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Original PDF Corporate Finance The Core 4th Edition by Jonathan Berk PDF
Original PDF Corporate Finance The Core 4th Edition by Jonathan Berk PDF
The Yield Curve and the Economy 154 n Global Financial Crisis
n Common Mistake Using the European Sovereign Debt Yields:
Annuity Formula When Discount A Puzzle 195
Rates Vary by Maturity 154 n Interview with
n Interview with Carmen M. Reinhart 196
Kevin M. Warsh 156 MyFinanceLab 197 n Key Terms 198 n
5.4 Risk and Taxes 157 Further Reading 199 n Problems 199 n
Risk and Interest Rates 158 Data Case 203 n Case Study 204
After-Tax Interest Rates 159 Appendix Forward Interest Rates 206
5.5 The Opportunity Cost of Capital 160 Computing Forward Rates 206
n Common Mistake States Dig Computing Bond Yields from Forward
a $3 Trillion Hole by Discounting Rates 207
at the Wrong Rate 161
MyFinanceLab 162 n Key Terms 163 n
Chapter 10 Capital Markets and the Pricing Chapter 11 Optimal Portfolio Choice
of Risk 318 and the Capital Asset Pricing
10.1 Risk and Return: Insights from 89 Years Model 357
of Investor History 319
11.1 The Expected Return of a
10.2 Common Measures of Risk Portfolio 358
and Return 322
Probability Distributions 322 11.2 The Volatility of a Two-Stock
Portfolio 359
Expected Return 322
Combining Risks 359
Variance and Standard Deviation 323
Determining Covariance
10.3 Historical Returns of Stocks and C orrelation 360
and Bonds 325
n Common Mistake
Computing Historical Returns 325 Computing Variance, Covariance,
Average Annual Returns 327 and Correlation in Excel 362
The Variance and Volatility of Computing a Portfolio’s Variance
Returns 329 and Volatility 363
Estimation Error: Using Past Returns 11.3 The Volatility of a Large Portfolio 365
to Predict the Future 330
Large Portfolio Variance 365
n Arithmetic Average Returns Versus
Diversification with an Equally Weighted
Compound Annual Returns 332
Portfolio 366
10.4 The Historical Trade-Off Between Risk n Interview with John Powers 368
and Return 332
Diversification with General Portfo-
The Returns of Large Portfolios 333 lios 369
The Returns of Individual Stocks 334
11.4 Risk Versus Return: Choosing
10.5 Common Versus Independent an Efficient Portfolio 369
Risk 335 Efficient Portfolios with Two Stocks 370
Theft Versus Earthquake Insurance: The Effect of Correlation 372
An Example 335
Short Sales 373
The Role of Diversification 336
Efficient Portfolios with Many
10.6 Diversification in Stock Portfolios 337 Stocks 374
Firm-Specific Versus Systematic n Nobel Prizes Harry Markowitz
Risk 338 and James Tobin 375
No Arbitrage and the Risk 11.5 Risk-Free Saving and Borrowing 377
Premium 339
Investing in Risk-Free Securities 377
n Global Financial C risis
Borrowing and Buying Stocks
Diversification Benefits During
on M
argin 378
Market Crashes 341
Identifying the Tangent Portfolio 379
n Common Mistake A Fallacy
of Long-Run Diversification 342 11.6 The Efficient Portfolio and Required
10.7 Measuring Systematic Risk 343 Returns 381
Identifying Systematic Risk: The Market Portfolio Improvement: Beta
Portfolio 343 and the R equired Return 381
Sensitivity to Systematic Risk: Beta 343 Expected Returns and the Efficient
Portfolio 383
10.8 Beta and the Cost of Capital 346
11.7 The Capital Asset Pricing Model 385
Estimating the Risk Premium 346
The CAPM Assumptions 385
n Common Mistake
Beta Versus Volatility 346 Supply, Demand, and the Efficiency
of the Market Portfolio 386
The Capital Asset Pricing Model 348
Optimal Investing: The Capital
MyFinanceLab 348 n Key Terms 350 n Market Line 386
11.8 Determining the Risk Premium 387 n Interview with Shelagh Glaser 428
Market Risk and Beta 387 n COMMON MISTAKE
n Nobel Prize William Sharpe Using a Single Cost of Capital
on the CAPM 389 in Multi-Divisional Firms 429
The Security Market Line 390 12.7 Final Thoughts on Using
Beta of a Portfolio 390 the CAPM 430
Summary of the Capital Asset MyFinanceLab 431 n Key Terms 433 n
Pricing Model 392 Further Reading 433 n Problems 434 n
12.4 The Debt Cost of Capital 417 13.3 The Behavior of Individual
