ninoy
developed a plan to acquire a passport with the help of
Rashid Lucman.[29] The passport carried the alias Marcial
Bonifacio (Marcial for martial law and Bonifacio for Fort
Carmen and the Diokno family protest
Bonifacio where he was imprisoned).[21][30]
through KAAKBAY, the leading organization
of the first coalition JAJA On August 21, 1983, after three years, Aquino was murdered
by the military,[31] as he disembarked from a plane at Manila
International Airport (later renamed in Aquino's
honor). [21][32] His assassination shocked and outraged most Filipinos,[21] who had lost confidence in the
Marcoses. The event led to more suspicions about the government, triggering non-cooperation among
Filipinos that eventually led to outright civil disobedience.[33] It also shook the Marcos Administration,
which was by then deteriorating due in part to Marcos's blatant illness (turned out to be the fatal lupus
erythematosus).

In 1984, Marcos appointed a commission, first led by Chief Justice Enrique Fernando and later Corazon
Agrava, to launch an investigation into Aquino's assassination. Despite the commission's conclusions,
Cardinal Jaime Sin, the Archbishop of Manila, declined an offer to join the commission and rejected the
government's views on the assassination.

Formation of coalesced opposition

This began a period of coalitions, first led by the nationalist liberal democrats under Jose W. Diokno called
Kilusan sa Kapangyarihan at Karapatan ng Bayan or KAAKBAY, an umbrella organization founded in
1983, which headed the first grand liberal coalition called JAJA, or the Justice for Aquino, Justice for All
movement. JAJA consisted of organizations such as the social democrat-based August Twenty One
Movement (ATOM) led by Butz Aquino, KAAKBAY, MABINI, the Makati-based Alliance of Makati
Associations or AMA, and others.

This was before the division of the center-left and national democratic/Marxist left, when the coalitions
tended to pursue Diokno's philosophy of pressure politics or mass actions to influence and sway the Marcos
dictatorship.[34]

Parliamentarians of the streets, as they were called, applied pressure politics, and soon other coalitions were
formed, culminating in the first call for elections for the opposition in the Kongreso ng Mamamayang
Pilipino or KOMPIL.[35] KOMPIL was organized by Aquino's ATOM from the JAJA coalition, as a means
to unite the businessmen, communists, and other groups. Most of the KOMPIL members were led by the
AMA leaders.

Meanwhile, Diokno, Lorenzo M. Tañada of MABINI, Butz and Corazon Aquino, and a few others were
elected the overall presiding leaders in a search to find the opposition candidate. The main issue was
whether to accept the CAMEL or Call for Meaningful Elections or, as Diokno and the more liberal JAJA
members preferred, to boycott the event which might be another fixed election.[36]

JAJA was later replaced by the Coalition of Organizations for the Restoration of Democracy (CORD) in
the middle of 1984, which retained most of JAJA's features and membership. A year later CORD was
replaced by Bagong Alyansang Makabayan or BAYAN, which was to be a platform for Diokno should he
run for president, and was led by Tañada and student leader Lean Alejandro of the University of the
Philippines. However the socialists/national democrats took control of the coalition so Diokno, Ambrosio
Padilla, and the liberal democrats as well as Butz Aquino, ATOM, and the social democrats left BAYAN to
the present national democratic coalition that it has become in the 21st century.[37]

Call for Meaningful Elections

Eventually the top leaders decided to convene to select a candidate

in case of contingencies or any sudden announcements of changes.
It was then on November 3, 1985, after pressure from the US
government,[38] that Marcos suddenly announced a snap
presidential election would take place the following year, one year
ahead of the regular presidential election schedule, to legitimize his
control over the country.[39] The snap election was legalized with
the passage of Batas Pambansa Blg. 883 (National Law No. 883)
by the Marcos-controlled unicameral congress called the Regular
Batasang Pambansa.[40]

To select a leader, the convenor's group of opposition leaders

formed underlying principles. These principles, mainly proposed
and edited by Diokno, discussed matters that involved anti-foreign Jovito Salonga of the Liberal Party's
domination in the economy, especially American intervention and Salonga wing, first part of the
military bases. [41] After the principles were agreed upon by the boycott movement before
opposition leaders, as Lorenzo M. Tañada quipped, it became campaigning for the presidential
almost automatic and completely expeditious in agreeing nomination
unanimously on one candidate to face Marcos. For the initial step in
nominating a candidate, the selection process started out with a
pooled list among the opposition leaders themselves. The list of candidates for president were mostly
including former senators: Jose W. Diokno, Butz Aquino, Jovito Salonga, Eva Estrada-Kalaw, Salvador
"Doy" Laurel, Ambrosio Padilla, Aquilino Pimentel, Raul Manglapus, and Ramon Mitra, as well as a future
senator in Teofisto Guingona Jr., and a technocrat who once served as Marcos's executive secretary named
Rafael Salas.[42]

