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 A STUDY OF BRASILIA FROM .MASTER PLAN TO IMPLEMENTATION

Paulo de l1elo Zimbres

Master of Philosophy
University of Edinburgh

July 1974
 ABSTRACT OF TEE THESIS

This thesis examines the processes associated with the

creation of Brasilia and appraises successes ~nd failures of
the implementation of the Master Plan for the new Natio~al
Capital of Brasil.

Chapter One deals with the intellectual background of

the Brazilian architects who, from 1929 on, energetically put
into practice the principles of the Modern Movement, as evol-
ved by the "Congres Internationeaux d'Architecture Nodern"
C.I.A.M.

In 1956 President Juscelino Kubitscheck decided to under-

take the enterprise of bu~lding Brc.:.silia. This decision was .,
the fulfilment of many years of p:::-eparation. The historical
background of the creation of the new ca.pit.al is examined in
~hapter 'l'wo.

Chapters Three and Four cove~ the corr.petition for the

Master Plm1 for Brasilia. An international pQnel of judges
selected six out of twenty-six entries and appointed winner
Lucio Cost2.' s Pilot Plan, which \\IU.S seen as the only one to
.corr. b:i.ne, ~-:i thin a uni t.y of artistic c00cc:pticn, the util.i tarian
ancl syJPbolic features inherent in a modern capit:.al city.

Chapter Five examin2s the first four years of realization

·of the plan and considers also aspects of the decision making and
resources allocation which greatly influenced the development of
the city.

An unforeseen Brasilia has been developed throughout the

years, comprising the planned city, the so-caJled 'Pilot Plan',
and the satellite towns.. The ordering principle irlplied in
Lucio Costa's Plan was also upset by the unpredicted community
usage of the urban structure so far completed~ Both the rise
of the satellite towns and the deviations imposed on the plannE?.d
area are examined in Chapters Six and Seven.

Finally, in Chapter Eight an attempt is made to derive new

insights frow the observations.made in the previous passages, to
infer new app~oaches to the problem5 of the e~bryo ~etropolis,
anc1 to indicate some areas where it is considered that further
knowledge is required.
 CONTENTS

FOREWORD 1

SECTION A MASTER PLAN FOR BRASILIA· 5

Introduction 6

1 THE MODERN MOVEMENT 9

1.1 CIAM - Athens Charter 9
1.2 Le Corbusier - Maniere de Penser 18
1.3 Moder:ii Movement in Brazil 21

2 THE DECISION TO BUILD BRASILIA 30

2.1 Evolution of the Idea 30
2.2 The Reasoning for Brasilia 35

3 THE COMPETITION 41
3.1 Jury 41
3.2 Six out of Twenty-six Entries 45

4 LUCIO COSTA'S PILOT PLAN 66

4.1 The Plan 67
4.2 The Judgement 87

SECTION B IMPLEMENTATION 91

Introduction 92

5 REALIZATION OF THE PLAN 94

5.1 The First Four Years 94
5.2 Decision Making 104
5.3 ResouL·ces 110

6 THE RISE OF THE SATELLITE TOWNS 116

6.1 Population and Location 116
6.2 Brasilia = 'Plano Pilato' Plus Satellites 135

7 THE 'PILOT PLAN' 146

7.1 Development of the Planned Area 146
7.2 'Monumental', 'Gregarious' and 'Quotidian' Scales 173

8 SUt.":!-lARY and CONCLUSION

8.1 Summary 193
8.2 Conclusion 202

NOTES 212

P.PPENDIX I LUCIO COSTA'S PILar PLAN

APPENDIX II BIBLIOGRAPHY ON BRASILIA

ILLUSTRATIONS

Fig. 1 Le Corbusier's La Ville Radieuse 12

Fig. 2 CIAM Grid 22
Fig. 3 Reidy's Pedregulho Neighbourhood 27
Fig. 4 Map of Brazil 36
Fig. 5 Ney Goncalves and Associates' Plan 49
Fig. 6 Ney Goncalves and Associates' Plan 51
Fig. 7 Rino Levy and Associates' Plan 53
Fig. 8 M.M.M. Roberto's Plan 57
Fig. 9 Miildlin and Palanti's Plan 60
Fig. 10 Artigas and Associates' Plan 62
Fig. 11 Construtecnica's Plan 64.
Fig. 12.1 Lucio Costaps Diagrams 68
Fig. 12.2 Lucio Costa's Diagrams 74
Fig. 12.3 Lucio Costa's Diagrams 76
Fig. 12.4 Lucio Costa's Diagrams 78
Fig. 12.5 Lucio Costa's Diagrams 80
Fig. 12 .6 Lucio Costa's Diagrams 82
Fig. 12 .7 Lucio Costa's Diagrams 84
Fig. 13 Lucio Costa's Plan 70
Fig. 14 Four Urban Scales 71
Fig. 15 Lucio Costa's Revised Plan 95
Fig. 16 Works Completed Up to 21st April 1960 99
Fig. 17 Population Projection and Age Structure 118
Fig. 18 Settlements in 1958 - Taguatinga 125
Fig. 19 Expansion of Brasilia - Official Settlements 134
Fig. 20 Distribution of Population 136
Fig. 21 Distribution of Income Level
Fig. 22 Passengers Transported Daily by Bus
Between Localities · 142
Fig. 23 Compared Built-up Areas : Brasilia - Sao Paulo 145
F.ig. 24 Development of the 'Pilot Plan' - 1964 151
Fig. 25 Development of the 'Pilot Plan' - 1968 152
Fig. 26 Development of the 'Pilot Plan' - 1972 153
Fig. 27 Individual Housing Schemes 155
Fig. 28 Row House and Apartment House 159
Fig. 29 W3 Avenue - Distribution of Activities 187
Fig. 30 W3 Avenue to the North 191
Fig. 31 Patrick Geddes Matrix 205
Fig. 32 Regiao Geo-Economica de Brasilia 207
 LIST OF TABLES

1. Population of the F~deral District -

1957-1960 102

2. Houses Supply by Sphere of Activity 109

3. Evolution of Local Government Incomes (By Sources) 113

4. Evolution of Expenditure of Local Authorities 114

5. Population of the Federal District 117

6. Urban and Rural Population - 1960 and 1968 119

7. Population Projection - 1970-1980 119

8. Age/Sex Structure - 1968 lQO

9. Dist.ribution of Population - July 1969 133

10. Distribution of the Urban Population - 1973 137

11. IlLiteracy Rates in the Federal District - 1964 140

12. Potential Housing Types Within the Planned Area 156

13. Housing Units Within the Plano Piloto - 1966 157

14. Housing Programme 1971-73 : Public Sector

Distribution of Housing Units by Locality and Size 165 -

15. Housing Programme 1971-73 : Public Sector

Distribution of Investments by Locality 166
 J;.CKNOWLEDGEMENTS

So many persons have helped me with this thesis that

I shall never be able to express adequately my appreciation
and gratitude. Particular thanks are due to my colleagues
at the Unive~sity of Brasilia, particularly at the Institute
of Arts and Architecture, for making it possible for me to
spend two years in Edinburgh, therefore providing time and
-~ opportunity to develop this study; to my Supervisor,
Richard Bigwood, for his continuous encouragement, aid and
criticism; to Professor Percy Johnson-Marshall for his pene-
trating contributions; to Marcia and Geraldo Batista,
'pioneers' in Brasilia, ror providing new insights and suggest-
ing new material; to my wife, Ritze, and our children, for
whom planning and urban design became somewhat monotonous
subjects; to Mrs. Catherine Arthur who kindly typed this
work, and proved that patience is not a virtue only of the
Chinese; last but not least to the staff and students of the
Department of Urban Design and Regional Planning for creating
a favourable intellectual atmosphere.
 1

FOREWORD

Scope and Aims

The purpose of this thesis is to appraise how the proposals

of the Master Plan for Brasilia are working in real life, in an

attempt to derive lessons from the empirical confrontation to which

their underlying principles and ideas have been subjected.

By doing so, a wider objective can be aimed at, that of dis-

cussing potentialities and limitations of current principles and

practices of urban design, which are energetically publicized

throughout the world, and are indistinctively applied within dis-

parate social, economic, political and ecolngical contexts.

Background

The motivation for this study stems from two major sources.

The first is a practical one: the author has been living in

 2

Brasilia since 1968, and his work at the University of Brasilia

and in the Institute of Architects of Brazil brought him in close

contact with problems of the development of the city. Secondly,

an intellectual stimulus should be mentioned: two prominent and

opposite attitudes have marked the debate involving the unforeseen

evolution of Brasilia. To many, Lucio Costa's Pilot Plan contains

the answers to almost the totality of Brasilia's current problems,

and incompetent official action is responsible for the unbalanced

urban structure so far completed. To others, the plan was utopic

in nature, like many other urban 'visions' of the forties and

fifties, therefore it does not respond to and reflect social, econo-

mic and political needs and opportunities. This debate is in fact

a central one for the condition of town planners and designers.

Since reasons for undertaking this study were recognized, a

further encouragement should be mentioned: it is that Brasilia

offers a unique opportunity fo~ such a study, being a distinguished

attempt to comprehensively apply, at city scale, the theories and

forms of the Modern Movement, and since, in less than fifteen.years,

Brasilia is about to reach 700,(X)O population, the principles which

lie behind its proposals have been thoroughly tested.

 3

Methodology

Here the first step is an appraisal of _the process of con-

ception of the capital. This is achieved by studying the his-

torical and political background~ of the decision to build Brasilia,

as well as the intellectual background of its architects, followed

by a description of the main features of the competition for the

Pilot Plan for Brasilia with a detailed commentary of Lucio Costa's

winning entry.

The following section covers important features of the.process

of implementation of the pl~n, with the description of major devia-

tions from Costa's initial proposals, in an attempt to identify the

main causes and several actors of that process.

Finally, some lessons are derived from this study, and some

guidelines for further incursions in the subject are indicated, with

the description of issues· where further knowledge is desirable.

The information for this work was drawn both from bibliogra-

phic sources and from the author's own experience of living and work-

ing in Brasilia, complemented by pioneers' telling narratives.

t.

Limitations

The extent and comprehensiveness of the.intended study,

I
together with the limitation of time, led the author to the simpli-

fication or even to the deletion of some issues, which otherwise

certainly would be included or expanded. This is the main reason

why the conclusion is somewhat open, prudently calling for further

development of some issues which could not be thoroughly examined.

Another limitation for this work was the author's absence

from the area of study, which prevented him from checking existing

data or even incorporating new information which he learned from

brief press accounts.

Finally, it should be said that English being the author's

second language, he could not make full use of its extensive

resources, although the initiation into its subtle nuances has

been an enjoyable intellectual exercise.

~ ·.

SECTION A

MASTER PLAN FOR BRASILIA

 6

MASTER PLAN FOR BRASILIA

INTRODUCTION

The maturing of an old idea led President Juscelino

Kubitschek de Oliveira to the decision to build Brasilia. In

September 1956 the creativeness of Brazilian architects was chal-

lenged by this gigantic enterprise: an entirely new capital city

was to emerge, in just a decade, from the designer's board to

reality.

Advised by Oscar Niemeyer, leading Brazilian architect, the

development corporation NOVACAP held a preliminary ideas

competition among Brazilian professionals, seeking a conception

for the city Plano Piloto.

Sharing the common concepts and principles of city planning

set out by the Modern Movement, the Brazilian professionals pro-

duced twenty six eh-pressive entries to the contest, motivated by

 7

the unique opportunity of making their urban visions reality.

As an American writer put it:

"They wouJ.d be doing more than designing a new

full scale urban environment. They would be
creating for the first time in uodern idiom a
syrrJJolic national capital. The program of the
city provided opportunity for a full range of
design - the creation of circulation and trans-
port systems, housing, commercial facilities,
and government buildings, ranging from the utili-
tarian to the 110numental. Brasilia remains t:he
greatest single opportunity to be given to an
1
architect of our time. "

This section covers the main features of this process of

creation and decision. The first chapter attempts the depiction

of the conceptual background for the various proposals of partici-

pants in the contest. Therefore we will be looking at the prin-

ciples and ideas which modern architects and planners shared at

that time in respect of urban design, which basically stemmed

from the findings of CIAM, comprehensively expressed by the

Athens Charter in 1933.

Secondly, we look at the events which led the authorities

at that time to the decisions concerned with character, tempo and

localisation of the enterprise, since they greatly influenced the

nature of the respouse of both participants and jury.

 8

The latter chapters cover the competition itself. The six

plans selected by the panel of judges out of twenty six entries

are described, as well as the reasons why the jury selected Lucio

Costa's Plano Piloto, which in the words of Mr. William Holford,

had indicated 'the direction of advance for a great administrative

capital ( ••. ) in a masterly way, and the fundamental problems of

communication, urban residence, metropolitan character and richness

of growth within a unity of artistic conception, had all been recog-

nized and anticipated.' 2

Finally, greater emphasis will be given to the description

of the selected master plan, in order to grasp the principles,

ideas and proposals which have been adopted for the realisation of

the city.
 9

1 THE MODERN MOVEMENT

1.1 Athens Charter

1.1.1 Since the problems of the industrial age overwhelmed

the cities of the western world, a process of reaction has

attempted to stem their uncontrolled expansion and deteriora-

tion. From the social utopias of OWen, Godin, Cabet and

Fourier, to the modern concepts of town planning a wide range

of theoretical and practical instruments have been developed in

an attempt to re-establish human mastery in the process of build-

ing the man made environment.

1.1.2 The extensive geometrical beautification of the urban

scene apparent in Europe in the nineteenth century e.g.

Haussman's grands travaux in Paris, had soon proved ineffective

to cope with the speed, complexity and scale of contemporary

urban problems.

