A CRITIQUE OF THE SCHOLARSHIP PROGRAM

CREATED BY OVERSEAS MISSIONARY

FELLOWSHIP IN PARTNERSHIP WITH THE
INDIGENOUS MANOBO PEOPLE IN CENTRAL
MINDANAO.

Irene McMahon

Presented as part of the requirement for the award of MA

in Global Issues in Contemporary Mission
within the Postgraduate Modular Scheme at
University of Gloucestershire

August, 2012
DECLARATION

This dissertation is the product of my own work and does not

infringe the ethical principles set out in the University’s Handbook
for Research Ethics.

I agree that it may be made available for reference via any and all
media by any and all means now known or developed in the future
at the discretion of the University.

Signed:

______________________________________
Irene McMahon

_______________
Date

ii
ABSTRACT
As the 2015 Millennium Development Goals deadline approaches, it is
disconcerting to read that ‘Governments are failing to address the root causes of
marginalization in education’ (UNESCO 2010:2). This is particularly so when there
has been a huge injection of finance into the Philippine Department of Education.
This critique of an education program created by OMF (Overseas Missionary
Fellowship) in partnership with the indigenous Manobo people in central Mindanao
will reveal that it requires more than finance to enable marginalised people groups
to access mainstream education.

Using grounded theory research methods to engage in conversations with more

than fifty parents, teachers, students, missionaries and community leaders this
study revealed more than eighty-nine repeating ideas highlighting concerns
regarding the program. These ideas were then grouped into common themes.
Reflection on these nineteen themes, together with knowledge of the cultures
involved, resulted in the creation of three theoretical constructs which could be
considered major factors influencing the evolution of the OMF educational
program.

While every marginalised people group is unique the findings from this study will
resonate with others involved in assisting indigenous people access mainstream
education. This study shows that cultural expectations, issues of power and
allegiance and the impact of shame culture, plays as much a part in accessing
education as does finance. The creativity required to address these issues could
be one of the reasons why governments find it so difficult to extend their
bureaucratic arm into marginalised communities.

iii
 PREFACE
This study is a critique of the OMF scholarship program which has existed in
various forms since 1986 created in partnership with the indigenous Manobo
people in central Mindanao, Republic of the Philippines. I have been involved in
the program since 1990 and have watched its evolution with interest. While
fundamentally the study is to fulfil academic requirements, it was an opportunity to
examine the program critically and academically for OMF and MABCAM1.

Using grounded theory research methods allowed me to listen to the voice of the
Manobo and thereby make a critical appraisal of a program in which I have a
vested interest. The OMF scholarship program is not a unified unit2 but something
which has evolved over twenty-six years, dependent upon availability of
missionaries and funding in various regions. My involvement and the majority of
interviews took place in Bukidnon province, as this is where I am most familiar
with the program. I have also interviewed Manobo students, parents and
community leaders from Davao del Norte.

I am indebted to countless friends and colleagues from the indigenous Manobo

communities scattered across the mountains in central Mindanao. We were
welcomed into the Manobo community more than 20 years ago by Datu Sulatan
and the families in in the Tigwa Valley. I cannot name all to whom I am indebted
but I must acknowledge the support of Pastor Albert Catua (MABCAM President)
and Jun Sabudan (MEP3 Co-ordinator).

I am also deeply indebted to my colleagues and friends in OMF and SIL (Summer
Institute of Linguistics) without whose support this study could never have taken
place. I want to say thanks to Dolfi Annen my team leader, Dr Catherine Young
(SIL), Dr Emo Yango (OMF) and Dr Richard Cardew who have encouraged and
advised me. I am especially grateful to the late Dr Dick Elkins (SIL) whose study
of Manobo culture has been invaluable. Finally to my husband Wilson who has
grown in patience and longsuffering during these past six months, I must reserve
my deepest gratitude.

1
Manobo Bible Church Association of Mindanao: this is the church denomination OMF partner with and for
whom the education program is designed.
2
See Appendix D page 53
3
Manobo Education Program, the title given in 2012 to the revised scholarship program

iv
CONTENTS

Chapter page

DECLARATION…………………………………………… ii
ABSTRACT………………………………………………. . iii
PREFACE ………………. ………………………………. iv
TABLE OF CONTENTS…………………………………. v
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ……………………………. vi
LIST OF FIGURES ……………………………………… vii
MAP OF THE PHILIPPINES …………… …………….. viii
1 INTRODUCTION: HISTORY & CONTEXT…………… 1
i. Logging trucks arrive ………………………... 1
ii. Insurgents appear …………………………………. 2
iii. Missionaries move in ………………………………. 3
iv. Introduction of formal education …………………… 4
v. The current situation ……………………………….. 5
2 RATIONALE AND METHODS ………………………….. 6
i. The rationale for this research ……………………. 6
ii. Truth and worldview ………………………………… 6
iii. Objectivity ……………………………………………. 7
iv. Ground theory methods ……………………………. 7
v. Research methods ………………………………….. 8
vi. Data and coding …………………………………….. 10
3 WHAT IS POVERTY? .............................................. … 13
i. Manobo relationships with God and the Spirit world 14
ii. Self-image and relationship with other Filipinos….. 14
iii. Manobo and the Government ……………………… 17
4 CONSTRUCT No 1: The reluctant Datu………………… 20
i. The Datu …………………………………………….. 21
ii. How OMF became a Datu …………………………. 22
iii. Financial obligations: the counterpart …………….. 22
iv. Financial obligations: arranged marriages ……….. 23
v. Financial obligations: incomplete studies …………. 24

v
5 CONSTRUCT No 2: A Cross cultural strain in respect
to power and allegiance ………………………………….. 26
i. The cultures involved in the scholarship program .. 26
ii. Power and the theory of limited good. ……………… 27
iii. Power and access to the program …………………. 29
iv. Power and rules ………………………………………. 30
v. Power and leadership ……………………………….. 32
6 CONSTRUCT 3: Education puts shame in its place……. 34
i. Shame and poverty ………………………………….. 35
7 CONCLUSIONS……………………………………………... 37
i. Records ……………………………………………….. 37
ii. Missiological study …………………………………… 38
iii. Personnel dedicated to development of the Program 38
iv. Study of other programs …………………………….. 38
v. Communities in transition ……………………………. 39
BIBLIOGRAPHY …………………………………………………….. 41
APPENDICES
A Themes and repeating ideas for the reluctant Datu ………… 47
B Themes and repeating ideas for cross cultural strain
power and allegiance …………………………………………… 50
C Themes and repeating ideas for education put
shame in its place ……………………………………………….. 52
D Outline of the OMF scholarship Program ……………………... 53
i. ICEP Program Upper Langilan ……………………………. 53
ii. Tagpopoot Manobo Christian School ……………………….. 54
iii. St Nino High School Dorm Talaingod ………………………. 55
iv. Halapitan High School Dormitory ……………………………. 55
v. Umayamnon High School Dormitory ………………. ……….. 56
vi. Davao College Dormitory ……………………………………… 56
vii Valencia College Dormitories ………………………………… 56
viii Postscript ………………………………………………………. 56
E Questions to Guide the Conversations ………………………… 57
i. Questions to guide the conversation with parents …… 57
ii. Questions to guide the conversation with students ….. 57
iii. Questions to guide the conversation in the group ……. 57
iv. Questions used at MABCAM/OMF Meetings. ……….. 57

vi
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS & ACRONYMS

OMF Overseas Missionary Fellowship

SIL Summer Institute of Linguistics
MABCAM Manobo Bible Church Association of Mindanao
DepEd Department of Education in the Philippines
IPCEAP Indigenous Peoples’ College Education Assistance Program
NCIP National Commission for Indigenous People (Philippines)

vii
LIST OF FIGURES

Map of Philippines ………………………………………………………… viii

Map of Mindanao ………………………………………………………… viii

viii
ix
 CHAPTER 1
Introduction

History and Context

The context of this study is set among the indigenous people of Davao del Norte and
Bukidnon on the island of Mindanao in the Republic of the Philippines. These people are
known as Manobo, meaning ‘people’ or ‘dwellers’ (Edgerton 2008:247). The Manobo
traditionally lived in extended family clans and often distinguish between themselves by
adopting the name of the river or geographical area where they live.

Heibert, an anthropologist, would define the Manobo as being people who have a
peasant worldview, that is people who live between two worlds ‘on the one hand, they are
poor subsistence-orientated, rural people living in relative isolated communities…on the
other hand, they are tied to the world outside their communities (2008:123).’ During the
past forty years the contact with the outside world has increased considerably. An elderly
lady I had a conversation with was Inoy ni Jovita4 who was a teenage girl when the
Japanese invaded the Philippines (Inoy 2012).5 She described typical life for Manobo
when she was growing up recalling that they lived in secluded forest clearings in
extended family clans. She tells how they had an abundance of meat and vegetables
from the forest. The posts of their houses were hewn from the great hardwood trees and
the walls woven from split bamboo. After every harvest they would lift their house posts
and move to another place where they would slash down the trees, burn away the
undergrowth to plant their rice and build another house. Twice a year, after each rice
harvest, her husband would take a raft down to the nearest lowland town and buy salt,
dried fish and other commodities not available in the mountains. Inoy ni Jovita is
exceptionally elderly for Manobo. With no access to medical help many Manobo die
young, Inoy ni Jovita buried three of her children when they were still small (Inoy 2012).

4
Inoy ni Jovita means mother of Jovita; in Manobo culture most of the older people are known by
their relational name rather than their real name.
5
The Japanese invaded the Philippines in 1942.
1
Four things happened simultaneously during the 1970’s which were to traumatically
change their world.

i. Logging trucks arrive

Capriano Bat-ao described to me vividly the day the bulldozer arrived in their village (Bat-
ao 2012). It was 1969 and he had just started school.6 At that time there was no road out
of his village so his father took him by raft every Sunday to stay with his aunt who lived
near the school. He happened to be at home on the day the first bulldozer arrived. His
grandparents were so terrified by the growl of the engine in the distance that they ran into
the forest and did not return for several days. When the logging company eventually
established themselves in the area Cipriano’s father and many other Manobo men were
employed to fell trees. Tree felling is something at which Manobo are very skilled.
Cipriano described how, after the trees were gone, the government encouraged them to
grow corn. While the logging companies were still in the area they were able to transport
their produce to markets without any cost. However once the logging stopped the roads
became overgrown, bridges collapsed and it was difficult to transport any amount of
produce out of the area. He recalls carrying sacks of corn on his head to take to the mill
several miles away (Bat-ao 2012).

Deforestation had a very significant impact on Manobo culture. Firstly there was the
immediate ecological impact: soil erosion, destruction of the natural habitat for the food
sources including a rise in the riverbeds and subsequent decrease in fish. Many Manobo
at this time ceased growing upland rice and began eating the corn they had grown to sell.
Growing corn for cash increased their contact with lowlanders and developed their
dependency on cash and commodities like soap and tinned goods. Eventually many
Manobo moved to live in or near the logging camps, where there was employment,
creating larger villages. Deforestation and illegal logging became an issue which led to
some ‘angry opposition’ against the government (Edgerton 2008:275) which leads us to
the next point.

ii. Insurgents Appear

The second significant happening during this time was the rise of a communist rebel
group known as the New People’s Army (NPA). They established themselves in the
mountains to conduct guerrilla warfare against the government. Their presence drew the
Philippine army to the area creating a conflict situation in which the Manobo were often

6
Inoy said that when a Manobo child could reach their right hand over the crown of their head and
touch their left ear it was time for them to go to school! In remote areas children would often be 10
years old before entering grade 1 as many would have to leave the village and live with relatives
near the school.
2
caught in the middle. Edgerton cites Bukidnon as having been a ‘prime staging ground for
central government forces’ from 1960 until 1980 (2008:273). In time many Manobo joined
the NPA for a variety of reasons. Some joined in order to avenge the death of a relative
allegedly killed by government soldiers; others joined, as indicated above, to publicly
remonstrate against the logging; for some young men it was something exciting to do,
while for others it became a way of making a living. While ideologically the NPA were
communist, our experience while living there was that few Manobo had any ideological
understanding of the group, just grievances against the government.

