Food Policy 39 (2013) 1–12

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Food Policy
journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/foodpol

Investigating the interaction between organic and local foods in the

Mediterranean: The Lebanese organic consumer’s perspective
Patrizia Pugliese a, Cesare Zanasi b,⇑, Oussama Atallah a, Rota Cosimo b
a
CIHEAM – Mediterranean Agronomic Institute of Bari, via Ceglie, 9 – 70010 Valenzano (Bari), Italy
b
Bologna University, Diproval Sez. Economia, via F.lli Rosselli, 107 – 42100 Reggio Emilia, Italy

a r t i c l e i n f o a b s t r a c t

Article history: Organic products often interact with local/traditional food; this relationship is particularly relevant for
Received 18 April 2011 many Mediterranean countries and could play an important role in contrasting the conventionalisation
Received in revised form 30 October 2012 of organic agriculture and differentiating organic products in an increasingly competitive global market.
Accepted 19 December 2012
The goal of this study was to investigate the interaction between organic and local/traditional food in
Available online 17 January 2013
Lebanon from the perspective of an organic consumer. The attitude toward both their present interaction
and possible developments were investigated. Interviews with 146 consumers were conducted at the
Keywords:
farmers market and specialised shops in Beirut, where organic and local/traditional foods (baladi) are
Organic agriculture
Lebanon
sold. The data collected from the questionnaires were analysed using descriptive and inferential statisti-
Local food cal analysis (structural equation model, t-test and ANOVA). The results show that the integration of
Traditional food organic and baladi foods seemed to be accepted largely as a future perspective; recent food scandals made
Consumers baladi foods less reliable, which has negatively affected the contemporary organic consumer’s attitude
Farmers market toward the relationship between baladi and organic products. The only statistically significant results
emerged when this facet of consumer responses was analysed. Younger and wealthier organic food con-
sumers, prone to integrate the more appealing gastronomic characteristics of local/traditional foods in
their diet (foodies), seemed relatively more accepting of a joint marketing of organic and baladi foods.
The farmers market seemed to play a central role in supporting a positive interaction between organic
and baladi foods.
Ó 2012 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

Introduction sponse to the crisis of confidence in mass-produced, ‘‘placeless

Organic and local foods: a multifaceted interaction
In recent years the development of alternative agrifood net-
works (AFN) has become a distinct feature of contemporary food
provisioning and an interesting field of academic research. Charac-
terised by different origins and conceptualisations, such initiatives
– including organic agriculture, fair trade, origin-based and quality
foods – have different claims and motivations. They all ‘‘represent
efforts to respatialise and resocialise food production, distribution
and consumption’’ (Jarosz, 2008). They epitomise a ‘turn to quality’
away from productivist, standardised and industrial systems (Hig-
gins et al., 2008) offering solutions for the re-embedding of food
and agriculture in networks where social, economic and ecological
relations are fair, just and democratic (Goodman, 2003; Hatanaka,
2010). Consumers perceive alternative agrifood networks as a re-
⇑ Corresponding author. Address: Diproval Sez. Economia, via F.lli Rosselli, 107 –
42100 Reggio Emilia, Italy. Tel.: +39 0522290411; fax: +39 0522290435.
E-mail addresses: pugliese@iamb.it (P. Pugliese), cesare.zanasi@unibo.it (C.
Zanasi), cosimo.rota@unibo.it (R. Cosimo).
and faceless’’ foods (Goodman and Goodman, 2007); citizens
appreciate their focus on increasingly widespread concerns for
ecological sustainability, social justice, animal welfare, food cul-
tures and heritage preservation. Producers envisage opportunities
for recognising an identity and adding value to their products
while contributing to rural development and improving their
livelihoods.
In agrifood studies the binary categorisation into ‘alternative’
and ‘mainstream’ has long prevailed in popular and academic
discourses contributing to construct ‘‘false – and simplistic –
dichotomies between globalised food systems and alternative
consumption practices’’ (Winter, 2003). Romanticised conceptuali-
sation of alternativeness – which remains very loosely defined –
have failed for long time to reveal real-life dynamics and to unfold
complexities not only in the intermingled relationships of alterna-
tive food networks with mainstream food systems (Higgins et al.,
2008) but also within such alternative initiatives which clearly
emerge from a complexity of contingent, place-based, social, polit-
ical and ecological processes and cannot uncritically assumed to be
uniformly good and progressive forms of production and consump-
tion (Jarosz, 2008).