1.1.3 A remarkable contribution to the progress of city

 10

planning was the Garden City Movement, founded by Ebenezer Howard

in England, at the turn of the century. In his well known book

'The City in History! Lewis Mumford writes on it as follows

"Though the main value of the Garden City Movement,

from Howard's point of view, was to establish the
possibility of a rrore organic method of city growth,
which would reproduce, not unrelated fragments of
urban order, but unified v1holes bringing together
urban and rural values, it had still another office:
it called general attention to the essential nature
·of the city itself and promoted examination of the
whole process of city development that had hitherto
been lacking." 3

It has been pointed out that Howard also implied the need for a

powerful authority to master the process of growth of the cities

to the best results: it calls for "power to assemble and hold

the land, plan the city, time the order of building, and provide
4
the necessary services."

1.1.4 Other urban visions have influenced greatly the ideas

of urban design of this century. However, paying due respect to

those visionaries whose contributions are not mentioned in this

work, and leaving Patrick Geddes for a later occasion, as a pioneer

of the contemporary streams of town and regional planning, Tony

Garnier' s Cite Industrielle - 1904,. will be registered finally

 11

as being most influential. Lewis Mumford, writing on it, said

"His Cite Industrielle gre~., out of a broad under-

standing of social requirements. The balance
of its layout is not destroyed by the concentra-
tion on single issues, on specialized problems
of traffic or the more or less especialized prob-
lems of housing which absorbed the advocates of
the Garden Cities. Garnier sought for an organic
interrelationship between all the functions of his
town." 5

i.1.5 Although the urban vision of Garnier was a really im-

portant and vigorous new impulse to the maturing of modern urban

design, a further and decisive step would be taken almost a decade

.. later. Professor Percy Johnson-Marshall commented as follows :

"It remained for Le Corbusier, the most famous and

imaginative of European architects and city planners
to take Garnier' s ideas and distil them tvi th a wide
range of individual new artefacts, such as the sky-
scraper and the rrotorway, and to create therefrom
the first comprehensive vision for the city of
torro;.row. " 6 (See Figure 1)

1.1.6 It was a potent vision, easy to understand and grasp,

which joined the technological capabilities of this century with

an ordered new way of urban life seeking to create the urban en-·
Figure 1
 13

vironment of our age. Industrialism has been accepted as a

necessary historical phase, a new physical and social order

would raise into reality the promises of the industrial age.

As T. Crosby described it :

"Designed for a population of 3 million, the.

Radiant City marks a threshold in the scale of
man's ambition to control nature, his environ-
ment and his fellows. Here the possibilities
of mass production, of social and physical mobility
are confidently resolved in an architecture of
poetry and sensitivity." 7

LL7 The main principles which emerge from this synthesis

zoning, high building, high densities, open spaces for recreation,

and the full use of the capabilities of the transportation system -

would give direction for later works towards the establishment of

theoretical and practical frameworks to deal with the city of this

century.

1.1.8 The next step in this direction was taken in 1928, when

prot_agonists of different architectural developments in Austria,

Belgium, Germany, Holland,·rtaly, Spain and Switzerland associated

to form the Congres Internationaux d'Architecture Moderne. 8 In

1928, aiming at .the problems of housing for lower income classes,

the association started to promote a collaborative work, which

moved further on with the conferences held in Frankfurt, and in

-~ . .

14

Brussels in 1930. In this latter congress the primary concern

was for the organization of groups of dwellings into neighbour-

hoods. As Giedion said, "the congress of Brussels marks the

point at which the study of the city planning became an activity

of the CIAM". City and regional planning now became the centre
9
of interest.

1.1.9 Finally, the Fourth Congress was held in Athens in 1933,

dealing with 'The Functional City'. Thirty three cities were

analysed: London, Berlin, Paris, Detroit, Stockholm, Zurich,

Athens and others. As a result of this congress a document was

formulated summing up the views of CIAM on city planning, explain-

ing the way by which planners and architects should deal with the

·· city of the twentieth century it was the 'Town Planning Charter'

or simply 'Athens Charter'.

1.1.10 Being a comprehensive and synthetical report, it is

difficult to summarize. All that can be done is to indicate the

passages which can be consideTed important for the development of

10
this study.

"Every city is part of a geographic, economic, social ...

cultural and political unit (region) upon which its
development depends. • •• The basic factors governing
the development of the cities are subject to continuous
changes. It is the uncontrolled and disorderly dev-
elopment of the Machine Age which has produced the chaos
of our cities ••• "
~ .

15

The four functions of the city were pointed out -

dwelli_ng, recreation, work and transportation."

1.1.11 Dwelling is the primary urban function: after point-

ing out the problems of dwellings upon a wide range of approaches

the charter proposes:

"Residential districts ought to occupy best sites.

'A minimum exposure to the sun should be estab-
lished for residential structures. 'Modern build-
ing techniques should be employed in constructing
high, widely spaced apartment blocks JA1henever the
necessity of housing high density of populations
exists. Only such treatment of dwellings will
liberate the necessary land surface for recreation
purposes
,,

1.1.12 Recreation, or more properly, cultiver le corps et

!'esprit:

"Open spaces in cities are generally insufficient

It should be required that th~ general sanitation of
the too densely populated districts be improved by
the razing of slums and other buildings, the cleared
sites to be devoted to recreational purposes.

It should be required that open spaces near kinder-

gartens or playgrounds be used as sites for nursery
schools, and that certain sites in parks be devoted
to general community purposes, with branch public
libraries, small neighbourhood museums,. or auditoriums.
 16

The environs of urban zones ought to be converted

to weekend recreation centres. Advantage should
be taken of those sites near cities whose natural
features make them favourable for recreational
purposes."

1.1.13 After considering the problems in industrial and busi-

ness areas location, communications, land speculation, etc.,

possible ways to deal with those problems are indicated:

"Industries should be classified according to their

character and their needs, and should be distributed

in special zones throughout the territoxy comprised

of the city and the region it influences. In delimi.-

tating these zones, it will be necessary to take into

accoUi.-i.t the relation to zones intended for other

fimctions. The distances between dwellings and

working places should be directly traversable in a

minimum of time.

Industrial districts should be .independe!Jt of resi-

dential districts (indeed of other districts as well),

and should be isolated by means of green bands or

neutral zones. Certain small industries intimately

related to urban life and are not source of nuisance

should remain within the city, serving its different

residential. districts."
 17

1.1.14 Transportation: the Chart first makes general state-

ments concerning traffic and street problems: obsolescence of

the ancient street pattern, which is not able to fulfil the

requirements of modern vehicles and traffic volume; traffic

congestion; accidents; shortcomings of traffic management and

surgical engineering. Thereby it states a necessary new

approach to the question:

"The solutions ••• can be reached only by means of

new city planning. A new street system, designed
for modern means of transportation is required.
The speeds to be provided for in each street will
depend upon the nature of the vehicles it cari:ies
arid upon the function of the street."

1.1.15 Streets would be classified into those intended for fast-

moving traffic, for slow traffic, and tributary and secondary

streets. Streets ought to be classified according to their

functions: residential streets, busin8ss streets and the indus-

trial ones. Buildings of all kinds, especially dwellings should

be isolated from heavy traffic by green bands. By means of

efficient traffi~ organization and a proper coordination of differ-

ent urban elements, traffic could be reduced and concentrated with-

in arteries.

1.1.16 General requirements: after summarizing the nature and

causes of the urban problems CIAM asserts that only through the

establishment of an equitable layout with respect to location and

 18

areas, in such a way that the 'daily cycle of activities' may

occur with the greatest economy and within which the 'urban

unity' should be able to 'develop organically', can one assure

'on both the spiritual and material planes, individual liberty

and the benefits of collective action'.

1.1.17 As one can see, the architects and planners of CIAM

shared the concept of healthy environment, open space, opportun-

ity of outdoor recreation, similar to those of the Garden City

movement. However they disputed that only by building spaced

high rise apartment blocks, thus increasing the urban density,

would it be possible to combine the quality of the metropolitan

way of life, natural to the man of modern times, with the bounties

of the contact with nature, sunshine and abundant greenery.

1.1.18 The group also shared the faith that such a vision would

become a solution to society's problems. And finally, the city

was viewed as a unified problem of design.

1.2 Le Corbusier Maniere de Penser

1.2.1 Indeed Le Corbusier remains the most influential syn-

thesizer of those concepts of urban design. His new visionary

schemes, a~d his writings impelled still further developments in

the art and science of urban design "Urbanisme".

 19

1.2.2 In his book 'Maniere de Penser l'Urbanisme' he illus-

trates the fundamentals of the architecture of our age.

"The new possibilities of the structural science,

including the introduction of reinforced concrete,
which meant the severance with previous traditional
practices and building techniques, open an aesthetic
argument.

"The evolution of consciousness derived from the.

struggles against the evils of the early times of
industrialism and which appealed for an equilibrium
between m::in and ma.chine.

"The aesthetic renovation, started by the fine arts,

which opened the debate on the new attitudes to be
taken towards the creation of the environment of
the new civilization of the machine: the modern
style." 11

1.2. 3 In respect to the modern style in architecture Giedion

writes:

"The architecture today, for the first time since

·the barroc period, has got a style, but it is a

style of a framework sufficiently large to afford

to every country or even region, if they are able

12
to, the opportunity to speak in their o~m idiom."

1.2.4 Le Corbusier says that 'such is the new architecture

which can be put at service of urbanisme', thus emphasizing the

.J..

20

lL~ified character of architecture and urbanisme: year after

year, themes of urban design and architectural solutions unify

themselves to answer to the great questions posed by this age,

13
on the grounds of 'construction'.

l.~.5 The CIAM grid: on the occasion of the fourth CIAM

congress, Le Corbusier introduced a grid, first used as the

"standard key to a comparative analysis of the previously men-

tioned thirty three cities prepared by delegates from eighteen

14
countries for the conference."

As he introduced it he stated:

"I am going to talk to you about a sort of poetry -

the poetry of classification ••• Mountains of paper
impede the work of the urbanist. They are his
enemy number one. ••• I determined to find some
visual way to do away with these rrountains of paper;
for though the eye can register exceedingly quickly,
the reading of reports is an extremely slow job.
The problem was to create a tool. But though a
too_l can simplify the work, it can IT'.ake no fine
plans of itself. It can help one set down one's
thought more rapidly or with greater precision, but
it can never make fools intelligent. • •• All we ask
of the CIA!4 grid is that it shall .bring the intelli-
gent points of a scheme immediately before the eyes~

and that foolishness shall be as quickly apparent1' 15

 21

1.2.6 This grid is assembled over CIAM's four primary func-

tions of land use: habiter, travailler, cultiver le corps et

l'esprit and circuler. Figure two shows that grid - along the

abaissa there is a "sequence of headings which acts as a check

list for the practioner planner". One can clearly see that

this grid implies a comprehensive understanding of both the

mechanisms of t~e urban structure and of the planning activities

from the designer's board synthesis to the tasks of implementa-

tion. The two last columns of the grid also imply the idea of

a feed-back from rational and emotional reactions of both con-

sumers and authorities.

1.2.7 A further aspect of Corbusier's theories will be regis-

tered finally, in this selection of relevant topics: it is made

clear that he did not retreat from the responsibility of imposing

on the urban structure the discipline and order in which the

architects are skilled. In this manner he anticipated the current

argument on order and deliberate pursuit as against informality,

16
spontaneity and flexibility.

1.3 The Modern Movement in Brazil

1.3.1 The ideas and principles stated by CIAM became influential

throughout the world. A soundly universal effort towards the

.~
 22

Figure 2

CIAM'S GRID

10 Environment 11 Land U;;a 12 Building Volcme 13 Com:nunity 14. ethics and 15 Ecor.omic ar.d
Facr!iiies Aa:>the!i~ Soci.11 Aspects
Ph•tsir.al, Historic Rural and Urtian. J. Oim~nsional
and Exi;;ting and Ci>y Si:uctu;:t
Demographic Data ?roie<.:t'!d

Living
I I
Worl<in~

P.'!':tdi!iion

Tran:;portation

Miscellaneous

-·
I 16 Legislation 17 Financs 18 S:ag95 of
Realization
19 Miscelianeou.s 20 R:,tior:al
R:F:1ction ..
21 E:notional
Raac6on

I Client, Public. Ctianr. Puoiic.

I and Au•ho~iti~ and Authoriti~s

Living
I
ii
\"iori.ing
I
Recr.:aiion

Transpor.a:ion
I
Miscelianeous

SOURCE BELL and TYRWHITT, Ed .. Human Identity in the Urban·Environment, 1972.

 23

creation of contemporary society's habitat can be seen in several

significant applications of those concepts all over the world.

There is no country which has not been touched by the new concepts.

However, up to the end of Second World War, no opportunity for

designing in a wholly urban scale appeared. After the war, and

particularly in the 1950s an increasing number of modern architects

and planners were requested to apply their instruments of thought

and action to the design of major urban schemes. Britain began a

keen programme of rebuilding war damaged cities and the building

of new towns. The need for reconstructing war destroyed urban

settlements, and the rapid urbanization observable throughout the

world demanded new urban structures.

1. 3. 2 In Brazil the first wave of renovation began about 1922,

with the so called "Semana de Arte Moderna" (Modern Art Week)

event held in Sao Paulo aiming to stimulate an awareness of and

acquaintance with recent international trends in arts, as well as

an identification of national potentialities which could provide

Brazilian intellectuality with a framework for its production of

painting and sculpture, literature and poetry, music and architec-

17
ture.

1.3. 3 However, in spite of bright efforts of Gregory Warchavehik

and Flavia de Carvalho (who produced in Sao Paulo the earliest

18
examples of the modern style) it was only from 1929 to 1936 that
 24

Brazilian architecture witnessed any creative surge which stimu-

lated world interest. Norma Emerson writing on this points out

that:

"The modern movement, as it was introduced in B2·azil,

represented the main-stream of theory and form as it
had been evolving in the 1920s and 1930s. Like pre-
vious artistic movements in Brazil, the rrodern move-
ment in architecture was initially an importation
from Europe. In contrast to other artistic imports,
however, it stimulated an unprecedented burst of .
original creativity, insp.iring v1hat v1as soon recognized
19
as a uniquely Brazilian achievement:'

1.3. 4 The landmark of this indigenous movement ·was the project

for the Ministry of Education and Health, in Rio de Janeiro.