Investors 450
Debt Yields Versus Returns 417
Underdiversification and Portfolio
n Common Mistake Using the Debt Biases 450
Yield as Its Cost of Capital 418
Excessive Trading and
Debt Betas 419 Overconfidence 451
12.5 A Project’s Cost of Capital 420 Individual Behavior and Market
All-Equity Comparables 420 Prices 453
Levered Firms as Comparables 421 13.4 Systematic Trading Biases 453
The Unlevered Cost of Capital 421 Hanging on to Losers and the
Industry Asset Betas 423 Disposition Effect 453
12.6 Project Risk Characteristics n Nobel Prize Kahneman and
and Financing 425 Tversky’s Prospect Theory 454
Differences in Project Risk 425 Investor Attention, Mood,
n Common Mistake Adjusting and Experience 454
for Execution Risk 427 Herd Behavior 455
Financing and the Weighted Average Cost Implications of Behavioral
of Capital 427 Biases 455
13.5 The Efficiency of the Market 14.3 Modigliani-Miller II: Leverage, Risk,
Portfolio 456 and the Cost of Capital 498
Trading on News or Leverage and the Equity Cost
Recommendations 456 of Capital 498
n Nobel Prize The 2013 Prize: Capital Budgeting and the Weighted
An Enigma? 458 Average Cost of Capital 499
The Performance of Fund n Common Mistake
Managers 458 Is Debt Better Than Equity? 502
The Winners and Losers 461 Computing the WACC with Multiple
Securities 502
13.6 Style-Based Techniques and the Market
Efficiency Debate 462 Levered and Unlevered Betas 502
Size Effects 462 n Nobel Prize Franco Modigliani
and Merton Miller 504
n Interview with
Jonathan C
lements 464 14.4 Capital Structure Fallacies 505
Momentum 466 Leverage and Earnings per Share 505
n Market Efficiency and the Efficiency n GLOBAL Financial Crisis
of the Market Portfolio 467 Bank Capital R egulation and
Implications of Positive-Alpha Trading the ROE F allacy 507
Strategies 467 Equity Issuances and Dilution 508
13.7 Multifactor Models of Risk 469 14.5 MM: Beyond the Propositions 509
Using Factor Portfolios 470 MyFinanceLab 510 n Key Terms 511 n
Selecting the Portfolios 471 Further Reading 511 n Problems 512 n
The Cost of Capital with Fama-French- Data Case 516
Carhart Factor Specification 472
13.8 Methods Used in Practice 474
Financial Managers 474 Chapter 15 Debt and Taxes 519
Investors 475
15.1 The Interest Tax Deduction 520
MyFinanceLab 476 n Key Terms 478 n
15.2 Valuing the Interest Tax Shield 522
Further Reading 478 n Problems 479
The Interest Tax Shield and Firm
Appendix Building a Multifactor Model 485 Value 522
n Pizza and Taxes 523
The Interest Tax Shield with Permanent
Part 5 Capital Structure Debt 523
The Weighted Average Cost of Capital
with Taxes 524
Chapter 14 Capital Structure in a Perfect
n The Repatriation Tax: Why Some
Market 488 Cash-Rich Firms Borrow 525
14.1 Equity Versus Debt Financing 489 The Interest Tax Shield with a Target
Financing a Firm with Equity 489 Debt-Equity Ratio 526
Financing a Firm with Debt 15.3 Recapitalizing to Capture the Tax
and Equity 490 Shield 528
The Effect of Leverage on Risk The Tax Benefit 528
and Return 491 The Share Repurchase 529
14.2 Modigliani-Miller I: Leverage, Arbitrage, No Arbitrage Pricing 529
and Firm Value 493 Analyzing the Recap: The Market Value
MM and the Law of One Price 493 Balance Sheet 530
Homemade Leverage 493 15.4 Personal Taxes 531
n MM and the Real World 494 Including Personal Taxes in the Interest
The Market Value Balance Sheet 495 Tax Shield 531
Application: A Leveraged Valuing the Interest Tax Shield
Recapitalization 496 with Personal Taxes 534
19.3 Building the Financial Model 697 19.6 Sensitivity Analysis 716
Forecasting Earnings 697 MyFinanceLab 717 n Key Terms 718 n
n Interview with Further Reading 718 n Problems 719
Joseph L. Rice, III 698
Appendix Compensating Management 721
Working Capital Requirements 700
Forecasting Free Cash Flow 701
n USING EXCEL Glossary 723
Summarizing Model Outputs 703
The Balance Sheet and Statement
of Cash Flows (Optional) 704 Index 743
Solution
portant concept using a Let’s start by writing down the timeline of the loan payments:
1 2 48
step-by-step procedure 0 $500 $500
...