The government response to this situation was twofold. Firstly they encouraged the
Manobo to leave their traditional isolated living situations and create villages along the
logging roads. This was so that the government soldiers could offer them protection from
the NPA; secondly they began to train and arm Manobo in the Civil Home Defence
Forces (CHDF). ‘In both cases, upland peoples became pawns in a larger struggle about
which they had little understanding’ (Edgerton 2008:286).

iii. Missionaries move in

Into this situation in 1975 the first missionaries from OMF arrived. Together with a handful
of Wycliffe translators who had arrived a few years before, this small community were the
first foreigners many Manobo would have encountered. Libby Gill, a missionary from
Australia, described how she and her colleague had to travel into the mountains on the
logging trucks as there was no other form of public transport. Sometimes they rode on the
roof of the trucks hanging on to each other, feet dangling over the windscreen and other
times they were squashed into the cab with the driver and several other sweaty travellers
(Gill 2012). Some of the missionaries had motorbikes which were able to negotiate
logging roads and rivers to reach remote Manobo settlements. Encounters with the NPA
were not uncommon. Dolfi Annen recalls being stopped by the guerrillas who wanted to
borrow his bike! As the NPA were armed he did not think it wise to refuse. They did return
the bike a few weeks later but not quite in the same condition. (Annen 2012)

These years were characterised by turmoil and constant movement for both missionaries
and Manobo. Villages would disappear as people fled because of encounters between
insurgents and military. Others would be forced to move because of food shortage or
revenge killings between rival Manobo groups. Those fleeing would swell neighbouring
villages or settle in a new area only to be scattered again a few years later because of
further unrest.

3
 iv. Introduction of formal education
In the middle of all this turmoil local governments endeavoured to maintain some of the
major logging roads and bridges and extend the arm of the law into these newly created
villages. Schools and clinics began to appear and teachers and midwives were assigned
to some of these areas. However landslides causing road closures or the threat of
insurgency often rendered these services incapacitated for long periods of time.

It was not easy to establish schools in these remote areas. Traditional Manobo lifestyle
had no use for literacy or numeracy. Their skills and traditional knowledge were adequate
for their way of living and many older Manobo still do not value classroom education. One
baylan7 said to one of the early OMF missionaries:
God has given us knowledge concerning the mountains and rivers. We can name
every kind of bird and tree and tell you which ones to use for medicine. Even
without being able to read the Bible, we know how to trap wild pigs and monkeys
(Gill 1988:10).
This situation was further exacerbated by stories about giants who ate Manobo children
who went to school. Vencio Padao, a dormitory guardian, told me that his father would
not let him or his siblings attend school because of this rumour. Only when the teacher
came to visit their home and assured his father that this had not happened to any children
would Vencio’s father consent to him attending (Padao 2012). The schools which
survived were those situated in more accessible villages and usually co-inhabited by both
Manobo and lowland people. However even these schools were inundated with problems
of overcrowded classrooms, lack of desks and resources (a common problem throughout
the Philippines) and teachers who did not speak Manobo language nor understand
Manobo culture8. This often made it difficult for Manobo children to keep up with their
education in the early years as they had to grapple a whole new language and culture.

However gradually over the years more and more Manobo did begin to attend these
schools. One young man Timmy Dalumento, a college graduate, explained how his
neighbour, a Cebuano, had been the one to encourage him to go to school. Timmy’s
parents had not stopped him, but neither did they take any interest in his lessons and he
had to work on holidays in order to pay for school projects and his uniform (Dalumento
2012). While many of the early students interviewed for this research testified to having
parents who were ambivalent about their education, for others it was a battle between the
young person, who wanted an education and their parents who had arranged a marriage
for them. It was not a choice young people could easily make and this research
uncovered some incredible stories of resilience and courage of young girls who
deliberately moved away from their parents into very difficult situations to avoid marriage.
7
Baylan is the spirit priest or mediator between the people and the spirit world.
8
Not having an established education program in the mountains meant that up until very recently
there were extremely few college graduates who could have become teachers.
4
In 1986 eight Manobo young people graduated from elementary schools but could not
access High School because of the distance of the school from their village and because
of the costs of living away from home. In response to this need, and in recognition that
there would be more students to follow, OMF opened the first dormitory in Manika, Davao
del Norte (Manobo Team Minutes 1986:June). This was a very significant milestone for
the Manobo and OMF missionaries in their journey together in education.

v. The current situation

At the time of writing this research, 2012, most of the logging trucks have gone, key NPA
leaders have surrendered and the majority of the missionaries have returned home. The
government is slowly but surely re-opening the roads, re building the bridges and trying to
create an infrastructure to facilitate agricultural development and maintain law and order.
There are more elementary schools and health clinics and many remote villages are
coming under the national system of governance.

OMF now supports seven dormitories for Manobo students and voluntary donations from
OMF supporters around the world has brought in an annual budget of more than P2
million pesos9 in recent years. There have been more than sixty college graduates twelve
of whom are Board passers10 and a handful of skilled vocational workers.

While we celebrate the graduates and delight to see the High School dormitories
expanding, there are still many remote villages with no elementary school. It is estimated
that there are 14 – 17 million indigenous people in the Philippines, belonging to 110
ethno-linguistic groups. 61% of these live in Mindanao of which the biggest populations
are in Bukidnon province (UNDP 2010). For the majority of Manobo young people access
to High School is still very difficult but the possibility of attending college without a
sponsor is almost impossible.

9
The current exchange rate is £1 = P65.33 http://themoneyconverter.com/gbp/PHP.aspx [on line]
th
25 August 2012.
10
Midwifery and teaching both require a primary degree plus a national exam in order to be
employed by the government.
5
 CHAPTER 2
Rationale and Method

i. The rationale for this research

Over twenty six years the number of young people who have entered OMF scholarship
programs but did not complete their studies is quite high. At college level sixty students
out of a potential one hundred and thirty seven11 (44.85%) graduated. Due to lack of
records I cannot accurately estimate what percentages of students do not graduate from
high school. However estimating seventy students resident in the three high school
dormitories every year for the past ten years, there ought to be approximately twenty
three graduates every year. This would be a very conservative estimate. This would
potentially have resulted in two hundred and thirty three students entering the college
program in the past ten years instead of one hundred and thirty seven in twenty six
years12. It is important to remember that these figures represent only a tiny proportion of
the total number of school aged Manobo in these two provinces.13

ii. Truth and worldview

Living alongside people with animistic worldview has radically challenged my Western
worldview. As a Protestant from the northern hemisphere, my worldview has been
moulded by Christian teaching and Biblical thought. However the longer I lived in Asia the
more I realised how much Enlightenment ideals and colonialism have also permeated my
culture and shaped my ideals. I grew up on stories of missionaries whose exploits
inspired me to be involved in something exciting. While their motivation for mission was to
be a part of something they believed God was doing, there were also traces of an
Enlightenment trait of ‘a cure-all for the ills of the world and guarantee progress to all’
(Bosch 1991:343). This was not unusual for that generation and was indicative of their
age and generation. With greater ease of travel in the 21st century people have become
much more aware of how culture impacts behaviour both corporately (as nations) and

11
On account of the fragmented way the program evolved, OMF do not have complete or accurate
records of all students who have benefitted from the scholarship program. What I am working from
is a list I have compiled over the past six months by asking missionaries to each submit a list of the
names of those they supported through college. Simultaneously I asked church leaders and dorm
parents to confirm and add to it. It is not perhaps 100% accurate but it is I believe sufficiently
comprehensive for the purposes of this research.
12
The Bukidnon dorm opened 1996 and has had on average thirty students per year; the St Nino
dorm opened in 2000 and has had on average twenty students per year; the Umayamnon dorm
opened in 2002 and has an average of twenty students per year;
13
I have tried to get accurate statistics for the number of Manobo children actually in school in
three of the eight tribal areas from DepEd and the National Statistics Office but was not successful.
6
individually. The volume of material written by subaltern peoples exposing the faults and
excesses of colonialists has raised awareness of this issue. It is my belief that the
Christian faith offers the hope of a truly multicultural community whose focus and worship
is Christ and who can and will live together in the new heaven and the new earth as
described in Revelation chapter 7. In the meantime, Christians in all cultures and
throughout all generations continue to struggle with participating in whatever culture they
are born into while daily are striving to be transformed by the teachings of Christ. Every
cultural trait can be used or misused for good or evil and the challenge for every Christian
is to judge each characteristic of his or her culture against the Biblical principles and
adjust his thinking and behaviour accordingly. It is a lifelong struggle and until the new
heaven and new earth appear it will continue to be so.

In that context I find resonance with Said’s comments referring to Europeans living in or
writing about The Orient, ‘to be a European in such a context is by no means an inert fact.
It… means being aware, however dimly, that one belongs to a power with definite
interests…and more important that one belongs to a part of the earth with a definite
history of involvement in the Orient almost since the time of Homer’ (Said 1978:11). The
Western cultural superiority, which often spilled over into religious superiority, was infused
with Enlightenment features all of which consciously or subconsciously, influenced my
attitude towards the traditional beliefs of the Manobo. This was particularly evidenced in
my belief in the supremacy of reason (over against what I considered superstition and
irrationality which permeated Manobo belief and practices) and my confidence that the
problem of poverty could be solved with the right formula and that included some form of
scientifically based education.

I know that despite all these influences, living for more than 16 years surrounded by
Manobo friends and neighbours, studying traditional animistic culture together and daily
meditating on the Bible have changed and transformed my worldview and behaviour.
During those years my respect grew for a people who had a deep understanding of
spiritual powers and incredible knowledge of the creation surrounding them. Their
commitment to community and the efforts expended to maintain harmonious relationships
are monumental. While there are huge caverns between Biblical theology and traditional
religion, there is much we can learn from each other.

I believe that God is truth (John 14:6) and that He has revealed Himself through His Word
and through Christ. I believe that we can know Him, albeit unclearly (1 Cor. 13:12) and
that to know Him is eternal life (John 17:3). However worshipping with Manobo believers
has shown me that discovering truth is like looking through a kaleidoscope which keeps
twisting and changing revealing a magnificent medley of colour and light until I must
7
acknowledge with The Teacher in Ecclesiastes that: ‘no-one can comprehend what goes
on under the sun. Despite all his efforts to search it out, man cannot discover its meaning’
(Ecclesiastes 8:17).

iii. Objectivity
It is clear from the outset that I cannot be completely objective in this research. I was
involved in the creation of the dormitory in Halapitan Bukidnon province where we lived
and have invested much time in the lives of students there. I have personally sponsored
many students and encouraged friends and supporters from both inside and outside of
the Philippines to do the same. While my intent is to be scholarly in my approach to the
research, in reality who I am, my beliefs, background and social position will influence my
perceptions (Said 1978:10).

In acknowledging the fact that I cannot be objective, I have taken the approach
recommended by Swintow & Mowat, where I must constantly reflect upon my
assumptions about the world and the nature of knowledge, my relationship with the
participants of the study and my role in the program. I am, according to them ‘implicitly or
explicitly, a co-creator of the narrative that is the product of the research encounter’
(2006:61). I am very conscious that ‘sensitivity towards and awareness of the complex
dynamics of the interview situation is crucial if this co-narration is not to turn into
colonization’ (2006:61).

iv. Grounded theory methods

Grounded theory research methods lend themselves to studying and interpreting social
practice better than quantitative studies. Grounded theory research methods allow the
practitioner to listen to the subjective experiences of the participants in the research
before having to create a hypothesis (Auerbach & Silverstein 2003:22-28). In this
particular research it allows both the Manobo and the missionary to relate their
experiences and perceptions of the program. While there are times when quantitative
figures will be referred to in this study, the focus will be on narrative and culture.