After the vetting of nominees, as men such as Sen. Diokno vehemently opposed to run for president,[43] the
remaining potential candidates who openly wished to earn the opposition's nomination were Salonga,
Laurel, and Estrada-Kalaw. United Nationalist Democratic Organization (UNIDO) members Estrada-
Kalaw and Laurel were the only two not to sign the declaration of unity or the underlying principles.
Eventually Estrada-Kalaw withdrew after being overwhelmed by the multiple candidates in the selection
process and campaigned to become the vice-presidential candidate.[44] Between 64 year old Salonga, who
with 64 year old Estrada-Kalaw represented the two largest Liberal Party factions, and Laurel, who was son
of former president Jose P. Laurel, it was decided by men such as Chino Roces that both candidates might
lack the popularity needed to win.[45] This was because Salonga had spent much time in exile in the United
States while Laurel, the founder and main head of UNIDO, was deemed "too lightweight".[43]

UNIDO and the other coalitions agreed to choose Aquino's wife Cory Aquino instead of Luarel or Estrada-
Kalaw and began the Cory Aquino for President Movement or CAPM, led by Roces, et al. Only Laurel, a
friend of Ninoy Aquino, did not agree with this choice and wanted to run against Aquino and Marcos.
UNIDO overwhelmed Laurel's vote and encouraged him to become Cory Aquino's vice-president instead.
Once Cory Aquino became the main candidate, Laurel eventually ran as Cory Aquino's running mate for
vice-president under the United Opposition (UNIDO) party. Marcos ran for re-election, with Arturo
Tolentino as his running mate under the Kilusang Bagong Lipunan (KBL) party.[40] Thus within a matter
of only a few weeks the candidates were fixed and the campaign period was set for the 1986 snap election.

1986 election

The election was held on February 7, 1986.[39] The

official election canvasser, the Commission on
Elections (COMELEC), declared that Marcos was the
winner. The final tally of the COMELEC had Marcos
winning with 10,807,197 votes against Aquino's
9,291,761 votes. On the other hand, based on returns
of 70% of the precincts[46] of the National Movement
for Free Elections (NAMFREL), an accredited poll
watcher, had Aquino winning with 7,835,070 votes
against Marcos's 7,053,068 votes.[47] [48]
Corazon Aquino campaigning with son Noynoy
This electoral exercise was marred by widespread
reports of violence and tampering of election results,
culminating in the walkout of 30 COMELEC computer technicians to protest the deliberate manipulation of
the official election results to favor Ferdinand Marcos. The walkout was considered one of the early
"sparks" of the People Power Revolution. The walkout also served as an affirmation to allegations of vote-
buying, fraud, and tampering of election results by the KBL.[49][50]

Because of reports of alleged fraud, the Catholic Bishops' Conference of the Philippines (CBCP) through
Cardinal Ricardo Vidal issued a statement condemning the elections.[51] The United States Senate also
passed a resolution stating the same condemnation.[39] US president Ronald Reagan issued a statement
calling the fraud reports as "disturbing" but he said that there was fraud "on both sides" of the Philippine
election.[52][53] In response to the protests, COMELEC claimed that Marcos with 53 percent won over
Aquino. However, NAMFREL countered that the latter won over Marcos with 52 percent of votes.[54]
On February 15, Marcos was proclaimed by COMELEC and Batasang Pambansa as the winner amid the
controversy. All 50 opposition members of the Parliament walked out in protest. The Filipino people
repudiated the results, asserting that Aquino was the real victor. Both "winners" took their oath of office in
two different places, with Aquino gaining greater mass support. Aquino also called for coordinated strikes
and mass boycott of the media and businesses owned by Marcos's cronies. As a result, the crony banks,
corporations, and media were hit hard, and their shares in the stock market plummeted to record levels.[55]

Vidal's declaration

On February 13, Cebu Archbishop Cardinal Ricardo Vidal issued a

declaration on behalf of the Philippine Church hierarchy stating that
when "a government does not of itself freely correct the evil it has
inflicted on the people then it is our serious moral obligation as a
people to make it do so." The declaration also asked "every loyal
member of the Church, every community of the faithful, to form
their judgment about the February 7 polls" and told all the Filipinos,
"Now is the time to speak up. Now is the time to repair the wrong.
The wrong was systematically organized. So must its correction be.
But as in the election itself, that depends fully on the people; on
what they are willing and ready to do."[51]
Cardinal Ricardo Vidal
Events