Lucio Costa organized a team including Oscar Niemeyer, Affonso

Eduardo Reidy, Carlos Leao, Jorge Moreina, and Ernani de

Vasconcelos, to develop the project. '11his was after the failure

of a competition held previously by the Ministry in which all the

modern conceptions for the building had been declassified. In

1936 Le Corbusier was invited as a consultant to the team. After

setting out several schemes a solution was finally adopted by the

20
group and with minor modifications was built.

1.3.5 This building (which shows clearly the sound Corbusier's

influence) and quite a number of others built about the same period,
 25

particularly in Rio de Janeiro, definitely establishe~ the oppor-

tunity for the architectural renovation in the :country. Although

it is not within the scope of this study to attempt a full appraisal

of both the character and significance of this event, it should be

emphasized that from then on Brazilian professionals and schools of

architecture and urbanism all over the country devoted themselves

to the application of the concepts of the new movement: concepts

which were put in practice wit.h great energy, particularly in both

cultural and economic capitals of the country Rio de Janeiro ·

and Sao Paulo, respectively.

1.3.6 In respect to urban design, however, in spite of the high

rate of observable urbanization in the country very little has

been done. Nevertheless, some events deserve to be mentioned.

1.3. 7 Alfred Agache, a French architect-urbaniste was invited

as consultant to the prefecture of Rio de Janeiro. He remained

from 1926 to 1930, to publish his report Cidade do Rio de Janeiro:

Remodelacao, extensao e embelezamento. Although claiming that city

planning is part· science and part art and stressing the need for

the understanding of urban structures, his conception of urban

design was conservative: the underlying concepts which influenced

his plan for Rio stemmed from Haussman's works in Paris. ~fuat

Agache sought was to g~ve Rio de Janeiro the visual attributes of a

 26

major national capital, which ~ere lacking.

"Compared t-1ith many of the schematic urban concep-

tions being developed by modern architects in the
1920s, the Agache plan appears as essentially a
•
nineteenth • •
century vision •
of the city. II 21

1.3.8 In one of his visits to Rio, 1928, Le Corbusier pro-

duced a preliminary planning study for the city. His vision

took the form of an immense motorway, running throughout the

city, 100 metres high, containing apartments and other urban

functions within the megastructure created below the freeway.

1.3.9 Brazilian professionals later produced some interest-

ing examples of urban structures, applying concepts of mode.rn

urban design. Of the several residential estates planned about

that time, it should be mentioned that one was to become well

known and influential Pedregulho Residential Neighbourhood,

by Affonso Eduardo Reidy, Rio de Janeiro, 1947. Fig .. 3.

This residential neighbourhood was built for lower income muni-

cipal workers.

1.3.10 Reidy's design atte~pts the organization of a large

area. Apart from the apartment blocks, the scheme also includes

social facilities such as schools, health centre, playground,

shopping centre and common laundry.

 27

Figure 3

REIDY'S PEDREGULHO NEIGHBOURHOOD

·/
·~-~ ~ - -~)0" "'- :': . ;~- - ~ IICTitO.

--------------------·------~L--------------------------------1

Figure 2 Pedregulho Neighbourhood Site plan 10 Playing field

Key:
fl Pool
I Water reservoirs or the town
12 Playground
2 Flats, block A
13 Health centre
3 Flats, block B I ·
14 Laundry
4 Fbts, block B2
IS Market
5 Flats, block C
16 Creche
6 Primary school
17 Nursery school
7 Gymnasium
18 Kindergarten
8 Changing rooms
19 Pedestrian way under road
9 Swimming pool
20 Existing workshop

SOURCE KLAUS FRANK, The Works of Affonso E. Reidy, 1960, p. 36.

 28

About it Giedion said:

"It is remarkable how often plans betray an

instinct for urban planning, a sense of harmony
in difference. The most important ••• is the
housing development of Pedregulho ••• if we pass
from building to building ••• there can be felt
at every point an attractive freedom of imagina-
tion, combined with careful consideration of the
human factor." 22

1. 3.11 Other works of Reidy w0rth mentioning are such as the

plan for a new city centre in Rio ae Janeiro, 1948, upon which

work has already been done, and the plan for the Aviation Train-

ing Centre, in Sao Jose dos Campos, which had been submitted as

a competition entry, being awarded third prize. As Giedion

described it,

"The plans for a pilots' training centre in Sao

Paulo (1947) contain, from the town planning
angle, a remarkable solution in the light but
dense combination of the school zone, coITUnunity
23
cent.re, and residential zone."

1. 3.12 Another spectrum of activity, related to town planning,

which ensured a national professional exercise was the surgical

highways engineering, which attempted to alleviate the pressures

of the steadily increasing traffic in the biggest cities. The

 29

well known Prestes Maia plans for a system of radial arteries,

which radically changed the previous street patterns of Sao Paulo

are an example. A great part of it has been implemented~ con-

siderably changing the face of the capital. Starts were made

on tunnels and viaducts around 1935, and some considerations of

the appearance of the city were made; e.g. open space·s , parks

and gardens. However one could hardly say that they were appli-

cations of modern concepts of urban design. Nevertheless, those

works attracted at the time public and professional attention to

the problems of town planning.

1.3.13 Apart from these leading examples, there were several

minor local development plans for housing, tourism, urban renewal,

which offered important opportunities for application of modern·

urban and architectural design concepts. However up fo this time

they have been insufficiently appraised.

1. 3.14 The point is that when Oscar Niemeyer suggested to the

President and to Mr. Israel ~inheiro, head of the Development

Corporation of the New Capital to hold a competition among Brazilian

professionals for the Master Plan for Brasilia, he certainly felt

that they had already proved themselves to be able to cope with

this demanding challenge.

 30

2 THE DECISION

2.1 Evolution of the Idea

Probably no other national problem was so intensely

analysed and discussed as that of the construction of Brasilia.

The maturation of the idea, from dream to plan, developed

throughout a long period of Brazilian history. Although the

basic idea persisted through that time the reasoning for the

transference of the capital varied according to national intel-

lectual atmosphere .

2.1.l . It is frequently stated that the idea of a new capital

first appeared in 1789, in a manifesto of a group of political

revolutionaries who in Minas Gerais pioneered the movement for

independence from Portugal. They sought a new governing centre

for a new independent nation, and they proposed a SYIJl.bolic rup-

ture with the traditional spatial framework of the colonial

regime.
 31

2.1. 2
~
Ignoring other minor developments, the next reappear-

ance of the idea was in 1823, a year after Independence. Jose

Bonifacio de Andrada e Silva submitted to the Constituent Assembly

a document proposing the construction of a new inner Capital, with

the name of Brasilia or Petropole. The idea was supported for

the following reasons: It seemed to be desirable to build a new

capital of the empire in the hinterland. Being central it will

attract to those lands (sertao) the overspill unemployed popula-

Lions from the coastal mercantile cities. Being central, a new

radial road system will ensure accessibility from the hinterland

towns to these coastal cities, therefore creating the opportunity

for an internal trade of reasonable magnitude. A further ·political

reason remained in that the Court could establish an impartial con-

tact with other provincial capitals which were not willing to recog-
1
nize the right of Court to Rio de Janeiro.

2 .1. 3 The discussions which developed throughout the Imperial

Period, from 1822 to 1889, will not detain us here, beyond noting

the work of Francisco Adolfo Varnhagen (the Viscount of Porto

Segura) whose 'writings kept the subject alive. He added further

contributions to the idea, taking account of military vulnerability

of the coastal capital, favouring the site near to the watershed of

basins of the rivers Tocantirus, Parania-Prata and S. Francisco.

2.1.4 However, it was not until the proclamation of the repub-

 32

lie that concrete steps were taken for the realization of the

project. The Republican Constitution of 1891 made provisions

for the transfer of the capital to an area of 14.400 square

kilometers, which would be opportunely plotted in the central

plateau, and belonging to the Union.

2.1.5 Therefore, in 1892, President Floriano Peixoto appoin-

t.ed a technical commission to meet the constitutional provision.

The Cruls Mission, under Dr. Luiz Cruls, included astronomers,

doctors, military engineers, a geologist and a botanist. After

developing field stuoies, the commission demarcated a vast quad-

rilateral within which the city was to be built, taking into

account climate, soils, geology, topography, animal and plant

life, water sources, building materials, water power, and finally

accessibility and existing settlements.

2 .1. .6 The publication of Cruls' report revived the idea.

However, it was only in 1922 that further steps were taken, when

President Epitacio Pessoa approved a law providing for the trans-

fer of the capital. · The foundation stone of the new capital was

to be laid on the 7th of Sept:ember 1922 near to the small village

of Planaltina, within the Cruls Quadrilate~al. It was also

recommended that ·studies for the railway connections from Rio

and Santos, major ports in the country, be carried out.

 33

2.1. 7 In 1937 Cetulio Vargas became dictator, replacing the

constitutional regime by a new statutory framework, known as

"ESTADO NOVO" - (New State). No concern with the transfer of

the capital was indicated. However, in 1940, in a speech in

Goiana, Vargas asserted :

"Your plateau is the belevedere of Brazil.

It is an imperative to move powerful forces
towards the centre of the country intended
2
to prorrote and irradiate our future expansion."

2.1.8 In 1945 Vargas was removed from power. · A new Consti-

tution was promulgated, and the provision for the transfer.

restored. This 1946 Constitution stated

"The President of the Republic, within sixty

days of the proclamation of this act, will

name a com'Tlission of technicians of recog-

iiized merit to study the location of the new

capital."

"The· study provided for in the foregoing para-

graph will be directed to the National Congress

-v.rhich will deliberate in regard to it in a

special law and will establish the time for the

begir..ning of the delimitation of the area to be

incorporated into the Domain of the Union.

 34

"After the demarcation is complete, the

congress will set the date for the transfer
of the capital • " 3

2 .1. 9 President Dutra accordingly appointed a Commission

for the studies of location of the·. ~ new capital under General

Poli Coelho. An expedition was organized to s·uvey the area,

gathering information about possible sites for the new capital.

Two basic principles guided the decision of the Commission :

the primary functions of the capital are administrative and

political. Thereby it should be located in the demographic

-- . -·-·- .------~---·

centre of the country, in a site which would allow easy communi-

cation with its regions. The Commission finally pointed out

roughly the same area recommended by Cruls Mission. After a

long debate the Congress took a decision passing legislation

which specified ~ quadrangle of approximately 52.00 square kilo-

meters lying between latitudes 15° 30' and 17' south, and longi-

tudes 46° 30' and 49° 30' west, within the state of Goias.

On the 25th February 1954 ~he firm Donald J. Belcher

and Associates Inc. was contracted to study the area hitherto

determined and to determiHe firm alternative sites of 1.000

square kilometers. They were to be examined in detail with

regard to climatic conditions, water supply, topography, access-

ibility, sources of low-cost electric power, locally available

 35

building material, subsoil conditions for foundations, forest

and suitable agricultural areas, landscape and recreation sites,

conditions for disappropriation. Following the completion of

the studies, in 1954 Marshall Jose Eessoa Cavalcanti de

Albuquerque was na.med to head the commission which finally

selected the present site. The approved final boundaries en-

compassed 5.850 square kilometers. The Federal District lies

between parallels 15° 30' and 16° 03' south and it is bounded

on the west by the Rio Descoberto and on the east by the Rio

Preto and Rio Santa Rita. This site actually includes portions

of the watersheds of Tocantines, Paraua and S. Francisco, as advo-

cated hitherto by Varnhagen (Fig. 4).

2.1.11 Behind those serene technical decisions a feverish

political process was developing: Vargas committed suicide in

1954. Cafe Filho, Carlos·Luz followed by Nefeu Ramos rapidly

succeeded. In 1955 Kubitschek appeared as a coalition candidate

for two great parties PTB and PSD. He won the election with

the help of the old Vargas politicaL: machinery.

2.2 The Reasoning for Brasilia

2.2.1 Kubitschek held his compaign in a rather optimistic

mood and the slogan "Fifty years of progress in five years".

 36

Figure 4

MAP OF BRAZIL

'.
.. ,,.
. .. . .... _... •....
-_.,--.-
..•• 1
, \
-~---
.......... _
......,.r.
/ -:-· ~ . ~':'" -- -.·-· ··--...-- -- ··-·--·~ ........... , ..

·>

)'; J
. • t

;
/ (I .
.r.....
.·'
',
'··"'"t.;
:. ·-- --- -----;I
• .l- - - · ., .
...
... • ' ~ ...........~.,,. :'... i
. '·· . '~
! • : ;, ·-· \,-

-~ ~·.l>'< l

l . l ~ ' '··
i·;. \
l\~,
II

c{
I
'--\-j--c\\ \ ;
I

.
l

1· ~

iI "¥.
I
I ~ t
... ,,____~,·...---.__
I ; I

~ . J
iI •

.j
~---- ~ -

SOURCE IBGE,

- - - ·- - • - -- - 9 •

..,.t ••• '-'"'•··~) ;-<

'(~.
··- .
----··----- .~·
 37

The first element of his acknowledged government plan, the so-

4
called "Prograrrone of Goals" was his politlcal testament and

platform, which took the form of a book : Diretrizes Gerais

do Plano Nacional de Desenvolvimento - 1955. The line he took

was "developmentism". He worked out the concept that if

resources were allocated "to projects which would prorrote

economic. grmvth, then rapid progress could be made in all areas

of national life". 5

2.2.2 It is Kubitschek himself who tells how the enterprise

of Brasilia appeared among the priority targets.

"The first question I was asked in the city

of Jatai t·1as if the candidate, should he be
elected President, tvould build the new Capital
in Goias's Plateau. I want to confess that
until that rroment I had not considered in all
details the problem of transferring the capital
••••• I answered that since the transfer was
determined in the 1946 constitution ••• I would
ma.ke the first steps towards the building of the
6
new capital.

2.2.3 Therefore, the dream had to become realized as a plan.

Much of the rationale for it has been laid throughout .the his-

tory. However, at that very moment of Brasilian intellectual

history a further issue arose among the many. Much of the

 38

middle class regarded Brazil as a country with a great future.

