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Dwnload Full Using Mis 3rd Edition Kroenke Test Bank PDF
Dwnload Full Using Mis 3rd Edition Kroenke Test Bank PDF
Dwnload Full Using Mis 3rd Edition Kroenke Test Bank PDF
https://testbankfan.com/download/using-mis-3rd-edition-kroenke-test-bank/
1) Collaboration occurs when two or more people work together to achieve a common goal,
result, or work product.
Answer: TRUE
Diff: 1 Page Ref: 32
AACSB: Analytic skills
Study Question: Study Question 1
2) Collaboration involves coordination and communication, but it is greater than either of those
alone.
Answer: TRUE
Diff: 2 Page Ref: 32
AACSB: Analytic skills
Study Question: Study Question 1
3) When collaboration is effective, the results of the group are greater than could be produced by
any of the individuals working alone.
Answer: TRUE
Diff: 1 Page Ref: 32
AACSB: Analytic skills
Study Question: Study Question 1
4) Feedback and iteration enable a group to produce something greater than any single person
could accomplish working independently.
Answer: TRUE
Diff: 1 Page Ref: 32
AACSB: Analytic skills
Study Question: Study Question 1
5) One-time, ad hoc work groups require the creation and formalization of workflows in order to
be successful.
Answer: FALSE
Diff: 1 Page Ref: 33
AACSB: Analytic skills
Study Question: Study Question 1
6) A workflow is a process or procedure by which content is created, edited, used, and disposed.
Answer: TRUE
Diff: 1 Page Ref: 33
AACSB: Analytic skills
Study Question: Study Question 1
1
Copyright © 2011 Pearson Education, Inc.
8) Google Docs & Spreadsheets requires users to install Google applications in order to run them
on their client computers.
Answer: FALSE
Diff: 3 Page Ref: 33-34
AACSB: Analytic skills
Study Question: Study Question 2
9) Microsoft Groove is a collaboration application that supports team wikis and team member
blogs.
Answer: FALSE
Diff: 2 Page Ref: 34
AACSB: Analytic skills
Study Question: Study Question 2
10) "What tasks need to be accomplished?" is a question that needs to be answered in the
starting phase of a project.
Answer: FALSE
Diff: 2 Page Ref: 35
AACSB: Analytic skills
Study Question: Study Question 2
11) The feedback and iteration loop is the nature and power of collaboration.
Answer: TRUE
Diff: 2 Page Ref: 36
AACSB: Analytic skills
Study Question: Study Question 2
12) Effective collaboration skills come naturally to people who have been taught to "play well
with others."
Answer: FALSE
Diff: 2 Page Ref: 36
AACSB: Analytic skills
Study Question: Study Question 2
13) Five of the 12 most important characteristics of an effective collaborator involve agreement
and the ability to "get along."
Answer: FALSE
Diff: 2 Page Ref: 36
AACSB: Analytic skills
Study Question: Study Question 2
2
Copyright © 2011 Pearson Education, Inc.
14) In order to be an effective collaborator, one should refrain from airing unpopular and
different viewpoints.
Answer: FALSE
Diff: 2 Page Ref: 37
AACSB: Analytic skills
Study Question: Study Question 2
15) Geena, the operations manager at Multitech Systems, is having a meeting with her vendors
and some of her senior engineers to iron out product specifications. This is an example of
synchronous communication.
Answer: TRUE
Diff: 1 Page Ref: 38
AACSB: Analytic skills
Study Question: Study Question 3
16) Margaret finds that calling all her senior supervisors and quality managers for a face-to-face
meeting is not feasible. She arranges for a multiparty text chatting session involving all of them.
This is an example of asynchronous communication.
Answer: FALSE
Diff: 1 Page Ref: 38
AACSB: Analytic skills
Study Question: Study Question 3
19) Discussion forums are an effective way to obtain team opinions, because it forces
participation of the entire team.
Answer: FALSE
Diff: 2 Page Ref: 39
AACSB: Analytic skills
Study Question: Study Question 3
20) One of the advantages of a survey is that it is easy to determine who has not yet responded.
Answer: TRUE
Diff: 2 Page Ref: 39
AACSB: Analytic skills
Study Question: Study Question 3
3
Copyright © 2011 Pearson Education, Inc.
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Reference has already been made to Aurispa, who appears to
have been the most important manuscript-dealer of his time, not only
in Venice, but possibly in the world. Aurispa sent various agents to
Greece and to the farther East to collect manuscripts and kept
scribes busied in his work-shop in Venice in preparing authentic
copies of these texts. One of his travellers was Plantinerus, who was
sent to the Peloponnesus in 1415, and who succeeded in securing
there some valuable codices.[343] Plantinerus found, in executing his
commissions, that he had to come into competition with a traveller
sent out by Cosimo de’ Medici on a similar errand.