In undertaking any research as an outsider, it is important to understand key values in

Filipino culture which will impact all social interaction. Smooth interpersonal relationships
and sensitivity to personal affront are essential to ensure social acceptance (Lynch & de
Guzman 1973:9). On account of these values, it would be extremely difficult for a Manobo
to point out faults or suggest that OMF made any mistakes in the program, or alternatively
for OMF to point to faults or failings of Manobo students. This situation is further
8
exacerbated by the prevailing culture of patron-client based relationships. In this situation
OMF are the patron, providing the financing for education, and the Manobo community
the client.
It is an interior law which dictates that the recipient of a good act or deed behave
generously towards his benefactor as long as he lives. To a Filipino, to show lack
of due gratitude is outrageous; being grateful is almost second nature to him. His
sense of utang na loob (debt of gratitude) defines his integrity as a person in the
context of social relationships (Miranda-Feliciano 1990:75).
I am very aware of these underlying factors and while I do speak both Cebuano and
Manobo, and have a measure of cultural understanding, my confidence rests not on my
linguistic ability or cultural insight only, but rather on the strength of the relationships I
have cultivated over sixteen years of living in this situation. In using a variety of mediums:
group interactions, one on one conversations, workshops, observation at meetings
between the key stakeholders and role-plays, I believe I was able to listen to the voice of
the Manobo and ascertain to some degree their perspective. I did not approach this study
with answers wanting proven, I came genuinely puzzled as to why more young people did
not graduate from college when most of their financial needs (what OMF considered the
primary obstacle to accessing education) were being taken care of.

v. Research methods
In undertaking this study I am not starting from zero. I am adding to years of observation
and cultural knowledge from both my own studies and that of my OMF and SIL
colleagues. In that respect I could be considered an ethnographer and I believe my
primary task is to describe what I have observed and transcribe what I have seen and
heard. I have taken copious notes and kept a journal of these five months which I
regularly read and re-read in order to reflect upon what I have recorded.

On account of the vast geographical area which is covered by MABCAM and that fact that
I was an itinerant teacher, I had great scope for interaction with both current and former
students. We lived for six weeks (January until March) in the Halapitan Dorm in Bukidnon
province and a further six weeks (April until May) in the Talaingod Dorm, Davao del Norte
province. During those two extended periods I endeavoured to interview as many college
graduates as I could in each province. I succeeded in interviewing thirty seven out of a
potential sixty. I interviewed a further sixteen students who had participated in the
program to college level, but did not complete their courses. I interviewed all the dorm
guardians and all of those who sit on committees or councils in an advisory capacity.

9
During this time I attended two dorm Council meetings (one in Bukidnon and one in
Davao del Norte), an IPCEAP14 committee meeting and overall MABCAM officials
meeting where issues of education where discussed. For each of these meetings I had
prepared an evaluative questionnaire (except for the overall MABCAM meeting) and I
was able to use this to provoke discussion and debate. During this time I have spent
much time with the MABCAM leaders talking and debating about the issues surrounding
education for Manobo young people.

On account of the constant turnover of missionaries and the autonomy of their

assignments, much of the detailed rationale for decisions and development of the
program are not available. However reading minutes, project proposals and application
forms in the archives have helped to create a fairly coherent picture of how the program
evolved. This information is further augmented by correspondence with all of the former
missionaries who were involved in the program and interviews with those who are
currently involved.

This project has not been an ordinary study. It is a live issue, and just conducting the
interviews and providing a platform for discussion has resulted in a considerable
transformation already. When the study began, some missionaries involved in the
program expressed disappointment at the perceived high dropout rate of students. There
was also evidence of frustration on the part of MABCAM leaders and former students that
they did not have the power to influence the program to bring about change. Furthermore,
travelling constantly in the mountains it became apparent just how many children and
young people still cannot access education at all and how many more had begun school
but could not completed their studies. This confirmed the very real need for an effective
education program accessible to a greater number of Manobo communities. It became
my prayer that the findings of this study will become the catalyst for transformation of this
program (Swinton & Mowat 2006:27).

Data Coding and Analysis

This study follows the method outlined in Auerbach and Silverstein’s book Qualitative
Data to codify and analyse journal notes, interviews, conversations and correspondence
into manageable text (Auerbach & Silverstein 2003). The first step in this process was to
identify concerns and to read through the raw text selecting the material which is relevant
to those concerns. The primary concern provoking this study was why more than 50% of
Manobo young people who entered the OMF program have been unable to complete
their studies at college level. After extracting these texts step two was to identify
repeating ideas contained in that text.
14
Indigenous Peoples College Education Assistance Program
10
A repeating idea is ‘an idea expressed in relevant text by two or more research
participants’ (Auerbach & Silverstein 2003:54). Eighty-nine repeating ideas were elicited
from the texts which were then grouped into nineteen common themes. Step three
required reflection on these nineteen themes, considering Manobo culture and the OMF
program in an endeavour to create a theoretical construct. A theoretical construct is ‘an
abstract concept that organises a group of themes by fitting them into a theoretical
framework’ (Auerbach & Silverstein 2003:66). The three theoretical constructs created
from this exercise were:
vi. The reluctant Datu,
vii. Cross cultural strain in issues of power and allegiance
viii. Education puts shame in its place. 15

These three theoretical constructs were then presented to four missionaries involved in
the program and separately, to four Manobo leaders who are have a vested interest in
education, all of whom were participants in the survey. These two groups affirmed these
findings and contributed to the shaping of those constructs.

Unlike hypothesis testing research, these constructs are probably not universally
applicable or generalisable in the way in which other traditional research findings are.
However while ‘aspects of human experience are unique and unrepeatable.. there
remains a degree of shared experience which we believe can, to an extent, transfer from
one context to another’ (Swinton & Mowat 2006:27). Swinton & Mowat argue that
qualitative research
often raises issues and offers insights which reach beyond the peculiarities of the
situation. It frequently (arguable always), creates a resonance with people outside
of the immediate situation who are experiencing phenomena which are not
identical, but hold enough similarity to create a potentially transformative
resonance (2006:47).

This research has been undertaken at a time when UNESCO has focused the world’s
attention on Education for All and Millennium Development Goals. As 2015 approaches,
while there has been significant progress in getting Filipino young people into schooling in
the lowlands, there has been little a change in the situation for the Manobo.16 A recent
report on progress regarding the MDG has shown that this is an Asia wide problem

15
See Appendix A, B & C
16
PRIME Philippine Response to Indigenous & Minority Ethnic Education; During the course of
this research the Australian government gave funding of P800 million to assist marginalised people
access education. MABCAM made several applications to this fund but at the point of writing they
had not been successful.
11
stating that despite ‘adequate funding and political commitment…the poorest groups,
those without education or living in more remote areas, have been neglected’ (UNESCO
2010). Another report identified the problem as a ‘lack of effort to seek new approaches
and paradigms to access the yet unreached minorities’ (Asian Development Bank
2008:9). Finance is only one reason among many why the Manobo cannot and do not
access mainstream education. This research does not tackle all of the issues relating to
marginalised people and education but it is hoped it will contribute something to this
massive problem.

12
 CHAPTER 3
WHAT IS POVERTY?

Poverty is an impersonal and at times an unhelpful label. It is easy to call people poor
without really understanding the complexity of poverty, how people became poor and how
difficult it is to break free from its restraints. Myers reminds us
Our point of departure for a Christian understanding of poverty is to remember
that the poor are people with names, people to whom God has given gifts, and
people with whom and among whom God has been working before we even know
they are there’ (Myers 1999:58).
On account of the fact that the Manobo refer to themselves as poor and are referred to as
poor by others, it is important to create a clear definition of what is meant by this term.

Poverty is not just the lack of things, lack of land or resources, skills or opportunities.
Poverty is ‘about relationships that don’t work, that isolate, that abandon or devalue’
(Myers 1999:36). It is people who are poor and while unjust systems, lack of
infrastructure or greed are often blamed, ultimately it is dysfunctional relationships that
cause poverty. Being created in the image of God and living in communities of others
created in his image is what gives us our identity. Each individual has gifts which were
designed to be used corporately in the stewardship of creation which is mankind’s
vocation (Myers1999:26). When our relationship with God, others and creation becomes
distorted our identity is affected. When people are unable to make creative, meaningful
contributions to community or when work is solely for the accumulation of wealth or
benefit of others joy or satisfaction in vocation are impaired.

The following paragraphs examine three sets of relationships which contribute to poverty
among the Manobo: Manobo relationship with God and the spirit world, Manobo self-
image and relationship with other Filipinos and finally the relationship between the
Manobo and the Philippine government.

13
 i. Manobo relationship with God and the spirit world
The Manobo are animistic and believe that ‘the invisible cosmos is an unseen dimension
which is coterminous with the visible cosmos and is populated by a hierarchy of spirit
beings’ (Elkins 1989:1). While Manobo do believe in the creator God who is more
powerful than these spirits, he is considered to be remote and uninvolved with human
affairs. The effect of this is twofold, firstly because God is distant and has (in their
worldview) turned his back on them, they cannot know their true identity (that is that they
were created in his image), nor can they understand their vocation in life (that is as
stewards of creation); secondly they are harassed and oppressed by the world of evil
spirits resulting in lives characterised by fear, a fear which Kraft says is consistent with
animistic cultures worldwide (Kraft 2008:488). This is because the hierarchy of ‘gods and
spirits are capricious and potentially evil. Their lust for human flesh and blood renders
them untrustworthy and keeps humans constantly on guard against their capricious acts’
(Elkins 1989:1). The Manobo believe that all ills and evil can be attributed to the spirits
and interaction with this world of spirits is part of everyday life. A baylan17 is required to
mediate between the Manobo and the spirit world through magic and manipulation and it
is the constant cost of the baylan and the rituals he performs, requiring animals or
produces to sacrifice, which compound the poverty of Manobo communities.

There is also a strong connection between these beliefs and lack of social change. Melba
Maggay, a Filipino theologian and anthropologist, explains that defective relationships
with the cosmos is a root cause of poverty that affects people at a level much deeper than
any program can touch. She has pointed out that ‘social change is primarily what
happens to people in the level of being where the Spirit alone has access’ (Maggay
1994:72). A midwife who has worked for many years in Manobo communities has
insightfully pointed out that midwives rarely see improvement in hygiene and healthcare
practices in villages where there is no spiritual change (Bandos 2012).

ii. Self-image and relationship with other Filipinos

It is often perceived that isolated indigenous communities live in perfect harmony and
therefore should not be disturbed. There may be some communities like that somewhere
in the world, but that certainly would not describe the Manobo people in Mindanao. One
terrifying trait of these formerly isolated communities is that of revenge killings and the
practice of robbing other tribes for slaves or brides. This study does not allow for a study
on the connection between shame and revenge nor to explain the justice system of
Manobo culture. However what is relevant is that the threat of these killings has increased
with the increased contact Manobo have with other Manobo clans.
17
Baylan is the spirit priest or mediator between the people and the unseen world.
14
The reasons for revenge killings are numerous but nothing, except perhaps the curse of a
powerful baylan is more feared. Theft of a water buffalo or horse would be considered
justifiable reason to kill someone. Adultery or non-payment of a bride price would also
spark of these killings. However the most common cause is simply to have shamed
someone. There is nothing which unsettles a Manobo community more than the rumour
that there may be revenge killers in the area. Men from the village were someone has
been shamed will arrive at dawn or dusk at the village where the offending party lives and
kill the first person they met. Davao del Norte and Bukidnon provinces have their own
unwritten rules about who can or cannot be killed. Generally speaking in Davao del Norte
revenge killers will not attack women, however in Bukidnon province women and children
are not exempt from these attacks. Then men from that village will have to revenge that
killing and so the tit for tat killings continue until the Datus18 from the villages concerned
are able to appease all the offended parties.

Datus have always had to be resourceful arbitrators finding gifts of water buffalo and
horses to appease the offended party and avert the revenge killings. What gave a Datu
his power in the past was his reputation as a killer, someone who would not be afraid to
avenge his dependents should the occasion arise. Datus themselves do not have an
unlimited supply of animals or money to be able to appease the offended parties each
time there was a threat of revenge killings and so he will ask for these from his
dependents. A Sunday school teacher explained to me that they used to have many
animals, but they have all been taken by the Datu in the resolution of conflict and now
their family does not even have a pig. This is yet another set of dysfunctional
relationships where Manobo are exploiting each other and aggravating their poverty.
These relationships are further exacerbated as Manobo communities come into contact
with lowlanders.

Many interviewees testified to being taunted or humiliated by classmates and teachers in

the classroom or on the way to school on account of their ethnicity (Sabudan 2012)
(Payaron D 2012). One group of students had to walk to another village to attend school
and on route were daily attacked by a group of lowland boys. They eventually had to
transfer to another school even farther away to avoid this harassment (Payaron D 2012).
One student described how teachers often humiliated pupils by telling them not to do
something because ‘you will look like a native’ or ‘it is like you come from the forest’
(Payaron E 2012). Manobo are often called ‘ignorante’ by lowland traders to the extent
that many Manobo will refer to themselves as ‘ignorante’ contributing to a marring their
own self-image.