0306-9192/$ - see front matter Ó 2012 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.foodpol.2012.12.009
2 P. Pugliese et al. / Food Policy 39 (2013) 1–12
If on one hand dualistic interpretations have dominated scholar
narratives it is evident, on the other hand, that the substantial ra-
pid growth in sales of organic, fair trade, local and quality foods
was partially due the involvement of the large trading and retail
firms; they recognised the market potential of such products and
invested in product differentiation based on quality which has be-
come the new basis of competition for food provisioning (Good-
man and Goodman, 2008).
Focusing on such recent evolutions some researchers argued
that organic and fair trade, two of the most significant food system
alternatives, might (and in certain cases do) mimic corporate con-
ventional production, pricing, labour, trading and retailing
practices.
With specific reference to the organic sector, the resulting
‘conventionalisation’ hypothesis asserts that the organic sector
is moving away from the ecological integrity, progressive values
and transformative potential of the original organic movement
(Buck et al., 1997). Threats of regulatory capture by strong corpo-
rate economic actors attempting to dilute standards (co-optation)
were denounced by activists and also examined in the literature
(Jaffee and Howard, 2010). Against the inevitability of conven-
tionalisation tendencies, the ‘bifurcation’ thesis was discussed
emphasising the difference between the ‘organic industry’ charac-
terised by corporatist control, large-scale operations, global mar-
kets, a loss of core values, and the ‘organic movement’ that
celebrates artisanal production and local markets, preserves envi-
ronmental, philosophical, and political values (Goldberg, 2011).
The alleged erosion of organics’ potential to transform the indus-
trial-agrifood system, and the consequent dissatisfaction with the
so-called conventionalised practices in organic agriculture, led to
the emergence of new ‘post-organic’ movements and narratives in
which displaced militancy is reconfigured and re-energised
around local food systems described as the new forefront for
the relocalisation of food (Goodman and Goodman, 2007; Fonte,
2008).
Conventionalisation, bifurcation and post-organic debates ap-
pear to perpetuate dichotomised visions, erecting barriers to cope
with unwanted change and accommodate with ideological posi-
tions and idealised frameworks (Clarke et al., 2008). But the latter
‘‘are unlikely to fit in the more complex and contingent forms
found in practice’’ (Maxey, 2007). Change, it is argued, is an inte-
gral part of organic farming which has to adapt to the changing
environment. And while unwanted change is possible, not all
change is necessarily problematic; therefore a critical discerning
perspective is required to understand the type of change and the
connected processual and contextual questions (Darnhofer, 2006;
Clarke et al., 2008). Therefore, for example, modernisation pres-
sures on organics may result into a conventionalisation drift but
it may instead only contribute to the professionalisation of the sec-
tor without automatically implying the divorce from its core values
and principles. But ‘‘where does professionalisation stop and con-
ventionalisation start?’’ (Darnhofer, 2006). Boundaries are blurred
and oppositional categories do not reflect the current reality
(Milestad et al, 2010). At the same time the variety of opinions
on organic agriculture, regarding environmental and social objec-
tives and governance models is leading to different development
trajectories (Sylvander et al., 2006). Many recent studies, on the
other hand, challenge the vision of alternative food networks
(including organic), considered as relatively homogeneous entities.
They reveal instead the existence of hybrid experiences which
‘‘display a mixture of ‘alternative’ and ‘conventional’ characteris-
tics’’ (Slee and Kirwan, 2007).
The prevailing debate orientation did not encourage the analy-
sis of the interface between alternative and mainstream food sys-
tems that, instead, are increasingly permeable (Slee and Kirwan,
2007).
Boundaries are increasingly blurred also within the sector of
alternative food economy which is characterised by a great diver-
sity of ‘‘discourses surrounding being different and doing things
differently’’ (Venn et al., 2006) and, at the same time showing
interesting hybridisation experiences.
The ‘organicPlus’ concept, recently developed, involves organic
food producers and consumers that act on the basis of a broad
range of values which have been, since the beginning, at the heart
of organic agriculture principles, but are not part of European or-
ganic regulation. Some of these values are considered by other pri-
vate and public labels (fair trade, geographical origin schemes, etc.)
(Padel et al., 2010).
Among the ethical attributes included in the organicPlus,
according to recent findings (Padel et al., 2010), the preference
for local/regional supply chains and markets is a central concern
raised by producers and consumers for a number of different rea-
sons in relation to social, environmental and economic impacts
(Padel et al., 2010).
Interestingly, conflating ‘organic’ and ‘local’ may ‘‘be seen as a
way to reduce distrust and disconnection between food producers
and consumers in developed countries’’ (Padel et al., 2010). For
some it may be a way for the organic movement to challenge the
conventionalisation threats, for others a way ‘‘to add and capture
value through refetishising the commodity’’ (Clarke et al., 2008)
offering an opportunity for product differentiation if the associated
ethical attributes are effectively communicated. In any case, ‘‘the
lack of accepted definitions of the term ‘local’ may be problematic
and stands in stark contrast to other areas of organic farming that
have clearly defined standards and rules’’ (Padel et al., 2010). Also,
notably, the organic-local conflation is rarely an exclusive feature
since it often co-exists in various hybrid initiatives with global
market channels and conventional ways of production (Milestad
et al., 2010).
The association of ‘organic’ and ‘local’ can be equally examined
from the reverse perspective of the recently coined concepts of
‘localPlus’ (Blouin et al., 2009) and ‘locavorism’ (Prentice, 2006)
which combine local values with a variety of other ethical concerns
– ‘‘from ecological sustainability to geographical specificity, from
nutritional value to gustatory pleasure’’ (Rudy, 2012) – as well as
of forms of food activism.
Yet ‘local’ remains quite a flexible concept that could serve dif-
ferent agendas, including also conservative and sometimes reac-
tionary stands termed as ‘defensive localism’ (Winter, 2003) as
well as elitist approaches. It could be argued that localPlus and
locavorism conceptualisations represent an attempt to ‘‘make
localism – instead – an open, process-based vision’’ which goes be-
yond any dualistic local–global rhetoric and adopts a reflexive and
inclusive position (DuPuis and Goodman 2005), acting ‘‘in relation
to global processes and forces rather than in isolation or in opposi-
tion to them’’ (Jarosz, 2008).
Alliances between organic and local can be built where values
converge – but it is not obvious and automatic (Milestad et al.,
2010) – and the starting point (organic or local) may not be so
important as long as the objective is to build bridges (rather than
erecting barriers) and contribute to a multi-value shift towards
an encouraging direction.
Abrahams (2006) argues that alternative food networks ‘‘should
be understood contextually’’ since the institutional, regional, polit-
ical or cultural contexts in which they develop determine their nat-
ure and specific articulation. Existing literature on alternative food
networks is widely focused on northern, predominantly European
and North American, contexts where many alternative food move-
ments and academic discourses have originally emerged and
developed in the past decades.
The same author advocates the need to further extend the re-
search work on alternative food networks to enrich the existing
 P. Pugliese et al. / Food Policy 39 (2013) 1–12
knowledge base with perspectives and issues of specific signifi-
cance for southern developing contexts (such as poverty, food
security and cultural diversity), thus contributing to a globally use-
ful conception of alternative geographies of food. Additionally,
according to Maxey (2007), adopting the notion of ‘sustainable’
rather than ‘alternative’ food would help to avoid oppositional
and reductionist patterns, still relevant in northern contexts, and
focus on the more creative, critically reflexive and process-based
concept of sustainability.
In fact evidence and perspectives from the South about sustain-
able food initiatives are already discussed in various studies: many
display a production-oriented focus (Parrott and Marsden, 2002;
Pretty and Hine, 2001), others discuss the role of certification
and the impacts of partnerships between producers from the South
and consumers from the North in transnational alternative food
networks (Hatanaka, 2010).
Less explored is the attitude and behaviour of domestic con-
sumers in southern developing countries where alternative (sus-
tainable) food initiatives, interact with domestic consumption
patterns and evolutionary trends.
Such considerations inspired the present paper that investigates
the attitude and behaviour of consumers in Lebanon, a country in
the Mediterranean Basin where both organic and local concepts
are sufficiently developed and are integrated into people’s diets
and lifestyles. The study, conducted in spring 2010, provided the
opportunity to observe a number of context-specific elements
and to derive interesting insights for future investigations in the
Mediterranean region which may represent a fertile ground being
an area rich in food heritage and historically open to incorporating
novel external and internal influences; in the Mediterranean or-
ganic and origin-based labels are already establishing fruitful
intermingled relationships (Kenny, 2011).
Traditional, local and organic foods in Lebanon
Food and cooking habits are important features of Lebanese
society. Food intimately accompanies the social life in Lebanon,
and food habits usually are maintained proudly by the millions
of people of the Lebanese diaspora, which has contributed to the
renowned reputation of Lebanese restaurants worldwide. Lebanon
is a small, highly urbanised country and relies heavily on food im-