Venice possessed an advantage over the other Italian cities, not
only in the collection of texts, and in its facilities for manifolding
these, but in its position for securing wide sales for the same in the
cities outside of Italy, with which it was, in connection with its active
commerce, in regular relations. The lines of the Oxford printers,
Theo. Rood and Thomas Hunt, printed in their edition of the Letters
of Phalaris, give an indication of the relations of the English
university in the early part of the fifteenth century with the literary
marts of Southern Europe.
(If you Venetians will send over to us the books which have been
hidden (i. e. difficult or rare books, or possibly books unearthed from
far off Eastern regions) we will find sale for the same.)
There is evidence in fact of a very active book-trade between
Venice and England for many years before the introduction into Italy
of the printing-press. The work of Aldus and of those who were
associated with him in carrying on printing and publishing
undertakings in Venice naturally very largely extended these
relations with the English scholars, but the channels for the same
had already been opened. The manuscript-dealers in Venice fixed
their place of business in the most frequented parts of the city—the
Bridge of the Rialto, and the Plaza of S. Mark.
The trade of the Italian dealers in manuscripts was not brought to
an immediate close by the introduction of printing. The older scholars
still preferred the manuscript form for their books, and found it
difficult to divest themselves of the impression that the less costly
printed volumes were suited only for the requirements of the vulgar
herd. There are even, as Kirchhoff points out,[345] instances of
scribes preparing their manuscripts from printed “copy,” and there
are examples of these manuscript copies of printed books being
made with such literalness as to include the imprint of the printer.
The work of Aldus (continued with scholarly enterprise later by
such men as Froben of Basel and Estienne of Paris) in the printing of
Greek texts, although begun as early as 1495, and although
exercising a very wide influence upon the distribution of Greek
literature, was insufficient to supply the eager demand of the
scholars, while not many other printers were, in the early years of the
exercise of the art, prepared to incur the very considerable risk and
expense required for the production of Greek fonts of type. The risk
was, of course, by no means limited to the cost of the type; the
printers of the earlier Greek books had themselves but slight
familiarity with the literature of Greece, and they were obliged in
many cases to confide the selection and the editing of their texts to
editors to whom this literature was very largely still a novelty. The
printers hardly knew what books to select and they had no adequate
data upon which to base business calculations as to the extent of the
demand that could be looked for for any particular book. The feeling
that they were working in the dark was, therefore, a very natural one.
It was on this ground that, while printing-presses were, during the
century after 1450, multiplying rapidly through Europe, the printing of
Greek books continued to be for a large portion of the period an
exceptional class of undertakings, and work was still found for
scribes who could be trusted to make accurate transcripts of Greek
codices.
Kirchhoff gives the names of the following Italian manuscript-
dealers and scribes whose scholarly activity during the latter half of
the fifteenth century was especially important: Antonius Dazilas,
Cæsar Strategus, Constantius Librarius, Andreas Vergetius, and
Antonius Eparchus. The latter made various journeys to the East in
search of manuscripts. The fact that the dealers in manuscripts very
rarely placed their own names on the copies of the texts sent out
from their work-shops has, in a large number of cases, prevented
these names from being preserved for future record. The names that
have come into record are in the main such as have been referred to
in the correspondence of their scholarly friends and clients. I quote a
few of these references from the lists given by Kirchhoff:
In Bologna the oldest librarius whose work is referred to is Viliaric,
who was called an antiquarius, and whose shop was open in the
beginning of the thirteenth century. In a manuscript, previously
referred to, containing a treatise of Paul Orosius, originally written in
the seventh century, and from which this copy was transcribed early
in the thirteenth, there is at the end an inscription, as follows:
Philip the Bold, Duke of Burgundy, was one of the more important
book collectors of his time. In 1386, the Duke paid to Martin
L’Huillier, dealer in manuscripts and bookbinder, sixteen francs for
binding eight books, six of which were bound in grain leather.[374]
The Duke of Orleans also appears as a buyer of books, and in 1394,
he paid to Jehan de Marsan, master of arts and dealer in
manuscripts, twenty francs in gold for the Letters of S. Pol, bound in
figured silk, and illuminated with the arms of the Duke.
Four years later, the Duke makes another purchase, paying to
Jehan one hundred livres tournois for a Concordance to the Bible in
Latin, an illuminated manuscript bound in red leather, stamped.
