Agrobiodiversity in Quilombola Swiddens in the

Municipality of Abaetetuba, Amazon Forest of Pará

Janaina Pinheiro Gonçalves
Federal University of Para
Marivaldo Gomes Torres
Federal University of Para
José Alex Batista Pereira
Federal University of Para
Raynon Joel Monteiro Alves
Federal University of Para
Thyago Gonçalves Miranda (  thyagomiran@hotmail.com )
Federal University of Para
Ana Cláudia Caldeira Tavares-Martins
State University of Pará
Eloísa Helena de Aguiar Andrade
Museu Paraense Emílio Goeldi

Research Article

Keywords: Traditional agriculture, Agricultural biodiversity, Conservation of agrobiodiversity, Ethno-

knowledge, Agricultural management

Posted Date: March 15th, 2023

DOI: https://doi.org/10.21203/rs.3.rs-2674286/v1

License:   This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License.
Read Full License

Page 1/25
Abstract
This study aimed to characterize and analyze the swiddens and the socioeconomic, cultural and
environmental scenario of the Quilombola communities Ramal Bacuri and Rio Baixo Itacuruçá in the
municipality of Abaetetuba, Pará. The sampling of informants was non-probabilistic and used the
snowball method and the data were collected through participant observation, field journals, and semi-
structured interviews with the support of forms for characterization of the swiddens, productive aspects
and difficulties in swidden management. The data were analyzed by content analysis. The results
indicated that the swiddens are traditionally planted on terra firme (non-flooded) areas (primary and
secondary forests, the latter known as “capoeiras”) and that environmental, socioeconomic and cultural
conditions are factors that influence the perspective of the product with the highest market value. A
relative diversity of annual and perennial species was observed in the two communities, which serve as
food and are also used for income generation. The conscious use of “capoeiras”, the control of fires by
firebreaks, and the maintenance of varieties of “manivas” are knowledge/practices that favor the
conservation of agrobiodiversity. Therefore, the swiddens of Bacuri and Itacuruçá are agrobiodiverse
spaces that encompass biological diversity and traditional knowledge associated with the management
and conservation of resources.

Introduction
The Brazilian population descends from a mixture of Indians, Europeans and Africans, in the case of the
latter consisting of people originating from various ethnic groups who arrived in Brazil as slaves and
eventually fled and established settlements known as quilombos in various regions of the country
(Soares et al., 2021). Quilombos were officially recognized as the home of “descendants” (remnants) of
these runaway slaves by the 1988 Constitution of the Federative Republic of Brazil, embodied in Article
68 of the Transitional Constitutional Provisions Act, which secures their ownership of the lands (Araújo et
al. 2017; Arregui 2020).

Since the colonial period, agriculture has been an activity developed by blacks and, in contemporary
times, quilombo descendants’ endeavor to strengthen and value their cultural and religious traditions and
care for land and natural resources (Carvalho and Silva 2014). To this end, quilombo remnant
communities have created different community subsistence strategies to remain in the environment,
ensuring the biological reproduction and sociocultural interaction of families in which traditional
practices that involve planting, managing, and marketing products are based on sets of knowledge little
explored by science (Ferreira et al. 2017).

Traditional agricultural crops are crucial for the subsistence and food security of millions of people in
tropical regions, including quilombolas, and contribute to the local and regional food market supply
(Hazenbosch et al. 2021; Portela et al. 2021). These productive systems, especially the cultivation of
cassava and its varieties, not only provide indispensable resources for nutrition, food security and family

Page 2/25
economy, but also have the capacity to sustain social interactions among domestic groups and the
community, strengthening coexistence relationships (Acevedo and Castro 1988; Silva and Lucas 2019).

Despite the similarity of this type of production system among traditional peoples, its characteristics may
vary depending on the location in terms of farmer typology, productivity and sociability, since the fields
are dynamic units and subject to constant changes (Barbosa et al. 2014; Ianovali et al. 2018).

The swiddens in the region of the middle Amazon River are presently undergoing a change from
traditional practices to more intense and less diversified agricultural practices, probably resulting from an
increased market demand and public policies (Jakovac et al. 2016).

In communities established in “terra firme” (non-flooded) areas of the lower course of the Tocantins River,
in the state of Pará, the form of organized production (seasonal production) and the territorial extension
have hindered the transition from family production practices to açaí palm tree (Euterpe oleracea Mart.)
monoculture plantations, making them less vulnerable regarding food security. This is not the case in
communities established in “várzea” (floodplains), where açaí extraction predominates over traditional
swidden agriculture (Oliveira and Cardoso 2021).

In the same mesoregion of Pará, a reduction of swiddens and a transition from consumption of locally
produced food to consumption of industrialized foods was observed in the quilombola community África,
in the municipality of Abaetetuba. This is thought to be due to the facilitated purchasing of products in
shops, implying changes in the eating habits of this population and in their productive activities,
ultimately leading to a significant loss of ethno-knowledge and quilombola culture (Ferreira et al. 2020).

Given the above, this study was guided by the following questions: i) What are the similarities and
differences observed in the swiddens of quilombola groups established on upland areas and floodplains
in Abaetetuba? ii) What are the factors that influence the productive system of the swiddens from the
choice of crops to the destination of the produced food? To this end, this study aimed to characterize and
analyze the swiddens and the socioeconomic, cultural and environmental scenario of different quilombo
remnant communities in the municipality of Abaetetuba, Pará.

Methodology
Study area
The municipality of Abaetetuba (01º43’24” S and 48º52’54” W), located in the Northeastern Mesoregion
of Pará, and has an area of 1,610.606 km², at approximately 110 km from the capital of the state, Belém
(IBGE 2019). Due to its proximity to rivers, the rural area of Abaetetuba consists mainly of riverside areas
on a total of 72 islands which form the hydrographic complex of the municipality, interconnected by
streams, rivers and holes. There are also upland areas intersected by roads, where the district of Beja and
approximately 35 other colonies and agricultural villages are located (Quaresma et al. 2016).

Page 3/25
About 9% of the territory of Abaetetuba is guaranteed as quilombola communities’ rightly titled territories
by the Terras do Pará institute (ITERPA, 2018). Thus, two communities were elected in this study: Ramal
Bacuri (01º48 ’33” S and 48º50’58.6” W) and Rio Baixo Itacuruçá (1°44’22” S, 48°54’48” W). They are
located about 25 km and 40 km from the municipal seat of Abaetetuba, respectively (Fig. 1).