ports to meet its consumption needs. Despite such circumstances –
and perhaps because of them – traditional foods remain central to
the Lebanese diet, reflecting the Lebanese identity, historical heri-
tage, and natural environment.
Lebanese terroir is rich in traditional foods that are in high de-
mand and appreciated by rich and poor people. Terroir dominates
the food system in rural and urban areas and is used at home, on
the street and in restaurants (Zurayk and Abu Ghyda, 2009).
In addition, the Lebanese diet historically is open to various
influences, leading to food creolisation due to the mixing of differ-
ent migrant food cultures and the emergence of adaptations result-
ing from food fusion processes (Peri and Vindigni, 2008). Food
fusion is a common process in the Near and Middle East, where
the original identity of dishes sometimes is confused, which
encourages the assertion of national claims.
Compared to food creolisation, however, recent urbanisation
and globalisation trends represent more disruptive drivers of
change. These trends are heavily affecting food consumption pat-
terns in Lebanon, bringing important changes, such as the rapid
diffusion of fast foods.
New food styles develop in the Lebanese urban–rural contin-
uum; however, the original food practices and traditions still sur-
vive (Mouawad, 2004). Coexistence or resistance? The tension
between modernisation and tradition is an ever-present force
shaping many facets of Lebanese society, including food habits.
3
In the food sphere, the interplay between different forces and
trends, rather than leading to radical dichotomies and dualities,
seems to pave the way to new combinations resulting from a cre-
atively unfolding compromise.
Baladi products are at the heart of the history and the culture of
Lebanese traditional cuisine and local foods. Baladi are the ‘‘tradi-
tionally homemade’’ preserves and pickles (mouneh) prepared in
the mountains for the winter; baladi are the foods bought ‘‘from
the village’’ by urban people returning to their region over week-
ends; baladi are the ‘‘natural and healthy’’ eggs, dairy and honey
coming from extensive farming in rural areas. The concept of baladi
is widely known in Lebanon and the word, albeit its meaning is far
from being unequivocally established, seem to be the most appro-
priate term for local foods.
Many baladi products are homemade for consumption in the
household but increasingly they are also prepared for sale in
take-away portions at farmers’ markets (souks) as well as in spec-
ialised shops; they are now available in supermarkets too. Due to
high consumer demand, baladi products have more and more be-
come mass-produced by the local agro-food industry (Zurayk and
Abu Ghyda, 2009). But the supposedly high quality of baladi prod-
ucts is not always guaranteed; there are no standard of production,
many operators lack private quality-control systems and no public
controls are implemented, transparent information for consumers
is missing and, despite the claims of naturalness communicated
through various marketing tools, many baladi products are no dif-
ferent from conventional products. Therefore, unsurprisingly, the
reputation of baladi products to some extent has been damaged
by a recent outburst of food scandals across the country associated
with reports of high pesticide residues in some products.
Yet, even though no accurate estimates are available, the actual
and potential commercial value of baladi foods segment remains
extremely significant. As a reaction to recent food scares, some
operators have started to introduce and work on the concept of
‘‘new improved baladi’’ products that could be guaranteed
through adequate production standards, a certification system
and a logo.
Another interesting recent trend worth noticing within the
broad and diversified world of baladi foods can be described by
adapting McEntee’s distinction between ‘‘traditional’’ and ‘‘con-
temporary’’ localism (2012). In the last years, besides ‘‘traditional’’
baladi concept, products and outlets, a ‘‘contemporary’’ baladi seg-
ment has emerged. ‘‘Contemporary’’ baladi is partially supported
by donor-funded initiatives – like farmers markets, gourmet shops
and eateries, traditional recipe books; these initiatives are aimed at
preserving and promoting Lebanese regional food heritage includ-
ing at the same time modern approaches to alternative food net-
works, smartly interpreted in the Lebanese way. International
cooperation projects aimed at institutional capacity building for
the establishment of quality schemes like Geographical Indications
were also implemented with interesting results.
Organic agriculture in Lebanon is a relatively recent phenome-
non and an interesting growing segment in the national food sec-
tor. Over the past decade organic foods have been able to attract
consumer attention, private investment and public interest. Today
organics represents a novelty progressively incorporated into the
Lebanese food system and consumption patterns.
When the organic movement begun in 2001 it only involved 17
farmers and a cultivated area of approximately 250 hectares (Est-
ephan, 2002). In 2009, the organic operators and cultivated areas
increased respectively to 302 farmers and 3300 hectares (Al-Bitar
et al., 2011). The progress is evident but relatively modest since
high production costs and marketing difficulties have for some
time slowed the conversion rate.
In the last 10 years the organic sector has developed through
three main phases.
4 P. Pugliese et al. / Food Policy 39 (2013) 1–12
Early on, a few private actors and local environmental NGOs,
who were concerned with the abuse of pesticides in agriculture,
pioneered the diffusion of organic concepts and practices.
Later, because of the support of international donors and other
foreign actors working in close cooperation with local experts and
pioneers, an organic supply chain was created gradually: some key
structures and institutions were established (e.g. a national organic
producer association, domestic certification bodies, marketing
structures), the local market was developed and some export
opportunities were also explored successfully (Estephan, 2002;
Khoury, 2004; Touma, 2003).
More recently, after the end of various international coopera-
tion projects, emerging support from agricultural policy institu-
tions to organic agriculture has contributed to further develop
the sector while market continued to grow steadily.
Various fresh and processed products have become available to
the Lebanese organic consumer in specialised shops and supermar-
kets as well as in alternative outlets (box schemes, souks). After the
first pioneering initiatives of home delivery and farmers’ markets,
others followed and rapidly became equally popular; also, organic
menus started to be served in some restaurants (Chemaly, 2008;
Holman, 2011; Massoud, 2011). Local production is still relatively
limited and a number of product categories (including baby food,
wheat and meat) need to be imported. Interestingly, organic pro-
cessing is mainly focused on the production of foods typically used
in traditional Lebanese cuisine.
Lebanese consumers are increasingly more concerned and con-
scious of what they eat but, according to many local experts, many
do not know what organic food really implies and tend to conflate
organic with natural (Holman, 2011).
So far, uncertainties about market growth opportunities have,
to some extent, limited the increase in quantities produced and
cultivated area; this in spite of an interesting agricultural potential,
which remains unexplored (Fares, 2011). The demand for organic
products in Lebanon is small but it is expanding and expected to
grow in the long run (Massoud, 2011). In recent times, a major
market growth resulted not only as a consequence of food scandals
(concerning conventional as well as baladi products) but also influ-
enced by the progressive and significant engagement of business-
oriented operators. Some of these operators have plans for large-
scale projects and organic imports to further expand and stabilize
the local market. These modern, profit-oriented companies co-ex-
ist with socially- and environmentally-oriented pioneers and other
actors, like women cooperatives, promoting organic agricultural
systems as a catalyst for rural development and sustainable rur-
al–urban, producer–consumer relations.
The relationship between organic and baladi foods is complex
and dynamic. The confusion between the two segments often re-
sults in an impulse towards emphasising the features that neatly
differentiate organic from baladi foods. This co-exists, sometimes
within the same group of actors, with the awareness of potential
for synergies, concerns for possible competition as well desire for
integration.
Many Lebanese consumers still assume that baladi products are
implicitly organic and the need for consumer awareness initiatives
is still very strong, as reported by many actors (Holman, 2011).
The undermining of consumer trust in conventional and espe-
cially mass-produced baladi foods, due to recent food scandals,
has significantly boosted the consumption of organic products; or-
ganic operators are consequently marking the difference between
organic products – guaranteed by quality control and a certifica-
tion system – and conventional (and many baladi) products.
Furthermore, even though in the past organic and baladi foods
could be easily confused, owing to overlapping claims of health
and naturalness (Bteich, 2004), it is worth noticing that over time
the two segments have gradually evolved targeting different con-
sumer categories/types. As a result, while baladi products are said
to be for all social classes, organic foods, sold at high prices in fash-
ionable outlets, have been progressively labelled as elitist foods
(Holman, 2011); this tag is not welcomed by many operators in
the organic sector that prefer to see organics as a novelty progres-
sively incorporated into the Lebanese food system and consump-
tion patterns.
At the same time, the involvement of organic pioneers and ex-
perts in many existing baladi foods initiatives and projects suggests
the possibility that complementarities and synergies between the
baladi and organic worlds may be developed.
Some producers already have begun to combine baladi and or-
ganic specifications on product labels to offer added value to con-
sumers; baladi and organic concepts also intersect in various
market outlets where baladi and organic products are juxtaposed.
Also, the current work on the ‘‘new improved baladi’’ concept with