The need to soundly state this optimism rose in the country,

there being a belief that the construction of the new capital

would symbolize the dawn of a new age. As Kubitschek put it

"The construction of Brasilia was symbolic

of our efforts to provide the nation with
a fovndation on which to build the future." 7

2.2.4 Apart from this psycho-political reason, a product of

people's intellectual heritage, many other pro Brasilia arguments

were enthusiastically asserted in public pronouncements 0f its

promoters.

2.2.5 The.transfer of the capital was a way towards the ful-

filling of the continental role of the country, through a planned

Marcha para o Oeste (march to the west). This meant the occupa-

tion of the national territory, as the construction of the new

city would be accompanied by the setting of a huge national radial

road system which would ensure accessibility to the forest segments

of the territory and its natural resources.

2.2.6 The new capital would free the government from the prob-

lems characteristic of the overcrowded and agitated Rio de Janeiro.

As Israel Pinheiro phrased it :

 39

"A city like Rio . • • obliges the federal govern-

ment, due to the simple fact of being located

there, to permanent preoccupation with matters
of purely local import."

"Asphyxiated by the wave of private interests •••

the Federal Government is forcibly divorced from
those Brazilians who in the interior also build,
silently, and ofter. unsupported by any government
action, the greatness of the nation.

"Social agitation of a grave nature generally

ferments in the great cAntres, stimulated by
elements of indiscipline and disorder which have
8
there the ideal conditions for subversion."

2.2.7 Another reason which became a universal belief was

that the Federal bureaucracy in Rio was beyond salvation, and

this was attributed to the vicious atmosphere of the city.

Many believed that the new capital, free from the costumes and
9
traditions of that "parasitical, useless and vain" bureaucracy

would attract young, good, willing, well trained servants who

would create a new mental;ity in the new environment.

2.2.8 It was prophesied also that the transfer of the capital

would pronx>te a healthy stimulus to the economy, both by leading

the spatial and economic reorganization of the inner regions of

the country and by freeing the policy-making centres from the

 40

~ressures and interests of the coastal metropolis (as opposed

to the higher interests of the nation}.

2.2.9 But Brasilia had its detractors too, critics who pro-

duced a considerable number of arguments ~gainst its construe-

tion. They charged it as being an unjustj_fied adventure of a

"populist" politician, seeking an easy way of building his image

before the history and before the world. The plan was criti-

cised as inflationary, wasteful, technically vulnerable, and

likely to be ruinous to Brazilian economy.

2.2.10 Nevertheless the pro Brasilia argument caught the ima-

gination of the country. Large segments of middle and lower

classes enthusiastically supported the enterprise. The President

energetically publicized it, placing behind the project all of his

acknowledged wide political skills and personal dedication. It

was again the experienced politician seeking the realization of

another "public work", lo the greatest Brazil has ever seen.

And it was to be accomplished within his term of office (rrandato).

 41

3 ';rHE COMPETITION

In the previous chapters we illustrated features of

both the intellectual background of the Brazilian architects

and the nature of the challenge they faced when the President,

advised by Oscar Niemeyer, ~alled for a competition for a

Master Plan for Brasilia. The President wanted not only to

plan the city but to build it in his short time of office . .

Nevertheless, even though anxious to begin, he took Niemeyer's

advice and agreed to allow time for a competition to be held

for the "conception" of the New Capital~

3.1 The Conditions and the·. Jury

3.1.1 The conditions for the competition were publicized in

September, 1956. As Sir William Holford commented

"They were, perhaps, the simplest ever issued

for a competition of this size. Competitors
 42

were given a good deal of information and

were asked to visit the site when they had
studied the maps, charts and aerial mosaics
supplied •.• But they were asked to hand in
only two essential documents :

''a) A basic layout of the city, indicating

the position of the main elements of
the urban structure, the location and
interconnectdriD'!. of the various sectors,
centres, installations and services,
distribution of open spaces and trans-
portation networks, to the scale of
1:25.ooo.

1
b) A supporting report' . ' 1

3.1. 2 The contestants could, if they wished, and had the

expertise for it, present the. elements upon which they based

their plans :

a. Map of land use for the area: · forestry land,

rural areas, built-up areas for housing,
i;ndustry, etc .• , natural resources and networks
of roads and infrastructure.

b. Programme of the implementati_on of the city,

pointing out phases and tempo of the construc-
tion.
 c. Provision of a balanced development of the
city and region ensuring conditions for a
constant supply of employment, goods and
services at each stage of its expansion.

d. Adequate distribution of the population in

urban and rural settlements envisaging
healthy social integration.

e. Provisions for the establishment of a self-

sustaining economy, with an adequate flow of
employment opportunities and remuneration for
'2
the planned investments.

3.1.3 At the time the competition was announced some decisions

had already been made. A lake would be created with the construe-

tion of a dam in the Paranoa River, as shown in the drawings.

The Presidential Palace, the Brazilian °C'lhi te House, and a hotel for

tourists, designed by Niemeyer, were already sited close to the

banks of the projected lr;.ke. The city 1 s airport runways were

already under construction.

3.1.4 The panel of judges was determined : two town planners

from abroad, Sir William Holford from London, Andre Sine from

Paris; two representatives from NOVACAP, Stavro Papadaki and

Oscar Niemeyer; a representative from the Institute of Architects

of Brazil, Paulo Antunes Ribeiro, and a representative of the

 44

~ngineering Society of Rio de Janeiro, Luiz Horta Barbosa. The

President of NOVACAP was its non-voting chairman.

3.1. 5 As Sir William Holford pointed out

"It was soon clear that it was the foreign

members of the jury who were being asked
as the most impartial judges, to tip the
balance in favour of one scheme as against
another".

Indeed, they held an important role in the Jury's decisions.

3.1.6 Professor Sir William Holtord, a most influential Brit-

ish town planner, had lectured on Local Planning since 1935. He

greatly contributed to the establishment of principles of compre-

hensive development on central areas, publishi~g together with

C.H. Holden a 'Handbook of Redeveloprrent of Central Areas', 1943.

His article 'The Commercial Coi.e of London', included in CIAM 8' s

3
summary 'The Heart of the City' indicates a "method" for devel-

oping the average city block which is clearly linked with CIAM's

testament on Urban Design. Being an experienced planner in a

wide range of situations he was· competent in analysis of plans,

as much as their execution. He performed as planning consultant

to Cambridge Local Authority, as well as to the Development Cor-

poration of Corby New Town, and as Regional.Planning Consultant

I
 45

in South Africa. He also planned two English universities:

Liverpool and Bxeter.

3.1. 7 Stavro Papadaki was the Greek delegate to the most

influential CIAM conference of Athens, in 1933. At the time

of the competition he was living in the United States. Since

long before the competition Mr. Papadaki maintained a friendly

relationship with Brazilian architects and an attraction for

Brazilian architecture. He published two works on Neimeyer's

4
architecture and a 'Report from Brazil', for the Progressive

Architecture, New York December, 1956.

3.1.8 Andre Sine was professor of Urbanisme and a practising

architect in Paris. For many years he had been consultant to

the French Ministry for Reconstruction and Housing. For seven

years he was in charge of the analysis of a great variety of

projects, and was therefore well used to tasks such as those

requested of the judges of the competition.

3.2 Six OUt of Twenty six Entries

The contest was open to architects, engineers and town

planners licensed in Brazil. The uniqueness of the opportunity

attracted twenty six contestants, many of them distinguished

 46

architects. A study of all the presented schemes shows clearly

that they were indeed representative of the universally difused

ideas and principles of urban design which stemmed from CIAM.

Sir William Holford phrased this first impression of the totality

of the projects as follows :

"I realized as soon as the submissions were

handed in that our choice would lie between
breadth and depth. There was imagination
in plenty, both of the practical and theoreti-
cal kinr:1.. But whereas some competitors had
concentrated on what might be called the
ideology of the design, illustrating their
idea by sketch plan and some significant dia-
grarrs, others had widened their appreciation
of the problem to include details of agricul-
ture and manufacture, of building costs and
returns, of local government and community
. .
organization. " 5

3.2.1 The Jury's first meeting took place on the 12th of

March 1957 in the building of the Ministry of Education in Rio

de Janeiro.• At that meeting they decided to pre-select ten

out of the twenty-six entries, _which were examined in depth.

On the 15th of March the judges produced a final report on

which they gave account of the criteria upon which they pro-

ceeded their judgement, and pointed out the winner, and six
6
other plans for which they distributed the remaining four prizes.
 47

3.2.2 At a first stage they selected out of ten entries,

th~ following four: project number two - Ney Goncalves and

Associates; project number eight - M.M.M. Roberto; project

number seventeen - Rino Levi and Associates; and project

twenty-two - Lucio Costa. After a further scrutiny they fin-

ally selected the recipients of the five prizes as follows:

Lucio Costa was awarded the first prize; Ney Goncalves, Baruch

Milman and J.H. Rocha· were given the second prize. Third and

fourth prizes were combined and equally divided between M.M.M.

Roberto firm and Rino Levi, Cerqueira Cezar arid c. Franco, for

they were considered equally valuable contributions. The fifth

prize was shared by the following three teams: Henrique Mindlin

and G. Palanti, a group headed by Vilanova Artigas and Carlos

7
Cascaldi and the group Constructecnica.

3.2.3 It should be said, however, that the decision was not

unanimous. The representative of the Institute of Ar~hitects of

Brazil dissented on the grounds that the detailed study of the

projects was not given enough time, and the final decision had

been achieved in a private meeting held by Oscar Niemeyer together

with the three foreign judges. . Thereby, Paulo Antunes Ribeiro

submitted a separate report, proposing that all the prize money

be divided among the ten projects initially selected, to which he

added another one. According to this proposal their authors

would be invited to constitute a team to produce a coilaborative

 48

8
design for the city. In the following paragraphs six pla~s

will be briefly described and discussed.

3.2.4 The gro~p headed by Ney Goncalves began their report

by asserti.ng that their conceived scheme "followed the methods

of up-to-date architecture and urbanism, aiming at the doctrines.

and resolutions established Ly the CIAM, but always fitting them

9
fo the peculiarities and practices of this our country".

According to the summary of the appreciations of the jury, the

'basic assumptions' of that plan were unlimited flexibility and

a prediction of population for the city based on general Brazil-

ian trends and on an average national household of five people.

The projected population would be 270,000 in 1980 and 673,000 in

2050.

3.2.5 The provision for flexibility took the form of a system

o~ roads, housing sectors and a business sector. They were assem-

bled in such a manner that the repetition of those sectors along a

major regional artery would cope with the foreseeable needs for

expansion.

3 .. 2.6 Their scheme was essentially based upon the principle of

zoning (Fig. 5). Drawn upon a somewhat rigid geometric pattern

the plan devises a coordinated set of sharply separated zones: the

government complex, comprising government and civic sector as well

 49

Figu:r::e 5

0 NEY GONCALVES AND ASSOCIATES' PLAN

Plano Pilt'Ho n. 0 2 - 2. Lugar
Oricntieru.ngsplan S. 0 2 - 2. Preis

Autorc5
.·lritoren
Boruch Milm:inn
Jojo H~urittue Roch::i
Ney l'onll",> Go1u.;ah~a
Colahor:ulorcs
Mitnrbeitcr
Antonio Jo,e d:i Silv:z
C::irlo§ Fon.;eca di: C:i~tro
Ceri:1e Ual'!l:i Pioihdro
Eli:u K:iufm:m
Jose Luis Ribeiro
Milton d~ lhrros
· Renato Lima
y,·:iniltlo Silv:z Gu~m:io

EXPOS19AO ESQUEMATICA

CC?.R::SPCllOE r.o. BRASIL A UM

Gll'•;PC DE POPULt.tio OE aooo

c+=-~~
H:..S1TA11TES:
• ! oCO HA!l1T,\C:OES,
,. 5 P!:.SSOAS POP. H:.!llo!•CAO,
O'JE PCC\C:l.I TCI< II S[GUlllT E
t. _~----- ' :
'q'"~~.~~'--~-~:;;;:::a
:=.::::~
~7.,_ Ht.&1:-:.:;.~t:,. (.~~i:_i1v.l;
DIS TR1su1ci.o: CE :!: t>:.\."s!.:U.7CS

ESCOLt.. PP.HI.AP.IA OE 1000 :.LUNOS,

DIST:.rfl'E OAS Ht.811'AC0?::S. OE UM
M.iXi"40 OE 400 m •.6 MINUTOS t. Pt

TODA HABITACAO coi,1 PROLONGJl,t,~ENIO lt.:EDIATO DE

ESPACOS VERDES P!\RA ASSISTEMCIA ESCOLAR E $1\N1Ti,?.:A.
PEQUENO co:dRCIO E RECREACAO. ACESSiVElS A Pt~ UVR£S
DO TRANSITO OE VEiCULOS.

E S Q U E ~.\ .~ G ER ~ L
pm.:t.\r,,i.0 n;,s cE~Ui.A5
~E 8 000 H;\~!lT .\NTES
SOURCE MODULO 8 July, 1957, p.
 so

as housing for government employees; a business and commercial

centre, and an industrial centre, provided by a third housing

sector, sited between them; the university campus; the sector

for individual housing on the lakeshore; and two sports centres.

These zones were linked by a system of roads classified in accord-

ance with their functions. T'ne main urban arteries would inter-

connect the various zones, and a major regional artery structures

the future linear metropolitan development (Fig. 6). The city

was designed primarily for automobile circulation, with separate

systems for pedestrian and motor traffic.

3.2.7 In the appraisal of this project the jury criticized the

rigid series of equally sized superblocks which compound the rather

isolated commercial centre; they considered uncertain the possi-

bility that a centre for a 750,000 population can be extended for

an unlimited population figure. They criticized the existence of

too ·many roads in ~pen space,·which would make extremely expensive

the provision of the networks of services. Otherwise, they prais-

ed the "pleasant dwellings on the lakeshores", and considered the

10
"overall density about right".