$500
that guides students The timeline shows that the loan is a 48-period annuity. Using the annuity formula the present
value is
Thus, taking the loan is equivalent to paying $21,290 today, which is costlier than paying cash.
to the financial markets. funding to banks, large and small, on the
front lines of the economy, thus encour- work and studying. You should pay cash for the car.
reference.
Timelines: Introduced in Chapter 4, timelines are emphasized
as the important first step in solving every problem that There are three things to note about the IRR function. First, the values given to the IRR func-
tion should include all of the cash flows of the project, including the one at date 0. In this
involves cash flows. sense, the IRR and NPV functions in Excel are inconsistent. Second, like the NPV function, the
IRR ignores the period associated with any blank cells. Finally, as we will discuss in Chapter 7,
Numbered and Labeled Equations: The first time a full equa- in some settings the IRR function may fail to find a solution, or may give a different answer,
depending on the initial guess.
to assign first-rate materials to students for homework and with a computer and a list with the names of two companies—Ford (F) and Microsoft (MSFT). You
have 90 minutes to complete the following tasks:
1. Download the annual income statements, balance sheets, and cash flow statements for the last
practice with the confidence that the problems are consistent four fiscal years from MarketWatch (www.morningstar.com). Enter each company’s stock symbol
and then go to “financials.” Export the statements to Excel by clicking the export button.
with chapter content. Both the problems and solutions, which 2. Find historical stock prices for each firm from Yahoo! Finance (finance.yahoo.com). Enter your
stock symbol, click “Historical Prices” in the left column, and enter the proper date range to
also were written by the authors, have been class-tested and cover the last day of the month corresponding to the date of each financial statement. Use the
closing stock prices (not the adjusted close). To calculate the firm’s market capitalization at each
xviii
Additional Resources in
n Video clips profile high-profile firms such as
Boeing, Cisco, Delta, and Intel through interviews
14. You have been offered a unique investment opportunity. If you invest $10,000 today, you will and analysis. The videos focus on core topical
receive $500 one year from now, $1500 two years from now, and $10,000 ten years from now.
a. What is the NPV of the opportunity if the interest rate is 6% per year? Should you take the areas, including capital budgeting, mergers and
opportunity?
b. What is the NPV of the opportunity if the interest rate is 2% per year? Should you take it now? acquisitions, and risk and return.
n Auto-Graded Excel Projects—Using proven,
field-tested technology, ’s new auto-
graded Excel Projects allow instructors to seam-
lessly integrate Excel content into their course.
n Finance in the News provides weekly postings of
a relevant and current article from a newspaper or
journal article with discussion questions that are
assignable in .
n Live news and video feeds from The Financial
Times and ABC News provide real-time news
updates.
n Author Solution Videos walk through the in-text
examples using math, the financial calculator, and
spreadsheets.
xix
xx
W
E WERE MOTIVATED TO WRITE THIS TEXTBOOK BY A CENTRAL
insight: The core concepts in finance are simple and intuitive. What makes the
subject challenging is that it is often difficult for a novice to distinguish between
these core ideas and other intuitively appealing approaches that, if used in financial decision
making, will lead to incorrect decisions. De-emphasizing the core concepts that underlie
finance strips students of the essential intellectual tools they need to differentiate between
good and bad decision making.
