Research Topic

‘’Development and regularization of the informal settlements in urbanizing Ethiopia.

The case of Addis Ababa’’.

 Abstract
High rates of overall population growth together with significant rural-urban migration
contributed to the rapid and unplanned expansion many large cities of developing countries. As
in other cities of developing countries, the expansion of informal settlements in Ethiopia
becomes a major urban planning and management problems. The aim of this study was to
understand the magnitude, pattern, history and the implementation of regularization of the
informal settlements. The current analysis was made for Addis Ababa. Both quantitative and
qualitative data were collected and descriptive analysis was employed. The output of the
analysis showed there are five ways that the informal occupants settled, land in the informal
settlements have been inefficiently utilized and it has contributed to the unplanned and
horizontal expansion of the city; low level of good governance practices and the current
political implication for the expansion of informal settlements. The findings of this research
provide evidences on fraudulent activities that led a total area of 221,760-m2 plot size allocated
illegally, lack of land monitoring, land information, and how regularization policies affect the
implementation of regularization of the informal settlements.

Key words: informal occupants; informal settlement; housing; land tenure insecurity,
regularization; urban land.

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 1. Introduction
The urban population in Africa is expected to triple by 2050 reaching 1.3 billion United
Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs (UNDESA, 2014). Accordingly, Rapid
urban growth generated a dramatic increase in the need for land, services. However, local
governments have found it difficult to keep pace with the complexity and scale of these
needs. As a result, people have resorted to informal settlements (Payne, 2011). Informal
settlements are characterized by insecure tenure (Lasserve and Royston 2002) that undermine
long-term planning and reinforce poverty and social exclusion (Durand-Lasserve, 2006) and
informality is attributed unrealistic urban planning and a dysfunctional legal system
(Fernandes, 2011).

In the context of urban typology, informal settlements fall under the category of irregular
settlements (Mason et al.1997) areas where spatial expansion and occupancy are not in
compliance with legal, urban and environmental standards set by public authorities (Durand-
Lasserve, 1996).In this regard, government measures ranged from passing tough, stringent
regulations to exclude such settlements from any infrastructure extension plans(Zaghloul,
1994) to outright demolition.

In response, The World Bank and the UN-Habitat have been at the forefront in promoting the
security of tenure (Arimah, 2010). The United Nations Millennium Development Declaration
of 2000 has also brought informal settlements, or 'slums' onto national and international
development agendas with the aim to improve, the lives of 100 million slum dwellers
globally by 2020 (UN-Habitat,2003)through regularization programs.

In line with UN-Habitat (2003) declaration, the federal government of Ethiopia issued the
National Urban Development Policy (NUDP) in 2006. The most important aspect of the
policy in relation to urban planning is Urban Development Package (UDP), which
incorporates regularizing programs to improve land development and supply Ministry of
Urban Development and Housing (MoWUD, 2006). As in other cities of African countries,
the expansion of informal settlements in urban centers of Ethiopian becomes a major
problem.

The causes for the development and expansion of squatter settlements in urban centers of
Ethiopia slightly vary from place to place. For example, Gondo, (2013) identified

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unaffordable land values for the poor in Addis Ababa (Bole, Yeka and Kolfe Keranio sub
cities); limited capacity of local authorities to develop and deliver land to the poor in Adama
city; high cost of building materials; poverty, corruption and inefficient land administration
process in Jimma city; and in Bahir Dar city unaffordable standards, low household income
and inability of the poor to save.

Addis Ababa, a prime city of Ethiopia, is the main administrative, economic, and financial
center. This situation attracts migrants to Addis Ababa making up 30% of the country’s urban
population and its population in the year 2012 was 3 million inhabitants Central Statistical
Agency (CSA, 2012). The city’s population is projected to be almost 6 million inhabitants in
2030 at an average annual growth rate of 4% (UNDESA, 2014). 80% of the city is comprised
of slums (CLUVA, 2013) and 85 percent of the housing stock is located in unplanned areas
(Yntiso, 2008). Urban growth has exposed the city to critical challenges (UN-Habitat, 2008)
the expansion of informal settlements is the one, which aggravates the unplanned and rapid
horizontal expansion of the built-up area of the city (Minwuyelet 2005). For example, in
many places of Addis Ababa, the riversides are occupied by informal settlements (AAOIDPP,
2013) and these settlements are prone to flooding hazard.