the application of high-quality standards and the adoption of con-
trol and certification procedures, while restoring and enhancing
the reputation of baladi products, could contribute to the preserva-
tion of many traditional (baladi) foods for which an organic version
remains unobtainable for technical reasons. For some organic mar-
ket outlets and company managers, the benefits of combining the
respective values connected to baladi and organic products (over-
lapping only to an extent) exceed the disadvantages due to any
possible confusion or competitive effect between the two product
typologies.
Moreover, while the potential clearly exists for an organic-local
interaction, it is important to point out that in such a dynamic mar-
ket as Lebanon, this is not the only approach currently being ex-
plored. Other initiatives include trying a broader and more
comprehensive approach, proposing the integration of different
standards including organic, Geographical Indications, Integrated
Pest Management, Fair Trade and Global Gap. This is the case for
example of the recently launched Cedar Excellence Seal (CES) for
High Quality Products from Lebanon which was created in 2011
in the framework of the Participatory Market Chain Approach
(PMCA) project implemented by the Research Institute of Organic
Agriculture (FiBL) with the support of the Economic Cooperation
and Development Division at the State Secretariat for Economic Af-
fairs (SECO). In collaboration with relevant stakeholders, the label
for a Lebanese High Quality Product was designed and its specific
requirements regarding origin, social and environmental claims
were established. As to ‘‘origin’’ CES demands that 100% of fresh
and raw products are grown in Lebanon, for processed foods, at
least 80% of ingredients have to be grown in Lebanon and the pro-
cessing unit should be located in the country. CES requirements
also partially overlap with other existing standards (like organic,
fair trade, Global Gap, IPM) but the integration of the Cedar Excel-
lence label with the other certifications is not only possible but
actually encouraged for a broader and deeper guarantee of the
product quality (Fares, 2011). Therefore, interestingly, the label
could be used both for baladi and organic products as long as they
comply with its requirements.
Against this continuously evolving context, the attitude of Leb-
anese consumers toward the relationship between organic and
baladi foods, in particular the effect of (still existing) confusion
and competition between baladi and organic products on their pur-
chasing habits, remains relatively unexplored. Building on existing
academic and grey literature, the study presented in this paper ad-
dresses this interesting, yet challenging task by adopting a hori-
zontal comparative approach, which was primarily aimed to
capture revealing insights on the organic-baladi interaction rather
than to produce a comprehensive in-depth analysis of the two food
segments.
 P. Pugliese et al. / Food Policy 39 (2013) 1–12
Goal of the paper
The research objective is to analyse Lebanese organic consumer
characteristics and the motivations that influence consumer atti-
tudes toward a relationship between baladi and organic foods at
the production and marketing stages.
Method of analysis
Data collection
An analysis of consumer attitudes toward the relationship be-
tween organic and baladi foods was conducted, taking into account
socioeconomic and behavioural variables. To this end, a question-
naire was designed. Descriptive statistics were used to describe
the basic features of the data collected through the questionnaire.
Inferential statistics (multiple regression analysis, t-test and ANO-
VA) were used to analyse the qualitative and quantitative vari-
ables. Lebanese organic food consumers in the city of Beirut were
interviewed. Interviews were conducted mostly at farmers mar-
kets (Souk el Tayeb1), specialised shops and supermarkets, where
organic and baladi foods are sold together. A convenience sample
was used. The data were collected in 2010 from March through
May. Overall, 230 questionnaires were administered; the inter-
viewer filled the questionnaires during the interview. A total of
146 questionnaires were fully completed; the non-accepted ques-
tionnaires were related mainly to the fact that the respondents were
not organic consumers. Out of 146 questionnaires answered 48 were
answered at the specialised shop (Healthy basket) and 97 at the Souk
EL-Tayeb. Only one interview at the supermarkets were performed
due to the managers unwillingness to approach their customers.
The consumer questionnaire consisted of six sections.
Section 1 – Consumers’ socio-economic profile. This section
included questions related to gender, age, education, occupa-
tion, family composition and household income.
Section 2 – Consumers’ awareness of organic agriculture. This sec-
tion tested consumer awareness of organic product characteris-
tics and consumer knowledge of organic market outlets and
brands.
Section 3 – Motivations to buy organics and purchasing habits.
This section investigated consumer motivations for buying
organic food (health, taste, environment, food quality and rural
development) and consumer purchasing habits (frequency,
place, type and origin of organic food purchases and average
amount spent).
Section 4 – Consumers’ familiarity with baladi foods, motivations
for buying local and purchasing habits. The publication of many
inventories of Lebanese baladi foods and the drafting of a
national law on GIs has not yet resulted in the establishment
of any legally recognised quality scheme to identify baladi foods
and products. Thus, baladi foods comprise a very broad, hetero-
geneous category that is difficult to identify clearly and indis-
putably. Explicit reference to the baladi section of Souk el
Tayeb was used during the interviews to describe baladi foods
to consumers (both to those interviewed in the souk itself and
to those interviewed in other market outlets) and investigate
1 it is for the model to be rejected. For this reason, the chi-square fit
Souk el Tayeb is the first weekly farmers market established in Lebanon and sells
fresh, local, seasonal food products – natural, traditional and organic products, if
possible. Launched in 2004 as a pilot initiative to support small-scale producers, it is
has evolved over time into an organization working nationally and internationally to
promote and preserve the Lebanese food and culinary traditions, rural heritage and
natural environment. For further information: www.soukeltayeb.com. An ‘‘organic’’
section and a baladi section exist in the souk; the sections are not always neatly
separated, but organic producers usually put the organic certification on display to
differentiate their products.
5
their familiarity with such products. This section also investi-
gated organic consumers’ purchasing habits (types of marketing
channels and products) and the concerns and values associated
with purchasing baladi foods (support to poor/marginal rural
communities, provision of healthy food, preservation of Leba-
nese food tradition/cultural heritage, promotion of the region
of origin, reconnection of urban consumers to rural producers
and preservation of biodiversity and the environment).
Section 5 – Consumers’ attitudes toward an organic-baladi interac-
tion. The consumption of organic products that were also baladi
was investigated. This question was integrated with a specific
question regarding consumer attitudes toward organic and
baladi foods being sold together in the same market outlet,
which allowed an evaluation of organic consumer interest in
buying foods that combine organic and baladi characteristics.
This section also explored consumer willingness to buy these
products, consumer attitudes about the type of relationship
that organic and baladi food sectors should have and why.
Statistical analysis
Factorial analysis and structural equation model
The statistical analyses in this study considered the influence of
social and economic quantitative variables that reflect the charac-
teristics of the organic food consumers and their attitude toward
the relationship between baladi and organic foods. Given the
exploratory nature of the analysis, and consequently the large
number of independent variables considered, a factor analysis
was conducted to reduce the dimensions of the explanatory factors
(Table 1). A structural equation model was then created; the
endogenous variable was the following:
Y 1 ¼ What type of relationship should organic and baladi foods have
A 5-level Likert scale was used. The variable was ordinal, but it
was reasonable to assume a fixed interval among the different lev-
els of the Likert scale because the levels refer to symmetric and
progressive degrees of increasing intensity of the relationship be-
tween organic and baladi foods.
A factor analysis was performed; the factors were extracted
using the principal component method. By using a varimax rota-
tion, a clear separation of constructs was obtained. In addition,
by using a Bartlett’s test of sphericity, an overall measure of inter-
correlations among variables in the analysis was obtained. The de-
gree of correlation among variables and the suitability of factor
analysis also were calculated using a Kaiser–Meyer–Olkin (KMO)
test, which measures the sampling adequacy for both the overall
test and each individual variable. The last criterion was the percent
variance; the criterion was designed to achieve a specified cumula-
tive percent of total variance extracted by successive factors.
For the structural equation modelling implemented here, the
following statistics were used to test the model fit: the chi-square
index, the normed fit index (NFI), the comparative fit index (CFI)
and the root mean square error of approximation (RMSEA). The
chi-square index tests whether an unconstrained specified model
fits the covariance/correlation matrix as well as the empirical data.
For a good model fit, the result should be non significant. A prob-
lem with this test is that the larger the sample size, the more likely
test (CMIN/DF) adjusts the chi-square index for the degrees of free-
dom. Values as large as 5 are accepted as an adequate fit, but more
conservative thresholds are 2 or 3 (Arbuckle, 2007). The NFI and
CFI vary from 0 to 1 and are derived from a comparison of the
hypothesised model with the independent model; however, the
NFI tends to underestimate the model fit in small samples (Byrne,
2010), while the CFI takes sample size into account. The CFI was
6 P. Pugliese et al. / Food Policy 39 (2013) 1–12