We present corporate finance as an application of a set of simple, powerful ideas. At the
heart is the principal of the absence of arbitrage opportunities, or Law of One Price—in
life, you don’t get something for nothing. This simple concept is a powerful and important
tool in financial decision making. By relying on it, and the other core principles in this
book, financial decision makers can avoid the bad decisions brought to light by the recent
financial crisis. We use the Law of One Price as a compass; it keeps financial decision
makers on the right track and is the backbone of the entire book.
xxiii
the Law of One Price—as the unifying concept in valuation. We introduce the Law of One
Price concept as the basis for NPV and the time value of money in Chapter 3, Financial
Decision Making and the Law of One Price. In the opening of each part and as pertinent
throughout the remaining chapters, we relate major concepts to the Law of One Price,
creating a framework to ground the student reader and connect theory to practice.
The third letter, even longer than this, though of similar tenor,
was signed by the representative men in the army,[242] and
concluded by praying that their services and hardships be rewarded
with grants, and that Cortés be confirmed in the government till the
king might be pleased to appoint an infante or a grandee of the
highest class, for so large and rich a country ought to be ruled by
none else. Should the designing bishop of Búrgos of his accord
“send us a governor or captain, before we obey him we shall inform
your royal person.” This sentence, which Las Casas characterizes as
a “great though sweetened piece of impudence,” and several others
not in harmony with Cortés’ own calculated report, were probably the
cause for the disappearance of the letter before it reached the
emperor.[243]
FOOTNOTES
[219] Villa Rica is the name appearing in the first royal charter of 1523, but with
later foundations Vera Cruz became the title. Panes, Extension Veracruz, MS., 1
et seq. The municipal council, however, distinctly calls it la Rica Villa de la
Veracruz and ought to be the proper authority for the form of name first applied.
Carta del Ayunt., in Cortés, Cartas, 1 et seq. ‘Y luego ordenamos de hazer, y
fundar, è poblar vna Villa, que se nombró la Villa Rica de la Vera-Cruz; porque
llegamos Jueves de la Cena, y desembarcamos en Uiernes Santo de la Cruz, é
rica por aquel Cauallero que ... dixo que mirasse las tierras ricas.’ Bernal Diaz,
Hist. Verdad., 29. ‘Llamola Villa Rica a la nueua poblaciõ, y de la Veracruz, por
auer desembarcado el Viernes Sãto, y Rica, por la riqueza que se auia
descubierto.’ Herrera, dec. ii. lib. v. cap. vii. Although nominally founded adjacent
to San Juan de Ulua, there was no intention to build the town on that unhealthy
and dreary spot. The first actual foundation took place at the harbor of Bernal.
Nearly five years later the town rose anew on the present Rio de la Antigua, where
it became known alone as Vera Cruz. In 1599 the actual or new Vera Cruz found
itself finally planted on the very site of the first nominal foundation. The chief
reason for this change was probably the need for the better protection against
filibusters afforded by the island of San Juan de Ulua, whose batteries
commanded the harbor. See Albornoz, Carta al Emperador, Dec., 1525, in
Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 495. The charter for la Nueva Ciudad de la Vera-Cruz
was granted July 19, 1615. Calle, Mem. y Not., 68; Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 30;
Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, i. 27; Humboldt, Essai Pol., i. 276-7. Alegre, Hist. Comp. de
Jesus, i. 149-50, has some excellent remarks hereon. Few authors, however, are
free from blunders with regard to the different sites, even Lorenzana committing
more than one. Cortés, Hist. N. España, 381.
[220] ‘Los Hombres mas Poderosos entendian en buscar Lugares en los Montes,
y partes mas remotas, para conservar sus Mugeres, Hijos, y Hacienda.’
Torquemada, i. 403.
[222] ‘Figliuoli porse del suo fratello Cuitlahuatzin.’ Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 30.
[223] ‘Ciertas pieças de oro y plata bien labradas, y vn casquete de oro menudo....
Peso todo esto dos mil, y nouenta Castellanos.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 58.
[224] Before the embassy came, says Herrera, ‘Diò orden con voluntad del señor
de Chianhuitzlan, que los tres Mexicanos pressos fuessen sueltos,’ dec. ii. lib. v.
cap. xi.
[225] Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 290. Other authorities differ in the spelling.