Civil disobedience and boycott campaign

launch (February 16)

On February 16, 1986, Corazon Aquino held the "Tagumpay ng

A visitor at Bantayog ng mga Bayani
browses through a timeline of the
last moments of the protests that
culminated in People Power.
Bayan" (People's Victory) rally at Luneta Park, announcing a civil
disobedience campaign and calling for her supporters to boycott
publications and companies which were associated with Marcos or
any of his cronies.[56] The event was attended by a crowd of about
two million people.[57] Aquino's camp began making preparations
for more rallies, and Aquino herself went to Cebu to rally more
people to their cause.[58]

Aborted military coup (February 22)

In the aftermath of the election and the revelations of irregularities,

the Reform the Armed Forces Movement (RAM) - a cabal of
officers of the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) disgruntled
by the patronage politics and corruption in the AFP, formed in
1982[59] - set into motion a coup attempt against the Ferdinand and
Imelda Marcos.[60]

RAM's initial plan was for a team to assault Malacañang Palace and
arrest Ferdinand Marcos. RAM founder Col. Gringo Honasan
Camp Aguinaldo
formulated a plan to attack the palace and "neutralize" the Marcos
couple.[61] Other military units would take over key strategic facilities, such as the airport, military bases,
the GHQAFP in Camp Aguinaldo, and major highway junctions to restrict counteroffensive by Marcos-
loyal troops.

However, after Marcos learned about the plot, he ordered their leaders' arrest,[62] and presented to the
international and local press some of the captured plotters, Maj. Saulito Aromin and Maj. Edgardo
Doromal.[63]

Threatened with their impending imprisonment, Defense Minister Juan Ponce Enrile and his fellow coup
plotters decided to ask for help from then-AFP Vice Chief of Staff Lt. Gen Fidel Ramos, who was also the
chief of the Philippine Constabulary (now the Philippine National Police). Ramos agreed to resign from his
position and support the plotters. Ramos also contacted the highly influential Cardinal Archbishop of
Manila Jaime Sin for his support.[64]

Despite Ramos' defection, however, the coup plotters were essentially trapped in Camp Crame, and in the
words of historian Vicente L. Rafael, "became sitting ducks for Ferdinand Marcos' loyalist forces."[65]

At about 6:30 p.m. on February 22, Enrile and Ramos held a press conference at the Ministry of National
Defense building in Camp Aguinaldo, the AFP headquarters, where they announced that they had resigned
from their positions in Marcos' cabinet and were withdrawing support from his government. Marcos himself
later conducted a news conference calling on Enrile and Ramos to surrender, urging them to "stop this
stupidity".[66] Marcos tried to call Enrile, but Enrile refused to play Marcos's game. Eventually out of
desperation Marcos televised his sickly appearance, and announced that he promised to crush every Filipino
who stood in his way in order to capture Enrile and Ramos.[64]

Cardinal Sin's appeal (February 22)

After Cardinal Vidal's February 13 condemnation of the snap

election's fraudulent result, Cardinal Sin went on Radio Veritas at
around 9 p.m. on February 22 and exhorted Filipinos in the capital
to aid rebel leaders by going to the section of EDSA between Camp
Crame and Aguinaldo and giving emotional support, food and other
supplies. For many, this seemed an unwise decision since civilians
would not stand a chance against a dispersal by government troops.
Many people, especially priests and nuns, still trooped to
EDSA.[66]

My Dear People, I wish you to pray, because it's only

Jaime Cardinal Sin
through prayer that we may solve this problem. This is
Cardinal Sin speaking to the people, especially in
Metro Manila. I am indeed concerned about the
situation of Minister Enrile and General Ramos, I am
calling our people to support our two good friends at
the camp. If any of you could be around at Camp
Aguinaldo to show your solidarity and your support in
this very crucial period, when our two good friends
have shown their idealism, I would be very happy if
you support them now. I would only wish that violence
and bloodshed be avoided. Let us pray to our blessed
lady to help us in order that we can solve this problem
peacefully
 — Jaime Cardinal Sin

Radio Veritas played a critical role during the mass uprising. Former University of the Philippines president
Francisco Nemenzo stated that: "Without Radio Veritas, it would have been difficult, if not impossible, to
mobilize millions of people in a matter of hours." Similarly, a certain account in the event said that: "Radio
Veritas, in fact, was our umbilical cord to whatever else was going on."[67]