Accordingly, the expansion of informal settlements in Addis Ababa becomes a major urban
planning and management problems (Kassahun, 2010). Besides, spatial distribution of
poverty within the city is related with slum and informal settlements (Kassahun and Tiwari,
2012) for example, about 40 percent of urban population of Ethiopia lives below poverty line
and occupy slum and squatter settlements, Ministry of Urban Development and Construction
of Ethiopia (MoUDC, 2011).

There are both inner city slum areas and the rapid expansion of peripheral informal
settlements. However, the majority of informal settlements located on the peripheries, which
are numerous, irregular in shape (Melese, 2004), which have an impact on the urban
development planning. On the one hand, and insecurity of tenure and lack of formal basic
infrastructure services on the other hand. Therefore, this study is aimed to explore the
magnitude, pattern, history of informal settlements and to analyze the regularization of the
informal settlement in the sub-city. Nifas Silk-Lafto Sub-city was selected owing to its
location and expansion area of the city. The output of the research is crucial for reconsidering
policies and governance practices that have a negative impact on regularization of the

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informal settlements and to improve urban planning and management both at a city and
national scale.
2. Materials and methods
2.1 Study area
Addis Ababa is the capital city of Ethiopia and one of the most rapidly growing cities in
Africa (UN-Habitat, 2015). In 2003, the administrative divisions of the city were structured in
to 10 sub-city administrations and 116 woredas(smallest administrative area). Nifas Silk
Lafto sub city is the situated in the South Western part of Addis Ababa, bounded from the
South by Oromia Special Zone, from the North West by Kolfe keranio, from the East by Bole
and Akaki Kality and from North by Lideta and Kirkos. It covers an area of 5876.02 hectares.
At present, the sub city is classified in to 12 woredas 128 sub- woredas (Nifas Silk Lafto Sub-
city report 2014). Based on the census report, Nifas Silk Lafto has a total population of
368,883 from which, 172,907are males and 195,976 females (CSA, 2012).

Addis Ababa by Sub-city

Figure Location Map of the Study Woredas.

Figure1. Study area

2.2 Research Methods
In this research, a combination of qualitative and quantitative methods employed. Mixed
methods research is a research design with philosophical assumptions as well as methods of
inquiry (Creswell, 2006). The contemplation to use mixed methods approach in this research

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is that investigating regularization of informal settlements well explained by the increased use
of research techniques from both the quantitative and qualitative traditions.

2.3 Data sources

Multiple sources of data were used to understand issues of informal settlement and tenure
security. The study employed both primary and secondary sources. The primary data was
collected through household survey, 261 questionnaires with close ended and open-ended
questions were collected from informal occupants, seven samples of sub-cities urban land
management; planning; land tenure registration; and land information center experts and key
informant interviews with the woreda committee; tenure administration transitional unit head
and Ethics and anti-corruption commission crime investigator and was carried out. To
supplement the primary data, secondary sources on informal settlement, and regularization
issues collected from Addis Ababa city government and sub-city reports, regulations,
directives, government proclamations, policies, published and unpublished documents.

2.4 Sampling Techniques

Sampling is known to be one of the scientific ways to draw inference about a population of
interest without studying the entire population (Lohr, 1999). A multi-stage sampling
technique was using to assess the regularization of informal settlements. In the first stage, two
woreda’s were selected owing large number of informal occupants relatively as compared
with other woreda’s. In the second stage, purposive sampling technique was using to identify
the sites. In the third stage, stratifying informal occupants based on occupation (before 1996
and from 1996 to 2004) and finally, household respondents were randomly selected from
sampling frame taken from the woreda committee.

2.5 Sampling
The concentration of informal settlements in the sub-city varies in each woreda’s ranging
from the highest number woreda 11 and the lowest at woreda 5 (sub-city report,2014). The
sample size was determined based on the lists of informal occupants kept by the sub-city
committee (sampling-frame). Accordingly, those who constructed their informal houses
before May 1996 are 1098 and from May 1996 to April 2004 are 1037. The study selected a
10 percent sample from 2734 that was stratified based on the location.