[226] One of them who had bartered a fine light-colored horse for some property in
Cuba was unable to annul the trade, and thus lost his animal. Bernal Diaz, Hist.
Verdad., 34. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 64, refers merely to murmurs in favor of
Velazquez, which Cortés quiets by placing a few in chains for a time.
[228] According to Gomara the Aztec garrison does ravage the country when the
Totonac revolt occurs, and their forces meet the Spaniards on the field, only to flee
at the sight of the horsemen. Cortés and four others dismount, and mingling with
the fleeing, reach the fort gates, which they hold till their troops come up.
Surrendering the place to the allies, Cortés tells them to respect the people and to
let the garrison depart without arms or banner. This victory gained great influence
for the Spaniards, and remembering the feat of Cortés, the Indians declared that
one Spaniard was enough to aid them in achieving victory. Hist. Mex., 59.
Ixtlilxochitl, who follows Gomara, fights the Aztec garrison as far as the city, and
then captures it. Hist. Chich., 290. Solis assumes that a few Spaniards cut off the
retreat of the townsmen, and rushing forward with some Cempoalans, are already
inside when the leaders come to plead for mercy. Hist. Mex., i. 197-8. The
foremost credit is however due to Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 34-5, who, being
present, declares Gomara’s account wholly wrong, that no garrison existed here,
and that no resistance was made. The latter sentence is modified by Tapia, also a
member of the expedition, who states that the town did resist and was punished.
Relacion, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 566. Hence it may be assumed that Diaz, as
a foot soldier, was not present to see the probably bloodless rout of the Indians by
the cavalry. The townsmen are not likely to have allowed the Cempoalans to
approach without offering resistance, or, in case they knew of the Spanish
advance, without sending a deputation before the pillage began.
[229] Passing through two towns, the soldiers suffering greatly from heat and
fatigue. Near Cempoala the lord awaited them in some temporary huts with
bountiful cheer, though apprehensive of Cortés’ anger at his deception. The
following day they entered the city. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 35; Herrera, dec. ii.
lib. v. cap. xiii.
[230] ‘Veinte Doncellas (aunque Gomara dice, que fueron ocho),’ says
Torquemada, i. 399, without giving his reasons.
[232] Gomara makes the natives tear down the idols and the sepulchres of
caciques worshipped as gods. ‘Acabo con los de la ciudad que derribassen los
idolos y sepulcros de los caciques, q̄ tambien reuerẽciauan como a dioses.’ Hist.
Mex., 67.
[233] Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 36; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. v. cap. ix. xiv. Gomara
places the presentation of the women at the first visit of the Spaniards to the city,
and herein he is followed by Herrera, Torquemada, and Ixtlilxochitl. Hist. Chich.,
289.
[234] These proved the more valuable since Cortés’ horse had died shortly before.
He obtained, by gift or purchase, the fine Arriero, a dark chestnut belonging to
Ortiz, the musician, and to García, the miner. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 33.
Gomara assumes that Salcedo brought a caravel, with sixty Spaniards and nine
horses, the vessel having been detained in Cuba for repairs. Hist. Mex., 59; yet he
includes Salcedo as present at the final review there. Id., 14. He is evidently
confused.
[235] For himself and one heir. Further, after conquering and settling four islands,
he might select one from which to receive perpetually for himself and heirs one
twentieth part of all the revenue accruing therefrom for the king. No duty would be
charged during his life on any clothing, arms, and provisions imported by him into
those lands. As an aid toward the expenses of the conquest, a royal estate at
Habana was granted him, and a salary in those lands of 300,000 maravedís. The
other clauses of the commission related to mines, clergy, taxes, and settlers. It
was dated at Saragossa, November 13, 1518, ‘five days previous to the
usurpation of the fleet by Cortés,’ observes Las Casas, Hist. Ind., v. 3-5. Dated at
Barcelona, says Herrera, dec. ii. lib. iii. cap. xi. Several are led to suppose that
Velazquez did not receive the notice of his appointment for over a year after its
date, which is unlikely. Mex., ii. 222-3.
[236] Which he failed to enjoy, since he died at sea while en route to New Spain to
take possession. Las Casas, Hist. Ind., iv. 465-6; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. iii. cap. xi.;
Cogolludo, Hist. Yucathan, 16-17.