Rising mass support (February 23)

At dawn, Sunday, government troops arrived to knock down the

main 50-kilowatt transmitter of Radio Veritas, cutting off broadcasts
to people in the nearby provinces. The station switched to a 10-
kilowatt standby transmitter with a limited range of broadcast.[67]
The station was targeted because it had proven to be a valuable
communications tool for the people supporting the rebels, keeping
them informed of government troop movements and relaying
requests for food, medicine, and supplies.[66]
Radio Veritas
Still, people came to EDSA
until it swelled to hundreds of
thousands of unarmed civilians. The mood in the street was very festive,
with many bringing whole families. Performers entertained the crowds,
nuns and priests led prayer vigils, and people set up barricades and
makeshift sandbags, trees, and vehicles in several places along EDSA
and intersecting streets such as Santolan and Ortigas Avenue.
Everywhere, people listened to Radio Veritas on their radios. A photo
taken by Pete Reyes of Srs. Porferia Ocariza and Teresita Burias
leading the rosary in front of soldiers has since become an iconic picture
of the revolution.[68] Several groups sang Bayan Ko (My
Homeland),[69] which, since 1980, had become a patriotic anthem of
the opposition. People frequently flashed the 'LABAN' sign,[70] which
is an "L" formed with their thumb and index finger. 'laban' is the
Filipino word for 'fight', but also the abbreviation of Lakas ng Bayan,
Fidel Ramos
Ninoy Aquino's party. After lunch on February 23, Enrile and Ramos
decided to consolidate their positions. Enrile crossed EDSA from Camp
Aguinaldo to Camp Crame amidst cheers from the crowd.[66]

In the mid-afternoon, Radio Veritas relayed reports of Marines massing near the camps in the east and LVT-
5 tanks approaching from the north and south. A contingent of Marines with tanks and armored vans, led by
Brigadier General Artemio Tadiar, was stopped along Ortigas Avenue, about two kilometers from the
camps, by tens of thousands of people.[71] Nuns holding rosaries knelt in front of the tanks and men and
women linked arms together to block the troops.[72] Tadiar asked the crowds to make a clearing for them,
but they did not budge. In the end, the troops retreated with no shots fired.[66]

By evening, the standby transmitter of Radio Veritas failed, although the stations of the Far East
Broadcasting Company also took up the task of broadcasting information to the crowds, calling them in
particular to protect Gate 2 of Camp Aguinaldo.[73] Shortly after midnight, the Radio Veritas staff led by
Father James Reuter were able to move to the transmitter of DZRJ-AM so they could begin broadcasting
again. To help keep their location a secret, they took up the moniker "Radyo Bandido" (Outlaw Radio ) as
a callsign. June Keithley, with her husband Angelo Castro, Jr., was the radio broadcaster who continued
Radio Veritas' program throughout the night and in the ensuing days.[66]

The Sotelo landing (February 24)

In the early morning hours of February 24,[74][75] helicopters manned by the 15th Strike Wing of the
Philippine Air Force, led by Colonel Antonio Sotelo, were ordered from Sangley Point in Cavite, south of
Manila, to head to Camp Crame.[76] Secretly, the squadron had already defected and instead of attacking
Camp Crame, landed in it with the crowds cheering and hugging the pilots and crew members[66] in
response to what has been referred to as the "Sotelo landing,"[77] considered a key turning point where the
military circumstances turned against Marcos.[55]

A Bell 214 helicopter piloted by Major Deo Cruz of the 205th Helicopter Wing and Sikorsky S-76 gunships
piloted by Colonel Charles Hotchkiss of the 20th Air Commando Squadron joined the rebel squadron
earlier in the air. The presence of the helicopters boosted the morale of Enrile and Ramos who had been
continually encouraging their fellow soldiers to join the opposition movement.[66] In the afternoon, Aquino
arrived at the base where Enrile, Ramos, Reform the Armed Forces Movement (RAM) officers, and a
throng were waiting.[76]

Marcos departure rumor (February 24)

At around that 6:30, June Keithley received reports that Marcos had
left Malacañang Palace and broadcast this to the people at EDSA.
The crowd celebrated and even Ramos and Enrile came out from
Crame to appear to the crowds.[78] This would be disproven when
Marcos went on MBS 4 a few hours later,[78] so it was later
speculated that the false report was a calculated move against
Marcos to encourage more defections.[66]
A damaged newspaper from The
Manila Times covering the revolution
Fourth Marine brigade refusal of "Kill Order"
(February 24)