Table 1 Table 3
Independent variables. ANOVA independent variables.

Group 1: Consumers’ socio Group 3: Motivations to buy organics and Group 1: Consumers’ socio economic profile
economic profile purchasing habits x16 occupation
x11 age x21 I buy organic products because they: Group 2: Consumer’s knowledge about Organic agriculture
x12 level of education (Likert scale 1–5) x23 to be certified as organic a product must be:
x13 family composition x211 are healthy x24 wow often do you buy organic products?
x131 n. of adults x212 are tasty x25 Where do you normally do most of your organic shopping?
x132 n. of children under x213 protect the environment Group 4: Consumer’s familiarity with baladi foods, motivations to buy local &
12 x214 their quality is guaranteed purchasing habits
x133 n. of children x215 contribute to rural development x44 Where do you normally buy baladi foods?
between 12 and 18 x31 average amount of money spent each
x134 total family time you buy organics ($)
members x32 how long ago did you start buying
x14 classes of household organics (months)
income Results
Group 4: Consumer’s familiarity with baladi foods, motivations to buy local
and purchasing habits
x41 in your opinion these (local /traditional) foods are good at: (Likert Sample characteristics
scale 1–5)
x411 supporting poor/marginal rural communities The descriptive statistics analysed for the questionnaire respon-
x412 providing healthy food dents revealed a prevalence (78%) of middle-aged women with
x413 providing tasty food
x414 preserving Lebanese food tradition/cultural heritage
higher education living in relatively small, high-income house-
x415 promoting the region of origin holds. Although they can be considered pioneers because they
x416 reconnecting urban consumers to rural producers had been buying organic for an average of 5 years, their knowledge
x417 preserving biodiversity and the environment of brands and vendors tended to be relatively low and extremely
Group 5: Consumers’ attitude towards organic-baladi interaction. (Likert scale
variable. Consumption habits for organic foods were highly vari-
1–5)
x51: what do you think of the fact that organic and baladi foods are sold in the able – the most frequent number of products bought (mode) was
same place? 1, while the standard deviation was 3.4. In general, the consumers
analysed can be considered members of the affluent and educated
Lebanese society with diverse consumption habits and knowledge
related to organic foods.
chosen for this analysis following the advice of another author The dependent variable What type of relationship should organic
(Bentler, 1990). The RMSEA incorporates a discrepancy function and baladi foods have? showed a low variability (Table 4a). The
criterion (comparing observed and predicted covariance matrices) average and the mode were relatively high – 3.64 and 4, respec-
and a parsimony criterion; it should be less than or equal to 0.05 tively, on a scale of 5; variability was low, with a standard devia-
(0.08) for a good (adequate) model fit (Hu and Bentler, 1999). tion of 1.13. In more detail, 68% of respondents expressed a
positive attitude toward the interaction between organic and bala-
t-Test and ANOVA di foods, while 21% expressed a negative attitude, and 10% were
The relationships among the qualitative variables and the neutral (‘‘it is not important’’). An analysis of the positive responses
dependent variable y1 were assessed using a t-test for sample inde- showed that 46% of the respondents were in favour of a strong
pendence when the variables included two groups. When the inde- relationship between organic and baladi foods; when asked for
pendent variables included more than two groups, a one-way the reasons leading to this answer, respondents reported the fol-
analysis of variance (ANOVA) was used and was integrated by a Tu- lowing: because organic is higher-quality (13%), that baladi should
key test for pairwise comparisons of the various group means. The convert to organic (27%), baladi should be returned to its old concept
t-test was used to analyse the influence of the set of variables indi- (23%) and because organic food is better for health (7%); 23% stated
cated in Table 2. that they should exchange expertise. The subset of consumers (22%)
The one-way ANOVA was adopted to analyse the effect of the stating that organic and baladi should integrate provided the follow-
variables indicated in Table 3 on the dependent variables. Groups ing reasons for their answer: should convert baladi to organic (44%),
with fewer than 15 cases were not considered in the analysis. healthier (22%) and chemical-free (6%).
Of the consumers showing a negative attitude, 19% believed
that there is no relationship between organic and baladi foods be-
Table 2 cause they are separate worlds. The reasons for their answer were
t-Test independent variables. the following: organic is higher-quality and [is] certified (33%) [I
have] no trust in baladi (30%), organic and baladi are different
Group 1: Consumers’ socio economic profile
x15 gender (26%) and there is confusion between baladi and organic (15%). Only
Group 2: Consumer’s knowledge about Organic agriculture 3% of the respondents showed a very negative attitude, indicating
x22 can you mention the most popular places where organic products are that [organic and baladi] are conflicting visions. All of the negative
sold?
respondents reported their reason as because organic and baladi
Group 3: Motivations to buy organics & purchasing habits
x33 your organic shopping is mostly:
are different.
Group 4: Consumer’s familiarity with baladi foods, motivations to buy local & The fairly positive attitude towards the relationship between
purchasing habits baladi and organic foods was confirmed by the proportion of organ-
x42 have you ever bought products from the non-organic (baladi) section: ic consumers (61%) buying organic products that were also baladi.
(In Souk el Tayeb)
A different picture emerged in an analysis of the attitude of organic
x43 have you ever bought baladi foods like the one you find in the Souk el
Tayeb (or other famers markets)? (Outside Souk el Tayeb) consumers when they were asked, ‘‘What do you think of the fact
Group 5: Organic – Baladi interaction that organic and baladi foods are sold in the same place?’’ An aver-
x52 Have you ever bought organic products which are also baladi? age value of 2.46 out of 5, a mode of 3, and a standard deviation of
x53 Would you buy the organic versions of your favourite local foods if they
1.25 indicated a less favourable consumer attitude. The majority of
were available at affordable prices?
the respondents (44%) were not in favour of the coexistence of the
 P. Pugliese et al. / Food Policy 39 (2013) 1–12 7