18
Village or community chief respected for his ability to resolve conflict and maintain harmony
among his dependents
15
This perception and marred self-image is further exacerbated by the shame culture of the
Filipino. Shame as it is used in Filipino culture carries very different connotations from any
dictionary definition of the English word. Miranda-Feliciano defines three characteristics of
shame:
1. the feeling of embarrassment, modesty or shyness when a Filipino feels inadequate to
face up to something that involves other people whom he thinks expect much from
him;
2. the feeling of shame when s/he commits a crime and is found out;
3. the feeling arising from a strong sense of propriety, doing something without the
proper protocol (Miranda-Feliciano 1990:40).
When Manobo students talk about going to school they often speak of feelings of shame.
On probing as to what exactly they mean, the answer is that they are afraid something is
going to be expected of them which they do not believe they are capable of, or that they
will not know the correct protocol in the classroom situation. This shame is one of the
primary reasons many interviewees gave for not going to, or not continuing with,
schooling. This too compounds their poverty as there is a strong link between poverty and
lack of formal education.

Many students interviewed had attempted to work their way through High School. This
required living away from home in a situation where they would get food and
accommodation with a lowland family in return for doing laundry, house girl chores or
being a yard boy. Each one testified to working exceptionally long hours, getting up at
3am and having to work until after the family had gone to bed. One student summed it up
by saying that ‘if we are working for a Bisaya19 they are never satisfied, we never do
enough to repay their expenses’ (GIKB 2012). Many testified to getting sick after a few
months of this intense work and school routine and subsequently returned to live with
their family in the mountains. One young man interviewed became almost a slave to the
family he lived with and rarely got to school. He eventually ran away (RD 2012).
Unfortunately these are not isolated stories, these experiences with lowland compatriots
only served to compound the poor self-image of the Manobo and perpetuate their
poverty.

There is great animosity between Manobo and lowland people20. Ever since logging
trucks began to forge their way up into the mountains, lowland traders and farmers have
followed. It has been our observation that once lowlanders enter an area, it is only a short
time before they own most of the land and have many of the people in that community in

19
This is a term for the lowland Cebuano speaking people, often used by Manobo to express their
vehemence and distaste.
20
The predominant ethnicity of lowland people living close to the Manobo in the Davao del Norte
and Bukidnon provinces are the Cebuano and Ilocano people.
16
debt to them. When the author arrived in Kibungkog in 1995 there were no lowlanders
living in there and the Manobo still owned all the land surrounding that village. Today
however almost all of the land is in the hands of a lowland merchant and the Manobo
work to her. Many of the means used to obtain this land are unscrupulous, most often
exploiting the fact that the Manobo do not understand the true value of the land or the
terms and conditions of loans they are offered to develop it. This inevitably leads to
strained relationships where the Manobo have no means of recourse. Without their own
land it is becoming increasingly difficult for Manobo to earn a living. There hire
themselves out as causal labourers on the farms of lowlanders but the pay is minimum
daily rate and the work seasonal. Not only does this further aggravate their poverty, but it
serves to heighten the tension between Manobo and lowlanders.

One of the repercussions of this situation is that if a family have the choice between
having a child attend school or work for a lowlander, many will choose the latter in order
to augment the family income. On the one hand this is perfectly understandable as the
family are usually working to provide for immediate and essential needs. The long term
impact however is more children who do not get an education thus perpetuating the cycle
of poverty. In 2009 the Philippine government adopted the UNICEF Child Friendly
Schools initiative (UNICEF 2009). Through this scheme the government have been
encouraging community leaders to discourage local merchants from employing children
who could otherwise be in school. The initiative is a form of education and raises
awareness of the long term effect of these practices, but it is difficult to implement. It does
highlight however, that the international community can influence governments and
expose these issues. However how the government respond to these pressures is our
next point.

iii. Manobo and the Government

The Manobo live in remote mountain areas and are formally identified by the Philippines
government as an indigenous people group. The Indigenous Peoples’ Rights Act affirms
that the law guarantees their right ‘to employment, vocational training, education,
housing, sanitation, health, social security, infrastructure, transportation and
communication’ (Indigenous Peoples’ Rights Act 1997). In adopting the National
Indigenous Peoples Education Policy Framework (NCIP 2011), the Government affirm
that elementary education is compulsory and both elementary and high school education
will be free. A preface to all these promises is an acknowledgement from the government
that
Indigenous peoples remain to be among the most vulnerable and marginalized
members of the citizenry….[they] lack access to decent basic social services,
17
 have limited opportunities to engage the mainstream economy, and suffer social,
economic and political exclusion (National Indigenous Peoples’ Education Policy
Framework 2011:3).
Despite all this rhetoric there is little evidence of strategies or programs in place to fulfil
these promises. An interesting report on progress on the Millennium Development Goals
by The Asian Development Bank cites Asia as having the highest net enrolment in
primary education in the entire developing world, however they go on to say that:
Unfortunately country averages mask continuing disparity within countries…there
is a noticeable lack of effort to seek new approaches and paradigms to access the
yet unreached minorities who feel their exclusion from mainstream primary
education’ (ADB 2008:9).
This continues to be the case for Manobo communities in the provinces of Bukidnon and
Davao del Norte in 2012.

The National Commission for Indigenous People (NCIP) was created in 1997 to
‘protect and promote the interest and well-being of the ICCs/IPs21 with due regard to their
beliefs, customs, traditions and institutions’ (NCIP 2012). Part of their commitment is to
offer scholarships to indigenous people to assist them through college education.
However this funding has been notoriously difficult to access. When the subject of NCIP
arises in conversation students express exasperation saying: ‘they deceive us’ ‘they hide
their help from us;’ ‘they kept telling us to come back another day knowing we cannot
afford to’ (GIKB 2012).

NCIP also ‘Assists, promotes and supports community schools, both formal and non-
formal, for the benefit of the local indigenous community, especially in areas where
existing educational facilities are not accessible to members of the indigenous group’
(NCIP 2012). However the experience of Manobo colleagues and teachers in remote
situations has been a lack of support or assistance. One elementary school which I
visited has two hundred and ten children in five grades in three classrooms. All the
students are Manobo. There are two teachers. One teacher teaches Kindergarten from
6.30am until 9.30am and then Grade 1 from 9.30am until 11.45am and again in the
afternoon from 1pm to 4pm. The second teacher teaches Grade 3 from 7.30am to
12noon and grades 4 & 5 from 1pm to 5pm. They have no texts books and only the
teachers have reference books, (which they bought themselves), any materials they give
to the children the teachers have to photocopy at their own expense. They have been
asking for books, teachers and new classrooms for three years only the local mayor has

21
ICC Indigenous Cultural Communities; IP Indigenous People
18
made any contributions ( Batao 2011). This only confirms to the Manobo their perception
that indigenous people are not really important to their government.

These are all examples of relationships which are dysfunctional and which aggravate the
cycle of poverty for the Manobo. Looking at this situation it could be construed as
hopeless. Myers explains the cycle which perpetuates ‘while people create the political,
religious, and economic institutions of their society, at the same time these institutions
shape (create) the people who live in them’ (Myers 1999:48). However it is not a situation
without hope. The gospel message is a message about restoration of the whole spectrum
of relationships, right relationship with God which leads to a right concept of identity and
self which can then set the stage for improving relationships with others. OMF are not
naïve about the complexity of this task but have seen God transform the lives of many
Manobo and education and the scholarship program has had a significant role to play in
this transformation.

19
 CHAPTER 4
Theoretical construct number 1: the reluctant Datu

The research methods of Auerbach and Silverstein (2003) require careful listening to all
parties involved in the program. They suggest that once you begin to hear the same
information repeated, you have reached a large enough sample. At that point it is time to
read through those notes, keeping in mind the primary concern of the research, and look
for repeating ideas. Repeating ideas are sentiments expressed by more than two people.
In this research there were eighty-nine repeating ideas. The next step in creating a
theoretical construct was to select one repeating idea and look for other repeating ideas
which are similar. These groups then become a theme. There were nineteen themes
resulting from this study. Reflection on those themes, together with knowledge of Manobo
culture and the OMF program, led to the grouping of those themes into theoretical
constructs. It is those three theoretical constructs which are the subjects of the next three
chapters. The first theoretical construct: The reluctant Datu is based on the themes and
repeating ideas contained in Appendix A.

These eight themes were grouped together because they all relate to the cost of the
program and the constraint of poverty. Since the early years of OMF workers living in
these provinces, community leaders have consistently expressed their concern regarding
the inability of the majority of Manobo young people to access education. As more
Manobo parents have sold their land, leaving their children with no livelihood or
inheritance, this concern becomes increasingly acute. The last theme reflects a
remonstration regarding the ill feeling still felt by many students who were disciplined and
expelled from the program who believe they need to be reinstated in order to complete
their studies.

Considering these themes together, it became clear that there was an expectation from
the Manobo that OMF should be their Datu in respect to providing for and solving all the
problems relating to education. OMF in responding to the situation by offering dormitories
and sponsorship programs, had taken on the role of the Datu, albeit unwittingly. That is
why I have entitled this construct ‘The reluctant Datu’: OMF wanted to help with
education, but had not realised the full extent of the cultural expectations this commitment
involved. In order to understand the full implications of this construct it is necessary to
consider first who a Datu is and the role he plays in Manobo culture.
20
 i. The Datu
A Datu is the dominant figure in Manobo culture. An individual would become a Datu only
when he earns the respect of his peers by displaying the three virtues essential in this
role: pangalawat, paghusay and pamuhat (Edgerton 2008:40). None of these terms have
direct English translations, rather they describe relationships and roles. Pangalawat
describes the patron client relationship. If a community have confidence in the ability of
the Datu to protect them and resolve conflict, they will place themselves in a position of
dependency on him. They do this by asking him for property, like a pig for a wedding, a
chicken for a sacrifice or some land to work. In return he can ask them to work for him,
provide food for festivals or animals needed to placate an offended party in the resolution
of conflict. This idea is consistent with the description Hiebert gives of the patron client
relationship in peasant societies where borrowing ‘strengthens social relationships with
the patron’ (Hiebert 2008:130).

Paghusay describes the role expected of a Datu to settle disputes on behalf of his
dependents. The priority of the settlement is to restore equilibrium and harmony in the
community, not justice (Edgerton 2008:43). If either the plaintiff or the defendant still feels
aggrieved after the settlement, they will consider it their right to inflict vengeance on any
member of his enemy’s clan potentially sparking off revenge killings. Furthermore, should
either party be unable to pay the settlement costs agreed upon (which is commonly the
case), it is the responsibility of his Datu to find the payment, even at his own personal
expense. This process of paghusay is probably what defines the Datu more than
anything. His competence in conflict resolution determines whether or not a community
depend on him and his role as Datu will only last as long as his ability to maintain
community harmony. This is primarily why the role of Datu is not dynastic, this skill can be
learned by a Datu’s children, but it cannot be conferred.

Pamuhat refers to the role of appeasing and maintaining harmony in the unseen world of
the spirits. Since all major events in life involve the spirits these ceremonies are
numerous and complex. Unlike Westerners, the Manobo do not separate the physical or
practical problems in life from the spiritual, they are interrelated and interdependent and
in undertaking responsibility for someone, this includes his or her spiritual wellbeing.
While the actual rituals are more often carried out by the baylan it is still a responsibility of
the Datu to ensure that they happen.

21
 ii. How OMF became a Datu
In 1986 Datu Sulatan (Bukidnon) and Datu Catua (Davao del Norte) presented the
problem of their inability to put their children through high school to OMF (OMF 1986).
The problem was twofold: firstly due the distance from their homes to the high school, the
students would need somewhere safe to live, protected from exploitation by lowlanders;
and secondly the cost of uniforms and school projects was prohibitive.22 In agreeing to
undertake this responsibility, OMF unwittingly assumed the role of the Datu.