At dawn on Monday, February 24, Marines marching from Libis towards the east of Camp Aguinaldo
lobbed tear gas at the demonstrators, who quickly dispersed. By 8:30 a.m., some 3,000 Marines entered and
held the east side of Camp Aguinaldo,[66] and the Fourth Marine brigade under the command of Colonel
Braulio Balbas positioned howitzers and mortars to strike against Camp Crame.[79]: 251

Despite the fact that civilians would be killed in such an attack, General Josephus Ramas gave the "kill
order" against Camp Crame at around 9 AM. Although the artillery was ready to fire, Balbas stalled, telling
Ramas that they were "still looking for maps." Ramas then told Balbas that "The President is on the other
line waiting for compliance!"[80] Ramas repeated his orders to Balbas at 9:20, to which Balbas replied they
were "still positioning the cannons."[79]: 251 Balbas would eventually refuse to follow Ramas' orders each
of the four times he was ordered to fire on Camp Crame, leading historians to point to this moment as the
point at which Marcos lost control of the Philippine Marine Corps.[55]

Marcos TV Appearance on MBS 4 (February 24)

The jubilation resulting from the rumor that Marcos had fled was short-lived, as Marcos appeared on
television on the government-controlled MBS-4 at around 9:00, (using the foreclosed ABS-CBN facilities,
transmitter and compound in Broadcast Plaza, now ABS-CBN Broadcasting Center) declaring that he
would not step down.[78]

Lifting of Maximum Tolerance policy

During the broadcast, Marcos announced that he had lifted the policy of "Maximum Tolerance" which that
government had previously put in place. This gave armed forces permission to use force to defend
government installations, as well as communications facilities, from Enrile and Ramos' forces. In addition,
he told radio and TV stations not to broadcast news about military movements without permission - which
was exactly what Radyo Bandido had been doing.[81]

Marcos orders not to attack via airstrike

"My order is not to attack"
0:00 / 0:00
President Ferdinand Marcos and Gen. Ver during a press conference in Malacañang Palace.

Problems playing this file? See media help.

At one point during the broadcast, General Ver approached Marcos and informed him that the AFP was
ready to mount an airstrike on Camp Crame, but Marcos ordered them to halt.[82][83] The actual dialogue
on TV between Marcos and then AFP Chief of Staff Gen. Ver went as follows:

Fabian Ver: The Ambush there is aiming to mount there in the top. Very quickly, you must
immediately leave to conquer them, immediately, Mr. President.

Ferdinand Marcos: Just wait, come here.

Ver: Please, Your Honor, so we can immediately strike them. We have to immobilize the
helicopters that they've got. We have two fighter planes flying now to strike at any time, sir.
Marcos: My order is not to attack. No, no, no! Hold on. My order is not to attack.
Ver: They are massing civilians near our troops and we cannot keep on withdrawing. You
asked me to withdraw yesterday–
Marcos (interrupting): Uh yes, but ah... My order is to disperse without shooting them.
Ver: We cannot withdraw all the time...

Marcos: No! No! No! Hold on! You disperse the crowd without shooting them.

Capture of MBS-4 (February 24)

At about 9:50 a.m. MBS-4 suddenly went off the air during Marcos' broadcast. A contingent of rebels,
under Colonel Mariano Santiago, had captured the station. MBS-4 was put back on the air shortly after
noon, with Orly Punzalan announcing on live television, "Channel 4 is on the air again to serve the
people." By this time, the crowds at EDSA had grown to over a million, but some estimates place the
crowd number up to 2 million people.[66]
On September 14, 1986, this broadcast was considered the "return" of ABS-CBN on air because this was
the time when former employees of the network were inside the complex on after 14 years of closure since
Marcos took it over during the Martial Law of 1972. "Radyo Bandido" ended broadcasting that afternoon,
while Radio Veritas resumed transmissions, this time from the Broadcast Plaza's radio studios.