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 Table 1. Distribution of sample size according to location

Woreda 1 Woreda 11 Total

Percent
Before 1996 17 110 127 48.6
From 1996- 43 91 134 51.4
2004 60 201 261 100
Total
Source: (survey 2016)

3. Results and Discussion

3.1 Pattern and history of informal settlements

The case studies include two informal settlements Hana- Mariam, Suke and Mango located in
woreda 11 woreda1 of the sub-city. Both informal settlements are cases in point to
demonstrate the transformational activities observed in the fringe areas of cities in less
developed countries.
Case study one: Hana-Mariam urban formal settlement
Hana Mariam is the settlement located along the ring road from Saris Abo to Bole. In 1897,
Emperor Menilik II allocated 10 hectares of land for three priests who were serving at Gibe
Saint Gebriel church found near to the palace of the Emperior. Hana Saint Mariam church
was established by Queen Menen (Etige Menen). The name of the settlement was derived
from the name of the church. Priests as feudal lords inherited their land to their children their
sons and daughters to keep the status quo. Before the 1974 revolution, the area was used as
agricultural fields.

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Case study two: Suki and Mango urban informal settlement
Both Suki and Mango settlements are found in woreda1. Suki settlement is bordering with
Kolfe-Keranio sub-city while Mango settlement bordering with Akaki-Kality sub-city and the
Oromia region.

Woreda and Kebele refer the smallest local administrative units. Woreda constitutes a maximum of three
kebeles.

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Types of informal settlement
The informal settlers settled illegally/ informally through four types.
A. The sale of part of plots of land by farmers. The process the buyers illegally settled in the
settlement area includes the following;
 A buyer of a plot of land approaches a middle man,
 A buyer and the seller negotiate the price and draft an agreement,
 The agreement is made through ye mender wul ( literally mean traditional agreement)
under the observation of three individuals as a witnesses,
 A buyer fenced and construct the house using the local materials, and
 A buyer pays land tax to the farmers association until the farmers association converted
to farmers kebele association.
B. Since 1984 Ethiopia hit by famine the Derg government allocated open land for the
community to use for urban agriculture while after few years the community fenced a plot of
land and construct the houses. At this moment members of one family construct a number of
houses using different plots of land.
C. The other way that the informal settlers settled in the settlement is through invading open
land and building houses at night.

D.In1974, the Derg adopted the political ideology of socialism, which promoted a fair
distribution of resources among the citizens. Proclamation No. 47/1975 declared state
ownership over urban land and extra houses of the landowners. Therefore, the use and benefit
rights of the confiscated extra houses were transferred to the tenants and other homeless
urban poor dwellers with a very low monthly rent paid for the government. This was
administered via the Kebeles (smallest administrative unit) responsible for infrastructure and
service provision. Individuals who rented kebeles houses sale plots of land to informal
buyers. Accordingly, ranging from a maximum of 2000m2 to a minimum of 400 m2 open land
found in the kebeles houses premises.

E. The informal land allocated in the name of a fake associations. This study found out a total
area 221,760 m2 plot size allocated to informal settlers in the name of fake housing
associations in 2002/3. For this some of Addis Ababa city tenure administration; sub-city
land administration, urban planning, and land registration officers and brokers were involved
in fraudulent activities to establish this settlement. In this regard, farmers were displaced and

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deceived by the city administration authorities and officers with a meager informal payment.
While, informal buyers were unaware of the legal status of their land.

The plot size of land allocated informally to each fake housing associations were;
1. Mulat housing cooperative association; 50,050m2 ;
2. Tehadeso number housing cooperative association(127,475 m2 );
3. Tehadeso number 1 housing cooperative association (21,700 m2) ;
4. Meskerem 83 housing cooperative association (31,360 m2);
5. Fanos housing cooperative association (22,400 m2);
6. City bus housing cooperative association (23,625 m2) and
7. Frehaymanot housing cooperative association (45,150 m2). Accordingly, a total area
221,760 m2 plot size and an average 1,386 informal houses constructed at woreda 1. In a
similar manner, this fraudulent activity was carried out in other sub-cities such as Bole,
Kolfe- keranio; Yeka and Gulele which needs further studies. Similar to this finding,
Plummer (2012) found out a key method to illegally allocate municipal land was to allocate it
to housing cooperatives controlled by developers who then sold off the land informally.

In addition, household head's occupy the informal settlements ranging from 48.6 percent
before 1996; 44.4 percent from 1995-2004; and 7 percent from 2004-2014. The sub-city
report (2014) also indicates 20383 informal dweller applicants registered to acquire legal
documents (Table 2).