In the first community there are 120 family units and in Rio Baixo Itacuruçá, 204. These families perform
agricultural and extractive activities relying on family labor as their productive base, generating important
food and financial resources, what demonstrates the relationship of dependence of these quilombola
populations on their natural environment (Gonçalves et al. 2022). Ramal Bacuri is geographically located
in the mainland territory and Rio Baixo Itacuruçá in the island territory of the municipality of Abaetetuba.

Sampling and selection of informants

The sampling method was non-probabilistic, following a snowball technique, in which reference networks
and indications are used and the first informant is indicated by local leaders (Albuquerque et al. 2010). As
the focus of this study was the family units responsible for swiddens in their respective communities, the
sample consisted of 49 family units of Ramal Bacuri and 15 of Rio Baixo Itacuruçá, after prior selection.
The family unit was represented by a member pointed by the family in the first contact with the
interviewer and who assumed the role of informant and additional information given by the other family
members was also considered and recorded (Siviero et al. 2011).

Authorization for the development of the study was requested from the representatives of the
communities and other residents through the signing of the Prior Consent Term (PCT) and the Informed
Consent Form (ICF) provided for the families interviewed. These documents were submitted to the Brazil
Platform system (http://aplicacao.saude.gov.br/plataformabrasil/login.jsf) and the research ethics
committee of the Institute of Health Sciences of the Federal University of Pará and the study was
approved with Certificate of Presentation of Ethical Appreciation (CAAE 44754021.0.0000.0018) and
approval Opinion number 4.846.204.

Data collection and analysis

The techniques of participant observation, field journals, and semi-structured interviews were used to
collect data (Albuquerque et al. 2010). To this end, forms with objective and subjective questions were
applied to the family units. They addressed the following aspects: a) characterization of the swiddens
(implementation method; seasonality of production; characteristics of the swiddens; place of preference
for establishment of swiddens; management of “capoeiras”; fertilization; soil rotation; fallow time;
division of family work in swiddens; labor force employed in swiddens; factors associated with the
implementation of swiddens; b) aspects of production (destination and place of disposal of products;
ethnospecies and cassava ethnovarities cultivated in swiddens; organization of the planting of these
varieties); and c) difficulties in the management of swiddens (problems that affect the development of
swiddens). These data were collected in a total of 10 events - each lasting one month - in Ramal Bacuri
and nine events - each lasting two weeks - in Rio Baixo Itacuruçá between December 2019 and April 2021.

Page 4/25
Photographs taken in loco were used for the identification of the plant species grown in the swiddens
cited by the family units. The updated scientific names of the species were checked in the Flora e Funga
do Brasil database (https://floradobrasil.jbrj.gov.br).

The collected data were analyzed using descriptive or qualitative statistics in order to describe processes
or complement the information. The responses about the factors associated with land use and
occupation for establishment of swiddens were subjected to the content analysis method (Chizzotti
2006) and classified into five categories: soil quality for planting, land available for planting, family
reasons, land location, and structural characteristics of the soil. The same method was used to survey the
problems faced in the management of the swiddens, resulting in five categories: physical, chemical and
biological properties of the soil; technical-labor problems; lack of financial resources; low availability of
land for planting; and other problems – when the answer was related to other subjects.

Results And Discussion

Characterization of swiddens
In the communities studied, soil management involves the slash and burn of the vegetation for
subsequent planting of crops in the form of swiddens. A fallow phase and soil rotation are adopted by
most farmers depending on the amount of “terra firme” land parcels available in the production unit and
the work capacity (Fig. 2).

Although swiddens are often established in “várzea” environments by riverine populations of the upper
and middle Amazon River, in Rio Baixo Itacuruçá they are established only on “terra firme” portions of the
territory, while “várzeas” are exclusively used for the cultivation and extraction of açaí. Agriculture is
practiced among family farmers in the Amazon and various places of the tropical region through the
traditional model, also known as itinerant, migratory or slash-and-burn agriculture, with little territorial
stability and agronomic diversity (Hurtienne 2005; Sá et al. 2007). This type of agriculture involves
rotational felling and, after use, the land is abandoned and left fallow for the establishment of secondary
vegetation as farmers transfer their swidden fields to other areas (Pereira et al. 2008; Colfer et al. 2015).
In the two communities studied, the secondary vegetation developed after fallow is popularly known as
“capoeira” or “capoeirão”.

The use of swiddens by the quilombolas of Ramal Bacuri and Rio Baixo Itacuruçá follows well-defined
stages, generating a cycle with specific periods (Fig. 3). New swiddens are generally opened during the
Amazonian summer (less rainy season).

Usually, this stage begins with the cleaning of the lower stratum and then of the higher vegetation. Then,
the process of burning begins, usually lasting about 12 hours. In some cases, when the area is not fully
burn, this stage is extended for days. The schedule of the swiddens is completed with the planting of the
species followed by the care/maintenance of the plantation (cleaning/weeding), which is made every two
months. In the case of cassava, the first harvest happens one year after sowing. Ferreira and Sablayrolles
Page 5/25
(2014) mentioned that the cycle of a swidden only ends when the field is abandoned to fallow so that the
process of natural regeneration takes place and a “capoeira” is formed. In Ramal Bacuri and Rio Baixo
Itacuruçá the fallow stage does not follow a precise schedule. The moment to leave the field and start
looking for a new area depends on the time of land use and the end of the harvest.

In the Ramal Bacuri community, swiddens are primary productive systems where conventional crops such
as cassava and its varieties are cultivated, while in Rio Baixo Itacuruçá, swiddens have a secondary
function and serve a small portion of the population, since the focus of the work is the production of açaí,
mainly through the extraction of fruits from native areas and, to a lesser extent, from managed areas, in
view of the type of environment (“várzea”) where this community is settled. Although both communities
have the legal collective land ownership, it was noted that the areas are managed on an individual basis
by each family and the properties have clearly established delimitations. However, in the case of Ramal
Bacuri, the work in the fields can be carried out by the family unit and/or through joint efforts (mutual
efforts of community members), while productive activities, especially those related to açaí, are
developed exclusively by family members in Rio Baixo Itacuruçá.