Attack on Villamor Airbase, and further defections (February 24)

In the late afternoon of February 24, helicopters of the 15th Strike Wing, commanded by Sotelo, attacked
Villamor Airbase, destroying presidential air assets. Sotelo had radioed ahead to the pilots and crews of the
air assets, telling them to stay away from the aircraft. As a result, the assets were disabled without any
human casualties. Sotelo had sent another helicopter to Malacañang, where it fired a rocket on the palace
grounds and caused minor damage.[74][75]

Later, most of the officers who had graduated from the Philippine Military Academy (PMA) defected. The
majority of the Armed Forces had already changed sides.[66]

Two inaugurations (February 25)

On the morning of Tuesday, February 25, at around 7 a.m., a Inauguration of Corazon

minor clash occurred between loyal government troops and the Aquino
reformists. Snipers stationed atop the crony-owned RPN-9
transmitter in Panay Avenue, near MBS-4, began shooting at the
reformists. Many rebel soldiers surged to the station,[66] and a
rebel S-76 helicopter later shot the snipers at the broadcast tower.
The troops later left after a V-150 was blocked by the crowd
assembled.

Later in the morning, Corazon Aquino was inaugurated as

President of the Philippines in a simple ceremony at Club
Filipino[84] in Greenhills, about a kilometer from Camp Crame. Corazon Aquino was inaugurated as
She was sworn in as president by Senior Associate Justice the 11th president of the Philippines
Claudio Teehankee, and Laurel as vice-president by Justice on February 25, 1986, at Sampaguita
Vicente Abad Santos. The Bible on which Aquino swore her Hall (Now Kalayaan Hall).
oath was held by her mother-in-law Aurora Aquino, the mother
Date February 25, 1986
of Ninoy Aquino. Attending the ceremonies were Ramos, who
was then promoted to General, Enrile, and many politicians.[66] Location Sampaguita Hall, Club
Filipino, Greenhills,
Outside Club Filipino, all the way to EDSA, hundreds of people San Juan, Metro
cheered and celebrated. Bayan Ko (My Country, a popular folk Manila
song and the unofficial National Anthem of protest) was sung
after Aquino's oath-taking. Many people wore yellow, the color Participants President of the
of Aquino's presidential campaign. Philippines, Corazon
Aquino
An hour later, Marcos held the inauguration at Malacañang Assuming office
Palace. Loyalist civilians attended the ceremony, shouting Associate Justice of
"Marcos, Marcos, Marcos pa rin! (Marcos, Marcos, still the Supreme Court of
Marcos!)". On the Palace balcony, Marcos took the Oath of
the Philippines,
Office, aired on IBC-13 and RPN-9 (RPN-9 was going off-the-
Claudio Teehankee
air during the broadcast of the inauguration, as its transmitter was
Administering oath
captured by reformist soldiers)[66] None of the invited foreign
dignitaries attended the ceremony, for security reasons. The
couple finally emerged on the balcony of the Palace before 3,000 Vice President of the
KBL loyalists who were shouting, "Capture the snakes!"[85] Philippines
Rather tearfully,[85] First Lady Imelda Marcos gave a farewell Salvador Laurel
rendition of the couple's theme song – the 1938 kundiman "Dahil Assuming office
Sa Iyo" (Because of You) – chanting the song's entreaties in Associate Justice of
Tagalog: the Supreme Court of
the Philippines,
Because of you, I became happy Vicente Abad Santos
Loving I shall offer you Administering oath
If it is true I shall be enslaved by you
All of this because of you.[85]

The broadcast of the event was interrupted as rebel

troops successfully captured the other stations. It was
the last time Marcos was seen in the Philippines.[66]

By this time, hundreds of people had amassed at the

barricades along Mendiola, only a hundred meters
away from Malacañang. They were prevented from
storming the Palace by loyal government troops President Ferdinand E. Marcos is sworn by Chief
securing the area. The angry demonstrators were Justice Ramon Aquino in the Ceremonial Hall of
pacified by priests who warned them not to be Malacañan Palace on February 25, 1986.
violent.[66]

Marcos' departure (February 26)

Despite holding an inauguration, Marcos and his family were

already preparing to flee the country. At 5:00 a.m. on Tuesday
morning, Marcos phoned United States Senator Paul Laxalt, asking
for advice from the White House.[85] Laxalt advised him to "cut
and cut clean", to which Marcos expressed his disappointment after
a short pause. In the afternoon, Marcos talked to Minister Enrile,
asking for safe passage for him, his family, and close allies such as
General Ver.[86] He also asked Enrile if United States Ambassador Marcos in exile in Hawaii
Stephen Bosworth could assign a security escort for the Marcos
family's departure.[87]

Around midnight, the Marcos family boarded a United States Air Force HH-3E Rescue helicopter[88] and
flew to Clark Air Base in Angeles City 83 kilometers north of Manila. At Clark Air Base, Marcos asked to
spend a couple of days with his family in Ilocos Norte, his native province. Aquino vetoed the request.
President Reagan privately derided Aquino for denying Marcos a last look at his home province.[89]