Table 2. Distribution of sample household head's by year of occupation

Woreda Woreda Total Percent
1 11

Before 1996 17 110 127 48.6

From 1996- 33 83 116 44.4
2004
From 2004- 10 8 18 7
2014
Total 60 201 261 100
Source: (survey 2016)
Though, the expansion of informal settlements reduced from the initial period, the expansion
seems on a continuous basis. Factors that contributed to this expansion are; firstly, the city

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administration issued regulation No. 65/2013, to legalize the informal settlements constructed
before April 2004 and informal settlements constructed after this time is subject to be
demolishing. However, among the informal settlements, in woreda1, the settlement named
'Tigre sefer' occupants settled from 2005 to 2014. Unfortunately, the informal settler's ethnic
belongs to the ruling party. After demolishing part of the settlement by the sub-city, the city
administration allows them to resettle. This seems the city government favoring a particular
ethnic group, which in turn may create ethnic segregation, city dwellers to distrust the
government and the city government did little to discourage informal settlements.

In Ethiopia, political settlements is seen in terms of the current government retained state
ownership of land from communist legacy of the 1974–91 Derg regime that provides the
regime with key formal institutional instruments to allocate benefits to relatively powerful
groups particularly in relation to land (Goodfellow, 2017). The result of this study supports
the political settlement approach owing its political favoritism to the particular group and
recent expansion of informal settlements.

Secondly, rural to urban and urban to urban migration also contributed to the expansion of
informal settlements in the city. Approximately, 72.4 percent of households in the sample
originated from outside Addis Ababa, while those households who were born in Addis Ababa
accounted for only 27.6 percent. Either the majority of immigrants (58.4 percent) in the city
the first step are to rent a house or (36 percent) to stay with relatives temporarily and (6
percent) owned. As a result, the migrant’s last option is to build an informal house at the
informal settlements.

3.2 Educational, Income and Occupational status of household head's

Educational status of the household head's vary from 5.7 percent who can’t read and write,
13.4 percent can write and read and half of the heads of informal occupants are either
diploma holders and or lower level and second level grade standard and thirty percent of the
heads are first and second-degree holders(Table 3). Accordingly, low educational status is
not the reason for establishing informal settlements and avoiding government regulations.
Besides, the majority of the households heads are within the productive age between 27-
55years (84 percent).As a result, most informal occupants can work hard to get their formal
residential houses.

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 Table 3. Educational Level of the of household heads
No. of sample
Percent
Educational level households

First degree and above 15 5.7

First degree 35 13.4
Diploma 95 36.3
Primary school
37 14.1
completed
can write and read 68 25.9
Illiterate 12 4.6
Total 262 100
Source: (survey 2016)
Regarding income status, 28 percent of household head's earn less than 1000 birr(the basic
monetary unit of Ethiopia) per month. About 85 percent earn between 2000 birr to 4000 birr
per month. Those of household heads earn more than 6000 birr constitute 2.8 percent. As the
World Bank, the poverty line in Ethiopia is below 1.25 U.S. dollars per day. Based on this the
income the majority of sample households is above the poverty line (about 20.06 birr per
month =1U.S. dollar, current rate). About 86.2 percent of households earn more than
2.61U.S. dollars, which is significantly higher.
Table 4. Monthly Income of sampled household heads
Income Frequency Percent
Below 1000birr 28 11.1
2000-3000 106 42.1
3000-4000 108 42.9
4000-5000 7 2.8
above 6000 3 1.2
Total 252 100
Source: (survey 2016)
In addition, the occupational status of the household head's (table 6), 54 percent is
government and private employee. Only 29.9 percent are self-employed and 10.4 percent are
daily laborers, 3.4 percent and 2.3 percent are pensioned and farmers. In contrary to the

9
argument that informal settlements occupied by people living in situations of poverty (Gilbert
and Gugler, 1992 in Napier 2007 ), the outcome of this study based on the educational,
income, and the occupational status of the household head's, show majority of the informal
settlements are occupied by the non-poor.