In Rio Baixo Itacuruçá, some perennial species such as cupuaçu [Theobroma grandiflorum (Willd.ex
Spreng.) K.Schum.], banana (Musa paradisiaca L.), and lemon (Citrus limonum L.) were also observed in
the swiddens. These perennial plants are planted in consortium with the varieties of cassava and, after
the harvest of these annual crops, they are left to enrich the “capoeira” and provide food. This technique
of enrichment of “capoeiras” was also observed in the Igarapé Grande village, João Pilatos Island, in
Ananindeua-PA. Fruiting trees such as cupuaçu (T. grandiflorum) and açaí are planted in the fallow field
to provide food and also to contribute to a faster process of regeneration of the secondary vegetation, as
the fallow period lasts from three to ten years. As verified among farmers and extractivists of Queimada
Island, in Afuá-PA, “capoeiras” can be enriched with fruiting and tuberous species, depending on the need
of each family unit (Corrêa et al. 2020).

Regarding the place of preference of the farmers for the establishment of the swiddens, in Ramal Bacuri
they preferred primary vegetation (83.7%), locally called the virgin forest, followed by “capoeira” (16.3%),
while in Rio Baixo Itacuruçá most interviewees preferred areas of “capoeira” (60.0%) followed by virgin
forest (40.0%). According to the experience of all farmers in Ramal Bacuri and most of Rio Baixo
Itacuruçá, swiddens opened in areas of primary vegetation have greater productivity. In this sense,
farmers from both “várzea” and “terra firme” environments prefer to establish their swiddens in areas of
virgin forest because they observe a low incidence of invasive plants (weeds) in comparison to
“capoeiras”, but as the areas of primary forest are more distant, the farmers make use of secondary
vegetation (Pereira et al. 2008).

Most farmers clearly preferred virgin forests for the establishment of swiddens, but when some of them
in the two communities used “capoeiras”, they followed a set of criteria to manage these fields. The
criteria included: the age of the “capoeira”, as they avoided areas in initial state of ecological succession
because “[...] the land is not strong enough to plant”, according to an interviewee from Ramal Bacuri; the

Page 6/25
presence of inputs, such as wood from trees that occur in mature “capoeiras” which is used as firewood
or charcoal; presence of fruiting trees resulting from the method of enrichment of “capoeiras”, which
implies the need to manage the area through manual cutting and weeding work. In the quilombola
community of Proviência, in Salvaterra-PA, it was observed that farmers did not use “capoeiras” in initial
process of regeneration because they do not have enough wood to be used in fencing to delimit and
protect the fields and that burning is not necessary in areas with shrubbery vegetation or old swiddens in
state of initial regeneration, but only weeding and cutting (Leão and Steward 2022).

When fire is used to clean the area to make swiddens, the members of the family units of the two
communities stressed that they take the necessary care so that the fire does not reach unwanted places,
such as backyards, forests or neighboring properties, as a farmer from Ramal Bacuri said: “when we go
to set fire to make swiddens, we have to put it against the wind and to avoid that the fire reaches the
green forest or other terrain, they sweep the leaves, sweep the edge so as to clean the edge very well and
not to leave any leaves near the green forest area, and then we put fire”. In Proviência village, this
technique, called firebreak – which is the removal of one to two meters of vegetation bordering the area,
where ditches are made – serves to indicate the beginning of a plantation work, delimit the space to build
the fence, and prevent the fire from spreading beyond the limits of the swidden (Leão and Steward, 2022).
In Igarapé Grande village, a similar practice was observed among local farmers; they cleaned the border
of the area to be burned so that the fire did not reach adjacent areas, which is a practice associated with
the conservation of biodiversity (Hora et al. 2015).

All farmers of Ramal Bacuri and most of Rio Baixo Itacuruçá (80.0%) did not use synthetic fertilizers,
while 20.0% of the farmers in the latter did so. The burning of vegetation for subsequent planting
represents the main fertilization strategy, since vegeTab. ash is released into the environment. Thus, the
use of fire not only allows a more economical, rapid and practical way of cleaning the area but also
provides essential nutrients for the crops to be planted (Homma 2020; Daeli et al. 2021). The farmers of a
rural community in Amapá-AP consider ash as a mineral complement that enhances fertilization and
lowers production costs (Soares et al. 2021).

The agroecological practice of using weeding residues as an organic fertilizer was also observed among
the producers of the two studied villages. Weeding is a treatment used to eliminate grasses and weeds
through manual tools. A similar agroecological practice was found in agroextractive communities in the
municipality of Marapanim-PA in cassava fields associated or not with other crops (Alves et al. 2016).
However, despite being traditionally used, this type of management causes the impoverishment of soil
microbiota, decreases the resilience of the areas, and promotes the itinerant aspect of swidden
agriculture.

All farmers (100%) of Ramal Bacuri and most (86.7%) of Rio Baixo Itacuruçá adopted the practice of land
use rotation, while 13.3% in the latter community only replant crops. Land use rotation is directly related
to the duration of the fallow period and subsequent natural regeneration of the fields and may be
prevented by some factors, such as absence of land parcels for the transfer of the swiddens, such as

Page 7/25
floodplain areas, or lack of sufficient manpower, as observed in Rio Baixo Itacuruçá. In the two
communities studied, most farmers rotate the fields after the harvest and few do so after one or two
replantings, and then, the field is left fallow long enough for the restoration of the soil or until the farmer
needs to use it again, and thus the fallow period can be short (e.g. 2–3 years) or long (e.g. 10 years).
Replanting is a form of management in which crops are consecutively planted without the fallow period
(Viana et al. 2016). In turn, the fallow time is one of the most important aspects in the dynamics of
itinerant agriculture, as it is the factor that ensures the sustainability of this type of production (Richers
2010)..

The division of labor among farmers of Ramal Bacuri and Rio Baixo Itacuruçá is based on gender: men
are responsible for clearing the forest and preparing the land by the practice of slash-and-burn (known as
“coivara”), since these activities are considered hard work and require more experience and physical
strength, while women are responsible for the removal of burned materials – later used as firewood or
coal for the production of flour – and planting, maintenance and harvesting of swiddens. Thus, it is
inferred that the work in the fields is carried out by producers of both sexes, since there is a division of
labor between man and woman, although it was observed that they also help each other and organize
collective task force works (called “mutirões”) in Ramal Bacuri. In the Amazon, family work is organized
as a reproduction strategy that can adopt different forms and can be limited by factors related to natural
resources, labor force accessibility, purchasing power, attachments, and traditional values, The division of
labor is also directly associated with family composition, and, regardless of age or sex, everyone works
(Erazo et al. 2020).