It could be argued here that this request on the part of the Manobo played directly into the
‘pervasive attitude of benevolent paternalism’ (Bosch 1991:295) latent in so many
Western missionaries. As explained in Chapter 2, culture influences the thinking of each
generation which is not always recognised. However email correspondence with several
OMF missionaries who were involved in the program at the very beginning reveals some
of the concerns of the team at that time. Dana McCain recalls that the response of the
missionaries to this request for assistance was based on the thinking that this was ‘a time
limited program designed to help one generation which will help others and the next’
(McCain 2011). Sheryl Mallari remembers some heated discussions with some team
members expressing concern that by providing dormitories and food OMF were going to
create dependency (Mallari 2012). Wendell Krossa recalls that some team members were
concerned that ‘this was getting side-tracked from our main purpose of teaching the
gospel (Krossa 2012). The discussion was brief but unfortunately neither time nor people
were dedicated to research this issue from a missiological perspective to consider the full
implications of becoming involved in education. As OMF, the reluctant Datu, undertook
this new responsibility, it soon became clear that there were expectations from both
parties which were not entirely understood by the other.

iii. Financial obligations: the counterpart

OMF clearly stated from the beginning that they expected the parents to make a
contribution in cash or in kind towards the costs of keeping their children in the
dormitories, presumably to allay the fears of those concerned about the issue of
dependency. Records show however, that few payments were ever made. The issue
has been mildly contentious and is consistently mentioned in policy documents and
minutes throughout the years (OMF c1989)(OMF 1993)(OMF 2004). The reason for the
need of a counterpart payment was not necessarily understood by the Manobo.
Consistent with the Datu relationship, they considered themselves obligated to OMF, but
in their culture these obligations do not take the form of monthly payments. Lostina
Bandos, a midwife with exceptional understanding of Western values, suggested OMF

22
Technically speaking high school education is free, however the lack of resources in the school
means the students often have school projects to finance.
22
should consider their expenses in educating the Manobo as an investment. She went on
to explain: ‘When you arrive in our village we will help you with your ministry, you never
have to be concerned about food or accommodation we will take care of you’ (KGGI
2012). There was a counter payment on the part of the Manobo it was just not the
payment OMF had anticipated.

In 2006 OMF initiated a new program in the Upper Langilan area. The missionary
responsible for this initiative, Ria Zebua from Indonesia, was aware of the struggles of the
OMF program and endeavoured to deal with some of the issues she knew had been
contentious. When the request came from the community leaders in that situation, Ria
took many years to research the situation, dialogue and engage with all the Datus in the
area before responding. The pace at which this program evolved is indicative of an
understanding of culture and patience with process which is unusual among Western
missionaries. The result has been a program, not without its challenges and faults, but
which has full community support, a counter payment by parents and communities
commensurate with their means and a sense of ownership which ought to make it easier
to hand over when OMF exit that area in the future.

iv. Financial obligations: arranged marriages

Another issue which OMF have wrestled with for many years has also finally begun to
reach a culturally creative solution in the Upper Langilan program. This is the issue of
parents removing young people from the dormitories before the completion of their course
in order to get them married. Missionaries have wrestled with this problem for many
years and tried several solutions. Some missionaries would ask parents to promise, either
in writing or verbally during an interview, to reimburse the expenses incurred by OMF
when a student was taken out of the program by the parents before completion of studies
to be married. Others would try to negotiate with the parents to allow the student to
complete their studies. More often than not however the decision of the parent to arrange
for the marriage of their child was unknown both to the student and OMF. More than 25%
of the students left the program to get married. However in the Upper Langilan situation,
Datu Lidio managed to intervene on the part of one young student and actually annulled
the agreement between the parents of the two young people concerned. The annulment
followed the patterns of all Manobo conflict resolution and required many meetings and
the exchange of some livestock combined with a written signed agreement by all those
present. What was particularly intriguing about this agreement was the number of
signatures on the agreement: five datus, the two sets of parents plus the community
leader where the meeting took place. While this was a unique situation perhaps it can
become a prototype of future dealings with this issue.

23
 v. Financial obligations: incomplete studies
Another issue which arose in each of the interviews with former students was that of
students who had been expelled from the program and were therefore unable to complete
their studies (KBGI 2012) (VGI 2012) (KGGI 2012) (KTGI). The strength and frequency of
these remonstrations revealed that this was a very emotive issue. The former students
acknowledged that if a student broke the rules of the program, s/he should be asked to
leave the program, but only temporarily. They must be given the chance to complete their
studies: that was imperative. Not to be given that opportunity was to leave a residue of ill
feelings which would impair their relationship with OMF, other students, the guardians
and potentially upset the harmony of their community.

From the perspective of the Manobo this situation was a situation unresolved:
Any Datu whose mediation efforts resulted in a situation characterised by
continued ill feelings, failed not only the parties directly involved but the entire
community whose members stood to suffer from continued instability (Edgerton
2008:43).
For reasons beyond the scope of this paper, exposure of an offence in a shame culture is
an extremely delicate issue which cannot be easily aligned with a Western concept of
justice. For OMF there were usually issues of justice combined with the fact that there
was a limited budget and an infinite number of potential students. One young college
student interviewed recalled that there was no reason for her being expelled from the
program. She had not been in a relationship and remonstrated that she had waited at the
beginning of the new year to be called by the missionary for enrolment. On investigation
of this particular situation, it was discovered that this student had not handed in several
assignments and therefore had been unable to complete those subjects. An incomplete
subject prohibits a student enrolling for the next academic year. This is not an uncommon
situation for Filipino students, particularly if they are a working student and get behind
because of work commitments. The solution is for the student will enrol in summer school
to catch up. Summer school is an additional expense and for OMF unless there is good
reason to take summer classes it is generally discouraged. In this instance the student
had been unable to cope academically with the course but of course shame could not
permit her to concede this, it was easier to blame OMF for expelling her from the
program.

This is only one reason of many for students to have to leave the program. The most
common one is actually the situation mentioned in the previous paragraph of students
having to leave the program because of relationships. Regardless of the reason
perceived by OMF, the fact that the student has been expelled from the program and
therefore unable to complete his or her studies, is an unresolved issue. The resolution of
24
this situation is not easy. If a student returns to their village in the mountains unqualified
or to get married, the options for employment are limited. While this was a disappointment
to all parties involved, Liz Chalmers pointed out in an email that the time and money
invested was not wasted. If a young person was able to attend high school or college
even for a couple of years it would make a significant impact on his or her personal
maturity and this often resulted in them being given community or church related
responsibilities (Chalmers 2012).

However on account of the fact that this situation is perceived by the Manobo as being an
unresolved issue the responsibility lies with the Datu to ensure all feelings of resentment
must be dealt with. It is not uncommon in Manobo culture for the Datu to absorb all the
costs of both the plaintiff and the defendant in resolution of conflict in order to ensure
peace in the community. It is going to require considerable creativity on the part of OMF
to find an agreeable solution to this situation. However it is something which does need to
be discussed and in time understandings can be reached. There are no simple solutions
to any of these problems and the next chapter will show how in introducing dormitories
and sponsorship the situation became even more complex.

25
 CHAPTER 5
Theoretical construct 2: Cross cultural Strain in Respect to Power and Allegiance

The Power Distance Index (PDI) is ‘The extent to which the less powerful members of
institutions and organisations within a country expect and accept that power is distributed
unequally’ (Hofstede 1991:28). This index tells us about dependence relationships in a
country. The Philippines PDI is 94 (Hofstede 1991:26) indicating high dependency
relationships which is consistent with what we have already observed regarding the Datu
and his subordinates.

The themes and ideas which led to the creation of this theoretical construct all relate to
power.23 The interviewees expressed concern about who controls the program and who
can or cannot benefit from it. There was also considerable discussion about rules and
allegiance, issues which had become blurred on account of the fact that the program
straddles three cultures: Manobo students, studying in a lowland Filipino culture,
sponsored by a foreign patron. The members of every society share common rules or
assumptions which govern behaviour and at times that behaviour appears irrational to
other cultures and in this chapter we will look at some of the underlying cultural clashes
and misunderstanding which have arisen out of this unique situation. First of all however
it is necessary to say a word on why there are three cultures involved in the program.

i. The cultures involved in the scholarship program

As noted in the introduction, the request came to OMF from Manobo leaders to address
the issue of high school education for their children. At that time, and indeed until the
present day, there are no high schools in predominantly Manobo populated areas and the
cost of sending young people to live in a low land town for the majority of Manobo was
prohibitive, this is where OMF as a foreign organisation became a wealthy patron for the
education of the Manobo. The Manobo do not appear to have requested a high school o
be built in the mountains, the equation for the Manobo leaders at that time was: there is a
high school in the lowlands we need to find a way for students to attend there. An
alternative was not really considered by OMF either at least there is no mention of a
discussion of any alternative in minutes or project proposals. One alternative would have
23
See Appendix B
26
been for OMF to have created schools in the mountains specifically for the Manobo. This
is something which has been done very successfully in the neighbouring province of
Agusan del Sur. The Agusan del Sur College of Technology and Agriculture was opened
in 1908 by missionaries to educate the sons of Datus in that region. It has since been
taken over by the government but the predominance of Manobo students and the impact
it has had in that province is immense. However, as we have established OMFs’ primary
focus is church planting it is understandable that this alternative was not seriously
considered. Another alternative would have been to have invited either the Agusan del
Sur college or another education body familiar with working with indigenous people to
open schools in the mountains and to have handed over full responsibility of education of
the Manobo to these institutions. Undoubtedly there would have been cultural challenges
also but perhaps less so on account of the fact that education of indigenous is their
expertise. This would have allowed OMF to focus on church planting. As it is, the simplest
solution to the problem appeared to be to bring Manobo young people down from the
mountains to live in dormitories in large lowland Filipino towns to access the existing
government high schools.

This did result in racial harassment of Manobo students as indicated in previous chapters,
but as time has progressed, with repeated intervention by community leaders and parents
combined with a growing number of Manobo young people at these schools, this is not as
acute as it once was. However taking young people out of the mountains and establishing
dormitories away from Manobo communities has created a whole new set of challenges.
The first of these challenges relates to a theory which is closely associated with peasant
communities known as the theory of limited good.

ii. Power and the theory of limited good

George Foster considers the concept of limited good to be such an assumption
underlying and explaining certain behaviour in peasant societies. He believes that
peasant communities view
their social, economic and natural universes, their total environment – as one in
which all of the desired things in life such as land, wealth, health, friendship and
love… exist in finite quantity and are always in short supply (Foster1965:296)
If this statement is true, and Dr Dick Elkins and several OMF missionaries interviewed
believe it is true of the Manobo communities, then ‘an individual or a family can improve
their position only at the expense of others’ (Foster 1965:297) or from a source outside of
the community. This is often cited as an explanation for the intensity of jealousy and lack
of ambition prevalent among indigenous people groups.

27
Hiebert remarks that in this context people
jealously guard and cultivate their relationships to powerful individuals and seek to
reserve the attention of these patrons for themselves. They assume that the
bounty of a generous patron is easily spread thin (Hiebert 2008:136)
This belief would explain why so Manobo interviewed for this research are adamant that
the program should be for MABCAM members only and lowlanders must never benefit
from or be in charge of the program. From the perspective of the Manobo, access to and
control of the program were closely bound up in their relationship with the patron and
access to power.

In normal circumstances however, both the patron and the client live in small
communities and the relationship between the two parties is clearly understood. The
patron can expect the client to respond to his every request without much dissention. The
patron can request material things (livestock, portion of a harvest or earnings) or loyalty
and service. Like any power liaison this relationship too is open to abuse and exploitation.
Should the situation become onerous, the only way for a client to evade obligations of a
debt of gratitude is to move away.

Since the beginning OMF has asked the students who benefitted from the program to
give back one year to MABCAM churches and Manobo communities. The reasoning
behind this request is not apparent in minutes or other records. However considering the
concern of the missionaries has consistently been to avoid dependency, it is not
unreasonable to suggest that this agreement was made not to fulfil patron client
relationships, but in an effort to ensure students made a token contribution to the cost of
their education. In principle this was a great ideal, however in practice, the missionaries
cannot oversee (or finance) every student who returns to the mountains. Furthermore
while the concept of the debt of gratitude is well understood, in this situation the cultural
understanding of what is expected is not really clear to both parties. From the
perspective of the Manobo, OMF appear to be trying to transfer a debt of gratitude to a
third party while OMF appear to be trying to help young people show some appreciation
for what they have received. With no specific program designed or organised by OMF or
MABCAM this often results in a strain on allegiance with young people returning to the
mountains uncertain of what is expected of them by either their patron or MABCAM.