Table 5. Employment types of sample household heads

Type of employment Frequency percent
Government
84
employee 32.2
Private employee 57 21.8
Self employed 78 29.9
Unemployed 27 10.4
Pensioned 6 2.3
Farmer 9 3.4
Total 261 100
Source: (survey 2016)
3.3 Plot size of household head's
Among sample household heads, only 36.5 percent occupied on the average less than 200m2
of land each. 28.1percent occupy the land area between 201m2-400m2 and 35.3 percent of
them occupy more than 400m2 of land area. The highest proportion of informal occupants
occupy ranging from the very small (less than 200m2) to very large holdings(more than
400m2).The result of this study also revealed urban land in the informal settlements has been
inefficiently utilized and it has contributed to the unplanned and horizontal expansion of the
city.

Table 6. Plot size that the sample households occupy

Plot size No. of sample Percent
households
Below100 15 6
101-200 76 30.5
201-300 37 14.8
301-400 33 13.3
401-500 19 7.6
501-600 33 13.2
601-700 15 6
701-1500 15 6.1
1501-3000 6 2.4

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 Total 249 100
Source: (survey 2016)
3.4 Means of land acquisition by household head's
In the informal settlements, the major ways by which informal occupants acquired land is an
important element to understand the illegal ways that affect land planning and management.
Accordingly, 68.6 percent bought from farmers; 16.5 percent obtained from informal
occupants; 8.8 and 4.6 percent through invading open and government land, and 1.5 percent
through inheritance from relatives. This therefore, shows a high percentage of informal
occupants acquired the land through informal purchase. Table 7, presents means of land
acquisition by household heads.

Table 7. Means of land acquisition by household heads

Means of Land
Acquisition Frequency Percent
Bought from farmers 179
Bought from informal dwellers 68.6
Invading open land 43 16.5
Invading government land(allocated for other 23 8.8
purpose) 12 4.6
Inherited from relatives
4 1.5
Total
261 100
Source: (survey 2016)

This high percentage of informal land acquisition indicates a limited supply of affordable
land for housing and the absence of inventory of public land, which in turn affect the efficient
management of land. A high percentage of informal land acquisition also related to the small
amount of compensation paid by the city administration. In addition, 87.8 percent of
household head's have built their own houses after they bought the informal land. This means
the informal occupants bought almost vacant land.

The process of land transfer is being done by negotiation between middlemen, sellers, and
buyers. The cost is fixed through bargaining and money is transferred hand to hand this lead
to loss of a considerable amount of city administration earning that should be gained from
land transfer taxation. This informal land market is the response of people's high demand for

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land for housing, short supply in the context of rapid urbanization, and the formal procedures
for acquiring land that is cumbersome and expensive.

It has been considered that the lack of access to water and sanitation as an indicator of the
prevalence of un-serviced settlements (Napier, 2007).In line with this, in the sub-city, all
household head's have access to electricity while, 40.2 percent of household heads obtained
water from public water tap supply others buy water from private water tap owners. As a
result, lack of tenure security is a reason for limited access to infrastructure, as it is the major
requirements for city planning and proper management of the land.

Housing condition of the settlements seems relatively moderate since 58.3 percent of housing
units were built with low quality and non-durable materials such as wood and mud and the
remaining 41.5 were made from the block wall. Besides, key informants stated that due to
fear of expropriation, informal occupants live in houses built from non-durable materials, but
most of the informal occupants can build their houses with durable materials. This, therefore,
indicates insecurity of land tenure attributed for low standard housing.

Regarding, the legal and policy responses, the city government used demolition and eviction
approach. This approach is implemented by a team called 'Denbe Askebare' which literally
means controlling illegally constructed houses. The major role of the team is demolishing the
newly constructed informal settlements and controlling further informal construction in
collaboration with the sub- city police office. However, the key informant stated that they
found the newly constructed informal houses during the supervision of settlements.

3.5 Land tenure security

Land tenure security provides the right to protection against eviction, the possibility of selling
and transferring rights through inheritance and access to credit services (UN-Habitat,
2011).Tenure regularization used to grant ownership right in the sub-city includes; (1)
Formalisation, the recognition of informal settlements by Addis Ababa city administration if
the settlements are in conformity with the master plan of the city; (2) legalization; such as
keeping legal records of land, and titling. The sub-city maintains cadastral survey and
registration of individual or group rights in the legal land register and the issuance of
certificates of title. Both are vital to grant tenure security for informal occupants. In line with
this, 63 percent household head's agreed that security of land tenure help them to ensure their
legal right over their land and houses, while, 10.3 percent economic benefits and 26.6 percent
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to ensure both economic and legal rights. Accordingly, if properly implemented,
regularization improves the rate of land tax; legal registration of land right holders;
integration of formal and informal land; housing market; planned urban development and
access to infrastructure services. As a result, the intervention can grant the right to own land
which in turn provide multidimensional benefits.