The same Duke, in 1394, paid forty gold crowns to Olivier, one of
the four principal librarii, for a Latin text of the Bible, bound in red
leather, and in 1396, this persistent ducal collector pays sixty livres
to a certain Jacques Jehan, who is recorded as a grocer, but who
apparently included books in his stock, for the Book of the Treasury,
a book of Julius Cæsar, a book of the King, The Secret of Secrets,
and a book of Estrille Fauveau, bound in one volume, illuminated,
and bearing the arms of the Duke of Lancaster. Another volume
included in this purchase was the Romance of the Rose, and the
Livres des Eschez, “moralised,” and bound together in one volume,
illuminated in gold and azure.[375]
In 1399, appears on the records the name of Dyne, or Digne
Rapond, a Lombard. Kirchhoff speaks of Rapond’s book business as
being with him a side issue. Like Atticus, the publisher of Cicero,
Rapond’s principal business interest was that of banking, in which
the Lombards were at that time pre-eminent throughout Europe. In
connection with his banking, however, he accepted orders from
noble clients and particularly from the Duke of Burgundy, for all
classes of articles of luxury, among which were included books.
In 1399, Rapond delivered to Philip of Burgundy, for the price of
five hundred livres, a Livy illuminated with letters of gold and with
images, and for six thousand francs a work entitled La Propriété de
Choses. A document, bearing date 1397, states that Charles, King of
France, is bound to Dyne Rapond, merchant of Paris, for the sum of
190 francs of gold, for certain pieces of tapestry, for certain shirts,
and for four great volumes containing the chronicles of France. He is
further bound in the sum of ninety-two francs for some more shirts,
for a manuscript of Seneca, for the Chronicles of Charlemagne, for
the Chronicles of Pepin, for the Chronicles of Godefroy de Bouillon,
the latter for his dear elder son Charles, Dauphin. The King further
purchases certain hats, handkerchiefs, and some more books, for
which he instructs his treasurer in Paris to pay over to said Rapond
the sum of ninety francs in full settlement of his account; the
document is signed on behalf of the King by his secretary at his
château of Vincennes.[376]
Jacques Rapond, merchant and citizen of Paris, probably a
brother of Dyne, also seems to have done a profitable business with
Philip of Burgundy, as he received from Philip, for a Bible in French,
9000 francs, and in the same year (1400), for a copy of The Golden
Legend, 7500 francs.
Nicholas Flamel, scribe and librarius juratus, flourished at the
beginning of the thirteenth century. He was shrewd enough, having
made some little money at work as a bookseller and as a school
manager, to carry on some successful speculations in house
building, from which speculations he made money so rapidly that he
was accused of dealings with the Evil One. One of the houses built
by him in Rue Montmorency was still standing in 1853, an evidence
of what a clever publisher might accomplish even in the infancy of
the book business.
The list of booksellers between the years 1486-1490 includes the
name of Jean Bonhomme, the name which has for many years been
accepted as typical of the French bourgeois. This particular
Bonhomme seems, however, to have been rather a distinctive man
of his class. He calls himself “bookseller to the university,” and was a
dealer both in manuscripts and in printed books. On a codex of a
French translation of The City of God, by S. Augustine, is inscribed
the record of the sale of the manuscript by Jean Bonhomme,
bookseller to the University of Paris, who acknowledges having sold
to the honoured and wise citizen, Jehan Cueillette, treasurer of M. de
Beaujeu, this book containing The City of God, in two volumes, and
Bonhomme guarantees to Cueillette the possession of said work
against all. His imprint as a bookseller appears upon various printed
books, including the Constitutiones Clementinæ, the Decreta
Basiliensia, and the Manuale Confessorum of Joh. Nider.
Among the cities of France outside of Paris in which there is
record of early manuscript-dealers, are Tours, Angers, Lille, Troyes,
Rouen, Toulouse, and Montpellier. In Lille, in 1435, the principal
bookseller was Jaquemart Puls, who was also a goldsmith, the latter
being probably his principal business. In Toulouse, a bookseller of
the name of S. Julien was in business as early as 1340. In Troyes, in
the year 1500, Macé Panthoul was carrying on business as a
bookseller and as a manufacturer of paper. In connection with his
paper-trade, he came into relations with the book-dealers of Paris.
Manuscript Dealers in Germany.—The information
concerning the early book-dealers in Germany is more scanty, and
on the whole less interesting, than that which is available for the
history of bookselling in Italy or in France. There was less wealth
among the German nobles during the fourteenth and fifteenth
centuries, and fewer among the nobles who had means were
interested in literary luxuries than was the case in either France,
Burgundy, or Italy.
As has been noted in the preceding division of this chapter, the
references to the more noteworthy of the manuscript-dealers in
France occur almost entirely in connection with sales made by them
to the members of the Royal Family, to the Dukes of Burgundy, or to
other of the great nobles. The beautifully illuminated manuscript
which carried the coat-of-arms or the crest of the noble for whom it
was made, included also, as a rule, the inscription of the manuscript-
dealer by whom the work of its preparation had been carried on or
supervised, and through whom it had been sold to the noble
purchaser. Of the manuscripts of this class, the record in Germany is
very much smaller. Germany also did not share the advantages
possessed by Italy, of close relations with the literature and the
manuscript stores of the East, relations which proved such an
important and continued source of inspiration for the intellectual life
of the Italian scholars.