This situation is further aggravated if the student decides to take a paid employment
outside of the mountains or overseas. The objective set down by OMF from the outset
has always been to see Manobo professionals serving their own communities in the
mountains. Many missionaries have shown great displeasure when a young person who
has benefitted from program is seen as unwilling to give anything back to their own
28
people. Unfortunately it is not only possible, but prevalent in churches and among
missionaries, to misuse authority and power just like anyone else. It is not uncommon for
a person to be ‘rescued’ from one oppressive relationship only to find himself in another.
In a culture where dependency and reciprocity are commonly exploited, it is easy for
missionaries or church leaders to become guilty of treating people as if they were their
property using money or financial resources as the means of manipulation. To ‘use
economics to deprive the poor of choice is selfishness…we need to learn to trust God to
work in the people whom we seek to reach, so that there is no need to manipulate them
for our own ends.’ (Bacus & Cagulada 2008:188) Power can be used positively to enrich
people’s lives or it can be used manipulatively binding people into unhealthy
relationships. Missionaries especially need to be on their guard that they do not use their
status as patrons and their wealth to oppress the poor. However such abuse is not limited
to missionaries, this research has revealed that there are other power struggles going on
of which the missionaries may not always be aware

iii. Power and access to the program

During the course of the study it became apparent that access to the program was not as
open as OMF would have perceived. When students were asked about the process of
application, it was surprising how few mentioned forms or interviews (KTGI 2012) (KGGI
2012) (KBGI 2012). The majority of students referred to their pastor or missionary as
being the one who had decided not only that they could join the program, but which
course they could choose. It would appear that unless the pastor had access to a
missionary or was directly involved in the program, the young people belonging to his
congregation could not easily access the program. Liz Chalmers OMF missionary,
recounts in an email that ‘there was no real screening process … we took in those who
popped up at the right moment or those we knew best. Most of the missionaries did this
and so some areas/families seemed to be favoured and some seemed to be left out’
(Chalmers 2012). A cursory glance at the list of college students will confirm this as the
majority of them came from just five villages, villages where missionaries lived over a long
period of time.24 While OMF thought they were the ones to choose the students, it is
possible they were unaware of underlying power relationships which determined who they
got to choose.

24
See Table 1
29
 iv. Power and rules
The fact that the program straddles three cultures has at times caused strain in matters of
rules and authority. In Chapter 4, the Reluctant Datu, this study exposed a clash of
cultures when both were involved in resolving conflict. For the Manobo it is paramount to
maintain good relationships over issues of justice or fairness. During the course of the
research one topic which emerged consistently and often led to heated debates was the
discussion of rules. In taking Manobo young people out of their communities to live
communally in a lowland situation, was to remove them from normal patterns of authority
and allegiance. In their own communities expectations governing sexual relationships
were clearly understood with known consequences should people behave
inappropriately. Living in mixed gender dormitories in a lowland town removed from
Manobo elders and parents, there were no precedents and the rules, introduced by OMF,
did not appear to be effective in establishing any.

Traditional Manobo culture practices arranged marriages. Parents choose partners for
their sons and daughters and the agreements are sealed with gifts of water buffalo or
horses. When a young girl reaches puberty a simple ceremony is arranged and the young
couple are married. The cultural norm is ‘that girls would be married and start bearing
children soon after puberty, not that marriage, sexual activity and child bearing would be
delayed by school….premarital sexual morality is to be protected by the families of the
girls, not by individual conscience’ (Kraft 2008:49). This last sentence is what OMF
perhaps did not fully appreciate: it is the responsibility of the family of the girl to guard
premarital sexual morality. OMF rules stated that there were to be no boy/girl
relationships, this presupposed an ability of the young people to abstain from such
relationships. Underlying this rule was a very Western premise which took for granted that
‘individual consciences are trained in such a way that they are able to maintain high moral
standards on their own, even when boys and girls are in constant unsupervised contact
with each other throughout adolescence.’ (Kraft 2008:49) This does not mean that
Westerners have a higher moral standard than anyone else, what this statement
describes is simply that the whole approach to relationships and marriage was based on
a completely different premise than that in traditional cultures.

In 1986 when the first Manobo students were entrusted to OMF Dolfi Annen recalls one of
the parents warning him that ‘it is going to be difficult for these young people to live
together and not be in relationships’ (Annen 2012). As it transpired, more than 25% of all
the students who reached college level left the program to get married, we have no
records of how many have left the high school dormitories for this reason.

30
All the cultures involved played a role in this matter. One former student explained that
most of his lowland classmates were in relationships and he and the other Manobo
students did not want to be seen to be different so they too engaged in relationships. It
cost him his place on the program. OMF were endeavouring to straddle Manobo culture
and lowland culture by implementing this rules. For most Westerners from a Biblical
perspective, there was nothing wrong with a relationship if the couple were not sexually
active. For Manobo parents however, young people could not and should not ever be
alone together or touch each other before they are married. To further complicate the
issue, OMF entrusted the implementation of this rule to the guardian of the dormitory,
unaware of the full implications of that task.

In the first dormitory, Datu Catua and his wife were the guardians. Respected and known
as an elder in his own community and in the wider area of Davao del Norte, Datu Catua
commanded considerable respect and authority. Lolay Dalumento recalls returning to that
dormitory after a weekend spent with relatives in a nearby village. She was surprised and
not a little unnerved to discover that the Datu knew her every move, who she spoke to,
who she stayed with and when she left. Datu Catua had the ability to transfer the
authority he had in his own community to the dormitory situation. Unfortunately however
he is the only Datu ever appointed as dormitory guardian. Subsequent appointments did
not have the authority to guard the young people under their care in the way he did. This
is particularly true when the guardians are young or not from the same communities as
the young people they are responsible for. This issue is particularly challenging because
it arising in the context of a people in transition. It evoked strong very mixed comments
during this research.

The parents are still insistent that there must be no relationships while studying. The
justification by many parents for taking students out of the dorm for marriage is the
rumour or speculation that their daughter has become involved in a relationship. They are
concerned that should the young man in question behave inappropriately, their daughter
would no longer be considered eligible for marriage. For some parents it can be as
mercenary as the fact that they do not want to forfeit being able to ask for a bride price,
but for others they genuinely do not want to see their daughter taken advantage of.
Students on the other hand are torn in their opinions. Some think it is normal for young
people to enter into relationships during high school or college. For them the dormitories
are a good place to meet other Christian Manobo young people and choose a life partner.
Their rationale is that if Manobo want to get an education then traditional marriage
arrangements must change. For others they are afraid to challenge the authority of their
elders and therefore want, in theory at least, to retain the rule of no relationships.

31
OMF missionaries felt caught between two worlds and struggled to help the Manobo
communities deal with this issue. The most recent dormitories which have been opened
have been single sex dormitories which hopefully will make it easier to monitor, but the
issue of dorm guardians and their authority remains a crucial factor in all of this.
Underlying this issue is the issue of leadership. What has become apparent through this
study is that Manobo leadership is straining to cope with the challenges of a program
which does not fit comfortably within existing Manobo hierarchies of power and
allegiances.

v. Power and leadership

Leadership in Manobo context very complex, Dr Dick Elkins links it very closely with the
theory of limited good and says that

it is difficult in a traditional society to develop strong leadership, especially in

organizations whose structure is different from local patterns. To be made a
leader is to acquire a larger than normal share of power and prestige. This invites
the enmity of others. A successful leader in a limited good society is usually
expected to be extraordinarily generous. Because of this few desire or can afford
to aspire to leadership (Elkins 1996).

This has been the experience of OMF in regard to training church leaders, but as OMF
hand over more responsibility for the program to MABCAM this has created a whole new
set of challenges.

One situation which occurred during the course of this study highlighted the need for
great dialogue and discussion about what leadership looks like in this new and complex
situation.

The program has always been a partnership between OMF and Manobo community
leaders. Partnerships are not necessarily always equal and during the course of the past
twenty six years this partnership has evolved considerably. While OMF have been the
financial sponsors, the dormitory guardians have always been Manobo and issues
relating to the daily running of the dormitory have always been made by the local
MABCAM pastors. In the past few years however, it was decided by MABCAM officials
that oversight of these dormitories would be better not in the hands of pastors and church
leaders, but in the hands of graduates and former students.

Part of the reason for this decision was because of the jealousy caused when one couple
would be chosen to be the guardians on account of the fact that they would be receiving a
small allowance from OMF. Even though this allowance was minimal and given in a bid to
compensate for the fact that the guardians had to live far from their land, it caused terrific

32
community strife. So the decision by MABCAM leaders to create a decision making body
separate from the pastors was to relieve this tension.

In theory this was a great idea but what has happened in reality is that they are removed
from normal hierarchies of power and structures of authority. In one dormitory a total
impasse occurred between the members of a council and the council chairman. Normally
when Manobo community leaders reach an impasse, a greater Datu can be brought in to
mediate the situation. However in this situation because it fell outside of the domain of
any of the Datus, there was no one to call on. This incident highlighted the need for
leadership training which addresses the new situation which Manobo leaders will face
and for which there are no precedents in their own communities.

33
 CHAPTER 6
Theoretical construct number 3: education puts shame in its place

There is perhaps no other word which came up more frequently throughout this study
than koilow. This Manobo term most closely translates as shame. As highlighted in
Chapter 3, there is no direct or easy English translation of this term, rather it expresses
‘an agonizing, ego-threatening state’ (Tangney & Dearing, 2002:92). Jacano, a Filipino
psychologist has a very graphic description of shame in the Filipino context:
The face mirrors our inner selves …it must be protected at all cost. It must be
saved from all kinds of “social dirt,” which could stain our moral character and
colour other people’s regard for us. Similarly, the skin is the protective cover of
the body. If it is peeled off, our body becomes vulnerable to fatal diseases.
Moreover, the skin bleeds when cut; and the wound causes pain. Thus, it must
also be taken care of by all means (Jacano 2000:42).

Another author explains that

When people feel shame over a particular failure or transgression, they are
berating themselves not just for the specific event; rather they are damning
themselves – the core of their being- as flawed, useless, despicable. In this way,
shame experiences pose a tremendous threat to the self (Tangney & Dearing,
2002:92).

During the past 30 years, as more Manobo communities have been exposed to a world
outside of their own they have faced constant humiliation, exploitation and accusations of
ignorance. Jovita Liway, a parent of Manobo high school students, described how young
people from her village are ashamed to carry sweet potato to school for their lunch
because this will expose their poverty to the lowland students (Liway 2011). Lostina
Bandos was deeply offended when her niece was not allowed to use the toilet during a
public outing with her class because she was Manobo (Bandos 2012). Manobo patients
have been turned away from hospitals and refused treatment just because of their
ethnicity. These repeated discriminations and abuse has resulted in a deeply marred self-
image for many Manobo. Shame has become a burdensome caricature for many
Manobo. For many it could be assumed that people feel shame because they are poor,
however during this study it became clear that some Manobo are poor because they fear
being shamed.

34
 i. Shame and poverty

It could easily be assumed that the connection between education and poverty is
employability and income, however for the Manobo that is only part of the equation.
During the course of this research a conversation with a young teacher, Maribel Ulong
provided insight into the connection between shame and wealth which could easily have
been overlooked. To appreciate the significance of this connection it is necessary to
explain another dynamic of Manobo culture which is a major factor contributing to their
poverty.

In traditional isolated Manobo communities, food is communal. A hunter returned with a

deer or wild boar and the meat was shared with the entire community. The community
cleared the land, planted, harvested and shared the crops together. Today Manobo live in
larger more accessible communities, however this idea that food should be communal
continues. Today there are no deer or boar brought into the village and there are fewer
and smaller corn harvests which cannot extend to feed the entire community. The result
is that Manobo constantly buyo (to ask for something) from each other, a practice which
is consistent with a culture of dependency. To refuse someone who asks for food would
be to behave inappropriately and risk being shamed by being called mean or unhelpful.
Dick Elkins says that to refuse another member of the community anything is social
suicide (Elkins 1996).

This pattern of behaviour can at times lead to strained relationships. In a conversation

with a village health worker, she expressed her frustration that recently so many people
asked for their vegetables that there were none left for their own family. A Sunday school
teacher was quite emphatic and said that she would not grow vegetables again because
everyone just asked for them and she could not refuse for fear of being shamed and
called selfish. The result of this constant asking is a downward spiral of grinding poverty
for everyone.