3.6 Regularization of Informal Settlements in Addis Ababa

Public authorities in urban areas usually initiate regularisation measures. Addis Ababa city
government has come up with two regulations to address the issue of insecurity of land tenure
in informal settlements.
Regulation number1.The first regulation (No.1/1998) legalized the informal settlements
constructed illegally from the issuance of proclamation No.47/1975 up to May1996. Informal
settlements constructed after 1996 are subject to be demolition. To implement the regulation,
members of the city cabinet prepared two directives. The first directive (No.2/2009), there
were some anticipated problems and by incorporating some additional articles, the first
directive (No.2/2009) improved and amended as the second directive (No.17/2013).In
addition, Regulation No.1/1998 issued to provide a land title for those dwellers who owned
the land legally during the previous regime but they have no land certificate and for those
informal occupants who occupied the land illegally before May 1996. Plot sizes up to 500m2
delivered on the basis of previous rent price.

Regulation number 2. The second regulation (No.65/2006) issued in 2006. This regulation
legalized the informal settlements constructed illegally from April1996 to April 2004.
Directive No.18/2013 and manual No.4/2006 prepared to implement both regulations. Based
on both directives and manuals sub-cities are responsible to;(1)to legalize informal
settlements constructed illegally from April, 1996 to April,2004 (2) Incorporating additional
land (occupied illegally) for those who have title deeds with their holdings and (3) legalizing
farmers houses(the plot size allocated for farmers 500m2 and their children above 18 years
old and they constructed their houses with in the premises of their parents 150 m2. Both
houses should be located at an aerial map that was taken during 2010 and in conformity with
the master plan.

Currently,the sub-city is implementing regulation No.1/1998 and regulation No.65/2006

based on proclamation No.721/2004, the first is for those informal settlements built before
1996, which have the possibility of formalization in conformity of the master plan. The
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second is for those informal settlements built between May 1996 to April 2004 and for those
who have title deeds (old possessions) who need to incorporate additional land (occupied
illegally) with their holdings.

In this regard, for the former plot sizes up to 500m2 delivered on the basis of previous rent
price. While for the latter, plot sizes up to 75 m2 based on initial lease price other than 75 m2
is allocated based on market lease price. The differences between the two regulations are the
plot size and the lease price,( three birr per m2 and recent initial lease price). However,
sampled household heads claimed that the lease price is too expensive and they are unable to
afford to obtain the land title certificate. For example. the sub-city avail 948 title certificate
for applicants but only 18 applicants received their land certificate during the survey.

3.7 Implications of regularization of informal settlements;

Regularizing informal settlements has both positive and negative implications. The negative
implication includes the development and expansion of informal settlements in the city. For
example, a large number of informal houses constructed following the issuance of regulation
No.1/1998 with the hope that all informal settlements will be granted legal recognition by the
city administration. This is due to the fact that the city administration again issued regulation
No.65/2006 to legalize the informal settlements constructed illegally from April 1996 to
April 2004. The issuance of regulation No.65/2006 seems case driven. Again regulations
No.14/2004 issued to prevent illegal expansion of land and construction on illegal possession.

The city government issued regulations on a continuous basis as well as improving directives.
The reliance on unpublished and easily changed directives creates a system of uncertainty
and lack of clarity for sub-city experts may feed illicit practices. Besides, the city government
allowed the dwellers to incorporate additional land for those who have title deeds with their
holdings. This process is leading housing densities and narrow spaces for streets resulting in
unmanageable urban form.

Regarding land information, the cadastre system is a recent phenomenon in Ethiopia (Alemie
2015). The Urban land holding registration and proclamation (The Federal Democratic
Republic of Ethiopia, 2014) was issued in early 2014. This proclamation intends to create a
harmonized cadastral system in the country (Alemie 2015). However, this study revealed that
the aerial map taken to identify whether there exists a house or not on the informal land

14
between May 1996 and April 2005 are not clear. As a result, applicants claimed that they
already constructed a house within the specified years.

