The Seven Sages and The Inscription of A

8
The Seven Sages and the

Inscription of Ai Khanoum
Gertjan Verhasselt
1. Introduction
In the prologue to his Lives and Opinions of Eminent Philosophers,

Diogenes Laertius lists several examples of ancient wisdom:1 the Per-
sian Magi, Musaeus, Linus, Orpheus, the Indian Gymnosophists, the
Celtic Druids, the Egyptian priests, and finally the so-called Seven
Sages, who are the topic of the first book. These seven wise men in-
cluded both historical and semi-legendary figures. The canonical list
(derived from Demetrius of Phalerum and Callimachus2 ) consists of
Thales, Pittacus, Bias, Solon, Cleobulus, Chilon, and Periander, but
many variants are found, especially among pre- and early Hellenistic
1 See also the discussion by Ax (in this volume) 365-70.

2 Dem. Phal. F 87 SOD = Stob. 3.1.172 p. 111-25 Hense; Call. Iamb. 1 F 191.52-77
Pfeiffer2 = F 151.52-77 Asper = P.Oxy. VII 1011 fol. 3v, 119-38 + Ach. Tat. Intr. Arat.
1 p. 29 Maass + Choerob. De orthographia s.v. Χίλων, An. Ox. II p. 277 Cramer + EM
s.v. Θαλῆς p. 442 Kallierges + D.L. 1.29; Diegesis, P.Mil.Vogl. I 18 col. 6.
517
518 Clearchus of Soli
writers.3 Individual Sages from the collegium already appear in Herod-

otus, who calls them “sophists,”4 but the earliest attestation of a group
of Seven is found in Plato.5 They were remembered for the gnomic
wisdom expressed in their maxims (such as “know yourself” 6 and
“nothing in excess”), were involved in the contest for the prize of wis-
dom, were associated with the Lydian king Croesus, and were imagined
to have gathered at a symposium.7 At one point in history, an epistolary
novel containing letters from the Sages and Croesus also seems to have
circulated.8
The lore of the Seven Sages attracted the interest of numerous histo-
rians, philosophers, and poets. In the Peripatos, it was treated by Aris-
totle, Theophrastus, Demetrius of Phalerum, Aristoxenus, Dicaearchus,
Hermippus, and Satyrus.9 Monographs entitled On the (Seven) Sages
3 Pl. Prt. 343a; Andron FGrHist 1005 F 2a = D.L. 1.30-31; F 2b = schol. vet. Pi. I.
2.17 Drachmann; Ephor. FGrHist 70 F 182 = D.L. 1.41; Eudox. F 371 Lasserre =
FGrHist 1006 F 1 = D.L. 1.29-30; Leandrius FGrHist 492 F 16 = D.L. 1.41. See espe-
cially D.L. 1.41 (with anonymous variants). Dicaearchus (F 38 Mirhady = FGrHist
1400 F 54 = D.L. 1.41) tried to systemize these traditions by distinguishing between
fixed and variable members. Hermippus (FGrHist 1026 F 10 = D.L. 1.42) later com-
piled a list of all possible candidates (seventeen in total). Hippobotus (F 6 Gigante =
D.L. 1.42) drew up a similar list, containing some idiosyncratic candidates (Orpheus,
Linus, and Epicharmus). See also my discussion in Verhasselt (2018) 455-67 with fur-
ther literature.
4 Hdt. 1.23-24; 1.27; 1.29-33 (1.29: ἀπικνέονται ἐς Σάρδις ἀκμαζούσας πλούτῳ
ἄλλοι τε οἱ πάντες ἐκ τῆς Ἑλλάδος σοφισταί); 1.59; 1.74-75; 1.170; 3.48-51; 4.46-47;
4.76-77; 5.92ζ-η; 5.95; 7.235. Aristotle (F 5 Rose3 = F 871 Gigon = EM s.v. σοφιστής
p. 722 Kallierges) also called them sophists.
5 See Pl. Ti. 20d (ὁ τῶν ἑπτὰ σοφώτατος Σόλων); Prt. 343a.
6 On this saying, see § 2 below.
7 See Snell (1938) 56-9, who attributed the skolia of the Seven Sages to an epistolary
novel (see below). The most famous literary example is Plutarch’s Banquet of the Seven
Sages. Another text is the hexametric account of their symposium, quoted in PSI IX
1093.1-23. See Snell (1954). This papyrus is an anthology of gnomic literature and con-
tains other learned citations, among others of Clearchus: see § 2 below.
8 Diogenes Laertius probably took the spurious letters quoted in his first book from
this novel. See Snell (1938) 116-27 and Dührsen (1994).

9 Arist. F 3(1) Rose3 = F 28 Gigon = Porph. F 273 Smith = Stob. 3.21.26 p. 579
Hense; F 3(2) Rose3 = F 29 Gigon = Clem. Al. Strom. 1.14.60.3; F 4 Rose3 = F 29 Gigon
= Clem. Al. Strom. 1.14.61.2; F 5 Rose3 = F 871 Gigon = EM s.v. σοφιστής p. 722
Kallierges; F 517 Rose3 = F 522 Gigon = D.L. 1.99; F 891 Gigon = Harp. α 245 Keaney,
s.v. ἀρχὴ ἄνδρα δείκνυσι (not in Rose3); Thphr. F 583 FHS&G = Plu. Sol. 4.7-8; F 737
Seven Sages 519
were written by Theophrastus and Hermippus.10
2. Clearchus on γνῶθι σαυτόν (101A-D)
101A-D deal with the saying “know yourself” (γνῶθι σαυτόν), the
most famous of the Delphic maxims.11 Clearchus is cited (1) in a pa-
pyrus text (101A), (2) in Porphyry’s Περὶ τοῦ γνῶθι σαυτόν (101B), (3)
and in Stobaeus (101C). 101D (a passage from the Mantissa proverbi-
orum12) is derived from a slightly more complete version of Stobaeus.
The information also recurs in a scholion on Plato, without a citation of
Clearchus but merely with a vague reference to “some” (οἱ δέ). The
texts are presented in Table 1 below.
Clearchus’ fragment is generally attributed to On Sayings.13 For the
fragment under discussion, the title is found only in the papyrus text,
where it is usually supplemented as [ἐν το]ῖς Περὶ | [παροιμιῶ]ν.14 How-
ever, “know yourself” was not always treated in works on sayings: Ar-
FHS&G = Harp. α 245 Keaney, s.v. ἀρχὴ ἄνδρα δείκνυσι; F 738 FHS&G = Stob.
3.21.12 p. 558 Hense; Dem. Phal. F 87 SOD = Stob. 3.1.172 p. 111-25 Hense; Aristox.
F 130 Wehrli2 = D.L. 1.107; Dicaearch. F 36 Mirhady = FGrHist 1400 F 55 = Ineditum
Vaticanum 1; F 37 Mirhady = FGrHist 1400 F 53 = D.L. 1.40; F 38 Mirhady = FGrHist
1400 F 54 = D.L. 1.41; Hermipp. Hist. FGrHist 1026 F 9-20; F 29; Satyr. F 8 Schorn =
D.L. 1.82-83. Other potential members of the Peripatos are Sotion (F 2 Wehrli = D.L.
1.98) and Antisthenes (F 3 Giannattasio Andria = FGrHist 508 F 3 = D.L. 1.40), who
both wrote Successions of Philosophers. The works of Hermippus, Satyrus, and Sotion
were epitomized by Heraclides Lembus (FHG III, 169-70 F 6-10; P.Oxy. XI 1367 fr. 2).
10 Thphr. F 1.48 = F 727.12 FHS&G = D.L. 1.48; Hermipp. Hist. FGrHist 1026 T
8a-e. On Theophrastus, see Fortenbaugh (2014) 124-6; 200-1. On Hermippus, see

Bollansée (1999) 27-44.
11 On γνῶθι σαυτόν, see especially Brunco (1884) 383-91, Wilkins (1917); (1929)
49-73, and Tortzen (2002).

12 The Mantissa proverbiorum is the name given by Leutsch and Schneidewin to the
sayings found in the margins of several manuscripts of Apostolius’ Collectio paroe-

miarum.
13 See Vitelli (1929a) 156; (1929b) 7, Snell (1954) 107, Wehrli (1969) 29; 70,
Montanari (1989), Dorandi (2006a) 162, and Taïfakos (2007) xxi; 78-81. “Know your-
self” was also discussed in Theophrastus’ work On Sayings (F 738 FHS&G = Stob.
3.21.12 p. 558 Hense). K. Müller (1848) 317 attributed the fragment to Clearchus’ Arce-
silas, since he assumed that this work may have discussed other philosophers alongside
the Academic philosopher Arcesilaus.
14 So Wehrli (1969) 29, Montanari (1989) 433, Dorandi (2006a) 162, Taïfakos (2007)
78, and Ruta (2020) 111 n. 1.

istotle discussed it in On Philosophy, Chamaeleon in On Gods, Hermip-

pus in On Aristotle, and Antisthenes of Rhodes in the Successions of
Philosophers (see below). Since no complete list of Clearchus’ works
has been transmitted, the fragment might also derive from an unattested
work (e.g. Περὶ | [τῶν σοφῶ]ν would also fit the lacuna15). Therefore,
although the traditional supplement is plausible, some caution is in or-
der.
101A PSI IX 1093.33- schol. Pl. 101B Porph. F 101C Stob. 101D Man-
41 Phlb. 48c, 29 273 Smith = 3.21.12 p. tissa proverbi-
Cufalo Stob. 3.21.26 p. 559 Hense orum 1.43
579 Hense Leutsch‒
Schneidewin
Κλέα[ρ-] οἱ δέ φασιν εἴτε Κλεάρχῳ Κλέαρχος Κλέαρχος δὲ
[χος δ᾿ ἐν το]ῖ̣ς Περῖ̣ ὅτι Χίλωνος προσεκτέον μᾶλ- δὲ ὑπὸ τοῦ ὑπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ
[ c. 7 ]ν ἐρέ- ἐρομένου τὸν λον τοῦ μὲν Πυ- θεοῦ λεχ- λεχθῆναι Χί-
[σθαι δὴ τὸ]ν Χίλω̣- θεὸν τί εἴη ἄ- θίου φράζοντι εἶ- θῆναι Χεί- λωνι Δαμαγή-
[να τὸν θε]όν, τί ἄρ̣[ι-] ριστον, εἶπεν ναι παράγγελμα, λωνι. του Λακεδαι-
[στον ἂν εἴ]η, τὴ̣ ν̣ ἡ Πυθία· τὸ χρησθῆναι δὲ μονίῳ.
[δὲ Πυθίαν] ἀποκρι̣- γνῶθι σαυ- Χείλωνι, τί ἄρισ-
[νασθαι ὅτι] τὸ γνῶ[θι] τόν. τον ἀνθρώποις
[σεαυτόν.] μαθεῖν πυνθανο-
μένῳ.
Clea[rchus in] the Others say Or we should fol- But Clear- But Clearchus
books On [...] (says that, when low Clearchus chus says says that the
that) Chilon asked [the Chilon asked instead, who that the god god said it (sc.
god] what [would be] the god what claims that it (sc. said it (sc. “know your-
the best thing, and the was the best “know yourself”) “know self”) to Chi-
[Pythia] replied: know thing, the is a command- yourself”) lon of Sparta,
[yourself]. Pythia said: ment of the Pyth- to Chilon. son of Dam-
know your- ian god, and that agetas.
self. the oracle was
given to Chilon,
when he inquired
what was the best
thing for humans
to learn.
Table 1: The fragments of Clearchus on γνῶθι σαυτόν.
15 This supplement has recently been defended by Dorandi (2014). See also
Dorandi’s Introduction (in this volume) 11 and his edition of 101A.