Keeping this context in mind, Maribel Ulong explained how she was able to have enough
to eat, share some with others but not be coerced into giving for fear of being shamed. It
would not have been an unnatural assumption to think that because these young
professionals now had an income they no longer had to ask anything of their neighbours
and could lift themselves out of their poverty. However knowing the context in which they
live where in some cases almost the entire community would look to them for assistance
because they had a regular income, this could actually put them in a more difficult
situation. For Maribel the solution was directly associated with her education. As she
became better educated, she had less and less reason to fear being shamed. She could
see clearly the connection between the constant asking and poverty and had the
confidence to say no when appropriate (Ulong 2012). This applies not just to income and

35
money, Pastor Albert explained that education and the ability to make wise choices are
interdependent. He recalled that before he went to school he would have been asked to
do things he knew he should not by his employer or other older Manobo. He could not
risk shame by refusing them no matter what they had asked of him (Catua 2012). This
generation of young professionals are under immense pressure at times from elders and
relatives. Even when many could take employment outside of their communities the
majority are eager to undertake the responsibility of educating their siblings and invest in
their local communities. The majority of them are passionate about seeing their
communities rise out of poverty and believe education is a major part of that solution.

It would be untrue to say that of those with a higher education no longer fear being
shamed. Jacano insists that shame ‘prescribes how we should behave in relation to one
another in a specific situation or condition so that we don’t offend each other’s feelings’
(Jacano 2000:31). At times these young professionals are under incredible pressure from
their communities but they continue regardless to give due respect to their parents and
elders. However it has been intriguing during the course of this research to watch how
some datus defer to them in certain situations recognising that there are areas,
particularly in relation to life outside of the mountain communities, where these young
people are wiser than they.

The primary objectives of the OMF program had been to train leaders (to strengthen the
church) and to see Manobo professionals trained who could serve their own people (OMF
1986). It is a delight to discover college graduates employed by the government and
serving in Manobo communities. However what is even more encouraging is to see
young men and women live in harmony with their community and not allow shame to add
to their poverty. What education has done in the Manobo context is to put shame in its
place. This was never a goal or objective listed in any policy document, but has become
perhaps the greatest legacy of the program.

36
 CHAPTER 7

Conclusions

MABCAM leaders are deeply appreciative of OMF and their supporters and recognise the
contribution this program has made to Manobo communities in both Bukidnon and Davao
del Norte. The fact that Manobo midwives and teachers are now serving in remote
Manobo communities where others could not or would not live is testimony to a measure
of success. MABCAM has developed strong indigenous leadership which has been
instrumental in bringing about significant growth and change in the churches particularly
in the past five years. These were goals which Manobo believers and OMF have worked
and prayed for together. Yet it was still necessary to conduct this study to ascertain why
more Manobo young people did not or could not access mainstream education. OMF
readily acknowledge that mistakes have been made and undoubtedly the program could
have been better planned, however no one doubts the value in tackling the issue of
assisting marginalised people access mainstream education.

This research has shown that cultural expectations are not always apparent but
significantly influence the success of a program. It has been demonstrated that when a
program straddles several cultures, issues of power and allegiances can become
strained. What is most interesting about a study like this are the surprises, discovering
results and outputs from the program which were never part of the original goals. For this
piece of research, making the connection between shame and poverty has been one
such finding. There have been many other valuable lessons uncovered during the course
of this research and the rest of this chapter will outline these.

i. Records

The study was significantly hindered by the lack of records at all levels of the program.
OMF archives in Davao are sparse and disorganised and up until the time of writing none
of the dormitories have kept detailed records of students. It would be beneficial for the
future of the program if both of these matters were to be remedied so that further studies
can be carried out with a greater degree of accuracy. It is imperative that records of
students be kept so that MABCAM can develop a profile of education in the mountains.

37
 ii. Missiological Study

It was noted in the introduction that OMF responded to an immediate and pressing need,
that of Manobo young people who could not access high school. In hindsight it would
have been beneficial had OMF taken time to investigate this issue missiologically. There
was already a long history by the 1980’s of missionary boarding schools in Africa which
had encountered many similar problems, particularly regarding pre-marital relationships
and traditional arranged marriages (Kraft 2008:48-50). It is uncertain how accessible that
information would have been in the early days of the OMF program, but had it been
investigated some lessons could have been learned from their experience. Hopefully
what has been learned through this study will be available to other organisations tackling
this problem. Furthermore, dedicated missiological study would have perhaps made all
parties involved aware of the underlying cultural values and assumptions that so
influenced the program. It is not possible to have a culturally neutral program, however
self-awareness is often recognised as being a first step to effective partnership in cross
cultural situations.

iii. Personnel dedicated to development of the program

It was surprising in the course of the study how many Manobo requested OMF to assign
one missionary to the scholarship program who had no other responsibilities. On account
of the fact that OMF are a church planting organisation, it may have been difficult to
convince the Field Council or others in leadership that a missionary dedicated to the
scholarship program was in fact a great assistance to church strengthening. This is
confirmed by the fact that the greatest number of students came from Tagpopoot where
there was a dedicated missionary presence over many years who gave significant time
and energy to the issue of education.

At the close of this study in a meeting with all the stake holders across all the MABCAM
districts, it was agreed to appoint Jun Sabudan as the dedicated Manobo Education
Administrator. Jun is the Principal of Tagpopoot school and he hopes that he will be able
to secure funding to allow him to dedicate half of his time to this new responsibility.
Funding of this position will be the greatest challenge.

Study of other similar programs

Having personnel dedicated to the development of the program would have enabled OMF
and MABCAM to study and perhaps visit other similar programs. There are many
international programs, Compassion, World Vision and others who have much expertise
in this field others can learn from. There is much assistance available through UNESCO,
38
Asia Development Bank, UNICEF and other international bodies who are dedicated to
assisting marginalised people groups access education. Networking with others however
requires time and dedicated personnel but ultimately the gains far outweigh the costs.

iv. Communities in transition

Underlying this research was an awareness that Manobo cultures are in transition. The
introduction outlines some of the major factors triggering these changes. Liz Chalmers
captured the situation accurately when she wrote in an email that ‘considering all the
mistakes OMF made, all the cultural obstacles and challenges for the Manobo it is
amazing that there are sixty graduates’ (Chalmers 2012). Times of transition are always
difficult and the speed and intensity of change that is taking place in the mountains of
Mindanao at this time is substantial.

There was much to resonate with in Benedict Anderson’s classic book Imagined
Communities. His descriptions of peasant communities and the transitions they
underwent during the colonial period are comparable with what has happened during the
past forty years in central Mindanao. One aspect which was particularly poignant was the
impact of literacy and education on these communities. Anderson says ‘in pre-print age
the reality of the imagined religious community depended profoundly on countless,
ceaseless travels’ (Anderson 2006:54). Engaging in conversation with any of the old
Datus was a fascinating experience and what was particularly intriguing was the scope of
their travels. Datu Sulatan had travelled extensively throughout the provinces of
Bukidnon, Davao del Norte and Agusan del Sur. These are extraordinary distances when
you consider that Bukidnon province alone is 8, 293.8 square kilometres (Edgerton
2008:16). Listening to these men it was clear that it was through these travels that the
concept of what Anderson calls the ‘imagined communities’ of Manobo was both created
and sustained for this particular people group. These imagined communities shared much
in living in the mountains, traditional religious practices and being hunters and gathers.
Knowledge of the rest of the Philippines was scarce and knowledge of a world outside the
Philippines was almost non-existent.

In 2012 there are national schools in the mountains with teachers who speak Tagalog,
which is a language not normally spoken in this region but is the national language.
Today Manobo children are sitting in classrooms with Ilongo children and Cebuano
children and at college they will rub shoulders with young people from throughout the
archipelago. Like colonial powers before them, the Philippine government will continue to
use maps, census, education and language to squeeze the Manobo into the national
community. It will require time and courageous leadership to lead this generation of
Manobo into that world and find their role and maintain their identity.
39
Several years ago NCIP introduced the idea of Manobo representation at provincial
governance level to assist them in addressing issues which they recognised needed
insight into local culture. Datus from each ethnic group were to agree on a candidate to
represent them and s/he would then receive further training in this responsibility. The
criteria for this representative were that the person chosen was to be a pure Manobo from
his or her tribe and to be knowledgeable of their particular cultural practices and beliefs.
Those best suited for this position were not usually Manobo who had received an
education. While on the one hand this facilitated excellent cultural insight, these
representatives were often unable to engage in discussion which required abstract
conceptual thinking. This has resulted in frustration on the part of the new generation of
Manobo who through media and education are aware of decisions taken at government
level which affect them. In May 2012 saw the first appointment of a young Manobo
professional to this role in Bukidnon province, an appointment which created considerable
contention within the Manobo communities there. This situation perhaps more than any
other, illustrates the strain of a culture in transition.

This study has highlighted the strain in introducing formal education to marginalised
communities which radically impacts cultural norms and practices and the reality that
uneducated people find great difficultly entering mainstream economy. This is the reality
of the challenge of education.

40
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46
 APPENDIX A
Themes and repeating ideas which lead to theoretical construct number one
The reluctant Datu

1. Students would not be able to survive high school if they have to dependent on their
parents providing food.
1. The parents do not think about the future of the child, they just want immediate
gratification
2. It is the parents’ responsibility to educate their children but they cannot do it.
3. The children want to go to school but the parents do not realise the value of
education for the future of their children
4. The old Manobo do not value education
5. The parents are afraid that if their child gets a high grade in education the child
will deceive them
6. It is hard enough to find food in the mountains without having to look for school
fees as well
7. The parents are content in their situation
8. If there is a chance for a child to earn money rather than go to school the parents
would prefer that.
9. P1000 per month is too much for parents to pay because Manobo are poor
10. It is very hard to get enough food for high school and college, it is impossible to
find money for fees

2. It is an unwise use of money if students have to train for a year before getting to
college
1. If a student is serious about studies he will endure anything
2. If students are accepted on the trainee scheme in anticipation of going to
college, OMF need to be up front if the funding is limited
3. It would be better if the students in the trainee scheme could work for the year
4. There is no guarantee that the trainees will complete their courses just because
they waited a year

3. Those who have benefitted from the program need to give something back to their
communities
1. All graduates need to go back to the mountains so that other parents can see
the difference education has made in their lives
2. In the early days of the program, people had to sign a promise that they would
give back one years’ service, that was good

47
 3. Do not expel them from the program, let them graduate and go back to serve
the community in the mountains
4. Those who benefitted from the OMF program should have to give some time
back to Manobo communities
5. The professionals should each give 10% of what they earn to the education
program

4. Parents need to be made aware of the cost of education

1. The parents consider the responsibility of all costs belongs to the guardian of
the dormitory
2. The parents are supposed to pay a counterpart for the dorm parents allowance
3. The parents could pay a counterpart of P2000 per year but only by instalments

5. OMF should help us to find sponsors for our students

1. OMF should help Manobo to access the privileges available for the minorities
2. Department of Education should be transparent about NCIP assistance
3. It is so difficult to follow up the NCIP, the officials hide it
4. OMF should give advice to MABCAM leaders how they can find other sponsors
for education

6. We will give the responsibility of the education of our young people to whoever will
accept it.
1. We do not know who we could approach who could sponsor Manobo students
2. Please find someone to take the place of OMF as a sponsor because without
sponsorship we will not be able to put our children through school
3. At the moment there is nothing we could do, but in 5 to 10 years’ time there will
be enough of us whose children have finished college so we could then help
other people’s children.