In this context, it was found that most of the producers of Ramal Bacuri (77.6%) did not hire workers and
22.4% did so. In contrast, a smaller proportion of producers in Rio Baixo Itacuruçá (40.0%) did not hire
people outside the family unit, and most (60.0%) of them did it. This must be because one of the main
problems faced by farmers in Rio Baixo Itacuruçá is the shortage of workers to carry out the agricultural
work. In both settlements, when workers are hired, they are paid through daily rates or they work in the
form of “mutirões” (Fig. 4), a strategy adopted to optimize the productivity, seeking to circumvent the lack
of human, financial and technological resources. In the case of “mutirões”, the work is distributed by the
process known as “roça de meia”, in which the work is equally divided among the participating family
units. The practice of “mutirões” is common among quilombolas and strengthens social ties as well as
guarantees the payment in the form of a share of the harvest (Arregui 2020).

According to the interviewees, the use and occupation of land for the establishment of swiddens follows
a categorization (factors) based on their perception and experience acquired over the years. In this sense,
among the farmers of Ramal Bacuri, the main factors were the quality (34.7%) and structural
characteristics (28.6%) of the soil, as observed in the statements: “The land was already mature to plant”,
“There is no flooding/it is terra firme” (Table 1). In turn, in Rio Baixo Itacuruçá, the availability of land
parcels (60.0%) and the quality of the soil (20.0%) were the main factors, according to the speech of
some interviewees: “The only parcel we have” and “Because it was a forested area [terra firme] and the
production is higher” (Table 1). The type of environment and characteristics of the soil can interfere with
Page 8/25
the establishment of swiddens in “terra firme” communities, since the soil is not subjected to annual
floods, although the productivity tends to fall over time and fallowing is necessary for the restoration of
the soil (Viana et al. 2016). Furthermore, the availability of land parcels affects the management of fields
(Wahab et al. 2020), eventually leading to non-rotation of land use and consecutive replanting, as
observed in the two communities studied.

Aspects of crop production in the swiddens

Among the farmers of Ramal Bacuri, agricultural production from swidden fields is primarily destined for
family subsistence and markets (53.1%), while in Rio Baixo Itacuruçá it is destined only for family
subsistence (66.7%) (Table 2). Swidden farming production is normaly destined for family consumption
and only the surplus is marketed. This practice among quilombola groups has been observed throughout
Brazil; a large part of the agricultural production is directed to self-consumption and only some crops are
directed to marketing so as to generate income that can be used to buy products not produced in the
swiddens (Santos and Garavello 2016; Silva et al. 2017; Pereira-Filho 2019; Ferreira et al. 2020; Leão and
Steward 2022). The farmers who sell their production do it so in a greater variety of places in Ramal
Bacuri, but especially in the urban center of Abaetetuba (53.8%) due to the facilitated locomotion by
means of buses. In Rio Baixo Itacuruçá, crop products are marketed exclusively within the community
due to relatively lower production of swiddens, the main focus on açaí production, and the geographical
location of the settlement in the island territory (Table 2).

Swidden production was less diverse in Ramal Bacuri than in Rio Baixo Itacuruçá and cassava was the
main product in both (44.5% and 30.2%, respectively), which is used to produce cassava flour, tapioca
flour, tucupi1, gum, and beiju2 (Fig. 5). Cassava was predominant in Ramal Bacuri due to its market value.
In this community, a greater number of swiddens are cultivated with the objective of marketing this by-
product.

In Rio Baixo Itacuruçá, managed and manufactured production is mainly used for self-consumption,
which may be related to the fact that access to urban businesses is relatively more difficult or expensive
when compared to Ramal Bacuri, in addition to the fact that the focus of local middleman is açaí. In this
sense, it is inferred that plant diversity in swidden fields in these communities is associated with the
context in which these populations are inserted and geographical, social and economic aspects.
According to Pimbert and Pretty (2000), traditional community management systems are generally
focused on the needs of the local populations and they enhance these populations’ ability of adapting to
dynamic social and ecological circumstances.

Eighteen ethnospecies were found in the swiddens of the two villages, considering cassava and manioc
as a single species (M. esculenta). The families Cucurbitaceae and Arecaceae were the most
representative (Table 3). Cucurbitaceae has species typical of this type of production system, such as
“maxixe” (Cucumis anguria L.) and “jerimum” (Cucurbita moschata Duchesne). In Ramal Bacuri, these
and other species are planted along with cassava, and another modality of use of the fields is the
plantation of cassava alone (Gonçalves et al. 2020).
Page 9/25
Arecaceae was an important family because in Rio Baixo Itacuruçá some fruit species such as
tucumanzeiro (Astrocaryum vulgare Mar.) are planted in the swiddens. This is a common species in this
type of environment because it is a pioneer fire-resistant plant with the ability to sprout after the fires,
typically found inhabiting “capoeiras” and pasture lands (Menezes et al. 2014). The cultivation of açaí
(Arecaceae) is not common in the swiddens of Rio Baixo Itacuruçá, as this plant is more often planted in
“várzea” environments, either native or managed, locally known as “açaizais”.

A total of 35 cassava ethnovarieties were grown in Ramal Bacuri. The most cited were “zolhuda” (32
citations), “cardosa” (16), “margozinha” (13), and “macaxeira” (13) (Fig. 6). In Rio Baixo Itacuruçá, 25
ethnovarieties were grown, especially “pacajá” (11) and “pescada” (8) (Fig. 7).

Empaire et al. (2003) emphasized that the high diversity of cassava varieties is the result of a dynamic
management based on a continuous renewal of diversity through seeds and exchanges, while the low
diversity is related to a static management. These exchanges and the selection of species of greatest
interest result in the emergence of new varieties in family farming (Feldens 2018). In the present study, it
was observed that exchanging “manivas” (stem cuttings for planting) is a common practice in the two
communities studied, which may explain the wide number of varieties in the swiddens, especially in
Ramal Bacuri, where cassava flour is the main product with market value. Therefore, farmers play a
fundamental role in the preservation of these genetic resources, and the exchange of “manivas” is one of
the factors that contribute to increase such variability in swidden fields (Pedri et al. 2021).