[237] Many of these died from hardship, and the rest returned impoverished to
their country. Las Casas, Hist. Ind., iv. 374-6; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. ii. cap. xix.;
Cogolludo, Hist. Yucathan, 8.
[238] It has been generally assumed, from a loose acceptance of chroniclers’ text,
that all the treasures were surrendered for the object in view, but this could not
have been the case. The pile of gold dust and nuggets, accumulated by constant
barter along the coast, and increased by the contents of two helmets sent by
Montezuma, formed a respectable amount, of which only a small portion was sent
to the king, as specimens of mining products. Three thousand castellanos were
set aside for the expenses of the messengers to Spain, and an equal sum for
Cortés’ father, ‘Otros 3000 que Cortés enviaba para su padre.’ Las Casas, Hist.
Ind., iv. 498. ‘A su padre Martin Cortes y a su madre ciertos Castellanos.’ Gomara,
Hist. Mex., 62. The disposal of the dust alone indicates an apportionment. Further,
the list of treasure sent to Spain, as appended to the Carta del Ayuntamiento, and
as given by Gomara, shows that much of the wrought metal received from
Montezuma, not counting that acquired by barter, was retained by the expedition.
Gomara writes that the first step of Cortés was to order a division of treasures by
Ávila and Mejía, acting respectively for the crown and the army. All the effects
being displayed in the plaza, the gold and silver amounting to 27,000 ducats, the
cabildo observed that what remained after deducting the royal fifth would belong to
the general in payment for the vessels, arms, and supplies surrendered by him to
the company. Cortés said there was time enough to pay him; he would now take
only his share as captain-general, and leave others wherewith to settle their small
debts. He also proposed that instead of sending merely the one fifth to the king,
the finest specimens should be given, which was agreed to. His list is given in
Hist. Mex., 60-2. Ordaz and Montejo were sent round with a list to be signed by all
who wished to surrender their share in the gold. ‘Y desta manera todos lo firmaron
â vna.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 36. The Carta del Ayunt. refers to four of
Velazquez’ men as objecting to the presents being sent elsewhere than to their
leader. Cortés, Cartas, 26-7; Tapia, Relacion, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 563;
Herrera, dec. ii. lib. v. cap. xiv.; Torquemada, i. 407; Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt. iii.
118.
[239] No generous allusion appears to have been made to the discoverers who
opened the way for him. Gomara alone gives a brief outline of the letter, but the
original or copy has never been found, notwithstanding the close search made.
Since Charles V. received it on the eve of his departure for Germany, it occurred to
Robertson that the Vienna archives might throw on it some light, and the
consequent search led to the discovery of an authenticated copy of the companion
letter from the municipality of Villa Rica, but nothing relating to Cortés’ report. Hist.
Am., preface, x.-xi. Panes insists that the letter must have existed in the Vienna
Court Library at one time. Doc. Domin. Esp., MS., 59-60. Barcia suggests several
ways in which it might have been lost; one being its production before the royal
council at the instance of Pánfilo de Narvaez. Bibl. Occid., tit. iv. ii. 598.
Fortunately the companion letter and other narratives cover its essential points.
[240] ‘El Cabildo escriuiò juntamente con diez soldados ... ê iva yo firmado en
ella.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 36.
[241] Written by Cortés’ most devoted friends, and undoubtedly under his
supervision, we cannot expect to find it other than a labored effort to promote his
views. Robertson, whose suggestion led to its discovery in the Vienna Imperial
Library, offers a mere synopsis of the contents. Hist. Am., preface, p. xi. ii. 521-2. It
is given at length in the Cortés, Cartas, by Gayangos, Paris, 1866, 1-34, with
notes, and with the list of presents appended; and in Col. Doc. Inéd., i. 417-72,
and in Alaman, Disert., i. 2d app., 41-104, preceded by an introductory sketch of
the expedition by the collector of the papers, and containing the list of presents as
checked by Muñoz in 1784 from the Manual del Tesorero de la Casa de la
Contratacion de Sevilla.
[242] ‘Todos los Capitanes, y soldados juntamente escriuimos otra carta.’ Bernal
Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 36. ‘El cabildo ... escriuio ... dos letras. Vna ... no firmaron sino
alcaldes y regidores. La otra fue acordada y firmada del cabildo y de todos los
mas principales.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 63.