Seven Sages 521
Many sources report that the maxim “know yourself” was inscribed
in the temple of Delphi.16 The first writer to attest a connection between
the Delphic maxims and the Seven Sages is Plato,17 but the association
of the Sages with Delphi must be older.18 A popular discussion con-
cerned the origin of specific maxims and their attribution to individual
Sages. Demetrius of Phalerum, for instance, compiled a list of sayings
for each Sage.19
Most sources attribute the maxim “know yourself” to Chilon. This
attribution is first attested in Demetrius of Phalerum20 but probably pre-
16 Pl. Phlb. 48c-d; Alc. 1 124a-b; 129a; 132c; Chrm. 164d-65a; Phdr. 229e; Prt. 343b;
[Pl.] Amat. 138a; Hipparch. 228e; X. Mem. 4.2.24; Isoc. 12.230; D.S. 9.10.1; Plin. Nat.
7.119; Plu. De E apud Delphos 2.385d; 21.394c; De tranq. anim. 23.472c; De garr.
17.511b; Adv. Col. 20.1118c (citing Aristotle’s Platonica [F 1 Rose3 = F 709 Gigon]);
[Plu.] Cons. ad Apoll. 28.116c-d; Porph. F 273 Smith = Stob. 3.21.26 p. 579-80 Hense;
Jul. Or. 11.8; Macrob. In Somn. 1.9.2; Sat. 1.6.6; Glossae rhetoricae s.v. γνῶθι σαυτόν
p. 233 Bekker; schol. Pl. Phdr. 229e, 23 Cufalo.
17 Pl. Prt. 343a-b.
18 See Pi. F 35b Snell‒Maehler = Heph. Enchiridion de metris p. 51 Consbruch +
schol. E. Hipp. 264b1 Cavarzeran; E. Hipp. 264-6 (both connecting the Delphic maxim
μηδὲν ἄγαν with the Sages). Later sources include Luc. Phal. 1.7, Plu. De E apud Del-
phos 17.391f, Paus. 10.24.1, D. Chr. 72.12, Macrob. Sat. 1.6.6, and Recensio Parisina
2 title. On Diodorus, PSI IX 1093, and Porphyry, see below. The connection is also
attested in the inscription of Ai Khanoum (see § 5 below). In Plu. De E apud Delphos
3.385d-f, the interlocutor Lamprias associates the Sages with Delphi in an idiosyncratic
way: he claims that the EI inscription of the Delphic temple was dedicated by the five
“real” members of the Seven Sages (i.e. excluding the “impostors” Cleobulus and Peri-
ander); however, Plutarch immediately rejects this fanciful explanation (Plu. De E apud
Delphos 4.386a-b). According to Busine (2002) 37-8, the association of the Seven
Sages with the sanctuary of Apollo originated in Delphi in the sixth century BCE. Al-
ready Hipponax (F 65 Degani = F 63 West2 = D.L. 1.107) mentions the story that Myson
was proclaimed the wisest by Apollo (see § 3 below).
19 Dem. Phal. F 87 SOD = Stob. 3.1.172 p. 111-25 Hense. The list is also preserved
in the first Recensio Parisina, edited by Tziatzi-Papagianni (1994) 129-254. It was used
by Diogenes Laertius, who included lists of sayings in his biographies of the Seven
Sages. Later Byzantine collections of sayings related to the Recensio Parisina conflated
Demetrius’ list with that of Sosiades (see § 5 below).
20 Dem. Phal. F 87.3.1 SOD = Stob. 3.1.172 p. 116 Hense. See also D.S. 9.10.1; Hyg.
Fab. 221.2; Plin. HN 7.119; Auson. 303 p. 176 Peiper = XXVI p. 189 Green (Ludus
septem sapientium 138); [Auson.] 316 p. 409 Peiper = Appendix A 5.2 p. 676 Green
(De septem sapientibus 3); Sid. Apoll. Carm. 2.163; 15.50; Olymp. in Alc. 129a, 201
Westerink; AP 9.366.3; Anecdota Graeca p. 143 Boissonade (= App. Anth. 4.48.4
Cougny); Anth. Lat. 1.346.3-4 (Luxorius); Stob. 3.21.13 p. 559 Hense; Hsch. γ 743
dates him. 21 Chamaeleon in On Gods, however, suggested Thales. 22

Other candidates were Solon23 and Bias.24 According to Aristotle, the
Latte; Suid. γ 333, s.v. γνῶθι σαυτόν (= Greg. Cypr. Paroemiae codicis Vaticani 1.55);
schol. vet. Pi. P. 2.63; 3.106 Drachmann; schol. Pl. Prt. 343a, 34 Cufalo; schol. Luc.
Phal. 1.7 Rabe; Arethas in D. Chr. 72.12 p. 127 Sonny; Macar. Paroemiae 3.3; Deme-
trius Chomatenus, Ponemata diaphora 8.1; Apostol. Collectio paroemiarum 18.26. The
attribution to Chilon is mentioned along with other variants in Porph. F 273 Smith =
Stob. 3.21.26 p. 579-80 Hense, Clem. Al. Strom. 1.14.60.3, Anonymi Vita Pythagorae
ap. Phot. Bibl. codex 249 p. 440b Bekker, schol. Pl. Phlb. 48c, 29 Cufalo; Alc. 1 129a,
92 Cufalo, and Glossae rhetoricae s.v. γνῶθι σαυτόν p. 233 Bekker. Chilon is also por-
trayed with this saying in a mosaic from Baalbek, which displays the Seven Sages, each
with their own maxim (IGLS VI 2884 = Merkelbach‒Stauber, SGO IV 20/13/03 = Na-
tional Museum of Beirut, Fig. 314 Richter 1965 = Fig. 267 Schefold2). Another, similar
depiction of Chilon (citing the saying as σαυτὸν γνῶθι) is found in a mosaic from
Apamea: see SEG LXIV 1577 = Balty (1970) 86-7. See further Hauser (1992) 70-4.
Finally, the epigram from the Anthologia Graeca containing the sayings of the Seven
Sages (AP 9.366) is also inscribed on silver spoons from Lampsacus (for Chilon and his
saying, see SEG XLII 1096 A 1 = British Museum inv. 388): see Baratte (1992) 5-10
and Hauser (1992) 69-70.
21 The two other famous Delphic maxims, μηδὲν ἄγαν and ἐγγύα πάρα δ᾿ ἄτα, were
also often attributed to Chilon (though not by Demetrius). For μηδὲν ἄγαν, see Critias
F 7 West = schol. E. Hipp. 264c Cavarzeran; Arist. Rh. 2.12.14.1389b; D.S. 9.10.1, PSI
IX 1093.1-22; Plin. HN 7.119; Plu. Conv. sept. sap. 20.163d; Clem. Al. Strom. 1.14.61.1;
D.L. 1.41; schol. T Hom. Il. 10.249a1 Erbse; schol. E. Hipp. 265a Cavarzeran. For
ἐγγύα πάρα δ’ ἄτα, see Arist. F 4 Rose3 = F 29 Gigon = Clem. Al. Strom. 1.14.61.2;
D.S. 9.10.1; 4-5; PSI IX 1093.1-22; Plin. HN 7.119; Clem. Al. Strom. 6.2.21.5; D.L.
1.73; Suid. θ 17, s.v. Θαλῆς. The sayings are listed along with γνῶθι σαυτόν at the end
of Chilon’s maxims in Recensio Parisina 1 Chilon 22; however, this is an interpolation
from D.S. 9.10.1; 4-5: see Tziatzi-Papagianni (1994) 189-90.
22 Chamael. F 3a Martano = PSI IX 1093.31-3; F 3b Martano = Clem. Al. Strom.
1.14.60.3; F 3c Martano = Glossae rhetoricae s.v. γνῶθι σαυτόν p. 233 Bekker. See
also schol. vet. Pl. R. 600a Greene; Suid. θ 17, s.v. Θαλῆς. The attribution to Thales is
mentioned among other variants in Porph. F 273 Smith = Stob. 3.21.26 p. 579 Hense,
D.L. 1.40 and as an alternative for Solon in Recensio Bodleiana B 266 Gaisford = V 37
Schottus = Appendix Proverbiorum 1.80 Leutsch‒Schneidewin (see [Diogenian.] codex
Vindobonensis 2.10).
23 Suid. σ 776, s.v. Σόλων. Solon is mentioned as an alternative to Thales in the
Recensio Bodleiana (see n. 22) and for Chilon in Auson. 301 p. 172 Peiper = XXVI p.
185 Green (Ludus septem sapientium 52-55).
24 Bias is one of the candidates in Porph. F 273 Smith = Stob. 3.21.26 p. 579 Hense
and Stob. 3.21.11 p. 558 Hense; 14 p. 559 Hense. He is also mentioned in Mantissa
Proverbiorum 1.43 Leutsch‒Schneidewin (omitted in Stob. 3.21.12 p. 558-9 Hense). If
Βίαντος is no later addition, the attribution probably goes back to Theophrastus, who is
Seven Sages 523
maxim was coined by the Pythia and inscribed before Chilon.25 Clear-
chus seems to reconcile Aristotle’s explanation with that of Demetrius
by claiming that Chilon received the maxim from Apollo through the
Pythia.26 Antisthenes in his Successions makes a similar combination:
he claims that Phemonoe (the first Pythia and daughter of Apollo)
coined the saying but Chilon later adopted it as his own.27 Porphyry also
mentions Phemonoe along with another Delphic woman: Phanothea,
daughter of Delphus.28 In Xenophon, the Delphic answer is not given to
Chilon but to Croesus (who is often connected with the Seven Sages:
see § 3 below).29 Hermippus attributes the saying to a Delphic eunuch
named Labys.30 Other sources name Sodamus,31 the Amphictyons32 or
even Homer.33 The early Peripatetics Demetrius, Chamaeleon, Clear-
chus, and perhaps also Theophrastus34 appear to have preferred the con-
nection with the Seven Sages.
3. Clearchus on the prize of wisdom (81)
In 81, Clearchus gives his version of the agon for the prize of wisdom.
cited in the same passage (F 738 FHS&G). Theophrastus also attributed the saying “rule
reveals the man” (ἀρχὴ ἄνδρα δείκνυσι) to Bias (F 737 FHS&G = Harp. α 245 Keaney,
s.v. ἀρχὴ ἄνδρα δείκνυσι), on which see Fortenbaugh (2014) 211-4. A pro-Bias tradition
further recurs in Thphr. 583 FHS&G = Plu. Sol. 4.7: see § 3 below.
25 Arist. F 3(1) Rose3 = F 28 Gigon = Porph. F 273 Smith = Stob. 3.21.26 p. 579
Hense; F 3(2) Rose3 = F 29 Gigon = Clem. Al. Strom. 1.14.60.3. Pl. Lg. 11.923a already
alludes to the attribution of the maxim to the Pythia. [Arist.] MM 2.15.6.1213a, however,
attributes the maxim to the Sages.
26 The maxim is also attributed to Apollo in Cic. Leg. 1.58, Sen. Dial. 6.11.2, S.E.
M. 7.266, Jul. Or. 11.3, and Anonymi Vita Pythagorae ap. Phot. Bibl. codex 249 p.
440b Bekker. The belief that the saying “came from heaven” recurs in Juv. 11.27 and
Iohannes Saresberensis, Policraticus 3.2.480a; Epistulae 301.
27 Antisthenes F 3 Giannattasio Andria = FGrHist 508 F 3 = D.L. 1.40. See also
schol. Pl. Alc. 1 129a, 92 Cufalo.