The farmers of the two communities call each variety of cassava by common names, which are
sometimes descriptive, relating to the physical attributes of the ethnovarieties, such as “amarelinha”,
“amarela”, “branca”, “branquinha”, making reference to the yellow and white color of the roots, pasta and
flour made with these “manivas”. The names may also make reference to other traits, such as “baixinha”
that makes reference to the height of this variety; “folha fina” and “folhuda” are the names of varieties
with thin and wide leaves; “zolhuda” and “olho verde” are names that describe the size and color of the
leaf scar (stem node). However, most names of the varieties do not describe morphological traits. Many
ethnovarieties are named after animals, fish, plants, and fruits of the region, such as “pescada”,
“caramujo”, “camarão”, “peixe boi”, “pariri”, “tajá”, “goiaba”, while others have popular names of men or
women or saints, as a form of honoring them, or even singular and creative names. The naming of
cassava varieties can be based on their origin, the person who introduced them to the community, their
morphological and color variation, and other traits (Nakabonge et al. 2018).

To choose “manivas”, farmers take into account their performance in the fields aiming at higher
production and quality of the flour. In both communities, the informants described the characteristics that
make a variety strong or weak, related to factors such as: ripening time – strong “manivas” ripen more
slowly, after one year, and, in some cases, up to 15 months, and then the plants can be harvest to make
flour, as an informant from Ramal Bacuri said: “Zolhuda is a one-year maniva; there is the zolhuda that is
taller and the other that is shorter, the shorter is the best”; root water content, as informants in Rio Baixo
Itacuruçá explained: “the pretinha seca is a very good quality, it gives white flour, yields a lot of flour, and

Page 10/25
it is not dissolved easily”; and flour yield, as a farmer of Ramal Bacuri said: “The variety Bulão provides a
very tasty flour and large amounts of it, it gives a lot of tapioca... gosh... you have no idea!”. According to
Lima et al. (2012), farmers tend to group the varieties into strong and weak according to characteristics
related to maturation time and life time, that is, the time the tuberous roots can remain in the soil.

The abovementioned reports show that farmers naturally make distinction between the stronger and
weaker cassava varieties. Thus, the different maturation and life times of the varieties allow these
farmers to produce all year round and to obtain high quality flour. It is noteworthy that when the farmers
receive a new variety of cassava, they first test it on a land parcel in order to evaluate its productive
performance and gain information about the variety. In this process of selection of “manivas”,
characterization and classification techniques are developed to gather as much information as possible
based on observations and knowledge passed on from generation to generation, contributing to the
construction of ethnknowledge. In this regard, Lima et al. (2012) explain that this agromorphological
characterization of cassava ethnovarieties enables a phenotypic differentiation, reducing duplication and
promoting the selection of high quality planting material, increasing the production of by-products. Thus,
this genetic variability promoted in the swiddens is the result of traditional knowledge and is fundamental
for in situ conservation and studies of the diversity and evolution of this species.

Regarding the organization of the planting of the ethnovarieties, it was found that farmers in the two
villages have the habit of mixing them in the swiddens for practical reasons. They only plant them
separately when they decide to try a new variety coming from another location, that is, another
community or neighboring municipalities. However, separate planting is not very common, since the
“manivas” used in the two studied communities come from their own pre-existing fields: “I take maniva
from one field to plant in the other” (said an interviewee of Ramal Bacuri), and through exchange among
community members: “when we do mutirões, we exchange with our neighbors one that we do not yet
have for another that we have in great quantity” (said a farmer of Rio Baixo Itacuruçá). When there is a
variety of of interest, the farmers replant it, cultivate it in many parcels, and share it with others
(Nakabonge et al. 2018).

Difficulties in swidden management

Regarding the difficulties in swidden management, the main one in Ramal Bacuri was the lack of
financial resources for investments (40.8%), as seen in the following statements: “lack of money to pay
people to make large swiddens” and “lack of money to invest”. In Rio Baixo Itacuruçá, there were
technical and manpower problems (46.7%), according to the speeches of some producers: “There is few
people to work”, “lack of machinery” and “we work with the basics of family farming” (Table 3). Farmers
of Ramal Bacuri mentioned the influence of the Association of the Community of Remnant Quilombos of
Ramal do Bacuri (ARQUIBA), the work of the local office of the Company for Technical Assistance and
Rural Assistance (EMATER), and the support of the Federation of Organs for Social and Educational
Assistance (FASE). In Rio Baixo Itacuruçá, only the Association of Remnant Quilombos of Abaetetuba
Islands (ARQUIA) is present, but according to most producers, it has not offered, so far, any financial aid
to the community. Thus, it is clear that the main problems faced in both communities are associated with
Page 11/25
the absence or low coverage of public policies for the improvement of socioeconomic conditions,
financing and credit lines, and technical and rural assistance actions. These lack of support poses
limitations on the production and productivity of the fields.

In this scenario, only Ramal Bacuri (four production units) is covered by the Technical Assistance and
Rural Outreach Program of Abaetetuba (PROATER) and, therefore, most farmers in this community do not
see the actions of this body in loco. The National Program for the Strengthening of Family Agriculture –
PRONAF B, AF and Mais Alimentos and the Sustainable Amazon Plan presented by Banco da Amazônia
(BASA) in Abaetetuba and Acará limited their financial support to the cultivation of cassava due to high
default rates of loans made to family farmers, such as in Acará, preventing the granting of more credit
(Modesto-Junior and Alves, 2011). Through PRONAF, in 2004, some quilombolas from Abaetetuba had
access to R$ 5,000.00 for the management of açaí, with the help of BASA and EMATER technicians
(Gomes 2019). In the case of ARQUIA, which covers nine communities and a total of 1,130 families, some
limitations (demands) consist of the precarious infrastructure of the flour house of ARQUIA, precarious
conditions of the roads that give access to the communities, and no farmer receives funding for
producing cassava in Itacuruçá-Alto community (Alves and Modesto-Jínior 2020).

None of the family farmers in both communities, Ramal Bacuri and Rio Baixo Itacuruçá, had the Rural
Environmental Registry (CAR), a mandatory registration of rural properties that enables the integration of
environmental information and assists in environmental control and monitoring, economic planning, and
combat of deforestation. Laudares et al. (2014) emphasized that the CAR is of paramount importance to
preservation areas in Brazil because it offers a possibility of fostering the creation of ecological corridors
and the conservation of natural resources, which contributes to environmental quality.

1
Residual liquid generated in the cassava agroindustry, at the time of pressing the grated mass for
making Tab. flour, or starch extraction.