In the directive, it is stated that informal household applicants should submit the evidence
from woreda committee that states they already constructed their houses before the specified
years. directive No.18/2013 indicate incentive in the form of money will be paid to
individuals who inform the sub-city that informal occupants who occupied more than one
informally built houses (directive p.10). This may create an opportunity for illicit practices.

With regard to informal occupants who bought the land from kebele (government) house
dwellers and constructed their informal houses within the premises/compound of kebele
houses, the sub-city experts faced difficulties to identify the kebele (government) houses with
the informally constructed houses. This is due to lack of public land inventory, land
monitoring and land information which gives opportunities to produce false land
documentation and to use and legalize the public land allocated for the urban poor dwellers
(kebele houses) as their own.

The implementation of regularization informal settlements was also measured in terms of the
practices of good governance principles by the sub-city experts based on three principles i.e.
accountability, responsiveness, and transparency. Accordingly, respondents leveled the
effectiveness of compliant handling as 15.5 percent low, 51.2 percent very low, 30.8 percent
good and 2.5 very good. The responsiveness of the sub-city was measured based on the
respondent’s application time and the offices to respond to clients. The respondent’s
application time ranging from 1995 to 2015 i.e. 7.3 percent applied from 1995 to 1996, 26.4
percent applied from 1997 to 2006, and 66.3 percent applied from 2007 to 2015. Respondents
also asked to identify the offices that delay the responses. Fourteen percent identified
registrar office, 11.1 percent identified administration office, 13.4 percent identified planning
office, and 34.9 percent identified more than one.

Transparency is the sharing of information and acting in an open manner (Eagles, 2008).
Transparency requires that processes, institutions, and information are directly accessible to
those concerned with them. With this respect, respondents leveled the work ethics of sub-city
experts as 26.2 percent low, 15.9 percent very low, 54.7 percent good and 3.1 percent very
good. Besides, 84 percent of respondents have access to information about the criteria from
woredas and as observed during the study the sub-city posted on the notice board the

15
application criteria's and the duties of offices as well as the names and telephone numbers of
the responsible heads of each unit and the complaint office. Despite the sub-city being
successful to avail information about application criteria's and duties of offices to the clients,
the result of this study shows a low level of good governance practices in the implementation
of regularization informal settlements.

Respondents also mentioned that (a) limited budget (b) lack of necessary equipment (c)
shortage of skilled manpower, (d) limited awareness and negative attitudes of the community
were the challenges that affect the implementation of regularization. Likewise, directive
No.18/2013 creates a gap in measuring and allocating the land to informal occupants
somehow based on the willingness of the experts to confirm whether the land measured and
allocated properly or not and this may leave space for bribery between experts and informal
occupants.

4. Conclusion
This study examined the development and regularization of the informal settlements in Addis
Ababa. Although limited both in its coverage and scope, it is believed that this study provides
information for all concerned in urban management and planning development so that they
can make an informed decision. The pattern and history of informal settlements reveals that
the
development of informal settlements are established through five ways: (1) bought from
farmers; (2) invade the government land allocated for another purpose, (3) invade open land,
(4) obtained from kebeles house dwellers informally, and (5) bought forged documents from
some city authorities who engaged in fraudulent activity in the name of fake housing
associations.

The result of this study shows that land in the informal settlements has been inefficiently
utilized and contributed to an unplanned and horizontal expansion of the city, non-urban poor
occupy the majority of informal settlements, the payment based on lease price seems
unaffordable and low educational status is not associated with establishing informal
settlements and avoiding government regulations.

The result of this study also shows the city government response to the expansion and
development of informal settlements is demolishing and eviction. Despite, the city
administration tried to control the expansion of informal settlements, the issuances of

16
regulations on a continuous basis, reliance on unpublished directives and manuals, lack of
public land inventory, monitoring and land information create a space for illicit practices and
discourage informal settlements as well.

In light of these results, it is imperative that policymakers and implementers pay utmost
attention to the legal and land management constraints that beset the regularization. Overall,
the study suggests that adopting participatory regularization; improving a system of land
monitoring; adopting land information sharing; building capacities of city experts, assigning
all urban management and administrative positions based on merits and strengthening the
practices of good governance are important solutions to improve regularization of informal
settlements.

17
Acknowledgments
The author gratefully acknowledges Addis Ababa University, Ethiopian institute of
Architectures, Building and City Development research and Publication directorate office for
covering the financial support to conduct this research.

18
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