3.2.8 An interesting feature of that project which deserves a

commentary, is that in a sense designers anticipated some of the

current discussions involving the future development of the city,

when devising a system for its future expansion. The group stated
 51
Figure 6

SOURCE MODULO 8, July, 1957. NEY GONCALVES AND ASSOCIATES' PLAN

 .52

that "in a country of astonishing progress as Brazil it is un-

11
acceptable to leave to chance future developments." (Fig. 6)

3.2.9 Rino Levi and Associates devised a 'creative visions

for the city taking the opportunity that the contest offered for

a most speculative approach, rather than accept the limitations

of a more practicable conception (Fig. 7). The basic principle

of their vision stemmed from Le Corbusier's "La Ville Radieuse"

the vertical Garden City. Their plan devised an assembly of

high-rise buildings for housing, standing within a wide green

area, in a rather compact city, in which most of the inhabitants

would live within walking distance from either the community facil-

ities or even from the city centre.

3. 2 .10 · The huge building blocks, called 'intensive housing' by

the designers, are an impressive feature of the plan. Each build-

ing, 300 m high, would longe 16,000 people in four units of 4,000.

Four footpaths were devised for horizontal circulation throughout,

the building being shared commonly by the inhabitants of each unit,

and along which were located a health centre, creches, and a

nursery. Three of those super~buildings would comprise an urban

district for 48,000 people. This district would be provided with·

a low-rise district centre with shopping, socio and cultural facil-

ities, two primary schools, a secondary school, a health centre, a

church, a cinema and playgrounds. Six of those districts would

 53
Piano Piloto n. 0
17-3. 0 L
( Q Juri reuniu 3. 0 e ,tO }ugart!:;
OS C atrilmi-os ~OS
de n.O 17 e o de u. 0 8)

Orientierungsplan N. 0
17- .3.
(Die Jury legte den .1.0 u. 4.0 r'reis zusammen UTlo
sie den Entwuer/en N.O 17 u. 18 zu.)

Projeto
Projekt
Rino Levi
Roherto Cerqueira Cesar
L. R. Can·allto Franco
Projeto Estrutural
Statik
Paulo Fragoso Figure 7
1 RINO LEVI AND ASSOCIATES' PLAN

.i:"

.. :J'JJt;~~TQ. DE H~81TAt:AO
~1 € ~S.OO;.~ ~~::.3!T.:.r•TES
- 1 :;1tJU\T~ LJE: HA31TACiC EY.TENSIVA
E S::\'i·I~J~"~.';SIV:.. :)I: 15 000 H :.BITANTES

.,,~··:;._:~:.0 =-c.Di:RAL
- [·~SF'•_;:')
.. l~.u~,.:s TP: r'\ ~~
.. c:o:~CE U\;··..-::Rst r~R!A

<U,~R·." :-.;,~·JRTI'/0
- ZJ 0 LIJ ~~ ' c ;:.~
.. JARDi:.~ E~:. ·~,~;.;reo
- HIP:)i..'f·:')/.1 0
· .~~R'JP Jfl; ~;
-EST.\£;;~:~ H.:i>P.C'IIARI.i
- ·~s: \;. H: i) ~ •.):; ~ ET R! CA
- fiOS c-1 ;· ;\; ·;
<~~8'::S ~~~"... o'n:vos

SOURCE MODULO
 54

~e disposed around the city centre. The scheme also provided

areas for extensive housing made up of neighbourhoods of 15,000

people, sub-divided into units of 5,ooo. They consisted both

1
· · 'dua 1 h ousing
o f 1nd1v1 · and low-density apartment blocks. 2

3.2.11 The urban centre was sited near to the lake and would

comprise buildings for local government, offices of Federal

Government sections, ministries, together with business centre

and cultural and recreational facilities. However the national

political centre was not located there. A complex of monumental

buildings was designed to incorporate the already sited Presiden-

tial Palace, close to a point on the shores of the lake. · It

would house the three main bodies of Federal power the execu-

tive, the legislative and the judicial.

3.2.12 For such a compact city a rather simple road system

could be devised. The roads would be classified according to

their functions. Again the principle of separation of pedestrian

and motor vehicles was adopted. A heavy duty system of lifts

would cope·with the required vertical circulation.

3.2.13 In their appreciation of the project the judges pointed

out the lack of a transport centre and objected to the unnecess-

ary height of the buildings, which would raise problems related

to wind resistance. They also objected to the undue concentra-

 55

tion of the city. They also criticized the unbalanced visual

nature of the housing blocks as against the inexpressiveness of

the civic centre. However they did praise its "high visual

quality" and "technical competence" demonstrated by the designers.

One could say that this plan epitomized a largely difused vision

of the city of this century which finds fertile grounds in the

most overcrowded area of the globe e.g. Kenyo Tange's Tokio

13
bay project.

3.2 .. 14 As Sir William Holford stated, some of the projects

"widened their appreciation of the problem to include details of

agriculture and manufacture, of building costs and returns; of

local government and community organization". As he said the

best of those was the entry by the firm M.. M.M. Roberto, which

.was awarded, jointly with Rino Levi, the third and fourth prizes.

He commented on that entry as follows :

"I can only say, for my part, that I have never

seen anywhere in thA world a rrore co~~rehensive

and thoroughgoing master plan for a new capital

city on a cleared site. We all realized, at
the same time, that i:f the development corpora-
tion adopted this plan they would take on board
more than a pilot. They would have a quarter-
master and bo' sun, a complete ship's company from
cabin boy to captain, and a Director of the line
as well. The principle of the plan is to break
 56

"down the metropolis into self-contained unit~s

d'occupation seven to start with, each with
a ma.in government activity in its district;
then ten; ultimately perhaps fourteen. The
Federal Government Centre detached from these
hexagonal rrodel towns reITEins the same. The
"regional city" is established, as it were, by
decree. After admiring this scheme for several
days, my own feeling was that everything in it
was worthy of admiration, except its main objec-
tive. It was not an Idea for a Capital City".
14
(Fig. 8)

3.2.15 The seven urban units were designed as complete towns,

. with all the elements needed in a modern urban community to

accommodate a population of 72,000. Government and cultural

activities would provide functional nuclei.around which the

other urban activities were organized. The Units would lodge

the following functions : Unit one - regional administration;

Unit two - communications and transport; Unit three - the centre

of finance; Unit four - arts, comprising·threatres, art galleries,

art schools, etc.; Unit five - letters and sciences, education

and culture; Unit six - social welfare; Unit seven - production,

economic development, natural resources. It had not provided a

sector for the university campus, as the university activities

would be dispersed throughout the urban Units, according to their

specialized areas of study. The population target for the unity

 57

Figure 8
. 1 r [ 1 ·~·:·· dt•ll 3. wul cl en -1. Prt•is =tl.<tlfiiiiiCII 111111
trr'i.'.:.:,,ru ' . r - '
Fnt11•·rfet1 .\r. [, urul .\r. ]r{ =u.J
I
,j~ It'll • •
PLAN
M.M.M. ROBERTO'S

Yiann~

n. Paixao, :\Ian·ello Comr,eJlo, :;\Iarcello Fragelh, Sergio

H.J. P. Linnemann, ho l\lagalltaes, J. :\I. Azevedo Xeto,
~Ionteiro. N. A. Gaspar, Antonio A. Teixeira de Freit:Js,
Lyr3 Madeira e Alfredo Ceschiatti.

SOURCE MODULO 8I July, 1957.

c_~{li\
:.--.!
 58

was thought to be an ideal size for ensuring a rich community

life and a suitable living environment.

3.2.16 Adopting the idea of small units the authors sought

also to reduce the problems of urban traffic, as the distances

within the Unit would be easily made by foot. Thereby, it was

assumed that the motor car was mainly used for leisure and move-

ments between the Units and other urban functions. Large-scale

transport would link the Units with each other and with the gov-

ernment complex.

3.2.17 The Presidential Palace, together with the legislative,

executive and judicial buildings would occupy the "Federal Park",

which would include the ministries of defence, economics, labour

and foreign affairs. This complex would be located within a

park area close to the lake shore.

3.2.18 The judges objected that "although this is a plan for a

welfare city, it is inhuman in the degree of which all positions

and all circulation is controlled and restricted. The ideogram

of the Urban Unit of 72,000 is valid for any city with a flat site;

it is not special to Brasilia; it is not a plan for a cavital;

the relationship between the Units is not metropolitan: the head

remains the same, the seven bodies grow to ten or fourteen, and

have distinct lives of their own." Finally they praised the land
 59

~se study, the designed farm and village types and the reali~tic

programme for construction and finance. 15

3.2.19 Mindlin ~nd Palanti emphasized the long term nature of

urban development, introducing their plan as an outline of future

development of the metropolis which they believed would grow well

beyond the 500,000 population required by the programme. Like

Lucio Costa's, their scheme is developed over two crossing axes.

The east-west one would structure the civic, bureaucratic, city-

centre and embassy complexes as shown in Fig. 9. Four differ-

ent schemes for housing were provided, with associations, in differ-

ent proportion of ten-storey apartment blocks and single-family

houses. Type one would house 7,200 people in thirty apartment·

blocks at a net density of 576 hab/ha; Type two, with eighteen

apartment blocks and eighty-eight single-family houses, lodging

5,200 people at 412 hab/ha.; Type three with twelve apartment

blocks and 132 houses, accommodating 4,200 people at 333 hab/ha.;

Type four, employing only semi-detached single-family houses with

16
a population of 3 ,420 at ·.a density of 232 hab/ha.

3.2.20 The jury praised the scheme as economical in land use,

considering its size and density as "about right". However they

objected to the s~gregation of industrial workers' housing. The

whole of the east-west complex was criticized as being illogically

organized; "the housing would be formless in practice and would

-.r .l a1.1 (J ..1. .U.UlU 11 • }Jl Cllil\J

(} rienlierzLTlfj·spl (lll Jl.o 24 .

5. prezs 60

Figure 9

MINDLIN AND PALANTI'S PLAN

:\Htor.:·~
.llltoren
flt>nriqu~ E. :\Iindlin
G iauearlo Pabnti

Colahoradores
.Hitarbeiten
'.\'.nlmir Lima Amaral
:\!arc Dei:uetre Founcloukas
.-\nny Sirakoff
Olga YerjoYsry
Gilson Mend~ Lages
• :. ~ I;

.-\nur.; Gont:ah.-e5

1
SOURCE MODULO, 8, July, 1957.
 61

not sit very well on the site'~ but the road system was viewed

as "quite simple and direct". It also criticized the architec-

tural layout of the ministries and embassies as being "not as

17
interesting as in some other sche::nes".

3.2.21 The plan devised by Vilanova Artigas, a noted Brazilian

architect, and his team, was one of those which aimed at a d~tailed

study of many features of the future development of the city and

its region. '!'hey established population projections for the next

twenty years, up to 550,000 people, and produced detailed studies

of the educational system, health and social welfare policies,

administration and economic aspects of both the region and the

city. Their entry was praised for its direct and clear presenta-

tion, and by its study of rural economy, enlightened by a devised

leasehold system.

.3. 2. 22 Based upon an even grid pattern of roads the city exten-

ded from the lake towards west. This road pattern determines the

quadrangular neighbourhoods for individual houses, which are dis-

posed along cul-de-sac lanes. The neighbourhood is provided with

an inner band of greenery throughout, along which the school and

community facilities are arranged. Other housing zones for apart-·

\

ments were sited to the north and to the west of this extensive

sector. The civic centre and business centre were placed in bet-

ween the residential areas and the lake, along a spine road. The
 I"
·~
-· .-

\_, ...- I'

\..... ' r---..__,-... ------ ---:--

'--~

t ·-
i
i
\
I
1\

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1----·--..___ ~-----
. ,;:. ._._.)
: /

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/

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,
.: L ...:t:_ ~---· - /~_ --__:_ ___ - ·::.~ .~- ;1/ - - /.C___~ :~---
I

Ii .'
I
I
I

Autorcs Carlos Casc:..ldi

Piano Pi1oto n. I 0
Au.toren Joao Vilanova Artigas
Mario ·wa:;ncr Vicira da Cunha
Orientierungsplan n. 1 - 5. prezs Panlo de Camar~o c Almeida

Colaboradorcs Heitor Fcrrcira de Souz:~

ill itarbeiten Jullo Rolwrto Katinsky
Mario Alfret_lo Rcginato
Vbintjarn Gilioli

I_
Conselheiros Catulo Bnmco
Especiais Dirccu Lino de Mattos
Flavio l\Iotta
Besondf're Jose C.alil
Ratlzgeber Lnuro Mneller llueno
2.\faria Jose G:orcia Werehe
Odair Pacheco Pedroso
SOURCE Otacilio Pousa Sene
MODULO 8, July, 1957.
Rodolfo dos Santos l\Iascarenha-5
 63

~niversity was situated near to the lake, and the lakeshores were

reserved for sports and recreation purposes. The industrial sec-

tor was sited at the west end. (Fig. 10).

3.2.23 The jury objected to both the extreme uniformity of the

residential zone, and the bad circulation between home and work

places. They commented also that "although the approach by train

and air seemed good, by road it was considered doubtful". They

pointed out as well that the "Government centre did not use the

lake", topographical opportunities were missed, and that it con-

stituted an "enormous built-up area" with densities which were

19
too low.

'3.2.24 Also sharing the fifth prize, the entry of Constructecnica

advocated the need. for regional planning and the need for "planning
20
to be oriented to human values 11 • Starting from the study of

the rural region surrounding Brasilia, the designers ended by devis-

ing a scheme for the city, which was planned for a gradual and rad-

ial development.

3.2.25 Four quadrangular resiqential sectors were grouped around

a similarly defined central zone (Fig. 11). Those residential

sectors were sub-divided into neighbourhoods. Like many of the

other entries, they devised an inner green band in each neighbour-

hood, for recreation purposes and containing comn;iunity facilities.

 64

Figure 11
SOURCE MODULO 8, July, 1957. CONSTRUTECNICA'S PLAN

:.•- ._... -~
. .:'\.

! ; ;

~·':V~--~:
-~
.

!
~ \: -·· _··-
.);1! : ' ,. . .
;
I .n.
(. i· ,.