2 Cassava by-product widely used in quilombola cuisine

Final Considerations
This activity fulfills the function of food supply and provides food security among family units by the
planting of many varieties of cassava and other species typical of the swiddens, and even the cultivation
of cassava and perennial crops in consortium. In both communities, the swiddens were implanted only
on non-flooded areas and their botanical composition is related to the socioeconomic, environmental and
cultural context in which these communities are inserted. Cassava stands out especially in Ramal Bacuri,
where the swiddens are predominantly destined to cassava plantations and where cassava flour has a
high market value. In the case of Rio Baixo Itacuruçá, swiddens are secondary productive systems, since
açaí from native and/or managed plantations in “várzeas” is the main product directed to urban food
supply.

Page 12/25
Dozens of manioc ethnovarieties were present in these two settlements. The varieties of interest were
maintained by replanting and exchanging of “manivas”. The farmers demonstrated various sets of
knowledge/practices associated with the conservation of agrobiodiversity, such as the conscious use of
the land. In this sense, these family farmers play a fundamental role in the conservation of the genetic
diversity of production systems and the associated ethno-knowledge. Furthermore, in these quilombola
villages there is a complex interaction between people and the environment as the inhabitants exchange
knowledge, experiences and germplasms and, consequently, maintain the agrobiodiversity in situ.

The farmers in both villages also face many difficulties (demands) in swidden management, whether
regarding environmental aspects (availability and characteristics of the soil) or socioeconomic aspects
(absence or low coverage of public policies and technical assistance and rural outreach programs, which
is aggravated by the tenuous mobilization of local associations). Thus, public policies and actions to
improve the living and working conditions of quilombola family farmers in Ramal Bacuri and Rio Baixo
Itacuruçá, as well as other farmers in the Baixo Tocantins mesoregion, are sorely needed. Research is
likewise needed for the scientific dissemination of the ethno-knowledge developed by these traditional
communities, as well as the discussion on the intertwining relationships between scientific knowledge
and local knowledge in order to help improve the practices of these peoples, preserving their local culture
and supporting strategies for the conservation of agrobiodiversity in the Amazon.

Declarations
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

We thank the residents of the communities of Ramal Bacuri and Rio Baixo Itacuruçá for the wealth of
information provided and the Coordination for the Improvement of Higher Education Personnel for the
financial support provided.

ETHICS DECLARATIONS

N/A, not applicable.

References
1. Acevedo R, Castro E (1988) Negros de Trombetas: guardiães de matas e rios. UFPA-NAEA, Belém
2. de Albuquerque UP, Lucena RFP, Cunha LVF (2010) Métodos e técnicas na pesquisa etnobiológica e
etnoecológica. Nupeea, Recife
3. Alves RJM, Pontes AN, Gutjahr ALN (2016) Percepção ambiental e uso de recursos naturais por
comunidades rurais do município de Marapanim, Pará, Brasil. Contrib a las Ciencias Soc 11:1–14
4. Alves RNB, Modesto-Jínior MS (2020) Roça sem fogo: da tradição de queimadas à agricultura
sustentável na Amazônia. Embrapa, Brasília

Page 13/25
 5. Araújo S, Rocha D, Antônio M et al (2017) Análise socioeconômica de agricultores da comunidade
quilombola do Abacatal, Ananindeua, estado do Pará. Brasil Biota Amaz 7:30–37.
https://doi.org/10.18561/2179-5746/biotaamazonia.v7n1p30-37
6. Arregui AG (2020) The Quilombola Movement: Sensing Futures in Afroindigenous Amazonia. Ethos
48:336–356. https://doi.org/10.1111/etho.12280
7. Barbosa EB, Batista JJR, Pimenta HF (2014) da S Agricultura familiar: características, importância,
pluriatividade, multifuncionalidade e perspectivas dentro e fora da Amazônia. Obs la Econ Latinoam
1:1–25
8. Carvalho AS, Silva DOe (2014) Perspectivas de segurança alimentar e nutricional no quilombo de
tijuaçu, Brasil: A produção da agricultura familiar para a alimentação escolar. Interface Commun
Heal Educ 18:69–83. https://doi.org/10.1590/1807-57622013.0804
9. Chizzotti A (2006) Pesquisa qualitativa em ciências humanas e sociais. Vozes, Petrópolis
10. Colfer CJP, Alcorn JB, Russell D (2015) Swiddens and Fallows. In: Shifting Cultivation and
Environmental Change: Indigenous People, Agriculture and Forest Conservation. Abingdon, pp 62–86
11. Corrêa JFV, da Silva PC, Guabiraba IR et al (2020) Boas práticas para o manejo e extração artesanal
de óleo de andiroba, no Afuá, PA. In: Embrapa Amapá-Resumo em anais de congresso (ALICE).
pp 1–1
12. Daeli W, Carmenta R, Monroe MC, Adams AE (2021) Where Policy and Culture Collide: Perceptions
and Responses of Swidden Farmers to the Burn Ban in West Kalimantan, Indonesia. Hum Ecol
49:159–170. https://doi.org/10.1007/S10745-021-00227-Y
13. Emperaire L, Gilda SM, Fleury M et al (2003) Approche comparative de la diversité genetique et de la
diversité morphologique des maniocs en Amazonie (Brésil et Guyanes). Actes du Bur des Ressources
Génétiques 4:247–267
14. Erazo RL, de Sousa Silva L, Costa SCF das C (2020) Pluriatividade e multifuncionalidade da
agricultura familiar na região do lago Janauacá, Careiro-AM. Brazilian J Dev 6:47572–47581.
https://doi.org/10.34117/bjdv6n7-408
15. Feldens L (2018) O homem, a agricultura e a história
16. Ferreira PF, Alves RJM, Rosario AS, Pontes AN (2020) Subsistência e agricultura familiar na
Comunidade Quilombola África, Abaetetuba, Pará-Brasil. Ciências ambientais: política, sociedade e
economia da Amazônia. EDUEPA, Belém, p 185
17. Ferreira PF, Martins ACCT, de Paula MT et al (2017) Indicadores de sustentabilidade na comunidade
quilombola áfrica, município de Abaetetuba. Pará Brasil Espacios 38:9
18. Ferreira TB, Sablayrolles M, das GP (2014) Roçados Borari: Identidade, Magia E Conservação Da
Natureza. Cad Agroecol 9:1–12
19. Gomes RB (2019) Saberes tradicionais quilombolas e a política nacional de assistência técnica e
extensão rural: o caso do Arapapuzinho. Abaetetuba-PA)