The deposed First Family and their servants then rode US Air Force DC-9 Medivac and C-141B planes to
Andersen Air Force Base in the north of the United States territory of Guam, then flying to Hickam Air
Force Base in Hawaii where Marcos finally arrived on February 26. The United States Government
documented that they entered the United States with millions of dollars in jewelry, gold, stocks, and
cash.[10][66]
When news of the Marcos family's departure reached civilians, many rejoiced and danced in the streets.
Over at Mendiola, the demonstrators stormed the Palace, which was closed to ordinary people for around a
decade. Despite looting by some angry protesters, the majority wandered about inside through rooms where
national history was shaped, looking at objects extravagant and mundane that the Marcos clan and its court
had abandoned in their flight. Shortly after midnight on February 26, five army trucks of troops under the
command of Fidel Ramos arrived in Malacañang Palace to secure it after Ferdinand Marcos had left -
marking the end of the Marcos dictatorship, and placing the palace under the control of the Provisional
Government of the Philippines until a new constitution could be enacted a year later, in 1987.[90]

In other countries, people also rejoiced and congratulated Filipinos they knew. CBS anchorman Bob Simon
reported: "We Americans like to think we taught the Filipinos democracy. Well, tonight they are teaching
the world."[66]

Events outside the capital

While much of the historical focus regarding the People Power Revolution has been on events arount the
two camps and the presidential palace, Filipinos from all over the archipelago also participated in the
revolution, with large protests happening in Baguio, Cebu City, Cagayan de Oro, and Davao City,[91] as
well as prominent municipalities such as Los Baños, Laguna.[92] Cebu played a particularly important part
because Corazon Aquino was there at the time the EDSA protests began, speaking at a rally at Fuente
Osmeña Circle which was a protest against cheating during the Presidential elections earlier that month.[93]

Aftermath
Immediately after her accession, Aquino issued Proclamation No. 3, a provisional constitution which
established a revolutionary government. The edict promulgated the 1986 Freedom Constitution, which
retained or superseded various provisions of the 1973 Constitution that were in force up to that point. This
allowed Aquino to wield both executive and legislative powers; among her first acts was to unilaterally
abolish the Batasang Pambansa (the unicameral legislature duly elected in 1984), pending a plebiscite for a
more permanent Constitution and the establishment of a new Congress by 1987.[94]

Despite the success of the People Power Revolution, there were elements which were dissatisfied by
Aquino's rise to power, including the leaders Reform the Armed Forces Movement which had launched the
failed coup against Marcos and had been saved by the arrival of the Civilians at EDSA.[95] As a result,
these groups launched a number of coup d'état attempts throughout Aquino's term.[95]

The revolution had an effect on democratization movements in such countries as Taiwan and South Korea;
other effects include the restoration of the freedom of the press, abolition of repressive laws enforced by the
previous regime, the adoption of the 1987 Constitution, and the subordination of the military to civilian rule,
despite several coup attempts during Aquino's rule.[96]

The revolution provided for the restoration of democratic institutions after 13 years of authoritarian rule and
these institutions has been used by various groups to challenge the entrenched political families and to
strengthen Philippine democracy.[97]

Legacy
The People Power Revolution has inspired a call for a change of government through peaceful protests
rather than bloodshed. Many similar revolutions have followed since then, taking the Philippine example of
nonviolent regime change, such as that in East Germany and many other former Soviet Bloc countries, most
of which had direct relation to the end of the Cold War in 1989.[98]

Rampant corruption during the term of President Joseph Estrada led

to the similar 2001 EDSA Revolution leading to his resignation
from the presidency.

In spite of the revolution's repudiation of Marcos' dictatorial regime,

the Marcos family slowly regained a political presence in the
Philippines mostly through what researchers attribute to a
systematic spread of lies and disinformation,[99][100] with Imelda
and her children Bongbong and Imee reacquiring positions in
government by the 1990s. Bongbong himself was defeated as
runner-up to Leni Robredo as a candidate for the Philippine vice
presidency during the 2016 presidential elections. He protested in
the Supreme Court and was denied multiple times, with the official
gap getting even significantly larger from the original results.[101] In
2021, Bongbong announced his bid for the Philippine presidency in
the 2022 Philippine presidential election.[102] He was elected People Power Monument
president, marking the Marcos family's return to Malacañang after
36 years.[103][104]

Commemoration

The EDSA Revolution Anniversary is a special public holiday in

the Philippines. Since 2002, the holiday has been declared a special
non-working holiday.[105][106]