Table 4
(a) Sample description, (b) level of education and (c) gender.

Variable name Mean Mode St. dev. Min. Max.

(a)
Age 42.66 45 12.45 21 75
Adults n. 2.56 2 1.35 1 7
Children 12–18 (n.) 0.38 0 0.73 0 4
Children under 12 (n.) 0.46 0 0.84 0 3
Total family members 3.40 4 1.56 1 8
Household income 4.09 5 1.36 1 6
N. of Popular brands 1.33 0 1.26 0 6
N. of Popular places 1.89 1 0.85 1 4
Organic consumption (yrs) 5.1 5 5.5 0.08 30
N. of organic products categories bought 5.23 1 3.4 1 14
What type of relation should organic and baladi have? 3,64 4 1,13 1 5
Organic and baladi sold in the same place 2,46 3 1,25 0 5

Level of education %
(b)
Primary school 2
Secondary school 1.3
High school 8.1
Technical formation 2.7
University degree 48.3
Post-graduate (MSc, PhD) 37.6
TOT 100
Gender %
(c)
Male 28
Female 72
TOT 100

baladi and organic products in the famers market; 31% did not like
to see organic and baladi sold together, while 13% strongly opposed
it. Only 18% of the respondents showed a positive attitude toward
the coexistence of organic and traditional foods. A significant pro-
portion of respondents (38%) showed indifference (‘‘I don’t mind’’).
Statistical analysis
General results
The statistical analyses performed showed no significant rela-
tionship with the dependent variable y1 – ‘‘What type of relation-
ship should organic and baladi foods have?’’ The descriptive
statistics (Table 4) showed low variability for this dependent vari-
able, which, as previously discussed, seemed oriented toward the
development of a stronger relationship between organic and baladi
foods. A logistic regression analysis testing a different (dichotomic)
dependent variable ‘‘Have you ever bought organic products that
are also baladi?’’ was not significant. However, considering the
other variable related to the attitude of organic consumers – What
do you think of the fact that organic and baladi are sold in the same
place? – as a dependent variable, provided interesting results.
Factor analysis
A factor analysis was conducted, and the variables discussed
above were considered (Table 1). The factor analysis extracted five
factors (constructs) (Table 5). The first factor (Traditional) included
all of the variables related to consumer motivations to consume
baladi foods. The second factor (Organic Social) included consumer
motivations to consume organic food and related to social values.
The third factor (Organic Food) considered the motivations for con-
suming organic food and related to tangible characteristics such as
quality, healthiness and taste. The fourth (Consumer Status) and
fifth (Consumer Demographics) factors each included only two ob-
served variables. Consumer Status included income and level of
education, while Consumer Demographics included age and number
of children under the age of 12. The cumulative variance explained
by the factors was 68.819%, the Bartlett’s test was significant at
p < .0001 and the KMO test value was 0.725. The reliability of the
factors was assessed, and Cronbach’s Alpha was only used for the
Traditional factor because that factor was defined by a relatively
large number of variables. The reliability value for the construct
dimensions was greater than 0.70; this indicated that the factors
could be considered reliable.
Structural model
The path diagram resulting from the structural model analysis
based on our theoretical framework (Fig. 1) and the model proper-
ties (Table 6) showed a positive relationship between the depen-
dent variable What do you think of the fact that organic and local/
traditional foods are sold in the same place? and the constructs Tra-
ditional and Consumer Status. A negative relationship emerged with
the variables related to the consumer demographics – age and
number of children under the age of 12. These two variables were
considered separately; analysing the variables as a single construct
produced nonsignificant results. The factors related to consumer
motivations to buy organic food were excluded from the structural
model because they were nonsignificant. The younger, better-edu-
cated and higher-income consumers with few young kids seemed
to prefer the joint selling of organic and traditional foods. Another
influential characteristic was the consumer attitude towards the
different dimensions qualifying the choice of traditional food,
which seemed positively related to the dependent variable (see
variables group 4 in Table 1). Table 6 shows the statistics related
to the model properties – regression weight (RW), standard error
(SE), critical ratio (CR), standard weight (SW) and the p-value for
the hypothesised relationship. Overall, the model fit was moderate
(chi-square = 44.274, df = 27, p = .019, CMIN/DF = 1.640, RMSEA =
0.066, NFI = 0.885, CFI = 0.950) (Table 7). The analysis of the struc-
tural model (Table 6) indicated that all of the relationships among
the variables were significant. Furthermore, the R2 values related to
8 P. Pugliese et al. / Food Policy 39 (2013) 1–12

Table 5
Factor analysis results.