'.I
tI

I.
·I' .

..
·::
. !iq ..
..
.,
f ;;
•! ~r- ~!
t

..,,
 65

'!'he city centre was a complex containing the Federal Government

buildings, a cultural centre, business and commercial complexes.

A monumental characterization of the civic centre was not attemp-

21
ted.

3.2.26 This project was criticized for its enormous length of

road in addition to the main grid, and the oversimplification of

zones, with thre~ zones in the centre and the remainder being the

same type of low density housing. The jury commented that it did

not have the character of a capital city. Finally, they praised

22
the 11 charming model of an agricultural village".
 66

4 iucro COSTA'S PILOT PLAN

Lucio Costa, one of the pioneers of modern architecture

in Brazil, is the most influential of its thinkers. Due to an

impressive production as a writer he became known as the most

1
en~rgetic master and defender of Brazilian architectural· heritage.

·Sir William Holford introduced his conception for the capital as

follows :

"Here was an idea and the skeleton of a metro-

politan form and practically ;10thing else
Without a line of mechanical drawing, no
models, no land-use schedules, and no popula-
tion charts. • •• And yet, at the first read-
ing of. his report, one realized that here was
a thinker, an urbanist of the first order. Cn
sec0nd reading one realized that there was not
a single unnecessary word in the report, and
not a single unnecessary line in the sketch
plan or diagrams: yet everything essential
was said. And on further reading this me~.ber

of the jury, at least, beca:r.e more and more

 67

convinced that the direction of advance for

a great administrative capital had here been
indicated in a masterly way, and the funda-
mental problems of communication, urban resi-
dence, metropolitan character and richness of
growth within a unity of artistic conception,
had all been recongized and anticipated." 2

4.1 The Plan

4.1.1 In respect of the relationship between the city and

its region, which so much attracted the attention of many of

the competitors, Lucio Costa noted :

"Since there were no restrictions in the way of

entering the competition, the consul ta ti on has
been reduced on the most important feature, which
is the urbanistic conception of the city itself.
As for the city, it will not be the outcome but
the cause of regional planning. For this is a
deliberate act of possession, the gesture of
pioneers acting in the spirit of their colonial
traditions: and each competitor is, in effect,
. 3
being asked hot-1 he conceives of such a city. "

4.1.2 In depicting the character of t.l-ie capital city , he

asserted

"Brasilia should not be envisaged, I believe, as

 68

Figure 12.1
LUCIO COSTA'S DIAGRAMS

SOURCE CADERNOS DE ARQUITETURA 3, IAB-DF, 1970

 69

an organism capable of fulfilling the vital

functions of any rrodern city, not rrerely as

an 'urbs', but as a 'civitas', possessing

the attributes inherent in a capital city.

For this to be possible, the planner must

be imbued with a certain dignity and nobility

of purpose, for from that fundamental attitude

will spring the sense of order fitness and

proportion which will confer desirable nvnu-

mental character to the devised scheme."

(Figs. 12, 13)

4.1. 3 The urban structure has been conceived of as an articu-

lation of three different scales: the 'collective and monumental',

which is expressed through the drama of the visual conception of

the east-west axis Eixo Monumental; the 'quotidian and resi-

dential scdle', which is achieved in the line of residential

superblocks disposed along the curved axis Eixo Rodoviario

(Motor Axis) ; the concentrated and gregarious scale is found in

the arrang~ment of the.city centre at the crossing of the two

structural arteries it comprises the business centre, and

4
shopping and entertainment sectors. Additional to these scales,

one may also perceive an a.Ill.bient 'bucolic' one offered by the nat-

ural surrounding landscape (cerrado) and which participates very

 I
~~· .....:,
·'
!\
P. P. B.

\
Piano Gcral 1 rr~tA cln• Trr• l'mi«"N'•
2 E.-rl;tnar1.t clr.- Minh·l•~riot .r-
3 1:a1•rlrnl
4 :o'Mnr C:ullur,rl
S C:rnlrn dr IJiu:r•Dc:•
6 !'orlnr rfr lt:mro' e f:•rrhOrioa
'~tar c:omrrf"iyf
Rlloarl.
9 Tr'•rrr Knti ... ;,,., Jtirlio e TV
10 ~.-fur fo:.. p~trthn
11 l•rac:ot Muniri,,al
12 Quosrlrit
~'q
U •:•Iatin t'r.:rrn,i:lri:t
H Arma1ennr;rtn r IH''lYenu lndUtlrla•
JS Cid:ult! l'nhrr~h-ri:a
]fli t:mh:.i,nrb" r J,.,.,:u;Ot:t
IT !"r.tnr ltr•hlrnrinl
)11 r.a•·'' lmfhi•fu.1i'
)9 flnrtiruhnrn. 1-'lt~rit·uhura e Pnmar
20 J~utliru llut.inirn
21 J:.r11i1n 7-''"IO,.irr»
%2 Cluhr rlr (;;,lfr.
%1 ,.:,•• '\., norJn,·iirla
%-1 lol• C:luh• \
zs n..,r.rruri:t
2fi Sorif~,1.1cl~ 11 irlra
!7 -\rr:a rlf"•tin:wd.- 11 1-'rlra-.. Cirto, de.. )
28 r.r.mitrtln
29 Ar.roJtOftn .'
\ ···-.....
Oricnlicrune.1pl1Jn 1 PlttiJ rlrr tlrri'f':rrrt~llm.
\
I ~/
1 F:.•r»lrmr,lr rlrr Miniurrlm
3 1\nllu·•lmlt
" " ...2A
4 1\ultur.•rlttor ~ /.
S r• r''"",."""lt-•z,.ntrum
6 Srlttt~r tlrr ''""'"" untf Da~roJ \ '-~·
1 s,.,,,},/urr /lnndrf
A llnl~h
9 funk· ltntl frrn•ri.IU""
JO s,,,.,,,t-htnr . I
11 ~ • .,,,,,.,.
J2 #\,,.,.,,.,.,. I
11 Fnnbnhnhnf
11 llr'"tl,.l rmtl 1\"lrinim/u.uri•
\ \
l:t (l,.;,.,., ..i,,,.,"""'''
16 n,,_ """ (;,.\llntltvhn/tt'ft l
11 lf'tthn•rlllt•r ~~-".
JR lntfirl.lu,.(l,. f:inzr.ll•nrru~r ~- .
.--~~t\: .
1'1 01"''" Crntrle.Jf'lttllttu~n
t;,,.,,,,.,.,.,,. . ,
!n ,,,.,.;,,..,.,, r;,,,,.,.
i txf'"~ .. . ·~ .. ·i. .

21 ?.,,,,,~ivhn r;,rlrn
21 Gnlfr"•/•
2.1 A,,,,,,,,/.,,hnht~/
.; ...
.r,; .....~
'.···:.~\< .._.· ..f.t \
21 ."t,.~rlrlul•
2'~llr•i•lrn:t.,ltt" tlr.• ,.,,.,;,[rnltn ·~--:- . I f
26 llritrlull . ""· ""-"""' .
27 ..flf•41,/llfnt:•· mul M,.,.,..r~,.rntle '\ i:
2~ Fri.,lhnf
%? t"lu•hnf•n
Figure ·13
SOURCE CADERNOS DE ARQUITETURA 3, lAB_DF, 1'970 _/----..~~i '-.]

"'...:.~ \
---.....~··LUCID C~; S PILOT PLAN 0
.!;., ~~t·l?. ~/

::.~ :·~~:.~-~~: -~-·~~·-·-:·~-.-~); :.::~~-. • ... f ~ ~~.-. '~·

''""\E~~'':''~:[~~~;'j;;;,:;,;~J~~~~;;~=:'::;'---~~,*~;;;~:,;,.8'f£;~;;;~t~C~-~'"-"'f'"c~c==':•:?:·~--7,;'"'''"''·'-~-o--· ,_, ---- ·.-

-· ::!_:::.~: ..:~,:iof~. ~
 71
.·.·..·.·.·.·.·.·.
Figure 14
Different Scales

==

BUCOLIC

'XI" I
I

ORGANIZATION OF THE URBANSCAPE

SOURCE e I Al:mcUl-ATfoJ Of 1-f--T\Y\f\£5

'IN .!Alt=PAL ~~~\.AL. ~
--j t1ov:E:f'1~
0 .l\m!c.u.lAjlON Of" ~~
VisuAL t-~.A.RKs
VJ<7UA>J.L'( "DEiN<£:£ uR.P.::A~ ~~1<:..
l~l-l!=D J4o$M~
 72

5
much of the urban scene. (Fig. 14)

4.1. 4 The Monumental Axis was designed essentially to create

the desired 'drama', through the combination of traditional prin-

ciples of composition with contemporary concepts and devices of

urban design: "Being unconcerned with taboos and indifferent to

the fasionable, it is easy to integrate the 'old' principles of

the Congres Internationaux d'Architecture Moderne with the be-

loved reminiscence of the centred perspectives of Paris, in an

. 6
organically articulated globality. 11

"The most outstanding buildings are those which

will house the governmental powers and, because
these are autonomous and three· in nu~her ( ••• )
a terraced triangle was created ( •.• ) One of
the buildings was placed at each angle of this
square Praca dos Tres Poderes, as it might
be well called .•• The Executive power and
the Supreme Court occupying the base of the tri-
angle, and the Congress the apex;. the latter
faces a broad esplanade set out on a second
terrace ( • •• ) Along this esplanade, equivalent
to the E~glish Mall, broad sweeping lawns to be
used by pedestrians and parades, the various
ministries and Autarquias (government autonomous
agencies) tvere placed. The Ministries of Fore.ign
Affairs and Justice occupy the lower corners near
to the Congress ( • •• ) and the others are organized
in sequence ( ••• ) The last in the line is the
 73

Ministry of Education and Culture, which is

thus next to the cultural sector conceived
as a park, which is the better frame for
museums, library, planetarium, academies,
and scientific institutions that it contains.
This sector also borders the broad area designed
for the university ( ••• ) The cathedral, too,
has been given a location on the esplanade but
7
has a plaza of its own, disposed laterally to it.

4.1.5 At the crossing of the Monumental and the Motor axes a

platform was devised for traffic exchange, to be developed as bus

station, entertainment centre, as well as to articulate the adjac-

ent bank, business and commercial centres. As Costa described

that area

"On the platform ( . •• ) where only local traffic

is permitted, we find the entertainment centre,
an appropriately chosen mixture of Piccadilly
Circus, Times Square and Champs Elysees ( .•• )
On the front face of the platform the cinemas
and theatres have been concentrated, the pattern
chosen being low and uniform so that they form a
single, harmonious and continuous architectonic
whole; they have galleries access, wide pave-
ments, terraces and cafes and the full height
of the respective facades can serve for the in-
stallation of illuminated signs and advertise-
ments. The various theatres will be inter-
connected by lanes barred to motor traffic, in
 74

Figure 12.2
LUCIO COSTA'S DIAGRAMS

---1 u __
J __, L--J U( =:J ll t _ __,, u _ t-

--, ,_r_ _,
~ ---r Pf- - -

GO

SOURCE : CADERNOS DE ARQUITETURA 3, .. IAB-bF, 1970

l
 75

the traditional mann3r of Rio's ouvidor

Street, Venetian alleys, or by covered gal-
leries (arcades) and will be articulated to
small patios containing bars and cafes, i'lith
'logias' overlooking the park ( • •• ) The
sector is planned to have upper floors, glassed
on two sides so that the restaurants, clubs,
tearoom, etc., may have a good view (from the)
lower level esplanade and (from) the slopes
of the park along the extension of the main
axis, where the luxury and tourist hotels are
located, and beyond them the Radio-TV tower,
which is treated as a plastic element in the
urban sche,ne. 8

4.1.6 The .Monumental axis extended westward, containing a

central band of parkland, containing the proposed T.V. Tower.

Along one side of the extension of the Mall would be lined the

stadium, pavillions, and the botanical garden, and on the oppo-

site side the racecourse, grandstand and the zoological gardens.

The central parkland was conceived of as the 'lungs' of the new

city.

4.1.7 At the west end of this axis was placed the Municipal

Square, where the Town Hall, a local Court, Public Welfare Sec-

retary and Fire Station were sited. Finally, in a road exten-

sion of this axis, the Barracks and Rail Station were located.

Lucio Costa thus concludes the description of the monumental axis:

 76

Figure l~.3

LU9IO COST~'S DIAGRAMS

... __ ... - - - - ....

;.....

SOURCE CADERNOS DE ARQUITETURA 3, IAB-DF, 1970.

 77

~'Now that we have travelled down the monumental artery from point

to point, it can be seen that the fluency antl unity of the layout

from the seat of government at one end to the Municipal Square :

at the other, does not preclude variety and each sector forms what

could be called an autonomous plastic unity within the whole."

(Figs. 12.5, 12.6)

4.1.8 The residential areas of the city were conceived of as

apartment superblocks lined along both sides of the Motor axis, in

double or single lines. These superblocks (Super Quadras) would

be surrounded by rows of large trees, and the ground would be car-

peted with grass, punctuated by bushes and shrubbery to protect

the privacy of the residential area on all sides. In describing

these "super quadras" Costa wrote :

"The residential buildings themselves could be

designed in many ways provided that two general
principles are always observed: a maximum uni-
form height (possibly six storeys raised on
'pilotis'); separation of notorized and pedestrian
circulation~, particularly near to both the primary
schools and the local shopping, which were devised
for each superblock.~· lo (Fig. 12. 4)

4.1.9 Beyond the superblocks placed to the west of the Motor

axis, a service road was devised for heavy commercial traffic.

 . Figure 12. 4
LUCIO COSTA'S DIAGRAMS

- ....,. ''·l -----

0
'--
•• :::- .o;::_..
-- - .. • c:=.
-· - ! - -

Sf.TD~ G:>M£~ C:.\,4..L E

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••
... . ~

.' .
.'
n '• I
...
.'
•
II

n ,
'
..
n· " '.,

SOURCE CADERNOS DE ARQUITETURA 3, IAB-DF, 1970

 79

Along this road were disposed buildings for garages, repair shops,

and wholesale warehouses. Beyond this road a long strip of land

was reserved for flowers, vegetable gardens and orchards.