28 Porph. F 273 Smith = Stob. 3.21.26 p. 579 Hense.
29 X. Cyr. 7.2.20.
30 Hermipp. Hist. FGrHist 1026 F 29a = PSI IX 1093.24-31; F 29b = Glossae rhe-
toricae s.v. γνῶθι σαυτόν p. 233 Bekker; F 29c = schol. Pl. Phlb. 48c, 29 Cufalo.
31 Schol. vet. Pi. P. 2.63 Drachmann.
32 Plu. De garr. 17.511b.
33 Schol. b Hom. Il. 3.53b1 Erbse; Plu. Conv. sept. sap. 21.164b-c; Eust. ad Il. 7.108-
114, vol. 2, p. 412 van der Valk.

34 See n. 24.
Δαΐμαχος δ᾿ ὁ Πλαταιϊκὸς καὶ Κλέαρχος φιάλην ἀποσταλῆναι ὑπὸ Κροίσου

Πιττακῷ καὶ οὕτω περιενεχθῆναι (sc. φασίν).
Daïmachus of Plataea and Clearchus say that a bowl was sent by Croesus to Pit-
tacus and was thus passed around.
The fragment is cited by Diogenes Laertius as one of many ver-

sions.35 Table 2 below summarizes the main versions with the most sig-
nificant differences.36
“Mile- Theo- Prienian Andron’s “Milesian” Eudoxus Daïma-

sian” phrastus story Tripod story 2 and Euan- chus and
story 1 (Satyrus) (Leandrius, thes Clear-
Callima- chus
chus, Eleu-
sis, Alexon,
Phoenix)
golden tripod bronze tri- tripod golden cup bowl
tripod pod cup/bowl
discov- discov- offered left by given by given by
ered by ered by by Ar- Bathycles Croesus Croesus
Coan Messe- gives
fisher- nian fish-
men ermen
quarrel
leads to
war
oracle: to inscrip- for the for the wis- for the
the wisest tion: for wisest est wisest
the wisest
sent to sent to sent to Aristo- sent to Tha- sent to sent to
Thales Bias Bias demus les Thales Pittacus
declared ceded to declared
Bias Chilon Bias wiser
wiser
35 D.L. 1.27-33. Diogenes Laertius cites the versions in the following order: (1) the
Athenian version of the Milesian fishermen story (see n. 44); (2) Callimachus and
Leandrius; (3) Eleusis and Alexon; (4) Eudoxus and Euanthes; (5) Clearchus and
Daïmachus; (6) Andron; (7) the story that the tripod originally belonged to Periander
and was found in Coan waters; (8) Phanodicus (see n. 43); (9) the story that the tripod
was created by Hephaestus and belonged to Helen; (10) the Milesian fishermen story.
36 On the agon, see Barkowski (1923) 2248-51, Wiersma (1933-4), Paladini (1956)
379-82, Parke and Wormell (1956) 387-9, Manfredini and Piccirilli (1977) 124-7,
Fehling (1985) 25-39, Bollansée (1998a) 137-40; (1998b) 172-4, Schorn (2004) 349-
55, and Engels (2010) 82-3.
Seven Sages 525
circuit circuit circuit circuit

among among the among the
Sages Sages Sages
back to back to back to Tha- ends with
Thales Bias les Chilon
dedicated sent to only dedicated to oracle:
to Apollo Delphi Apollo is Apollo of Myson
of Did- wise Didyma
yma
Table 2: The different versions of the story about the agon of wisdom.
According to one version37 (probably of Milesian origin38), the prize

was a golden tripod, discovered by Coan fishermen, who got into a dis-
pute over it with their customers. This quarrel resulted in a war between
Cos and Miletus.39 When Apollo was consulted about the duration of
the war, the god revealed that it would end if they sent the tripod to the
wisest among the Greeks. It was therefore sent to Thales, who refused
it and declared Bias wiser. It then passed from one Sage to another until
it came back to Thales, who dedicated it to Apollo of Didyma.40
A variant of the Milesian story is found in Theophrastus, who claims
that the tripod was first sent to Bias (not Thales) and, after going round,
also came back to Bias, who then sent it to Delphi (not Didyma).41 This
pro-Bias tradition might be inspired by the independent Prienian tripod
story,42 found in Satyrus.43 In this version, a bronze tripod (not a golden
37 D.S. 9.3.2; Plu. Sol. 4.2-6; D.L. 1.32-33. Tz. ad Ar. Pl. 9 Positano follows Dioge-
nes Laertius (although he changes the Coan fishermen to Milesian ones, perhaps on the
basis of D.L. 1.27).
38 See Wiersma (1933-4) 152.
39 Thus Plu. Sol. 4.3-4 and D.L. 1.32-33. In D.S. 9.3.2, by contrast, both cities were
already at war before the discovery of the tripod.

40 In Plu. Sol. 4.6, the prize is sent to the Ismenian Apollo, probably a patriotic inno-
vation by Plutarch: see Fehling (1985) 29.

41 Thphr. F 583 FHS&G = Plu. Sol. 4.7.
42 According to Schorn (2004) 354, Satyrus’ version was inspired by Theophrastus’.
However, apart from the prize going to Bias, the Prienian story in Satyrus shares little
with Theophrastus’ version, which is closer to the Milesian story. In Theophrastus, the
tripod also passed around all Seven Sages and was eventually dedicated to Apollo (two
elements absent in the Prienian version). On Thphr. F 583 FHS&G, see Fortenbaugh
(2014) 116.
43 Satyr. F 8 Schorn = D.L. 1.82-83. See also D.S. 9.13.2. Diodorus’ account is prob-
ably derived from Satyrus: see Schorn (2004) 353-4. An Athenian version of this story
one) was discovered by Messenian (not Coan) fishermen, and the tripod
had the inscription “for the wisest” (i.e. there was no oracle). In the as-
sembly, some Messenian maidens who had been rescued before by Bias
declared him the wisest. The tripod was subsequently sent to Bias, who
refused it, declaring that only Apollo was wise.44
Another independent version is found in Andron’s Tripod. Here the
tripod was not found by fishermen but was offered by the Argives to the
wisest. Aristodemus (an obscure Sage who did not make it to the ca-
nonical list45) was judged the winner but ceded the prize to Chilon.46
According to yet another version (probably of Milesian origin as
well), the prize was a golden cup or bowl, left by the artist Bathycles47
for the wisest. As in the other Milesian story, the object was first sent
to Thales, who declared Bias wiser. It passed from one Sage to the other
until it was sent to Thales again, who dedicated it to Apollo of Didyma.
This version is found in Callimachus, who adopted it from Leandrius
is found in Phanodicus (FGrHist 397 F 4a = D.L. 1.31; F4b = D.L. 1.82-83), who prob-
ably relied on Satyrus (rather than the other way around). Phanodicus moves the scene
to Athens and therefore cannot have the maidens speak in the Athenian assembly: since
only men are allowed to do this, he has the maidens’ father speak instead. See Schorn
(2004) 352. Moreover, the tripod is sent to Heracles in Thebes, an element not found in
any other version.
44 The moral of this story (god is wiser than any mortal) was incorporated into an
Athenian version of the Milesian story: see D.S. 9.3.1; 3; Val. Max. 4.1 ext. 7; D.L.
1.27-28. In this Athenian version, the tripod does not return to Thales but ends with
Solon, who dedicates it to Apollo, since the god is the wisest. See Wiersma (1933-4)
152-4. A similar pro-Solon tradition may have inspired Plato’s claim that Solon is the
wisest of the Seven (Pl. Ti. 20d). Porphyry (F 203 Smith = F 4 Sodano = FGrHist 260
F 5 = Cyr. Juln. 1.38; F 203a Smith = al-Mubaššir, Muḫtār al-ḥikam wa-maḥāsin al-
kalim p. 42-43 Rosenthal) combines elements from various stories: he largely follows
the Milesian fishermen story but includes the moral of the Prienian/Athenian story and
has the tripod sent to Delphi (not Didyma). A similar mix is found in Auson. 305 p.
177-8 Peiper = XXVI p. 190 Green (Ludus septem sapientium 165-74). See also schol.
vet. Ar. Pl. 9c Chantry = schol. rec. Ar. Pl. 9a Chantry = Tz. ad Ar. Pl. 9a Positano
(with the omission of the war and without naming the first and last recipients of the
tripod).
45 Aristodemus is mentioned in the lists of Dicaearchus (F 38 Mirhady = FGrHist
1400 F 54 = D.L. 1.41) and Hermippus (FGrHist 1026 F 10 = D.L. 1.42).