Factors
Traditional Organic social Organic food Cons. demographics House income
Tasty food .831
Preserving Lebanese food .812
Healthy food .807
Supp. rural .801
Preserving biodiversity .751
Rural Development .846
Environmental protection .841
Organic tasty .807
Organic healthy .766
Organic quality .565
N. of children .827
Age .630
House income .933
% Of variance 25.711 17.299 9.489 8.568 7.752
Cumulative% of variance 25.711 43.010 52.499 61.067 68.819

Fig. 1. The structural model.

the Traditional construct were high (Fig. 1). The overall R2 value re- The first variable related to the effect of different types of organ-
lated to the influence of the different constructs on the dependent ic marketplaces on the consumers’ attitude toward organic and
variable was. 0.22. baladi products being sold in the same place (Table 9). In some
cases, the consumers indicated that they visited multiple market-
t-Test for sample independence places, providing mixed groups.
The results of the t-test indicated that only two variables The selected groups were the following:
showed significantly different means; both variables related to
familiarity with traditional food (Table 8). The consumers who Group 1: farmers markets.
were most familiar with traditional food seemed more in favour Group 2: specialised shops.
of selling both organic and traditional foods in the same place. In Group 3: supermarkets.
both cases, it seemed that Souk el Tayeb plays an important role Group 4: farmers market + supermarket.
in creating a positive perception of the baladi-organic food
relationship. The ANOVA test was significant (p > 0.05). The Tukey test,
which compared the pairwise differences between groups (Ta-
ANOVA ble 10), showed that the consumers belonging to group 1 (those
The Analysis of Variance (ANOVA) indicated significant differ- who bought organic products at farmers markets) were more in fa-
ences between two different independent variables means. vour of selling organic and baladi foods in the same place than
 P. Pugliese et al. / Food Policy 39 (2013) 1–12 9

Table 6
The structural model results.

RW SE CR SW Sig.a
Pres. Lebanese food Traditional 1.000 .

Supp. rural Traditional .912 .102 8.962 .753

Tasty food Traditional .989 .106 9.369 .787

Preserving biodiversity Traditional .958 .119 8.070 .683

Healthy food Traditional .939 .109 8.649 .729

L/T in the same place Traditional .441 .133 3.327 .271

L/T in the same place N. of children .273 .104 2634 .194

L/T in the same place Age .019 .007 2501 .184

L/T in the same place House Income .258 .069 3748 .276
a   
Significant at a < .05, Significant at a < .01 and Significant at a < .001.

Table 10
Table 7 Test Tukey. Where do you normally do most of your organic shopping?
Standardised measurement model fit.
Var. factor (I) Var. factor (J) Mean difference (I–J) Std. error Sig.a
Property Recommended value Value 1 2 .882
.303 

CMIN/DF 63.00 1.640 3 .386 .308 n.s.

NFI P0.90 0.885 4 .176 .313 n.s.
CFI P0.80 0.950 2 1 .882 .303 

RMSEA 60.08 0.066 3 .496 .351 n.s.

4 .706 .356 n.s.
3 1 .386 .308 n.s.
2 .496 .351 n.s.
Table 8 4 .210 .360 n.s.
t-Test variables. 5 1 .176 .313 n.s.
2 .706 .356 n.s.
Mean 1 Mean 2 t Sig.a
4 .210 .360 n.s.

1. Have you ever bought baladi food Yes 2.8 No 1.93 4.225
a   
like the one you find in the Souk el Significant at a < .05, significant at a < .01 and significant at a < .001.
Tayeb (or other famers markets)?
(outside Souk el Tayeb)

2. Can you mention the most popular Souk el Healthy 5331
places where organic products are Tayeb Basket
sold? 3531 1796 Table 11
a    (a) Where do you normally buy baladi foods? and (b) ANOVA where do you normally
Significant at a < .05, significant at a < .01 and significant at a < .001.
buy baladi foods?

N Mean Std. dev. Std. error Min Max

(a)
1 37 2.38 1.255 .206 0 5
Table 9 2 20 3.15 .813 .182 1 4
(a) Descriptive statistics: Where do you normally do most of your organic shopping? 3 21 2.52 1.289 .281 0 5
and (b) ANOVA. Where do you normally do most of your organic shopping? Total 78 2.62 1.198 .136 0 5

Groups N Mean Std. dev. Std. error Min Max

Sum of Squares df Mean square F Sig.a
(a)
1 44 2.80 1.025 .154 1 5 (b)

2 23 1.91 1.443 .301 0 5 Between groups 7971 2 3985 2916
3 22 2.41 1.297 .276 0 5 Within groups 102,491 75 1367
4 21 2.62 1.024 .223 1 5 Total 110,462 77
Total 110 2.50 1.210 .115 0 5 a 
Significant at a < .05, 
significant at a < .01 and 
significant at a < .001.
Sum of squares df Mean square F Sig.a
(b)

Between Groups 12,244 3 4081 2938
The selected groups were the following:
Within Groups 147,256 106 1389
Total 159,500 109
a   
Group 1: supermarkets.
Significant at a < .05, significant at a < .01 and significant at a < .001.
Group 2: farmers markets.
Group 3: supermarket + farmers market.