4.1.10 A group of four superblocks would constitute a neighbour-

hood, provided with local shopping (opening onto the blocks) with

a rear access service road, church, secondary school, and.e youth

club with playing fields, swimming pools and recreation hall. A

cinema was also proposed for each neighbourhood, and near to the·

Motor axis.

4 .1.11 Costa did believe that the usual undesirable manifesta-

tions of the "social gradations proper to the current regime"

would be alleviated by effective planning provisions. As Costa

put it :

"Social gradations can easily be dealt with by

giving a higher value to certain squares, as,
for example, the si.ngle blocks bordering on
the embassy· sector( ••• ) On the other side
of the Motor axis (west side) the superblocks
closer to the artery will naturally be valued
more highly than the inner ones, which will
permit social gradation. However, the group-
ing of them, in sets of four, will lead to a
certain degree of social coexistence and thus
avoid undue and undesirable class distinctions.
 80

Figure 12.5
LUCIO COSTA'S DIAGRAMS

rett~M Pt ,-.._,.a.~ ,..,,.llt:bAC ~

f'tnr-)T•.c"' aefa4 ~·~~o•c.~e.o·•~

SOURCE CADERNOS DE ARQUITETURA 3, IAB -DF, 1970.

 81

Furthermore, big differences in standards between

one square and another will be neutralized by the
urban scheme proposed, and will not be of such a
nature to affect that degree of comfort to whi eh
all members of society have a right.

Any differences in standards will spring from a

greater ox lesser density, a larger or smellex
living space allocated to each individual or
family, or fxom the quality of building materials
and the kind of finishing adopted.

And since such problems are being raised, the

growth of slums, whether on the city outskirts ox
in the surrounding countryside, should at all cost
be prevented. The Development Company should,
within the scope of the proposed outlined plan,
make provision for decent and economdcal accommo-
11
dation fox the entire population."

4.1.12 In addition to the apartment housing devised; two other

provisions were made for individual housing. The first took the

form of isolated sectors, surrounded by trees and open countryside,

and to be sold in plots for private homes. (Fig. 12.7). The

second was a wide estate, where "individual houses with a high

architectural standar~~ (which does not necessarily mean they should

be sumptuous) spaced at least a kilometer from each other, to

accentuate the exceptional nature of such provision.

 82

Figure 12. 6··

LUCIO COSTA'S DIAGRAMS

m .1o
1:2.

11
'=_-_[
SOURCE CADERNOS DE ~QUITETURA 3, IAB-DF, 1970
 83

4 .1.13 The land along the lakeshores was thought of as pre-

served parkland, designed for bucolic promenades containing

recreational facilities such as sport centres, restaurants, fish-

ing spots, etc. The Golf Club was placed at the eastern end

next to the President's Palace, and the Yacht Club on a nearby

cove.

4.1.14 Lucio Costa was aware of the comflicts between the

traditional urban structures and the growth of motor traffic.·

Therefore he conceived an urban form in which "the principles of

modern road building techniques - including. elimination of inter-

sections" would be harmoniously combined with modern principles

of urban design ..

"With the creation of three complete clover-

leaves in each arm of the residential artery,
and of a number of underpasses, car and bus
traffic will flow unimpeded through the central
and residential districts, and with no road
intersections. Aw·• independent and secondary
traffic system has been worked out for heavy
vehicular traffic; it has crossings marked by
traffic lights, but does not communicate with
the first system except beyond the sports centre.
It has basement level access to buildings in the
city centre, and it skirts the civic centre at
lower ground level, with approach gall~ries

tunnelled through the terraced embankment ( .•• )

 84

Figure 12.7

LUCIO COSTA'S DIAGRAMS

I -8
a-

14 [] 13

-~11:
.........

-~

15
(AMIH~otj
£AC.S»o Pa
.5£P.Vt$-O •

R•.vrA PA0-.4 ~roH ov e•.> e.DN &" ~ .

SOURCE : CADERNOS DE ARQUITETURA 3, IAB-DF, 1970

.. -..... · ·.- -~. . -...:.::..!:...:...:.

 85

Independent paths for local pedestrian circUJ.a-

tion have to be o.rganized. This separation of
autorrotive and pedestrian traffic will not be,
however, carried out to an unnatural extreme,
since we must mind that today the car is no
longer man's irreconcilable enemy; it has been
domesticated and is, so to speak, a member of
the family. It only becomes dehumanized and
reassumes its hostile, threatening attitudes
when it is reintegrated into the anonymous mass
of traffic. Then indeed, Man and Motor vehicle
must be kept apart, although one must never lose
s.ight of the fact that, under proper conditions
and for mutual convenience, coexistence is
essential." 12 (Figs. 12 .1 - 12. 4)

4.1.15 Lucio Costa concludes his report by summarizing as

follows

"To sum up, the solution presented is easy to under-

stand for it is characterized by the simplicity and

clarity of the original design (Fig. 12.1) - which,
however, does not prevent variety in the treatment
.of the component parts, as has already been shown.
Each component has been conceived according to the
nature of the function involved· and thus creates
harmony between apparently contradictory needs.
Thus, while roonumental, the city is\ also comfortable,
efficient, welcoming and homelike. At one and the
same time it is spacious and neat, rustic and urban,
 86

imaginative and functional. Vehicular traffic

is processed without intersections and the ground
is returned, as far as possible, to the pedestrian.
And, because the framework is so clearly defined,
it is easy to execute: two axes, two terraces,
one platform, two broad highways running in one
direction, one super-highway in the other. The
latter can be built in sections: first, the cen-
tral lanes with a clover-leaf turnoff on either
sider then the lateral lanes which could be built
as the city spreads; there would always be room
for the installations in the strips of greenery
bordering the h_ighways. Initially the residential
'super quadras' would only be levelled off and
scenically defined and their surroundings planted
immediately with grass and trees; no paving of
any kind would be put down nor any streets marked.
Briefly, then, we have an efficient highway system
on the one hand and, on the other, landscaped parks
and gardens.

Brasilia, capital of the highways and skyways, a

park and a city the Patriarch's century-old
dream. 13
 87

4.2 The Judgement

4.2.1 In their final report the jury elucidated the prima~y

assumptions upon which they based their judgement. They were

emphatic that a Federal Capital, primarily meant to "express the

grandure of a nationwide wish", should differ fundamentally from

any oth~r city of half a million inhabitants. Furthermore, it

should exhibit a unique architectural expression. Its main char-

acter is based on its function as a Governmental and administra-

tive centre and all remaining activities should be organized con-

verging upon it.

4.2.2 As it has been noted, the desire for monumentality was

expressed many times throughout the appraisal of the six entries

hitherto described. In respect of Lucio Costa's entry the jury

made it clear that they were"( .•. ) seeking a well built project

which would give the city grandeur through the clarity and proper

ranking of its components; in the opinion of the members of

the jury, the project which best integrated the monumental ele-

ments into the city's daily life, and which is presented as a

rational., essential·ly urban composition in fact a work of art,

is the number 22, submitted by Mr. Lucio C~sta." 15

4.2.3 The judges praised the project's attributes in their

notes used in the assessment, pointing out the following :

 88

"1. The only plan which is for an administrative

capital city for Brazil.

2. The elements of the plan can be seen at once :

it is clear, direct and.fundamentally simple,
e.g. Pompeii, Nancy, Wren's London, Louis XV
Paris.

3. After ten years the plan is complete while

still growing.

4. The town is limited: further growth after

20 years

a) by peninsulas
b) by satellites.

5. One centre leads to another, so that the plan

can be easily comprehended.

6. The character of the plan is of the 20th century;

it is new; it is free and open; it is discip-
lined but not rigid.

7. The method of growth by tree planting and a

few roads and the mall is more practical than any
16
other." (sic)

4.2.4 Through previous appraisal of both the prize winning

entries. and the judgement of the competition, one can see that

all were essentially most influenced by the principles and ideas

of modern urban design, which at the time were well publicized

and energetically applied throughout the world: functional

-
89

zoning; circulation systems essentially designed for the motor

vehicle, with segregation of motor traffic from pedestrians;

green belts; open spaces for recreational purposes and greenery;

neighbourhood principle; high rise housing.

4 .. 2.5 It has been widely recognized, even by many of the com-

petitors, that Lucio Costa's plan was the one which best synthe-

sized those principles .. Exhibiting an impressive ability to

utilize his broad intellectual background Lucio Costa devised a·

plan which can be seen as a legitimate representative of contem-

porary visions of urban design. Although many of the competi-

tion schemes have been influenced by Le Corbusier ideas, ·"Costa's

scheme represented the most complete realization of the French

17
architect's visionary urban designs".

4.2.6 Another important feature of Costa's plan is that the

city would be born as an "adult skeleton". Instead of "a pattern

of growth and expansion" the plan devised a complete ·image of the

city. The shape, extension and architectural character would be

defined. from the beginning. Costa's plan provided a complete

road network, which could readily be laid out in its entirity,

thus ensuring against the jeopardy of future misled deviations.

This characteristic of the plan certainly was most influential

on the jury's decision, for the devised project would achieve the

desire of the President of transferring the capital during his

-
90·

term of office. As Costa put it, in a figurative·way: "we

18
have to finish in five years, or the forest will return".

4.2.7 Finally, it is worth remarking that one of the features

of the competition was the importation of concepts and devices of

urban design. At that time they were evenly applied in every

country and region in the world, for sharply distinct societies,

within disparate ecological and technological conditions. Per-

haps the intellectual attitude of seeking for monumentality, new-

ness and environmental order, led both competitor and jury to

neglect, to a certain extent, the national and local conditions,.

i.e. the nature of Brazilian urban societies, the geographical,

economic and technological framework.

 91

SECTION B

IMPLEMENTATION
 92

~ALIZATION OF THE PLAN

INTRODUCTION

It appears that a conflict of loyalties overwhelmed the

builders of Brasilia : that of seeking monumentality, rationality

and tidiness, which are inherent in the idea of the symbolic city,

and, at the same time, being obliged to respond to the legitimate

demands of a typical Brazilian urban society, which seeks spatial

provisions manifesting its own nature in.forms that are not always

'pleasant' or 'rational'. This conflict greatly marked the reali-

zation cf. the city.

The monumental ?reas of Brasilia followed to a large extent

the precepts of Lucio Costa's Pilot Plan, which were further

stressed by Niemeyer's architecture. However, contrary to the

recommendations of Costa, the housing provisions within the planned

area do not cater for the entire population, which is widely dis-

tributed throughout the rarefied urban structure comprising the

 93

!Pilot Plan' and the satellite settlements. Similarly, some of

the initial propositions of the master plan were upset by an un-

foreseen community usage of the urban structure.

In this section we will be looking at some features of the

realization of the city, paying particular attention to some of

the most relevant deviations from the plan.

Chapter five covers aspects of both the realization of the

city up to 1960, and the evolution of the system of decision-making

and resources allocation, highlighting also facts which greatly

marked the future development of the city.

Chapter six deals with the creation of satellite towns and

other official settlements, showing how the practice of eradicating

'squatter settlements' influenced the shaping of the expanding

Brasilia.

Chapter seven describes some deviations from Lucio Costa's

Pilot Plan which were either the result of incompetent official

action, or were created in response to the natural demands of the

population. Although these deviations are severely condemned by

many local architects and planners, it is the author's contention

that from them lessons may be derived about the relationship between

the spatial organization of the city and the social life that goes

on within it.
 94

5 THE REALIZATION OF THE PLAN

5.1 .The First Four Years

5.Ll On the basis of the preliminary project submitted

to the competition, Lucio Costa prepared a final plan in which

the city was positioned nearer to the lake. New provisions

were incorporated. An additional row of superblocks was dis-

posed along both residential wings on the east side of the motor

axis. The land strip, previously designed for horticulture,

flower and tree nurseries, Wi?'.S finally designated as a sector for

'popular housing'. A sector for service industry was also created.

Although the lakeshores adjacent to the city had been maintained

as recreational area, the areas on the opposite side were allocated

for indiyidual housing. The previous provision for an expanded

housing sector for houses of 'high architectural order', took the

form of a large area subdivided into 100 x 200 meters 'suburban

plots'. Nowadays they are known as Lotes de Mansao (plots for

mansions). (Fig. 15).