Three commemorative sites along EDSA memorialize the People

Power Revolution, put up by different organizations to
commemorate different aspects of the People Power
Revolution.[107]
The Wall of Remembrance at the
The Shrine of Mary, Queen of Peace, Our Lady of EDSA,
Bantayog ng mga Bayani.
better known as the EDSA Shrine is a small church put up in
1989 by the Roman Catholic Archdiocese of Manila in the
Ortigas Center at the corner of EDSA with Ortigas Avenue.
Priminently featuring the 35-foot Our Lady of EDSA sculpture by Virginia Ty-Navarro and
containing numerous other artworks throughout the church, it commemorates the
"miraculously" peaceful nature of the People Power protests, as well as the role of the
Catholic Church in the revolution.[107]
The Bantayog ng mga Bayani was put up by civil society groups and inaugurated in 1992 to
commemorate the struggle against the Marcos dictatorship, and the People Power
Revolution as a key turning point in the struggle. The site's Wall of Remembrance has an
extensively researched list of the martyrs and heroes who fought the authoritarian regime.
The site, designed by National Artist for landscape architecture I.P. Santos, also features the
"Inang Bayan" sculpture by Eduardo Castrillo, as well as a specialty library and a museum
commemorating the martyrs and heroes honored on the Wall of Remembrance.[107]
The People's Park put up in 1993 by the Philippine Government on the southwest corner of
Camp Aguinaldo at the intersection of EDSA and White Plains Avenue contains the 30-figure
 People Power Monument sculpture by Eduardo Castrillo as well as a 1983 statue of Ninoy
Aquino sculpted by artist Tomas Concepcion.[107]

In Culture and the Arts

In 1986 a few months after February a music video starring various

artists was released called, "Handog ng Pilipino Sa Mundo". It was
written by Apo Hiking Society singer Jim Paredes and performed
by numerous artists, and showed martial law heroes Jose W.
Diokno, Lorenzo M. Tañada, Rene Saguisag, Butz Aquino, Joe
Burgos, and Pres. Aquino with Vice-president Doy Laurel during
their campaign.[108]

In 2003, the Radio Broadcast of the Philippine People Power 10-peso coin commemorating the
Revolution was inscribed in the United Nations Educational, People Power Revolution
Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) Memory of the
World Register, which is the official documentary heritage list of the
United Nations (UN)'s educational and scientific body.[109]

See also
Proclamation No. 1081
1972 Philippines Martial law under Ferdinand Marcos
1986 Philippine general election
Epifanio de los Santos Avenue
"Bayan Ko"
"Handog ng Pilipino sa Mundo"
"Magkaisa"
EDSA Shrine
People Power Monument
Bantayog ng mga Bayani

General:

Timeline of the presidency of Ferdinand Marcos

Similar events:

EDSA II
EDSA III
June Struggle, in the Republic of Korea
Gdańsk Agreement of 1980 and Round Table Agreement of 1989, both induced by peaceful
protests in Poland by Solidarity
Tiananmen Square protests of 1989
Fall of the Berlin Wall, in Germany
Romanian Revolution
Velvet Revolution, in Czechoslovakia
8888 Uprising, in Burma (now Myanmar)
 May 1998 riots of Indonesia
Iranian Revolution
Tunisian Revolution
Egyptian Revolution of 2011
1991 Soviet coup d'état attempt
2013–2014 Cambodian protests
2021 Myanmar protests
Revolutions of 1989

Notes
1. Other alternative names include the Philippine Revolution of 1986, EDSA 1986, EDSA I
(pronounced EDSA One or EDSA Uno), People Power Revolution I and EDSA People
Power.

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External links
John Nery (writer) (2006). Edsa 20 'Isang Larawan'—An Inquirer documentary (https://www.y
outube.com/watch?v=UdcuiX0ytPo) [EDSA 20 An Illustration] (documentary) (in Filipino).
Philippines: Philippine Daily Inquirer. Retrieved March 2, 2021.
R.A. Rivera (director) (2015). People Power @ 30 - History (https://www.youtube.com/watch?
v=ude3JYp-k8w) (documentary, episode of History with Lourd) (in Filipino). Philippines: TV5
Network. Retrieved March 2, 2021.
People Power Revolution Day by Day (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6AO6RDfVxxU&li
st=PLBPGAOebX_X4sPsnQ4ULjJKe2QLSxS-Cq&index=1) (in English and Filipino). 2021.
Retrieved March 2, 2021.

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