[243] Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 37, gives a long detail of its contents, particularly
of the conclusion, wherein the bishop of Búrgos is pointed out as favoring his
friends and relations in the distribution of Indian governments. Velazquez enjoyed
his special favor in return for the large presents in gold and towns he had made, to
the prejudice of the crown. Cortés, on reading the letter, was highly pleased with
the eulogy bestowed upon himself, and promised to remember it when rewards
came to be distributed, but he objected to the prominence given to the discoveries
of Córdoba and Grijalva, ‘sino á èl solo se atribuia el descubrimiento, y la honra, ê
honor de todo,’ and wished to suppress the statement that one fifth of the profits
were to be given to him. The men declined to hide anything from the king, and so
Cortés no doubt made the messengers hide the letter. Tapia gives a brief synopsis
of it, mentioning the objections raised against the bishop of Búrgos, and the
resolution not to obey any orders contrary to their report till the king had replied to
it—‘é para que otra cosa en contrario de lo que le escrebiamos no se hiciese, que
S. M. sin saber de qué hacia mercedes, no las hiciese, estábamos prestos de
morir é tener la tierra en su real nombre fasta ver respuesta de esta carta.’
Relacion, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 566.‘Esta carta no vido el Emperador,
porque, si la viera, no les sucederia ni á Cortés ni á sus consortes el negocio tan
favorable como abajo se parecerá.’ Las Casas, Hist. Ind., iv. 498.
[244] ‘En una nao que ... despaché á 16 de julio del año de 1519, envié a V. A.
muy larga y particular relacion.’ Cortés, Cartas, 51; Oviedo, iii. 261. ‘En veinte y
seis dias del mes de Julio ... partieron de San Juan de Ulua.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist.
Verdad., 37. On the next page he says July 6th. The naming of Ulua as the port of
departure shows also a carelessness of facts; yet Gomara says:‘Partieron ... de
Aquiahuiztlã ... a veinte y seis.’ Hist. Mex., 6. Still Cortés’ letter, written so soon
after, ought to be correct. Prescott accepts the 26th.
[246] ‘Doña Mayor de Fonseca. El obispo de Búrgos ... por la muerte del Gran
Chanciller ... tornó á alear y á ser principal.’ Las Casas, Hist. Ind., v. 2; Herrera,
dec. ii. lib. iii. cap. xi.; Zúñiga, Anales Ecles. Sevilla, 414.
[248] Guzman appears to have started in October from Cuba, when Narvaez’
expedition against Cortés had already begun to be fitted out. Carta de Velazquez,
Oct. 12, 1519, in Col. Doc. Inéd., i. 472-5; Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xii.
246-51; Carta al Figueroa, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 402; Las Casas, Hist. Ind.,
v. 2. His appeal to the Jeronimite Fathers, says Bernal Diaz, met only with rebuff.
They considered that Cortés had done well to send so rich a present to the king.
‘Le embiaron al Diego Velazquez â Cuba â vn Licenciado que se dezia Zuazo
para que le tomasse residencia ... Uelazquez, se congoxó mucho mas, y como de
antes era muy gordo, se paró flaco en aquellos dias.’ Hist. Verdad., 38. Martin
petitioned the bishop for the repair and return of the messengers’ vessel to
Velazquez, together with another vessel, both to carry reinforcements to the
Indies. This was needed, partly to prevent the possible conflict between Cortés’
party and the expedition fitting out under Velazquez to support the men he had
already sent under Cortés as his lieutenant. Memorial, in Col. Doc. Inéd., i. 407-9.
[249] Sandoval, Hist. Carlos V., i. 203. ‘Viniéronse con la corte hasta llegar á la
Coruña, y en este camino los cognoscí yo.’ Las Casas, Hist. Ind., iv. 499; Herrera,
dec. ii. lib. ix. cap. vii.
[251] According to Bernal Diaz the bishop of Búrgos retained not only the original
letters of the king, but a portion of the presents, which produced a sharp letter
from Charles. The duplicate letters reached him, however. Hist. Verdad., 38-9.
This author is not well informed about the movements of the procuradores. He lets
the king reach Flanders before they arrive, and there receive only the reports.
CHAPTER XI.
THE SINKING OF THE FLEET.
July-August, 1519.