Page 14/25
20. Gonçalves JP, Alves RJM, Pontes AN (2022) Socioeconomia e sistemas produtivos na Amazônia: o
caso da Comunidade Ramal do Bacuri e sua relação com os recursos naturais. In: EDUEPA (ed)
Perspectivas e Tendências nas Ciências Florestais: uma visão interdisciplinar para a Amazônia.
Belém
21. Hazenbosch M, Sui S, Isua B et al (2021) Using locally available fertilisers to enhance the yields of
swidden farmers in Papua New Guinea. Agric Syst 192:103089.
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.agsy.2021.103089
22. Homma AKO (2020) Amazônia: a civilização do fogo. Roça sem fogo: da tradição de queimadas à
agricultura sustentável na Amazônia. Embrapa, Brasília, pp 11–33
23. Hora NNda, Ferreira-Filho HR, Tavares-Martins ACC, de Ferreira-Fonseca M (2015) J da C Saberes
tradicionais e conservação da biodiversidade: usos, fazeres e vivência dos agricultores de uma
comunidade de Ananindeua – PA. Redes 20:308. https://doi.org/10.17058/redes.v20i2.4449
24. Hurtienne TP (2005) Agricultura familiar e desenvolvimento rural sustentável na Amazônia. Novos
Cad NAEA 8:19–71. https://doi.org/10.5801/ncn.v8i1.47
25. Ianovali D, Adams C, Ribeiro-Filho AA, Khatounian CA (2018) Agricultural productivity and socio-
cultural changes: Quilombola agriculture in Vale do Ribeira-SP Brazil. Desenvolv e Meio Ambient
49:221–238. https://doi.org/10.5380/dma.v49i0.54697
26. IBGE (2019) Censo municipal. In: IBGE
27. Jakovac CC, Peña-Claros M, Mesquita RCG et al (2016) Swiddens under transition: Consequences of
agricultural intensification in the Amazon. Agric Ecosyst Environ 218:116–125.
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.agee.2015.11.013
28. Laudares SS, de Silva A, da Borges KG LAC (2014) Cadastro Ambiental Rural: uma análise da nova
ferramenta para regularização ambiental no Brasil. Desenvolv e Meio Ambient 31:111–122
29. Leão VM, Steward AM (2022) Agrobiodiversidade dos roçados da comunidade quilombola de
proviência município de Salvaterra, Ilha do Marajó-PA. Brasil Rev etnobiologia 1:27–48
30. Lima D, Steward A, Richers BT (2012) Trocas, experimentações e preferências: Um estudo sobre a
dinâmica da diversidade da mandioca no médio Solimões. Amazonas Bol Mus Para Emilio
GoeldiCiencias Humanas 7:371–396. https://doi.org/10.1590/S1981-81222012000200005
31. de Menezes AJEA, Homma AKO, Oliveira MEC (2014) Extração de polpa e óleo da larva do fruto de
tucumã-do-pará (Astrocaryum vulgare Mart.) no Município de Soure, Pará. In: Extrativismo Vegetal
na Amazônia: história, ecologia, economia e domesticação Algumas. pp 363–375
32. Nakabonge G, Samukoya C, Baguma Y (2018) Local varieties of cassava: conservation, cultivation
and use in Uganda. Environ Dev Sustain 20:2427–2445. https://doi.org/10.1007/S10668-017-9997-
6
33. Oliveira KD, Cardoso ACD (2021) A espacialidade do modo de vida - Análise morfológica de
comunidades rurais e tradicionais na região do Baixo Tocantins (PA). Novos Cad NAEA 24:169–192.
https://doi.org/10.18542/ncn.v24i3.9747

Page 15/25
34. de Pedri ECM, dos Santos LL, Wolf MS et al (2021) Genetic diversity among cassava landraces
cultivated in the north of Mato Grosso state, Brazil using morpho-agronomic descriptors. Res Soc
Dev 10:e25410514871–e25410514871. https://doi.org/10.33448/RSD-V10I5.14871
35. Pereira-Filho J (2019) O papel da agricultura e do trabalho não agrícola na reprodução
socioeconômica de famílias quilombolas na região da Serra dos Tapes, Rio Grande do Sul.Rev
Desarro Económico Territ121–143
36. Pereira KJC, Lima BF, Reis RS, dos, Veasey EA (2008) Saber tradicional, agricultura e transformação
da paisagem na Reserva de Desenvolvimento Sustentável Amanã, Amazonas. Sci Mag UAKARI 2:9–
26
37. Pimbert MP, Pretty JN (2000) Parques, comunidades e profissionais: incluindo “participação” no
manejo de áreas protegidas. Etnoconservação: novos rumos para conservação da natureza.
HUCITEC / NUPAUB, São Paulo, pp 183–223
38. Portela LJP, Santos PR, dos, Silva J (2021) da C A roça e o trabalho coletivo na produção da farinha
de mandioca nas comunidades quilombolas Matá e Silêncio em Óbidos, Pará, Brasil. Geogr
Opportuno Tempore 7:72–84
39. Quaresma M, Sombra D, Leite A, Castro C (2016) Periodização econômica de Abaetetuba (PA) a
partir de sua configuração espacial. Rev Percursos 16:143–168.
https://doi.org/10.5965/1984724616322015143
40. Richers BTT (2010) Agricultura migratória em ambientes de várzea na Amazônia Central: ameaça ou
sistema integrado? Sci Mag UAKARI 6:27–37
41. Sá TD, de Kato A, Carvalho OR, de Figueiredo CJR RDO (2007) Queimar ou não queimar?: De como
produzir na Amazônia sem queimar. Rev USP 1:90–97. https://doi.org/10.11606/issn.2316-
9036.v0i72p90-97
42. Santos KMP dos, de Garavello ME (2016) PE Segurança alimentar em comunidades quilombolas de
São Paulo. Segurança Aliment e Nutr 23:786. https://doi.org/10.20396/san.v23i1.8646390
43. da Silva EKP, de Medeiros DS, Martins PC et al (2017) Insegurança alimentar em comunidades rurais
no Nordeste brasileiro: faz diferença ser quilombola? Cad Saude Publica 33.
https://doi.org/10.1590/0102-311x00005716
44. Silva GCe, Lucas FCA (2019) Riverine communities and belo monte power plant: Deterritorialization
and influence on the cultivation of edible plants. Ambient e Soc 22:1–26.
https://doi.org/10.1590/1809-4422ASOC0296R1VU19L4AO
45. Siviero A, Delunardo TA, Haverroth M et al (2011) Cultivo de espécies alimentares em quintais
urbanos de Rio Branco, Acre, Brasil TT - Cultivation of food species in urban gardens in Rio Branco,
Acre, Brazil. Acta Bot Brasilica 25:549–556. https://doi.org/10.1590/S0102-33062011000300006
46. Viana FM, de Steward F, Richers AM BTT (2016) Cultivo itinerante na Amazônia central: manejo
tradicional e transformações da paisagem. Novos Cad NAEA 19:93–122.
https://doi.org/10.5801/ncn.v19i1.1816