46 Andron FGrHist 1005 F 2a = D.L. 1.30-31.
47 On Bathycles, see C. Robert (1897), W. Müller (2001), and Kansteiner and
Lehmann (2014).
Seven Sages 527
(probably from his Milesiaca).48 The story also recurs in Eleusis and
Alexon of Myndus and probably also in the early Hellenistic poet Phoe-
nix.49
A related story connects the prize with king Croesus. According to
Eudoxus and Euanthes, Croesus offered the prize (a cup) for the wisest.
As in the two Milesian stories (i.e. the fishermen story and the Bathycles
story), the prize was first given to Thales and then went around the other
Sages; however, it did not come back to Thales. Apollo also plays a role
in the final destination of the prize, though not as a recipient. When
Chilon received the cup, he consulted the oracle, which revealed Myson
(included in Plato’s list of Seven Sages50) as the wisest.51 This is the
only version (apart from Andron’s) where a human wins the prize. My-
son is also proclaimed the wisest man by Apollo in Hipponax.52 Simi-
larly, according to Diogenes Laertius, when Anacharsis (another man
48 Call. Iamb. 1, F 191.32-77 Pfeiffer = P.Oxy. VII 1011 fol. 2r, 102-18 + fol. 3v,
119-38 + Ach. Tat. Intr. Arat. 1 p. 29 Maass + Choerob. De orthographia s.v. Χίλων,
An. Ox. II p. 277 Cramer + EM s.v. Θαλῆς p. 442 Kallierges + Apollonius Dyscolus De
constructione 3 p. 309 Uhlig + Pron. p. 22 Schneider = p. 26b Bekker; Dieg., P.Mil.Vogl.
I 18 col. 6 + D.L. 1.28-29; Leandrius FGrHist 492 F 18 = D.L. 1.28-29. According to
the diegesis, the bowl passed by Thales, Bias, Periander, Solon, Chilon, and Cleobulus
and then came back to Thales. Note, however, that Callimachus did not derive these
names from Leandrius, who actually included Leophantus and Epimenides instead of
Cleobulus and Myson (FGrHist 492 F 16 = D.L. 1.41). Callimachus’ list was probably
adopted from Demetrius (F 87 SOD = Stob. 3.1.172 p. 111-25 Hense + Recensio Parisi-
na 1).
49 Eleusis FGrHist 55 F 1 = D.L. 1.28; Alexon of Myndus ap. D.L. 1.28; Phoen. F 4
Powell = Ath. 11.495d. Unlike the Athenian version of the first Milesian story (see n.
43), the Bathycles story does not mention Solon as the last recipient before Thales. The
version of Eleusis and Alexon (according to whom the prize was a drinking cup, not a
bowl) is probably also reflected in Plu. Sol. 4.8 (οἱ δὲ ποτήριον Βαθυκλέους
ἀπολιπόντος εἶναι λέγουσιν): see Keller (1867) 14, Prinz (1867) 37, and Manfredini and
Piccirilli (1977) 126. The tradition is jestingly alluded to in Plu. Conv. sept. sap. 13
155e-f: during the banquet of the Seven Sages, Periander drinks to Chilon in a big cup,
and Chilon in his turn to Bias; Ardalus (one of the guests) complains to Aesop that the
Sages are sending the cup to and fro to one another “as though it were the cup of Bathy-
cles” and are not giving anyone else a chance at it.
50 In Plato (Prt. 343a), Myson appears instead of Periander, whereas in Eudoxus (F
371 Lasserre = FGrHist 1006 F 1 = D.L. 1.29-30) he replaces Cleobulus.

51 Eudox. F 371 Lasserre = FGrHist 1006 F 1 = D.L. 1.29-30; Euanthes ap. D.L.
1.29-30.
52 Hippon. F 65 Degani = F 63 West2 = D.L. 1.107 (ὃν Ὡπόλλων ἀνεῖπεν ἀνδρῶν
σωφρονέστατον πάντων).
often included among the Seven Sages53) asked the oracle whether any-
one was wiser than himself, the Pythia named the farmer Myson. 54
Given the oracle, the preference for Myson might be a Delphic tradi-
tion.55
The story in Clearchus resembles that of Eudoxus and Euanthes,
where Croesus also donates the prize. However, in Clearchus, the object
is not a cup but a bowl (a similar variation recurs in the Bathycles story).
More importantly, it is first sent to Pittacus (not Thales) and is then
passed around. The first Sage to get the prize differed from one version
to another: the Milesian versions prefer Thales, but other candidates are
Bias (in the Prienian version and in Theophrastus) and Aristodemus (in
Andron’s Tripod). Whether the preference for Pittacus is an old tradi-
tion or a later innovation remains unclear. Diogenes Laertius cites
Clearchus alongside Daïmachus of Plataea. 56 If Jacoby was right to
identify this man with Daïmachus the Elder (who lived in the fourth
century BCE),57 Clearchus might rely on him. Daïmachus and/or Clear-
chus may also in their turn have been the source for Plutarch’s alterna-
53 See Nic. Dam. FGrHist 90 F 104 = Stob. 3.1.200 p. 151 Hense; Plu. Conv. sept.
sap.; Georgius Syncellus, Ecloga chronographica p. 286 Mosshammer. Anacharsis is

mentioned as a possible or alternative candidate in Clem. Al. Strom. 1.14.59, Porph. F
203a Smith = al-Mubaššir, Muḫtār al-ḥikam wa-maḥāsin al-kalim p. 42-1 Rosenthal,
and Theodoretus, Graecarum affectionum curatio 5.63. He also recurs in the lists of
Dicaearchus (F 38 Mirhady = FGrHist 1400 F 54 = D.L. 1.41), Hermippus (FGrHist
1026 F 10 = D.L. 1.42), and Hippobotus (F 6 Gigante = D.L. 1.42).
54 D.L. 1.106. Bollansée (1998c) 182-3 included this passage in the fragment of Eu-
thyphro (FGrHist 1007 F 1), cited in D.L. 1.107.

55 See Parke and Wormell (1956) 389. Lasserre (1966) 267 and Bollansée (1998b)
173-4 compare the answer in Eudoxus and Euanthes (a simple, unknown man is pro-
claimed the wisest) to the Chaerephon oracle and consider it a literary motif.
56 Daïmachus FGrHist 65 F 6. Δαΐμαχος ὁ Πλαταιϊκὸς is a correction by Casaubon
for δαίδαχος ὁ πλατωνικὸς (read by the medieval manuscripts).

57 Jacoby (1926) 4. There were two historians named Daïmachus of Plataea: one
lived in the fourth century BCE and wrote a work entitled Poliorcetica (FGrHist 65);
the other lived in the early third century BCE and wrote a work entitled Indica (FGrHist
716). According to Jacoby, Daïmachus the Elder also wrote a work entitled Hellenica,
to which he attributed the fragment on the agon of the Seven Sages, but Engels (2011)
was more hesitant. On Daïmachus see also Dognini (2000), who assumes a local history
of Aetolia and Thessaly for Daïmachus the Elder.
Seven Sages 529
tive story in his Life of Solon, according to which the object was not a
tripod but a bowl sent by Croesus.58
The prominence of Pittacus in Clearchus/Daïmachus suggests that
the story is a Lesbian variant. It is uncertain, however, whether the
Croesus stories of Eudoxus/Euanthes and Clearchus/Daïmachus are old
or a derivative of the Bathycles story. The connection with king Croesus
recalls the stories about the Sages visiting the Lydian king in Herodotus,
Ephorus, Diodorus, and Plutarch.59 Diogenes Laertius even quotes sev-
eral (spurious) letters from the Sages to Croesus, probably taken from
an epistolary novel.60 It is possible that at a later stage Bathycles was
replaced by Croesus, whose connection with the Sages was better
known (through Herodotus among others). Thus, Clearchus’ story may
reflect a preference for the more famous name Croesus over the obscure
Bathycles.
4. Clearchus on Pittacus (82)
Pittacus is also the subject of 82. The fragment is found at the end of
Diogenes Laertius’ biography of Pittacus, following a series of invec-
tives by Alcaeus and before the alleged letter from Pittacus to Croesus.
τούτῳ (sc. Πιττακῷ) γυμνάσιον σῖτον ἀλεῖν, ὥς φησι Κλέαρχος ὁ φιλόσοφος.
His exercise was to grind grain, as Clearchus the philosopher says.
According to Clearchus, Pittacus ground grain. The story was probably

originally an indication of Pittacus’ low birth,61 but Clearchus reinter-
58 Plu. Sol. 4.8 (οἱ μὲν φιάλην ὑπὸ Κροίσου πεμφθεῖσαν). Pace Keller (1867) 14,
Prinz (1867) 37, and Manfredini and Piccirilli (1977) 126, this probably does not refer
to Eudoxus/Euanthes, since in their version the object is a drinking cup, not a bowl.
59 Hdt. 1.27 (Bias or Pittacus); 1.29-33 (Solon); 1.75.3 (Thales); Ephor. FGrHist 70
F 181 = D.L. 1.40 (all Sages except Thales); D.S. 9.25 (Bias or Pittacus); 9.26-27
(Anacharsis, Bias, Solon, and Pittacus); Plu. Sol. 27-8 (Solon).
60 Diogenes includes letters from Solon (D.L. 1.67), Pittacus (D.L. 1.81), and
Anacharsis (D.L. 1.105). In 1.99, he quotes a letter in which Periander invites the Sages
to come to Corinth as a follow-up to their gathering in Sardis the year before. Indeed,
Periander was sometimes considered the host of the banquet of the Seven Sages (rather
than a member of the Seven Sages): see Plu. Conv. sept. sap.; Sol. 4.1.
61 See Wehrli (1931) 19. According to Page (1959) 170 n. 5, the grinding “may be a
metaphor for oppressive exaction of claims and penalties.”

preted the activity as a gymnastic exercise, perhaps trying to portray

Pittacus as having a healthy mind in a healthy body. The same story
recurs in Clement of Alexandria and Aelian.
Clem. Al. Paed. 3.10.50.262

ἀλλὰ γὰρ μικροῦ δεῖν ἔλαθέν με [εἰπεῖν] ὁ Πιττακὸς ἐκεῖνος, ὅτι ἤληθεν ὁ
Μιτυληναίων βασιλεὺς ἐνεργῷ γυμνασίῳ χρώμενος.
But it almost escaped my attention that this Pittacus, the king of the Mitylenaeans,
used to grind (grain), using it as an active exercise.
Ael. VH 7.4
ὅτι Πιττακὸς πάνυ σφόδρα ἐπῄνει τὴν μύλην, τὸ ἐγκώμιον αὐτῆς ἐκεῖνο ἐπιλέγων,
ὅτι ἐν μικρῷ τόπῳ διαφόρως ἔστι γυμνάσασθαι. ἦν δέ τι ᾆσμα ἐπιμύλιον οὕτω
καλούμενον.
Pittacus greatly praised the millstone, adding the following eulogy of it, viz. that
it is possible to exercise greatly in a small area. There was also a certain song
called the millstone song.
Aelian also mentions a millstone song. This song is found in Plutarch’s

Banquet of the Seven Sages, where Thales jestingly says that Epimeni-
des (another man sometimes included among the Seven Sages63) was
right not to wish to grind his grain like Pittacus. Thereupon, Thales
quotes a song which he heard a woman sing in Eresus on Lesbos:64
ἄλει, μύλα, ἄλει· Grind, millstone, grind.