those in group 2 (those who bought organic products at specialised
shops). The differences between groups 3 and 4 were not signifi-
cant. These results confirmed the importance of farmers markets
like Souk el Tayeb in building confidence and a positive attitude to-
ward organic and baladi food being sold together.
The second significant variable related to the effect of different
types of marketplaces selling baladi food on the consumers’ atti-
tude towards organic and baladi products being sold in the same
place (Table 9a).
The ANOVA test was marginally significant (p > 0.06). The Tukey
test (Table 10) showed that the consumers belonging to group 2
(those who bought baladi foods at the farmers market) were more
in favour of selling organic and baladi foods in the same place than
those in group 1 (those who bought baladi foods at the supermar-
ket). As expected, consumers who more frequently buy their prod-
ucts (both organic and baladi) at the farmers market were more in
favour of finding organic and baladi foods in the same place, indi-
rectly indicating an interest in a stronger relationship between
10
Table 12
Test Tukey: where do you normally buy baladi foods?
Factor (I) Factor (J) Mean difference (I–J)
1 2 .772
3 .145
2 1 .772
3 .626
3 1 .145
2 .626
a   
Significant at a < .05, significant at a < .01 and
these two types of products. Group 3 did not significantly differ
from the other groups (Tables 11a and b and 12).
Discussion and conclusions
Discussion
The present study explored the interaction between baladi
foods and organic products from the perspective of Lebanese or-
ganic food consumers. A large majority of consumers showed a po-
sitive attitude towards the possibility of a closer relationship
between organic and baladi foods. Two different visions of the or-
ganic-baladi relationships emerged; a prevailing one, more organic
centric: ‘‘traditional products should become organic’’ and another
one in favour of their harmonisation: they should ‘‘exchange
expertise’’.
In general the organic food consumers in favour of organic/bala-
di integration consider the positive influence of organic on baladi
food in terms of increased food safety, quality and reduced envi-
ronmental impact; the same attitude is more explicitly expressed
by consumers opposing the organic/baladi integration still perceiv-
ing baladi food as less reliable in terms of quality and safety.
Not surprisingly a large majority of consumers showed a neu-
tral/negative attitude regarding baladi and organic foods being sold
in the same place.
These apparently contrasting results may be explained by the
different time horizon related to the two research questions. The
main research question (What type of relationship should [they]
have?) is more oriented toward possible future developments,
wherein a convergence between organic and baladi concepts is
not only in principle possible but also desirable, as it improves
the baladi food characteristics; the other question (What do you
think of the fact [they] are sold in the same place?) is more set in
the present when recent food scandals are still negatively affecting
consumer’s trust in baladi products; the confusion still existing be-
tween baladi and organic also contributes to organic consumers’
unfavourable attitude towards the mingling of the two concepts
and of the two types of food products.
Such findings appear to suggest that, in principle, interesting
scope exists for the development of hybridisation initiatives com-
bining organic with local/baladi concepts, and the associated char-
acteristics of such ‘alternative’ foods. Not by chance, in Lebanon,
some interesting experiences are already active on the ground: it
is the case of the above-mentioned Cedar Excellence Seal.
The papers’ results clearly suggest that the success of such ini-
tiatives will be inevitably linked to their ability to build up trust in
potentially interested organic consumers, in order to overcome
their present concerns for the quality and safety of baladi products,
as well as for the negative impact that the currently ‘fluid’ notion of
local may have on the established reputation of organics in Leba-
non. This line of thinking leads to focus on the crucial role that
assurance mechanism will play. Given the significant share of the
‘informal’ food sector in developing countries, this represents an is-
sue of broad and timely interest.
P. Pugliese et al. / Food Policy 39 (2013) 1–12
In general, the demographic characteristics of the sample of or-
ganic consumers show the still elitist nature of organic food con-
Std. error Sig.a sumption in Lebanon, strictly related not only to income but also
.324  to education.
.319 n.s The inferential statistical analysis allowed to define the influ-
.324  ence of specific socio-demographic characteristics on organic con-
.365 n.s sumer attitude towards organic and baladi products being sold in
.319 n.s the same place. In particular, it showed that the dominant negative
.365 n.s attitude is stronger in consumers living in families with a higher
number of young children, while it is less negative in younger, bet-
significant at a < .001.
ter educated and wealthier organic consumers; the latter tend to
be more socially and politically aware and prone to integrate the
more appealing gastronomic characteristics of local/traditional
foods in their diet (foodies). This trend could contribute to a more
favourable attitude to a joint marketing of organic and traditional
foods.
The role of farmers’ markets like Souk el Tayeb in positively
influencing the relationship between organic and baladi foods also
emerged. The analysis showed that the overall ‘farmers market
shopping experience’ (compared to other outlets like specialised
shops and supermarkets) and the familiarity with baladi food pos-
itively influence organic consumers’ attitude towards organic and
baladi being sold in the same place.
Farmers’ markets are often presented as an ‘alternative’ market-
ing strategy for various typologies of ‘alternative’ foods. But more
importantly, farmers’ market could be not seen ‘‘as a single iden-
tity-seeking space but as several co-existing spaces in which di-
verse groups of consumers and producers express a wide range
of beliefs and behaviours’’ (Smithers et al., 2008). From the con-
sumer side, for example, as pointed out by Miele (2006), individu-
als’ ‘reflexive consumption’ – resulting from their desire to actively
engage with the attributes of the products they choose to purchase
– clearly co-exists with visitors’ strong attraction for the novelty
and the friendly social atmosphere connected to the ‘farmers mar-
ket experience’ (Smithers et al., 2008). Therefore, if well under-
stood in their multi-faceted alterity on the production and
consumption fronts, farmers markets could become an important
marketing and communication tool to improve the familiarity
with, and reputation of, baladi products thus strengthen their links
with the organic sector. This could also result in a positive contri-
bution to the preservation of the original values of the organic agri-
culture movement.
The development of experiences like Souk el Tayeb, although
related to an internal market, are already quite well known abroad
and provide a powerful driver for Lebanese quality local/ organic
food export (Mc Evedy, 2009). This model could be more suitable
for fostering a sustainable and efficient development of organic
agriculture in Mediterranean countries, where the organic sector
development is often export-driven. The value added, resulting
from the incorporation of a local dimension into organic products,
would enhance the competitiveness of Mediterranean countries
with other countries producing large-scale, low-cost, undifferenti-
ated organic products.
Conclusions
Interest in the interaction between local/traditional and organic
foods is increasing, following the worldwide trend towards food
quality standards, including traditional as well as ethical–environ-
mental and safety-related characteristics.
This interaction appears to be particularly relevant for Lebanon
where local/traditional (baladi) foods are so deeply and widely
embedded in consumers’ food habits and traditions that, unlike
other parts of the world (e.g. Europe and North America) do not
represent an ‘alternative’ type of products. However, recent devel-
 P. Pugliese et al. / Food Policy 39 (2013) 1–12
opments in the Lebanese society led to a new marketing strategy
for traditional baladi products that, in various Lebanese urban sou-
ks, are increasingly sold as ‘alternative’ food, similar to organic
food, which represents a relatively new fashionable trend on the
Lebanese domestic market. The diverse beliefs and complex mixed
participation strategies in such initiatives made the analysis chal-
lenging and very intriguing at the same time. The role of the local
context in defining the most suitable models for sustainable food
production emerged quite clearly. This study can provide a useful
support to organic food marketing policies implementation tai-
lored to the Lebanese, as well as the Mediterranean context. The
possibility for local/organic food to enter the international market
represents reduces the risk of a ‘defensive localism’ while encour-
aging a less elitist and more open market for these products.
Barriers to the local/organic integration still exist and to some
extent, recent food scares negatively influenced the consumers
attitude towards the current relationship between organic and lo-
cal/traditional foods; a more positive view is related to possible fu-
ture developments. From an organic food consumer perspective
baladi food should integrate with organic to overcome the mistrust
on its quality and safety, while the baladi food contribution to en-
hance the organic products market seems less relevant. The imple-
mentation of an integrated seal, certifying safe and sustainable
food, like the Cedar Excellence Seal appears to be a possible solu-
tion to increase the consumers trust on Lebanese products but
the present study, considering only the organic consumer perspec-
tive, is too biased to provide a reliable contribution to the discus-
sion. Further research should focus on the farmers’ market as a
marketing and communication tool promoting a relationship be-
tween baladi and organic foods; the relationship between con-
sumer characteristics and the perception of the social and
environmental relevance of baladi and organic foods also should
be further investigated as well as the perception of safety with re-
gard to the impact of baladi food especially on vulnerable consum-
ers like children. Finally, shifting from market research to
institutional analysis, it would be interesting to monitor the evolu-
tion and the uptake of innovative practices combining organic and
local concepts to draw useful insights for the setting of relevant
regulatory and policy frameworks which are still non existent or
incomplete in many Mediterranean developing countries.
Acknowledgements
This study was performed as partial fulfilment of the require-
ments imposed for achieving the Master Degree in Mediterranean
Organic Agriculture, thanks to the financial support of the Mediter-
ranean Agronomic Institute of Bari (Italy), part of the CIHEAM
network.
The CIHEAM-MAIB was involved in the study design, the collec-
tion, analysis and interpretation of data; the writing of the report,
and in the decision to submit the paper for publication.
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