Page 16/25
47. Wahab I, Jirström M, Hall O (2020) An integrated approach to unravelling smallholder yield levels:
The case of small family farms, eastern region. Ghana Agric 10:206.
https://doi.org/10.3390/agriculture10060206

Tables
Table 1. Factors related to the use and occupation of the soil for the implementation of swiddens in the
communities of Ramal Bacuri and Baixo Itacuruçá, in Abaetetuba, Pará.

Choice factor Ramal Speeches by farmers from Ramal Rio Speeches by farmers
Bacuri Bacuri Baixo from the Rio Baixo
Itacuruçá Itacuruçá

% %

Soil quality for 34,7 The earth was ripe for planting; 20,0 Because it's a good
planting Was resting 10 years; It is good area;
land to plant;Iit's new land.
Because it kills and
gives more production

Availability of 8,2 Because we only had this one; It's 60,0 The only land we have;
land for the only land we have. The other lands are too
planting small to plant;
Because that's what I
have available.

Family 18,4 It's from our family; It was my 13,3 Because it was my
reasons son's; It was my dad's and he gave family's land; Because
it to me; My mother gave me; Is the mother-in-law
half with my brother. donated this
installment to us.

Land location 10,2 It's closer to me; It's closer to 0 -

home.

Structural 28,6 Does not flood; It’s “terra firme” 6,7 Because is “terra
characteristics firme”.
of the soil

Table 2. Characteristics of agricultural production in the communities of Ramal Bacuri and Baixo
Itacuruçá, in Abaetetuba, Pará.

Page 17/25
 Characteristic Variável Ramal Baixo
Bacuri Itacuruçá

% %

Poduction destination Subsistence 46,9 66,7

Subsistência and 53,1 33,3

trade

Place of disposal of agricultural Abaetetuba 53,8 -

production
Community itself 23,1 100,0

“Atravessadores” 19,2 -

Other cities 3,8 -

Tabela 3. Botanical classification of plant species cultivated in the swiddens of the Ramal Bacuri and
Baixo Itacuruçá communities. Abbreviations: Ramal Bacuri (RB) e Baixo Itacuruça (BI), em Abaetetuba,
Pará.

Page 18/25
Family/Species Popular name Origin

Arecaceae

Astrocaryum vulgare Mart. Tucumã BI

Cocos nucifera L. Coco BI

Euterpe oleracea Mart. Açaí BI/RB

Clusiaceae

Platonia insignis Mart. Bacuri BI

Cucurbitaceae

Citrullus lanatus (Thunb.) Matsum. & Nakai Melancia RB

Cucurbita moschata Duchesne Jerimum BI/RB

Cucumis anguria L. Maxixe BI/RB

Euphorbiaceae

Manihot esculenta Crantz Mandioca/Macaxeira BI/RB

Fabaceae

Phaseolus vulgaris L. Feijão RB

Malvaceae

Theobroma cacao L. Cacau BI

Theobroma grandiflorum (Willd.ex Spreng.) K.Schum. Cupuaçú BI

Musaceae

Musa paradisiaca L. Banana BI

Pedaliaceae

Sesamum L. Gergelim BI/RB

Poaceae

Oryza sativa L. Arroz RB

Zea mays L. Milho BI/RB

Rutaceae

Citrus limonum L. Limão BI

Citrus aurantium L. Turanja BI

Page 19/25
Table 4. Problems related to the implementation of swiddens in the communities of Ramal Bacuri and
Baixo Itacuruçá, in Abaetetuba, Pará.

Choice Ramal Speeches by farmers from Rio Speeches by farmers from Rio
factor Bacuri Ramal Bacuri Baixo Baixo Itacuruçá
Itacuruçá

% %

Physical- 26,5 They have land that floods, 13,3 The land that we plant needs
chemical go to the bottom; fertilizer; The dryness of the land
and Sometimes the earth is is a problem.
biological already weak; There is no
properties good land.
of the soil

Technical- 24,5 We don't have enough 46,7 There is little manpower to work;
labor manpower. The lack of machinery; Works
problems with the basics of the basics of
family farming; Flour production
is still manual; Lack of a well-
equipped flour mill.

Lack of 40,8 Lack of money to pay 6,7 I do not have money; Resource
financial people to make big is missing.
resources swiddens; Lack of money to
invest; People do not want
to work with a cheap daily
rate.

Low 8,2 There is no more land for 13,3 They have little land here.
availability the swidden
of land for
planting

Other - - 20,0 It's a lot of work; It takes a long

time to roça; There is no union in
the community

Figures

Page 20/25
Figure 1

Location of the Ramal Bacuri and Baixo Itacuruçá Communities, municipality of Abaetetuba, Pará.

Page 21/25
Figure 2

Flowchart of the stages of traditional agriculture in the Ramal Bacuri and Itacuruçá communities, in the
municipality of Abaetetuba, Pará.

Figure 3

Page 22/25
Calendar of management of swiddens in the Ramal Bacuri and Baixo Itacuruçá communities,
municipality of Abaetetuba, Pará.

Figure 4

“Mutirão” among community members of Ramal Bacuri, municipality of Abaetetuba, Pará

Figure 5

Page 23/25
Ethnospecies cultivated in the fields of farmers in the community of Ramal Bacuri and Baixo Itacuruçá,
municipality of Abaetetuba, Pará.

Figure 6

Word clouds with ethnovarieties cited by farmers from the community of Ramal Bacuri, municipality of
Abaetetuba, Pará.

Page 24/25
Figure 7

Word clouds with ethnovarieties cited by farmers from the community of Baixo Itacuruçá, municipality of
Abaetetuba, Pará.

Page 25/25