καὶ γὰρ Πιττακὸς ἄλει For Pittacus too used to grind,
μεγάλας Μυτιλάνας βασιλεύων who ruled over great Mytilene.
Plutarch, Clement, and Aelian probably draw on Clearchus, who may
62 Clement is probably the source for Isidorus Pelusita, Epistulae de interpretatione

divinae scripturae 1.470, who writes: ὁ Μιτυληναῖος δὲ Πιττακός, καίτοι βασιλεὺς ὤν,
τὸν μύλωνα ηὐτούργει, καὶ ἐνεργῶς γυμναζόμενος, καὶ τὴν τροφὴν ἐργαζόμενος.
63 See Leandrius FGrHist 492 F 16 = D.L. 1.41; Hermipp. Hist. FGrHist 1026 F 10
= D.L. 1.42; F 12a = Procl. ad Hes. Op. 41; D.L. 1.13; 1.109-115; Porph. F 203a Smith
= al-Mubaššir, Muḫtār al-ḥikam wa-maḥāsin al-kalim p. 41 Rosenthal.
64 Plu. Conv. sept. sap. 14.157e = Carmina popularia F 23 Page, PMG 869.
Seven Sages 531
have derived this information from the millstone song.65 Clearchus uses
similar poetic quotations in the Erotica/Erotici,66 On Lives, On Sayings,
and On Riddles.67 81 and 82 may be part of the same account on Pitta-
cus. They are generally attributed to Clearchus’ On Sayings on the basis
of 101A, where this work is supposedly cited.68 However, the two frag-
ments are not connected with any saying. An attribution to Clearchus’
On Lives is more probable.69 Alternatively, it might have also belonged
to On Education, since that work seems to have contained a discussion
of the origin of philosophy, which could have commented on the Seven
Sages as well.70 Since there is no complete list of Clearchus’ works, the
fragments may also derive from an unattested work.
5. The inscription of Ai Khanoum (102-4)
One final text connected with the Seven Sages is an inscription from Ai
Khanoum (in modern Afghanistan). The site of Ai Khanoum was exca-
vated from 1965 to 1978 by the Délégation Archéologique Française
en Afghanistan (DAFA). The stone with the inscription was found in
the pronaos of the funerary monument of Cineas (probably the founder
65 See von Wilamowitz-Möllendorff (1890) 225-6, Bowra (1961) 132, and von Blu-
menthal (1940) 125-7, but contra Wehrli (1969) 71. Wilamowitz assumed Hermippus
as an intermediate source. See also the discussion in Lo Cascio (1997) 226-7.
66 On the title of Clearchus’ work on love, see White (in this volume) 392-7.
67 Lycophronides (20 and perhaps 21), Eriphanes’ pastoral song (25), Sappho (27
and 40), an epigram of Parrhasius (40-41), Philoxenus (61), a fragment of a hexametric

Thebaid (70), Terpsion (72), Castorion (97), Pindar (97; see also 89), Pamphilus (99);
perhaps also Alexis (29), Antiphanes (39), Anaxilas (55), and Agesianax (116). Clear-
chus also mentioned Locrian songs (26), the poems for Lyde by Antimachus and
Lamynthius of Miletus (32), Archestratus’ gastronomic poem (72), and Callias’ Letter
Tragedy, which was supposedly the model for Euripides’ Medea and Sophocles’ Oedi-
pus Rex (92A).
68 See Wehrli (1969) 29 and Taïfakos (2007) xxi; 80-1. K. Müller (1848) 317 at-
tributed the fragments to Clearchus’ Arcesilas (see n. 13).

69 See Ionsius (1716) 113, Wehrli (1969) 71, Busine (2002) 81, and Dorandi (2006a)
168. In his edition, Dorandi attributes 81 and 82 to On Lives. For Dorandi’s reconstruc-
tion of a work On the Sages, see § 2 above).
70 See Ax (in this volume) 365-70.
of the city)71 in 1966 (during the second archaeological campaign).72

The right-hand side preserves five maxims related to the stages of life
(I.Estremo Oriente 384 = 103):
παῖς ὢν κόσμιος γίνου As a child, be well-behaved;

ἡβῶν ἐγκρατής in puberty, be self-restraint;
μέσος δίκαιος in middle age, be righteous;
πρεσβύτης εὔβουλος as an old man, be well-advised;
τελευτῶν ἄλυπος upon death, be without sorrow.
The left-hand side of the stone preserves an epigram (in elegiac cou-
plets), according to which Clearchus copied the maxims from the tem-
ple in Delphi73 and had them inscribed on the monument (I.Estremo
Oriente 382 = 102):
ἀνδρῶν τοι σοφὰ ταῦτα παλαιοτέρων ἀνάκει[τα]ι

ῥήματα ἀριγνώτων Πυθοῖ ἐν ἠγαθέαι·
ἔνθεν ταῦτ[α] Κλέαρχος ἐπιφραδέως ἀναγράψας
εἵσατο τηλαυγῆ Κινέου ἐν τεμένει.
These wise words of men of old are set up

in most holy Pytho as sayings of famous men.
There Clearchus wrote them down meticulously
and dedicated them in the shrine of Cineas to shine from afar.
The Delphic maxims are also transmitted in several other lists: (1)
Sosiades’ Commandments of the Seven Sages, quoted in Stob. 3.1.173
p. 125-8 Hense (Σωσιάδου τῶν ἑπτὰ σοφῶν ὑποθῆκαι)74 and also pre-
served in a medieval collection of sayings dubbed the second Recensio
Parisina;75 (2) an inscription from Miletupolis, datable to the late fourth
71 Cineas is usually considered the founder of the city, since only such people were
buried intra muros: see L. Robert (1968) 431-2, Foray, Helly, Laronde et al. (1971) 185,
Bernard (1973) 105-6, Merkelbach and Stauber (2001) 6-7; (2005) 8, and Rougemont
(2012) 202-3 with n. 703; 205.
72 See L. Robert (1968) 417; 422.
73 Πυθοῖ ἐν ἠγαθέαι is a Homeric phrase: see Hom. Od. 8.80 and h.Hom. in Vestam
2 (Πυθοῖ ἐν ἠγαθέῃ).
74 See Althoff and Zeller (2006) 61-71.
75 The incipit of this collection reads ἔστι δὲ καὶ ὑπ᾿ αὐτῶν ἐπιγεγραμμένα ἐπὶ τοῦ
ἐν Δελφοῖς κίονος τάδε “the following sayings have also been inscribed by them (sc.
Seven Sages 533
or early third century BCE (Syll.3 1268 = I.Miletoupolis 2);76 (3) the col-
lection of Delphic maxims in the codex Vratislavensis Rehdigeranus gr.
12. 77 Shorter fragments include the school exercise in P.Athen. inv.
2782 ([ὑποθῆκαι τῶν ἑ]|π̣ τά “Commandments of the Seven”) 78 and
P.Oxy. LXI 4099, a mythological compendium with Delphic maxims.79
Other testimonies are two second- or third-century CE ostraca from
Narmuthis80 and a fourth-century BCE inscription from Thera (IG XII.3
1020a). However, these testimonies deviate more from the other ver-
sions; the ostraca, for instance, list the maxims in alphabetical order.
The five maxims of Ai Khanoum are also found in this order at the
end of Sosiades’ collection and at the end of the list in the codex Re-
hdigera-nus, which confirms that they closed the Delphic list. The stone
with Clearchus’ inscription served as the base for a stele on which the
maxims were written (probably in three columns). On account of the
lack of space, the stonecutter wrote the last five maxims on the remain-
ing space of the base.81 A small fragment from the bottom of this stele
the Seven Sages) on the column in Delphi.” In late antiquity, Sosiades’ collection cir-
culated together with that of Demetrius of Phalerum (quoted in Stob. 3.1.172 p. 111-
25 Hense and also preserved in the first Recensio Parisina). The first and second Recen-
sio Parisina have been published by Tziatzi-Papagianni (1994) 61-336. The two Paris-
ian texts keep Sosiades and Demetrius separate, but other related Byzantine collections
have conflated them (often adding material from Diogenes Laertius and elsewhere): see
Tziatzi-Papagianni (1994) 4-5; 21-43; 53-60. The Recensio Laurentiana and the Recen-
sio Aldina have been shown to be derived from the Recensio Parisina and can therefore
be discarded: see Tziatzi-Papagianni (1994) 49-53; 116-25.
76 See also Althoff and Zeller (2006) 53-9.
77 The incipit of this collection reads τὰ ἐν Δελφοῖς ἀναγεγραμμένα πρὸς τὴν τῶν
ἀνθρώπων εὐκοσμίαν “the inscriptions in Delphi engraved for the sake of human de-
cency.” A transcription of the text is found in Tziatzi-Papagianni (1994) 447-8.
78 LDAB 6923 = TM 65670, ed. Oikonomides (1980) 181-3. See also Maltomini
(2004) 19-21 and Althoff and Zeller (2006) 71-3.