7. It would be good if all those who had to leave the program before their course was
completed could return and finish their studies
1. If would be good if OMF had a budget to help those who had to leave the
program before their courses were finished so that they could return to complete
their studies even if they are married
2. Students who break the rules should have to leave the program but there should
be a chance to come back after a year or two to finish the course. That way a
person will know they still are valuable to OMF.
3. When a student is disciplined the missionary should really investigate the
situation thoroughly.
48
4. Missionaries should not let their sponsors think all the students are bad when
one student makes a mistake
5. If a student breaks the rules s/he should not be suspended immediately
6. a person who is expelled from of the program feels koilow (shame) and
hopelessness. Some can handle it, but some are angry with OMF, others
understand

49
 APPENDIX B
Themes and repeating ideas leading to the theoretical construct number two
Cross cultural Strain of Power and Allegiance

1 To get into the program you had to have the approval of your pastor or the
missionary
1 No clear process of application
2 Who gets into the program depends on the guardian of the dorm, the system
of distribution of application forms is not really implemented yet

2 Leaders playing god:

1 E really wanted to be a soldier but OMF would not sponsor military personnel
so he was told to be a teacher. He did not really want to be but after second
year it was ok
2 H wanted to be a midwife but the missionary decided she should do an
course in administration
3 L wanted to be a teacher but the missionary decided she should be a midwife
4 B wanted to do electronics but the missionary decided he should be a teacher
5 G wanted to do administration but her aunt decided she should be a midwife

4 It would be best if Bisaya are not allowed to lead in the program because they have
really bad character.
1 The time a Bisaya was the guardian was the most difficult
2 Bisaya underestimate the ability of the students
3 There was terrible teasing from Bisaya classmates that was very hurtful
4 when working for Bisaya it is long hours and hard work but they say it is never
enough to pay our debt to them.
5 Manobo students were teased and laughed at at school
a. The parents met with the principal
b. The students met with the principal
6 The teachers often said really hurtful things to other classmates ‘do not do
this, you will be behaving like a native’ or ‘it is as if you came from the forest’

5 The program should only be for MABCAM

1. The blessing of being included in the education program should only follow
those who have proven they really are going to follow the Lord
2. The missionaries should investigate that the student really is active in his
church
50
6 If would be good OMF had one unified program, the same in Davao as in
Bukidnon Province
1. Omf should be fair in very zone, everyone needs to have access to both high
school and college education
2. OMF should have a missionary assigned to counsel students s/he must have
no other responsibilities
3. OMF should have a reporting system for the guardian to the missionary

7 We cannot force people to go back to the mountains after graduating

1 How can we go back to the mountains if there is no work there?
2 Students should not be forced to go back to the mountains as some will work
in the cities earning money to sponsor their brothers and sisters through
school

8 Rules are difficult but I know they really helped me

1 Do not let them have boy/girlfriends it is not possible to study and work

9 Rules just exacerbate the problem of boy/girl relationships.

1 If it is forbidden then students will hide it or find boy/girl friends outside of the
dorm
2 There are too many things not allowed

51
 APPENDIX C
Themes and repeating ideas that lead to theoretical construction number three
Education puts shame in its place.

1 Koilow (Shame)
1 Those with no education are reluctant to speak their mind
2 Koilow because he only had one uniform
3 Koilow because they have no snacks for break time, they are laughed at
4 Koilow to eat sweet potato at lunch in front of Bisaya, they would rather not
eat anything
5 Going to school taught me not to be koilow to talk to the Bisaya or important
people
6 His parents were afraid of the soldiers, afraid of the teachers and other
people

2 We are different because we were exposed to people who were different than
us
1 Those with an education are better equipped to lead the church
2 Almost all of the students said they learned personal hygiene and money
Management through living in the dormitories
3 Most students claimed they had more confidence now to approach people
outside their immediate community and even to live there.

3 Education changed my life..

1 He used to be ordered to do things which weren’t right now he wouldn’t
now he can approach even the Mayor
2 The experience of living in Davao really shaped my life
3 The missionaries were a big influence on us.

52
 APPENDIX D
OMF Scholarship Program

Throughout this study the OMF scholarship program has been referred to as if it were a
single entity. Strictly speaking it is not, rather it is a composite collection of projects all
with the same purpose: to assist the indigenous Manobo people of central Mindanao gain
access to mainstream education. The program has evolved over the past twenty six years
under the supervision of an ever evolving team of missionaries belonging to the SPIPM
(Southern Philippines Indigenous Peoples Ministry) team. Despite this fragmentation, the
Manobo refer to the OMF program as if it were one and the ideal from the perspective of
OMF is to move towards a unified program under Manobo leadership.

The SPIPM team works across two provinces (Bukidnon and Davao del Norte) seven
municipalities: Kapalong, San Isidro; Talaingod, San Fernando, Cabanglasan, Quezon
and Valencia and seven dialects or people groups: Langilan, Dibabawon; Talaingod,
Tigwanon; Pulangihon, Umayamnon and the Manobo in Quezon municipality. It involves
assistance in every facet of education from non-formal and pre-school, through
elementary, high school and college education. However OMF do not have the capacity
to offer the entire range of assistance to every people group. What is offered in each
situation is determined by the most pressing need in that particular geographical location.
OMF are not education specialists, although we do have members with relevant
qualifications, our focus is to bridge the gap between remote Manobo communities and
mainstream education as provided by the Department of Education here in the
Philippines. The following is a summary of the various parts of the program and where
they are located.25

i. ICEP Indigenous Children’s’ Education Program (Linumad No

Anaranan) (Upper Langilan; Kapalong, Davao del Norte)
This program began in 2006 and is based in the municipality of Kapalong in the Upper
Lanilgan region. It is specifically to provide basic education for Manobo children in the
Upper Langilan area in villages where there are no primary or elementary schools. The
object of this program is to prepare these children for formal school.

Currently there are 4 learning centres situated in this area and materials have been
prepared in their mother tongue for use in these programs. The local community, the
parents and leaders, are responsible for building and maintaining a small classroom;
OMF are responsible for a monthly allowance for the teacher (P1500) and the parents of
the children in school are encouraged to provide vegetables and wood for the teacher.

25
Refer to the map on page
53
The teachers in these situations are usually students who have been part of the OMF
high school program and are given further specific training for this work by Noemi
Dumalaug a member of TAP26 (Translation Association of the Philippines) Philippines.
There are two resident missionaries in this area who oversee the program, regularly
visiting the classrooms and facilitating assistance and encouragement and the formal
enrolment and graduation.

When a child graduates from the one year course s/he will take an entrance exam for the
local primary school in Tagasan. OMF also provide a dormitory for these children to
enable them to attend this elementary school. There are presently forty four children in
this dormitory. The guardians are a young Manobo couple who get a monthly remittance
from the parents of the children in the dorm of P100 per child per month. Aside from the
lessons in class at school the children are taught how to cook nutritious meals, money
management and self-discipline. To date children from the ICEP program have shown to
be above average ability in comparison to the children of compatible grades.

OMF would love to see this program rolled out across the two provinces in remote areas
where Department of Education have been unable to establish a primary or elementary
school. However, we do not have the resources (either in manpower or finances) to do
this.

ii. Tagpopoot Manobo Christian Elementary School (Lower Langilan;

Kapalong, Davao del Norte)
This is the area where the OMF program began in the late 80s. At that time the majority
of the Manobo lived in Camansi on the wrong side of the Libuganan river to get to school.
A missionary at that time bought a large piece of land in Tagpopoot which enabled many
Manobo to own their own lots and meant their children could walk to school in the
barangay Florida without having to cross the river. In 1996 a team from a city church in
Davao partnered with OMF and opened an elementary school in Tagpopoot so that the
small children would not have to walk the two kilometres to Florida to school. The school
has flourished and grown since that time and now boast eighty pupils offering a full range
of classes from kinder through grade 6. Their Principal is one of the first Board passing
teachers from this area, Jun Sabudan, and several of the other teachers are education
graduates.

While the parents have to pay registration of P100 and a monthly subscription of P100,
the school is still heavily subsidised by OMF and foreign financing. The budget for this
school is P480k per year and is really not sustainable long term.
26
TAP is a daughter organisation of Summer Institute of Linguistics (SIL/Wycliffe)
54
 iii. St Nino High School Dormitory (Talaingod; Kapalong, Davao del
Norte)
In 1999/2000 OMF built a P1.5million peso multipurpose building with a dormitory on the
second floor to accommodate Talaingod and Upper Langilan Manobo young people from
the Kapalong municipality to attend the national high school in St Nino. The dorm parents
are Manobo and receive a monthly allowance from OMF of P7500. OMF, through
sponsorship from overseas, provides all food and schooling costs for the studnets
together with and all maintenance costs of the building. The parents are supposed to pay
a counterpart of P2000 per year but until this year this has not happened consistently.
The children only return home at time of school holidays. There are currently 22 students
in the dorm but it has the capacity for at least twice that.

iv. Halapitan High School Dormitory

Built in 1996 this dorm accommodates on average thirty Tigwa Manobo young people
every year to attend the local national high school in Halapitan San Fernando. In 2002
OMF built a study centre adjacent to the dormitory to provide a comfortable place to study
complete with a library and accommodation for a teacher. OMF does not provide food or
assist with the cost of schooling for students in this dormitory, but they do pay the
Manobo guardian (P7500), electricity and some maintenance costs.

v. Umayamnon High School Dormitory

This dormitory was established in 2003 at Cabanglasan to facilitate the Umayamnon
speaking young people to attend Cabanglasan National high school Annex at Paradise,
Cabanglasan. This dormitory has an average of 20 students until recently. The allowance
for the guardian, food and school expenses for the students plus all running costs for the
dormitory have been covered by OMF through overseas sponsors. Unfortunately, due to
lack of funding, OMF have been unable to admit any new students to this dormitory for
the past two years. This dorm may have to close next year if no alternative funding is
found.

vi. Davao College Dormitory

The first dormitory opened in Davao city in 1989 to accommodate both high school and
college students from Bukidnon and Davao del Norte. It closed in 1994 and the students
became working students and lived at the homes of various missionaries or Christian
families. 2009 a college dorm was opened again with Manobo dorm parents. OMF
undertake full responsibility for all the costs of the students. Each student applies for
NCIP assistance and that money is paid back into the program to help cover expenses.

55
The students attend a variety of colleges in Davao city and are undertaking a wide range
of courses.

In 2010 it was decided to implement a training year between high school and college
Students are exposed to various types of work both in Davao city and in the mountains:
accounting; medical work; literacy and teaching; pastoral and preaching ministry. They
are also given assistance in learning English and upgrading their math.

vii. Valencia College Dormitories

From 1998 until 2002 a program was developed to accommodate Tigwa, Matig Salug and
Umayamnon college students. They lived in boarding houses in Valencia and received a
monthly allowance from OMF to cover all their expenses. Arrangements were made with
a couple from a lowland church to meet with them regularly as there was no resident
missionary in Valencia. None of the students on this program completed their studies and
this system of college program was abandoned. In 2011 a missionary couple resident in
Valencia, together with a Manobo couple, undertook 8 trainees (as with the Davao
program) into two houses, one for boys and one for girls, in preparation for college.

Postscript

On May 8th, after two days of seminar and discussion with twenty eight of the keenest
minds in MABCAM representing every zone, OMF formally relinquished all responsibility
for the scholarship program. Jun Sabudan was appointed by those present as the
Manobo Education Administrator and it is hoped that he will be able to dedicate half of his
time to the development of this program. This is an exciting milestone for both OMF and
MABCAM. While most of 2012 and 2013 will be spent assigning people to roles and
positions and learning the ropes, already there have been some very significant changes
in the program.

For the author it has been a fascinating journey since 1989 until today and conducting
this study has been the highlight of that time. It is my prayer that God will continue to
provide for this program and that as Manobo communities become more aware of their
compatriots and the support available to them from the international community.

56
 APPENDIX C
i. Questions to guide the conversation with parents or community leaders

1. What do you consider to be the hindrances to Manobo going to school?

2. What can local leadership do to address these problems?
3. What can the local government unit do?
4. What can DepEd do?
5. What can NGOs do?
6. What can the Manobo do?
7. Is there anything you would like me to tell MABCAM or OMF?

ii. Questions to guide the conversation with students:

1. Tell me the story of your schooling: where did you go to elementary? What did
your parents think about you going to school?
2. What was the most difficult thing about going to school?
3. Do you think you changed from having got an education?
4. Who was the biggest influence on you during your school years?
5. Why did you decide to choose the course you choose?
6. What would you like me to say to OMF about their program?

iii. Questions to guide conversation in the group interview:

1. How did you hear about the scholarship program?

2. What was the process of application?
3. Were you discipled during your time on the program?
4. Can you think of three ways you have changed because of going to school?
5. What changes would you suggest OMF should make in the program?
6. Many missionaries have left the Philippines now, how will your children go to
school if OMF program is no longer available?
7. Tell me about the rules on the OMF program?
8. Is there anything you would like me to say to the leaders of MABCAM or OMF?

Questions used at MABCAM/OMF meetings

1. What is the purpose of this dormitory/program?
2. Who participates and who does not?
3. Where is the best place for a dormitory for this zone?
4. Tell me about the policies for this dorm.
5. How do you evaluate your dorm/program?
6. What impact does living in the dormitory have on the students?
7. How do you make changes in your program?
8. Do you have anything you would like me to say to OMF?
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