79 The papyrus has been re-edited by Huys (1996), who identified the presence of
the Delphic maxims. See also van Rossum-Steenbeek (1998) 135-6; 320-1, Maltomini
(2004) 17-9, and Althoff and Zeller (2006) 73-5.
80 OMM inv. no. 779 (LDAB 5083 = TM 63869) and 1197 (LDAB 5080 = TM 63866),
ed. Pintaudi and Sijpesteijn (1989) 88-91. See also Maltomini (2004) 21-2 and Althoff
and Zeller (2006) 75-6.
81 See L. Robert (1968) 429-31. According to Bernard and Thiollier ap. Hoffmann
(2016) 209-10, however, the five maxims were deliberately separated from the other
sayings because of their importance.
was found about 1 meter from the base. It preserves traces of three max-
ims belonging to the foot of col. 1 (I.Estremo Oriente 383 = 104).
̣[ ?
εὐ̣ [λόγει πάντας] Speak well of everyone.
φιλόσοφ[ος γίνου] Be a lover of wisdom.
The third maxim can be identified as the saying φιλόσοφος γίνου,

found in Sosiades82 and in the codex Rehdigeranus no. 18 (φιλόσοφος
<γίνου>). The saying that precedes starts with epsilon, followed by a
trace at line level. Robert suggested εὐ̣ [λόγει πάντας] “speak well of
everyone,” which is also the preceding maxim in Sosiades’ collection
as quoted by Stobaeus.83 In Sosiades this is preceded by δόλον φοβοῦ
“beware of deceit,” but the round trace in the inscription is incompatible
with delta. According to Canali De Rossi, the correct saying may be the
subsequent maxim in Sosiades/Stobaeus: ὅσια κρῖνε “make pious judg-
ments.”84 Indeed, the order of the sayings varies slightly from one ver-
sion to another. In fact, in (the model of)85 the codex Rehdigeranus, the
saying δόλον φοβοῦ appears after φιλόσοφος <γίνου>.
Merkelbach‒Stauber and De Rossi used Sosiades’ collection in Sto-
baeus to reconstruct the lost maxims of the stele in Ai Khanoum. 86
However, the other versions of the Delphic maxims should also be used,
since several maxims are absent in one or more versions. A comparison
of these versions indicates that the Delphic maxims were pairs of say-
ings: e.g. ἕπου θεῷ and νόμῳ πείθου; θεοὺς σέβου and γονεῖς αἰδοῦ;
γαμεῖν μέλλε and καιρὸν γνῶθι. Variants in the individual maxims are
frequently found. For the maxims preserved in the inscription from Ai
Khanoum, the texts in Sosiades (as quoted by Stobaeus) and the codex
Rehdigeranus are as follows:
82 Stob. 3.1.173 no. 48 p. 126 Hense (φιλόσοφος γίνου) and the second Recensio
Parisina no. 20 (φιλό<σοφο>ς γίνου).
83 Stob. 3.1.173 no. 47 p. 126 Hense. It does not recur in the second Recensio Parisi-
na. It should perhaps be supplemented in the codex Rehdigeranus, either as φιλόσοφος

<γίνου, εὐλόγει> πάντ(ας) or as <εὐλόγει πάντας,> φιλόσοφος †πάντας (pro γίνου). See
L. Robert (1968) 430.
84 See Canali De Rossi (2004) 225.
85 The model of the codex Rehdigeranus had one pair of maxims per line, but the
scribe copied these erroneously as two columns. As a result, the pairs got split. Some-
thing similar happened in the second Recensio Parisina. See Führer (1997).
86 Merkelbach and Stauber (2005) 9-12 and Canali De Rossi (2004) 226.
Seven Sages 535
Sosiades Codex Rehdigeranus

παῖς ὢν κόσμιος ἴσθι παῖς ὢν κόσμιος γίνου
ἡβῶν ἐγκρατής ἡβῶν ἐγκρατής ἔσο
μέσος δίκαιος μέσος δίκαιος
πρεσβύτης εὔλογος πρεσβύτης εὔβουλος
τελευτῶν ἄλυπος τελευτῶν ἄλυπος
The inscription of Ai Khanoum confirms the readings γίνου against

ἴσθι in the first maxim and εὔβουλος against εὔλογος in the fourth.
In the editio princeps, Robert identified the Clearchus mentioned in
the epigram with the Peripatetic Clearchus.87 Lerner and Martinez-Sève
rejected this identification on chronological grounds.88 However, the
chronology of ancient Ai Khanoum is a vexed question, especially with
respect to the earliest phase of the city. Archaeologists have used pot-
tery to draw up a relative chronology for Ai Khanoum, distinguishing
eight ceramic phases,89 but it remains difficult to assign absolute dates
to this relative chronology.90
In the monument of Cineas, four stages can be distinguished. The
shrine was rebuilt twice (at the second and third stage); at the fourth
stage, it merely underwent minor restorations and was used as a house.91
The stone with the inscription was reused as a pedestal, with its in-
scribed face turned toward the wall in the pronaos.92 This suggests that
the column supported by the base was already gone when the stone was
87 The identification has been accepted by des Places (1969), Foray, Helly, Laronde
et al. (1971) 184, Courcelle (1974) 11, Oikonomides (1980) 179-80 with n. 5; (1987)
67, Schmitt (1990) 56, Schneider (1994) 416, Tziatzi-Papagianni (1994) 6 n. 23,
Wiesehöfer (1994) 160, Merkelbach and Stauber (2001) 7; (2005) 13-5, Bernard (2002)
75-8, Maltomini (2004) 4, Taïfakos (2007) xxv-xxvi; 377-9, and Hoffmann (2016) 205-
27. See also Engels (2004) 870-1 and Guarducci (2005) 271. Dorandi (2006b) 50-2 was
initially more agnostic, but later considered the identification probable: Dorandi (2011)
11; (2014) 67-8 and Dorandi’s Introduction (in this volume) 11. See also the discussion
between Hoffmann and Bernard, reported in Hoffmann (2016) 229-32.
88 Lerner (2003-4) 391-5; Martinez-Sève (2020) 357-60.
89 See Gardin (1985); (1990), Leriche (1986) 105-6, Lyonnet (1998) 141-3; (2012)
144-59, and Martinez-Sève (2020) 353-4.

90 See Leriche (1986) 79-81.
91 See Bernard, Le Berre, and Stucki (1973) and Lerner (2003-4) 383-90.
92 See Bernard, Le Berre, and Stucki (1973) 95-6.
reused (i.e. the inscription had lost its meaning). Since there is no radi-
cal change between stage III and IV, the inscription on the base and
column must originally date to stage I or II, i.e. the oldest stages.
Lerner attributed the inscription to the second stage of the shrine and
connected this with the so-called fourth ceramic phase of Ai Khanoum
(generally placed in the early second century BCE93). He argued that
the Clearchus of the inscription came to Ai Khanoum shortly after the
Far Eastern expedition by Antioch III (212-205 BCE). Such a dating
would exclude the Peripatetic Clearchus.94 However, in the shrine of
Cineas only pottery from the first ceramic phase was found (viz. in the
first stage of the shrine);95 therefore, Lerner’s connection of the inscrip-
tion with the fourth ceramic phase is questionable.96
Recently, Lyonnet and Martinez-Sève have dated the foundation of
the city and the construction of the first buildings not to the time of
Alexander the Great or Seleucus I (as many scholars had assumed be-
fore) but to the reign of Antioch I (281-261 BC).97 If these scholars are
correct, the date of the inscription is moved further down into the third
century BCE. According to Martinez-Sève, the new date under Antioch
I excludes the identification of the Clearchus of the inscription with the
Peripatetic.
Since we have little biographical information on Clearchus, the pre-
cise dates of his life are uncertain. Because he is attested as a pupil of
93 See Lerner (2003-4) 380-3, Lyonnet (2012) 156-7, and Martinez-Sève (2013) 215-
7; (2020) 354-7.
94 Lerner (2003-4).
95 See Lyonnet (2012) 147.
96 According to Yailenko (1990), the Delphic maxims found in Ai Khanoum inspired
the edicts of the Indian emperor Ashoka, which propagated similar popular command-
ments instructing temperance and obedience. The first of these edicts dates to the tenth
year of his reign (i.e. 259 BC), which would invalidate Lerner’s hypothesis. Bernard
(2002) 77, however, rejected the Indian parallel as too generic. See also Hoffmann
(2016) 214-6.
97 Lyonnet (2012) 157-9; Martinez-Sève (2013) 214; (2020) 357-60. According to
Lyonnet (2012) 147, the pottery of the first ceramic phase found in the shrine can be
associated with that of the second and third ceramic phase attested in the oldest levels
of the so-called “Temple with indented niches.” These oldest levels have been dated to
the time of Antioch I on the basis of numismatic evidence: see Martinez-Sève (2010)
201. Martinez-Sève considers the oldest stage of the shrine of Cineas and that of the
Temple with indented niches more or less contemporary.
Seven Sages 537
Aristotle98 and Aristotle taught in Athens from 335 to 322 BCE, Clear-
chus was probably born no later than 340 BCE.99 Wehrli derived a ter-
minus post quem for his death from Clearchus’ Arcesilas (10-1).100 This
work is usually assumed to have been named after the Academic Arcesi-
laus, who was born in 316 BCE, was a pupil of Theophrastus and was
head of the Academy from 268 BCE (succeeding Crates) until his death
in 241 BCE.101 If this identification is correct, Clearchus was still active
in the first quarter of the third century BCE, since Arcesilaus must have
been old enough or at the very least significant enough to give his name
to Clearchus’ work. This would mean that Clearchus was old when he
died (probably 80 years or older). However, it is possible that the Arce-
silas is not named after the philosopher Arcesilaus at all.102 Regardless
of this, the archaeological evidence remains insufficient to rule out an
98 See 6A (Κλέαρχος γὰρ ὁ Ἀριστοτέλους ὢν μαθητὴς... φησὶν Ἀριστοτέλην τὸν

διδάσκαλον αὐτοῦ); 8A (ὁ μαθητὴς Ἀριστοτέλους Κλέαρχος); 37 (Κλέαρχος δ᾿ ὁ
Σολεύς, εἷς δ᾿ οὗτος τῶν Ἀριστοτέλους ἐστὶ μαθητῶν); 68 (Κλέαρχος ὁ Σολεὺς οὐδενὸς
ὢν δεύτερος τῶν τοῦ σοφοῦ Ἀριστοτέλους μαθητῶν); 92A (Κλέαρχος Ἀριστοτέλους
μαθητής); 92B (παρὰ Κλεάρχῳ τῷ Ἀριστοτέλους μαθητῇ); 112 (ὁ Σολεὺς Κλέαρχος,
εἷς τῶν Ἀριστοτέλους μαθητῶν); 116 (Ἀριστοτέλους τοῦ παλαιοῦ γεγονὼς συνήθης).
99 See Weber (1880) 8-9, Wehrli (1969) 45, Wehrli, Wöhrle and Zhmud (2004) 583,
Tsitsiridis (2013) 4, and Fortenbaugh (in this volume) 440 n. 19. According to Moraux
(1950), however, Clearchus never attended the lectures in Athens but was only a pupil
of Aristotle, when the latter stayed in Assos or Mitylene (i.e. ca. 347-343 BCE), i.e.
Clearchus was only influenced by the “young” Aristotle. Therefore, Moraux dated
Clearchus’ birth no later than 380-370 BCE. So also Taïfakos (2007) xxviii-xxxv. In
order to uphold this early date, Moraux rejected the existence of the Arcesilas, but this
is unnecessary. See also Engels (2004) 870; 874.
100 Wehrli (1969) 46.
101 So Müller (1848) 317, Kroll (1921) 581, Wehrli (1969) 45; 49, Tsitsiridis (2013)
88-94, Ruta (2020) 124, White ad 10, Fortenbaugh (in this volume) 439-40, and May-
hew (in this volume) 604-6.
102 See Weber (1880) 9; Robert (1968) 446 n. 4; Taïfakos (2007) xlviii; 369. Verraert
(1828) 108 n. 1 was agnostic. The two extant fragments of the Arcesilas (10-1) discuss
a certain boardgame. Tsitsiridis (2013) 91-2 suggested that the title might alternatively
refer to a famous player of this game named Arcesilaus, attested in a fourth-century
BCE inscription from Epidaurus (IG IV2 1.159). The inscription is found on a stone
table that appears to be a copy of the game and names Arcesilaus and Lysander as its
dedicators (Ἀρκεσίλαος | Λύσανδρος | ἀνεθέταν). Tsitsiridis ultimately rejected this al-
ternative explanation in favor of the identification with Arcesilaus of Pitane, but Schorn
(2017) 326 considered the identification with the homonymous player more likely.
earlier date for the inscription.103 Moreover, the presence of several pre-
Seleucid coins and coins issued under Seleucus I104 in Ai Khanoum in-
dicates that the city likely had an earlier settlement (either under Alex-
ander or under Seleucus I).105
Another controversial element adduced by Narain against an early
date of the inscription is a brick used to seal the sarcophagus in the
shrine (which belongs to its first stage). This brick shows a stamp with
a Greek monogram and supposedly the Brāhmī letter jha.106 Since the
Brāhmī script is first attested under the Indian emperor Ashoka, Narain
argued that the brick must be dated between ca. 250 and 165 BCE. How-
ever, the relevance of this brick and the identification of the symbol as
a Brāhmī letter have now been refuted.107
In fact, the paleography of the inscription, especially that of the epi-
gram, suggests a date in the late fourth century BCE.108 As Robert ob-
served, the hand of the epigram (which is different from that of the max-
ims) imitates the book hand of literary papyri.109 Especially the four-
barred sigma (Σ instead of the lunate sigma ϲ) points to an early date: in
papyri, this feature disappeared in the early third century BCE.110
103 According to the chronological scheme developed by the archaeologists, the pot-
tery found in the shrine of Cineas predates that of the temple (although the time between
ceramic phase I and II-III may be small). Therefore, it remains possible that the shrine
and the inscription are slightly older than the temple. However, Lyonnet and Martinez-
Sève now consider ceramic phases I and II-III contemporary: see n. 97.
104 See Bernard (1985) 19-41.
105 According to Lyonnet (2012) 158-9, the earlier settlement was a military garrison.
See also Martinez-Sève (2020) 359-60.

106 The Greek monogram is found on Seleucid coins, issued under Antioch I, Seleu-
cus II (who ruled from 246 to 226 BCE), and Diodotus I (king of the independent
Graeco-Bactrian kingdom from 246 to 234 BCE): see Narain (1986a); (1986b); (1987a)
278-80; (1987b). Other Indian elements are bilingual coins of Agathocles and the ref-
erences to receipts of Kārshāpaṇas from Taxila on the ostraca from the treasury of Ai
Khanoum: see Narain (1986a) 800.
107 See Falk (1993) 334, Martinez-Sève ap. Rougemont (2012) 205 n. 721, and Ber-
nard in Rougemont (2012) 208-9. Falk considers it an eta, whereas Bernard associates
it with an Aramaic letter.
108 For the paleography of the maxims, see Rougemont (2012) 202 n. 698.
109 L. Robert (1968) 424. See also Bernard (2002) 78 and Rougemont (2012) 206-7.
110 See Cavallo and Maehler (2008) 8. Another archaic feature is the bridge-shaped
omega (Ω instead of ω), which disappears around the mid-third century BCE.
Seven Sages 539
Robert adduced the following arguments in favor of identifying the

Clearchus of Ai Khanoum with the Peripatetic: (1) the inscription re-
flects Clearchus’ interest in the Seven Sages and in sayings, also mani-
fested in his works On Sayings and On Lives; (2) an oriental journey
matches Clearchus’ interest in barbarians (Persians, Indians, Jews),
seen in On Sleep (6A-B) and On Education (12);111 (3) the popular wis-
dom of the Delphic maxims befits Clearchus as a moralist, who also
gave instructions about the right way of life in his work On Lives; (4)
the epigram displays Clearchus’ literary knowledge, in particular of ep-
igrammatic poetry (see Parrhasius’ epigram in 40-1 from On Lives) and
his pedagogic mission (see his work On Education); (5) the epigram
echoes Plato, who was the subject of two works by Clearchus: an En-
comium of Plato (2-3) and On Mathematical Expressions in Plato’s Re-
public (4-5).112
The Sages and Delphi are also combined in Clearchus’ comment on
the maxim γνῶθι σαυτόν in 101A-D (the Delphic maxim was given to
the Sage Chilon through the Pythia). A link with Delphi is further seen
in three paroemiographical fragments. In 68, Clearchus explains the
cultic exclamation ἰὴ παιών. When Leto came to Delphi with her chil-
dren, Apollo and Artemis, she happened upon the Pytho snake in a cave.
Since Apollo was carrying a bow, she encouraged him to shoot the mon-
ster (ἵε, παῖ). 113 According to Clearchus, the stone on which Leto
jumped to evade the snake is still found at Delphi: it lies at the foot of a
111 According to Stein (1931), Jaeger (1938) 140-2, Schuhl (1955) 126, and Wehrli
(1969) 45, Clearchus derived the association between the Indian Brahmins and the Jews
(in 6A) from Megasthenes’ Indica. L. Robert (1968) 450-4, by contrast, assumed that
Clearchus continued his journey from Bactria to India, where he met the Brahmins in
person (along with Megasthenes). If Lyonnet and Martinez Sève’s new dating of the
foundation of the city to the reign of Antioch I is correct, however, Clearchus cannot
have met Megasthenes, who was sent out as a diplomat to India by Seleucus I between
302 and 291 BCE. According to Tsitsiridis (2010) 297 n. 19; (2013) 59, Clearchus did
not rely on Megasthenes, since he did not use the names found in Megasthenes
(Βραχμᾶνοι and Συρμᾶνοι) but instead calls the Gymnosophists Καλανοί (after the In-
dian sage Calanus).
112 L. Robert (1968) 443-9. His arguments were reiterated by Merkelbach and
Stauber (2005) 13-4. See also Foray, Helly, Laronde et al. (1971) 184-5, Rougemont
(2012) 203, and Tsitsiridis (2013) 7.
113 A similar explanation is found in Duris FGrHist 76 F 79 = EM s.v. ἱήϊε p. 469
Kallierges and Call. Ap. 96-104.

bronze statue of Leto near the plane tree. This detail implies that Clear-
chus went to Delphi, where he saw the statue and the stone. 79A deals
with the saying οὗτος ἄλλος Ἡρακλῆς “this is another Heracles.” Ac-
cording to Clearchus, “Heracles, who is also called Briareos”114 robbed
the sanctuary in Delphi115; when later the Tyrian Heracles came to con-
sult the oracle, the god interrupted him proclaiming that “this is another
Heracles.”116 In 83 Clearchus explains the proverb κοινὰ τὰ τῶν φίλων
“the possessions of friends are shared.” When the Chalcideans sent gifts
to Apollo and Artemis in Delphi, the Delphians asked the oracle
whether they should dedicate the gifts to the gods equally; the god re-
plied with that proverb.
It is unclear whether the connection with Delphi in those three frag-
ments was invented by Clearchus or already existed before him, and
how seriously we should take these explanations.117 The link with Del-
phi is extremely contrived in any case. The pseudo-etymological expla-
nation of ἰὴ παιών sounds ludicrous. “Another Heracles” is not inter-
preted as a metaphor (someone as strong as Heracles) but supposedly
114 Βριάρεω in τὸν Βριάρεω (...) καλούμενον Ἡρακλέα should probably be inter-
preted as an accusative rather than as a genitive (the nominative is Βριάρεως, declined
like λαγώς), since a Heracles, son of Briareos is not attested anywhere else. So also
Wehrli (1969) 70 and Ruta (2020) 114 with n. 18. Clearchus probably identified Hera-
cles (son of Alcmene?) with Briareos, because the pillars of Heracles (Ἡράκλειοι
στῆλαι) were also called the pillars of Briareos (Βριάρεω στῆλαι): see 79B and Arist. F
678 Rose3 = F 790 Gigon = Ael. VH 5.3; Parth. F 34 Lightfoot = schol. D.P. 456 Müller;
schol. D.P. 64 Müller (citing Euphorion) ~ Eust. in D.P. 64; schol. Pi. N. 3.40 Drach-
mann; Hsch. β 1133 Latte. Contra White ad 79A.
115 This seems to refer to the myth of Heracles stealing the tripod from the oracle of
Delphi: see Cic. Nat. D. 3.42; Plu. De E apud Delphos 6.387d; De def. or. 7.413a; De
sera 12.557d; 17.560d; Paus. 3.21.8; 8.37.1; 10.13.7-8; [Apollod.] 2.6.2 (2.130); Hyg.
Fab. 32; Serv. Dan. Aen. 8.299; Historia Alexandri Magni recensio α 1.45.2; schol. Pi.
O. 9.43; 44a; 48 Drachmann; schol. Tricl. Pi. O. 9.48 Abel. The problem is that Briar-
eos-Aegaeon was one of the Hecatoncheires, who helped Zeus in the war against the
Titans, so that identifying him with Heracles, son of Alcmene, is quite odd. It is possible
that Clearchus merged or confused the Gigantomachy (in which Heracles, son of Alc-
mene, helped the Olympian gods) and the Titanomachy (in which Briareos helped Zeus)
and thus considered them one and the same person. Alternatively, it is possible that
Clearchus considered the thief Heracles-Briareos different from Heracles, son of Alc-
mene.
116 See also Paus. 10.13.8.
117 On this aspect of Clearchus’ research on sayings, see Zucker (in this volume)
505-9.
Seven Sages 541
refers to an actual second Heracles.118 Clearchus’ explanation of κοινὰ

τὰ τῶν φίλων does not even work, since Apollo and Artemis are brother
and sister, not φίλοι.119
Robert was right to recognize in Clearchus’ epigram an echo to a
passage in Plato on the dedication of the maxims by the Seven Sages
(Prt. 343a-b): Plato too calls the maxims ῥήματα and considers them a
manifestation of archaic philosophy (τῶν παλαιῶν). Robert also con-
nected Clearchus’ epigram with [Pl.] Hipparch. 228e, where Hippar-
chus’ maxims (τὰ Ἱππάρχου ῥήματα... σοφὰ) are compared to the Del-
phic ones (τὰ ἐν Δελφοῖς γράμματα τὰ σοφὰ ταῦτα).120
An additional argument in favor of identifying the Clearchus of Ai
Khanoum with the Peripatetic is a papyrus found in the treasury of the
palace during the excavations of 1976-77 (therefore not yet known to
Robert).121 The text is an unknown philosophical dialogue that treats the
Platonic theory of Forms,122 perhaps written by Aristotle.123 Thus, it at-
tests the interest of the local intelligentsia in Platonic and/or Aristotelian
118 The explanation in Arist. EE 7.12.12.1245a and [Arist.] MM 2.15.5.1212b is also

far-fetched: the saying supposedly refers to one’s alter ego, i.e. a friend. A metaphorical
sense lies behind Plu. Thes. 29.3 (where the saying refers to Theseus’ exploits) and Ael.
VH 12.22 (where the saying originally referred to a cowherd named Titormus, whose
strength was tested by Milo of Croton).
119 Incidentally, Timaeus (FGrHist 566 F 13a = schol. Pl. Phdr. 279c, 151 Cufalo; F
13b = D.L. 8.10) attributed this proverb to Pythagoras (not the Delphic oracle). See also
Iamb. VP 32; 92; D.L. 10.11.
120 L. Robert (1968) 422-3. On Clearchus’ relation to Plato, see also Schorlemmer
(in this volume) and Verde (in this volume) 341-2.

121 See Tziatzi-Papagianni (1994) 6 n. 23, Wiesehöfer (1994) 160, Dorandi (2006b)
51-2; (2014) 67, and Tsitsiridis (2013) 7.

122 The papyrus is now lost, but part of the text survives, since the ink got printed on
decomposed unbaked bricks. The text has been edited by Rapin, Hadot, and Cavallo
(1987) 232-49, Isnardi Parente (1992), Rapin (1992) 115-21; ap. Rougemont (2012)
238-40, Lerner (2003), Canali De Rossi (2004) 269-70, Auffret (2019), and Bonazzi
(2019). See also La Croce (1989), Vendruscolo (1997), Bernard (2002) 81, and
http://claude.rapin.free.fr/3Textes_Akhpapyrus1.htm.
123 Hadot in Rapin, Hadot, and Cavallo (1987) 248, Berti (1988) 39, and Auffret
(2019) suggested Aristotle’s On Philosophy, whereas Isnardi Parente (1992) 181-2 pro-
posed Aristotle’s Sophist. See also Hoffmann (2016) 184-205. Privitera (2011) 131-2
was more skeptical and also tentatively suggested Heraclides Ponticus’ work On Forms
(Περὶ εἰδῶν), of which no fragment has otherwise survived.
philosophy. Cavallo dated the papyrus to the middle of the third century
BCE on paleographical grounds.124
In conclusion, the chronological arguments against the identification
of the Clearchus of Ai Khanoum as the Peripatetic are not compelling.
Even if the inscription dates to the time of Antioch I (instead of Alex-
ander the Great or Seleucus I), Clearchus was probably still active
around that time. Moreover, the inscription attests Clearchus’ interest
in Delphi and the Seven Sages, which he shared with several fellow
students and contemporaries. Therefore, although the name Clearchus
is frequently attested in the Greek world in the fourth and third centuries
BCE,125 it is highly likely that “Clearchus” was Clearchus of Soli. He
probably traveled to Bactria, where he had a copy of the Delphic max-
ims inscribed on a stele in the shrine of Cineas in imitation of the Del-
phic list. His journey to Ai Khanoum may have been connected with the
expeditions of Alexander, Seleucus I or Antioch I. Other early Hellen-
istic literary men who joined such expeditions or went on diplomatic
missions are the Peripatetic Callisthenes and Megasthenes. Clearchus
may have been recruited by one of those monarchs to contribute to the
foundation of the Hellenistic city.126 The list of maxims and the epigram
confirming its authority (it is a faithful copy of that in Delphi) probably
have a political meaning too: the inscription is found in one of the oldest
buildings of the city and is meant to establish Greek culture in non-
Greek territory. At the same time, it reflects Delphic propaganda, also
seen in other fragments of Clearchus.
124 Cavallo in Rapin, Hadot, and Cavallo (1987) 236-7. See also Crisci (1996) 165.
The contrast between broad and narrow letters is found in third-century BCE papyri:
see Cavallo and Maehler (2008) 9; 39; 44. A remarkably archaic feature is the square
epsilon, which alternates with a more rounded form. Other archaic letter shapes are the
kappa with a long upright and small obliques and theta with a middle dot instead of a
middle stroke. On the other hand, the hand shows phi with rounded ovals, the lunate
sigma, and omega with a double curve (as opposed to the angular phi, the sigma in four
strokes, and the omega with a middle arc, found in late fourth- and early third-century
BCE papyri).
125 See Fraser and Matthews (1987-2018) I, II, IIIA, IIIB, IV, VA, VB, VC s.v.
Κλέαρχος and Trismegistos (People) under Κλέαρχος.

126 See Merkelbach and Stauber (2005) 14-5. According to Tsitsiridis (2013) 8,
Clearchus may have been invited to Ai Khanoum by his compatriot Stasanor of Soli,
who had been appointed satrap of Bactria in 316 BCE. This theory presupposes that
Clearchus came from Soli on Cyprus (not Soli in Cilicia). On this issue, see Taïfakos
(2007) xxvi-xxviii and Tsitsiridis (2013) 1-3.
Seven Sages 543
6. Conclusion
The few extant fragments show that Clearchus shared the Peripatetic
interest in the Seven Sages. Like many of his colleagues, he discussed
their sayings (101A-D) and the story of the prize of wisdom (81), the
latter perhaps in a digression on Pittacus (see 82). Despite objections by
modern archaeologists, the Clearchus mentioned in the inscription of Ai
Khanoum (102-4) is probably the Peripatetic Clearchus. The inscription
further attests Clearchus’ interest in the lore of the Seven Sages and
their connection with Delphi, also propagated by Plato and several other
early Peripatetics.
Works Cited
Althoff, J. and D. Zeller. 2006. Die Worte der Sieben Weisen.

Herausgegeben, übersetzt und kommentiert. Mit Beiträgen von M.
Asper, D. Zeller und L. Spahlinger (Texte zur Forschung 89)
(Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft).
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8

The Seven Sages and the

In the prologue to his Lives and Opinions of Eminent Philosophers,

1 See also the discussion by Ax (in this volume) 365-70.

writers.3 Individual Sages from the collegium already appear in Herod-

this novel. See Snell (1938) 116-27 and Dührsen (1994).

were written by Theophrastus and Hermippus.10

2. Clearchus on γνῶθι σαυτόν (101A-D)

8a-e. On Theophrastus, see Fortenbaugh (2014) 124-6; 200-1. On Hermippus, see

49-73, and Tortzen (2002).

sayings found in the margins of several manuscripts of Apostolius’ Collectio paroe-

78, and Ruta (2020) 111 n. 1.

istotle discussed it in On Philosophy, Chamaeleon in On Gods, Hermip-

Table 1: The fragments of Clearchus on γνῶθι σαυτόν.

Dorandi’s Introduction (in this volume) 11 and his edition of 101A.

dates him. 21 Chamaeleon in On Gods, however, suggested Thales. 22

3. Clearchus on the prize of wisdom (81)

schol. Pl. Alc. 1 129a, 92 Cufalo.

114, vol. 2, p. 412 van der Valk.

Δαΐμαχος δ᾿ ὁ Πλαταιϊκὸς καὶ Κλέαρχος φιάλην ἀποσταλῆναι ὑπὸ Κροίσου

The fragment is cited by Diogenes Laertius as one of many ver-

“Mile- Theo- Prienian Andron’s “Milesian” Eudoxus Daïma-

circuit circuit circuit circuit

According to one version37 (probably of Milesian origin38), the prize

already at war before the discovery of the tripod.

vation by Plutarch: see Fehling (1985) 29.

1400 F 54 = D.L. 1.41) and Hermippus (FGrHist 1026 F 10 = D.L. 1.42).

371 Lasserre = FGrHist 1006 F 1 = D.L. 1.29-30) he replaces Cleobulus.

sap.; Georgius Syncellus, Ecloga chronographica p. 286 Mosshammer. Anacharsis is

thyphro (FGrHist 1007 F 1), cited in D.L. 1.107.

for δαίδαχος ὁ πλατωνικὸς (read by the medieval manuscripts).

4. Clearchus on Pittacus (82)

τούτῳ (sc. Πιττακῷ) γυμνάσιον σῖτον ἀλεῖν, ὥς φησι Κλέαρχος ὁ φιλόσοφος.

His exercise was to grind grain, as Clearchus the philosopher says.

According to Clearchus, Pittacus ground grain. The story was probably

metaphor for oppressive exaction of claims and penalties.”

preted the activity as a gymnastic exercise, perhaps trying to portray

Clem. Al. Paed. 3.10.50.262

Aelian also mentions a millstone song. This song is found in Plutarch’s

ἄλει, μύλα, ἄλει· Grind, millstone, grind.

Plutarch, Clement, and Aelian probably draw on Clearchus, who may

62 Clement is probably the source for Isidorus Pelusita, Epistulae de interpretatione

5. The inscription of Ai Khanoum (102-4)

and 40), an epigram of Parrhasius (40-41), Philoxenus (61), a fragment of a hexametric

tributed the fragments to Clearchus’ Arcesilas (see n. 13).

of the city)71 in 1966 (during the second archaeological campaign).72

παῖς ὢν κόσμιος γίνου As a child, be well-behaved;

ἀνδρῶν τοι σοφὰ ταῦτα παλαιοτέρων ἀνάκει[τα]ι

These wise words of men of old are set up

(2004) 19-21 and Althoff and Zeller (2006) 71-3.

The third maxim can be identified as the saying φιλόσοφος γίνου,

na. It should perhaps be supplemented in the codex Rehdigeranus, either as φιλόσοφος

Sosiades Codex Rehdigeranus

The inscription of Ai Khanoum confirms the readings γίνου against

144-59, and Martinez-Sève (2020) 353-4.

98 See 6A (Κλέαρχος γὰρ ὁ Ἀριστοτέλους ὢν μαθητὴς... φησὶν Ἀριστοτέλην τὸν

See also Martinez-Sève (2020) 359-60.

Robert adduced the following arguments in favor of identifying the

Kallierges and Call. Ap. 96-104.

refers to an actual second Heracles.118 Clearchus’ explanation of κοινὰ

118 The explanation in Arist. EE 7.12.12.1245a and [Arist.] MM 2.15.5.1212b is also

(in this volume) and Verde (in this volume) 341-2.