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\• \'-.!- ,.. ·''""-" ;.-":'..>--_ :\ ~ - \ \ '•:¥ :'"-' ' '·•·., · ·• · ·-'. "" '~ ·.-; r!, ~-- , :F.;:::- '\ 1 ,._.'''I ,,.!,.-: J"C> - HI - Habito~oes individuais
, .. ~-, , •\ __..
wlW... "'· I .,,;.,,: :; rf', l' , ,."· ;:~ • - '. , ·,:.;;·,,;......-..-,.,
- : '·""d' '• •'7 ·-: : •· HIG - Hobiro~ocs individuois geminadaa
)~ ~> ···:::~-~ --.., ,,_.. · · ·"':<;.'s.:;: " •: ,.'- ... .. · Mo · j;; •," ,, ,:. ,._ ·:, ::'" ·-,.-·c: o·. . /. ~ 'J :.;.::xJ ··q ~ ,':,.,
1 1 4 Hl - Setor hospitalor local
~ . . ·' •·\ ---..r-,~· \. ' .. ..: •..-~.-1;-'r ~ ''",~=·... ~:·. ,....~·.,~.,,>t._, l .. I''..A. / , .... ;,::"!'-"/ H - Selor hotelt'iro
lA - Industria e obostecimento
IN - lnflomaveis
\~ . IG - l"dustrios grolicos
MOB - Mon.Oes Dam Bosco
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~·~ ~:::;.~ #4.1~f)~r·fr
/-~· . . .... ......-;',,.
~ •. \ 'f'-'· \= l (, ..... '" ; MH - Sl-lor medica hospitolor
i
",., ···-. / . "1, Ml - Man.Oes holodos
·,:·~··-~··-'!.!.--, __ "•1:';._~9-~.\ ,·... -~-3 ,•3 0;:- , "":'\ \";~ •J."J.<."~~· -,,1 \·:
•• ~;;.';:'· i
)/ ..._. -/lf.i.>.c. :2-.~"": J _jc)I MPW - Mon.Ocs Pork-Way
..-:·':.' J . Ml - Mon.Ot's do logo
-~\ :...- .. ""''<")~ \~'c.: :;) i •- ": "·; (.;;:;:;>,~~: MU - Setor militar urbana
(,/ i#'1_,;,~
<<ir<•~ ..,.,._.:-: ;.'');' .•::::-.., {, ,.i ,_. .' '·• .. !' .. ..' ... , ~ ' ;8 ''!!"' ,J
--~A'""'I{I.'!:·•C ,.
NB - Nucleo Bondeironhr
""·- ff(
•
,~;.~:·~?>
"\:_·. J.·:···.·<; 0 "'· •• '
·:~%.::;:. ~, ~:j1~~s::: -:> ..[;1 t,.~~-:= -~-'-.., @-••• ,,.., .......
-
\. .#~
)~ \ :• ,.. h_Y.·'"·"
'~~ PAG - Poste obo,r.,.;;m.,nlo gasolino
.....:·.;,··.·. ::o? -· . . . __ \ . .·. . Pll - Poslo obosh:ci~r.enro e lavogem
-- 0 ·'' ,, -.. '- • • •. . , , . . . . . . . . • ' ·---· .......
·- ..,... "·..·.;~ ..
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c -~· -~ ~ -··-,x~ ~A....__. \. ; -? < •'• \ • ., •• ' -.. . ' c.- ~:;;'h'.
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"f\ r···~ltJ~~~·- "~~ ~/ PM - Posto e morris
-'<.\'V•.'.;-t r-;C!l ·,:;;.,, .. ,•'.i._ \I' rr=-r-.J~ . ··. ~i:) · .~! ..
~ ·..• ·~.~~.~ '" ·\d •.·
.. ~~v l RE - Resid~ncial e-conOmicc-'
. ...... ......... . "'-'!-''-·
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.,,.,, •. '\"' ,, ---....
'<'10. ,_" '\"::.:';
. ~- . .' rr.~"'-
.... I RIA - Selor r<!sidenciol ind. e obost.
SQ - Supcrquodros
UnB - Univeroidode d• Brosilio
'"' " : : . .:. . . '""'' /) ,'·,~fi~~tf::~:~~,if~~~~filf=;~ 1}:'='. ';,\ j ~~ HT - Horeis de turismo
RT - Radio e televis:lo
1\.
, , ....,..._; .... ~,.,,,h~e,~-~~'l} ~- l· ..__"'
~~<~~~-::..=->:;-~>~ ·;;'#_,_;;~-( ~ll \~-';/
Figure 15
\.0
/
SOURCE ACROPOLE 375-76, JULY/AUGUST 1970 "::.".:.~........-':-: lTl
LUCIO COSTA'S REVISED PLAN

. __ :..:i~~-:~~~J~M":~~~~~~~~~..;~~:...rr~·-l.:--.~:.~.-~-- ~ ......... =~...:·:.• ::--:·.~~-: .:.·_·-

---.. ;.,::;.:.:,.:.~:-:-z:;:;.:.'"..:..-.....J,·· .. :.: .;.;;..;,..:..::.~;;;.-,..;--.;.. ~-•.,~"':"-':"...., ......;1•.~ ;:~_..,.~:,.;: .::::;~ :.:..;·.::. -:-.;::-..:-..-::·.- . .- -:--:· -.-.-:::..... -:-.,-~...,"": ....., •..~. ~--- ~·--··-~·;. ;---.--.•:· -.:. -~ .·:: -- .. , --- . -~::.~........ , ....\.
"9'· ~~-~::!?:~!!9~~3'!~;~:.~~ •.0:.:..-~~~1_(!)>:;~~-_*;_ ~. L<iiGAA:~ :_·~-~--·

;·.;:~·"':·":.~~:::.:-:-:~-~ :!~-:.!:-"'. :.-.~~·-~~~:~~:

... ..:·'·-· .···-~-~-~-~-::·~~·.:_~·-:---:~; _·:·::-_- ':··........~, ·-.
 96

5.1.2 Subsequent to the approval of the plan, 36 months re-

mained in which to 'build the city', for it had been decided that

the dedication of the capital would take place on the 21st April,

1960. The limitation of time together with the referred politi-

cal goal (that of transferring the capital within Kubitscheck's

term of office) plus the desire to make it an irreversible step,

provided the context within which construction works were conducted.

Several sectors were tackled simultaneously, ranging from the monu-

mental axis to the residential sectors. By doing so another goal

would be achieved, that of determining a pattern for both the

architectural and urban development of the city thus preventing

future deviations. The works were undertaken at an astounding

pace.

5.1.3 For such an enterprise to be successful, it would demand

the dedication of capable professionals. As had happened before

1
in Belo Ho~izonte, KUbitscheck reckoned on the skills of Oscar

Niemeyer, the imaginative and f~rtile architect who provided the

forms which would make the plan a reality. Lucio Costa would act

essentially as consultant town planner (urbanista) • The president

involved himself in the administration of the works together with

Mr. Israel Pinheiro, head of NOVACAP. They energetically impelled

the construction of the city, providing the necessary human, insti-

tutional material and financial support. Both politics, adminis-

trators and architects were enthusiastically supported by a corps

 97

of professionals and workers who converged on the site, seeking

the honour, privilege and excitement of pioneering Brasilia.

They were motivated by a variety of aspirations: hope of making

a new life; desire to get a job or to become rich; or to escape

the lack of satisfaction with th~ir previous situations. In Jan-

uary, 1957, there were already 2,500 workers on the site.

5.1.4 The works were conducted in an atmosphere of enthusiasm

and creativity. The writings and statements of pioneers tell of

the existing individual sense of responsibility and the democratic

spirit prevailing on the·:.site. As Niemeyer put it :

"That hurr.a.n solidarity . • • . gave us the impression

of living in a different world, in the new and
just world we had alr.t1ays wished for. At the time
we lived as if in a great family, without prejudice
and inequality. We lived in the same houses, ate
in the same +estaurants, frequented the same places
of amusement. Even our clothes were similar. We
were united by a climate of fraternization result-
2
ing from identical discomforts."

5.1.5 Important steps in the implementation of the city had .

been taken before Costa's plan was approved. NOVACAP was created

in September 1957. A provisional Presidential residence was built

in ten days, in October, 1956. The road link between Brasilia

and Anapolis was started in the same month. This 135 kilometer
 98

~oad would connect the site with the nationwide road network, ex-

tending towards the Sao Paulo region. On the 18th February, 1957,

some 77,000 hectares of land within the Federal district was trans-

ferred to the Union. NOVACAP was given full powers over this

land, comprising distribution of uses and control of sale. The

Presidential Palace, the first hotel and Airport runways were under

construction in March, 1957.

5.1.6 Other important wo+ks were started immediately after the

delivery of the working plan: The bulk of the main road network

devised by Costa was laid down, as well as some of the regional

arteries. The road connection with Belem, 2500 Km to the.north,

was undertaken in December, 1957. Oscar Niemeyer, accompanied by

a team of young architects, provided a number of impressive designs

in a remarkably short time, aiming at the completion of a group of

selected buildings which would indicate that the city had begun,

and in readiness for dedication day. Indeed on the 21st of April,

1960, the city was recognizable~ exhibiting most of the Monumental

axis and parts of its various urban sectors. (Fig. 16). The

houses of the 'three powers', Congress, Presidential offices and

Supreme Court, were built in their.spacious square (Praqa dos Tres

Poderes). The mall with the eleven Ministries, the Cathedral's

structure and the exchange platform were accomplished at this stage.

Several superblocks were built, as well as the bulk o.f the 'popular

houses' in the south wing. In the city centre one could see three
 99

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 100

18 storey office buildings within the commercial district, plus

the Bank of Brazil building and the complete structure of the

National Hotel, a private development. A district hospital,

partially finished, was already in operation. Community facili-

ties were provided in some areas. A major shopping development

was permitted even encouraged in the sector previously

designed for warehouses and workshops. This deviation from the

plan would prove a strong influence in the use of the planned

urban area.

5.1. 7 Although at that period ~~e bulk of thought and energy

was.directed towards the achievement of architectural and civic

design goals, some sectional plans were developed for three major

activities; Education, Health and Food Supply. •ro a certain ex-

tent these plans influenced the preparation of the briefs for

early local and rural developments. The Educational Plan had

been prepa~ed by a team of experts, among them the acknowledged

scholar, Anisio Teixeira. According to the. plan, education would

be offered at three ievels: the first, Kindergarten for children

under six yearsr the second, primary education, would be provided

for children from seven to twelve and through two specialized schools

the "lesson school", which would perform the functions of basic

education, and the "park school", which was designed for artistic,

social and physical development of the children (arts, metalwork,

sports, literature and theatre). There would be a "lesson school"

 101

for each superblock, and a park school for each neighbourhocd

(a group of four superblocks). Secondary education, the third

level, would be performed by educational centres (centros de

educaqao media), one per each population group of 45,000, and

catering for 2,700 to 3,500 students. It would be similar to

the British comprehensive secondary schools, providing the stu-

dents with a wide spectrum of opportunities in the field of arts,

sciences, technology, sports, literature. This plan would be ·

applied both in the planned area and satellite towns, without

preference.

5.1.·8 The health plan envisaged a system of medical attendance

evenly distributed throughout the city. A District Hospital would

serve each group of four neighbourhoods (45,000 people) providing

a similar spectrum of service to the British Health Service.

5.1.9 The food supply plan was prepared by the Department of

Land and Agriculture, a section -0f NOVACAP. This Department had

hitherto devised a scheme for the distribution of rural plots, to

be grouped in community Uriits, coined 'regions' and defined by

si'ze, geomorphological factors and accessibility. The plan en-

visaged a system comprising three levels: 1 - Rural units, which

would promote social and economic development of rural communities;

2 - Food supply centre performing the functions of storage,

trade centre, finance, technical assistance, planning and control

 102

of both production and supply; 3 - Super-markets, which would

be distributed throughout the urban areas. The author of that

plan, which should aim at the provision of industrial activities

within the area and which would cope with both the consumer and
3
employment demand of the population.

5~ 1.10 The migrants flocked to Brasilia as work became· increas-

ingly available. The bulk of the migrants provided the manual

labour for the building tasks. The remarkable pace of the con-

struction provided opportunities for overtime work, thereby the

pay was good compared to other places in the country. Figures

for-population in the period show clearly the intensity of· that

migratory process.

Table 1

POPULATION OF THE FEDERAL DISTRICT, 1957-1960

June 1957 12,200

April 1958 28,800

May 1959 64,314

September 1960 141,742

SOURCE IBGE (Census data 1959, 1960 and

estimates 1957, 1958)
 103

5 .1.11 The problem of accommodating these workers would chal-

lenge authorities and architects throughout the history of the

capital. It was a prominent factor in the make-up of current

expanding urban pattern. In the early stages NOVACAP provided

a temporary service centre for the drive to construct the city -

the so-called Free-Town (cidade livre). Provisional concessions

of plots were allocated for Banks, shops, warehouses, hotels,

housing, and amusement facilities. In May 1959 this town com-

prised 11,600 people. Besides the Free-Town other construction

camps were settled, e.g. Velhacap, built by NOVACAP, and Vila

Planalto the largest ones. Another provisional Town, Vila ~.mauri

(housing 6,000 people in 1959) was established on the north side

of the city, in an area which was later flooded by the artificial

lake.

5.1.12 Apart from the permitted camps and provisional towns,

spontaneous· settlements· appeared everywhere near to the most dynamic

nuclei. They are called 'invas.ions' as in Salvador, as they invade

4
state land (later to be called 'squatters'). The concern with

the growth of those squatter settlements led the authorities to the

creation of the first satellite. town, Taguatinga, 28 Km. from the·

planned city. It was the beginning of an important process, which

is further studied in chapter six.

 104

5.2 Decision Making

5.2.1 In the early years the President, Architects and NOVACAP

exercised a centralized command of the works. The circumstances

dictated the pace and mode of running the enterprise. Since the

establishment of the city was mainly as an architectural realiza-

tion as opposed to a planning operation, Lucio Costa and Oscar

Niemeyer performed a prominent role in the decision making at the

time. The development of the city, however, depended heavily on

the personal involvement of the President, whose dedication and

administrative support greatly contributed to the success of the

task.

5.2.2 NOVACAP was given wide ranging power· to perform its role:

massive financial support and virtual ownership of land. It was

ascribed a wide scope embracing the functions of a Development

Corporation with those of a Prefecture. It was in charge of the

design and supervision of the main buildings through the Architec-

ture Department, headed by Oscar Niemeyer. Through congressional

appropriations, land, trade and other minor sources, the company

was provided with the funds f9r financing infrastructure works,

roads and main Government buildings. It was also responsible for

construction management as well ·as the supervision and control of

private development. It had specialized subdivisions dealing

with Education, Health, Social Welfare and Food Supply. There

 105

was also a working group in charge of settling newly arrived

officers.

5.2.3 In 1960, after the dedication, a Prefecture was created

and subsequently held by Mr. Israel Pinheiro, Brasilia's first

Mayor. No local council was created. The senate was assigned

to deal with legislative matters concerning the capital. A

council for Architecture and Urbanism was created CAU. It

was entrusted with top level decision making regarding the physi-·

cal development of the city. Four specialized agencies were ere-

ated: three foundations, for Education, Health and Social Welfare,

and a Department of Land and Agriculture. NOVACAP still remained

an influential agency, dealing with urban design, architecture and

construction. From 1960 to 1964 no substantial changes were ob-

served, both in the administrative and in the physical development

of the city. The works were conducted at a slow pace duri.ng

these years·.

5.2.4 In 1964 the Government of Marshall Castelo Branco faced

a dilemma, that of undertaking the "folly of finishing Brasilia"

or the "crime of abandoning her" (words attributed to the President

himself). It was then decided.that the construction of the city

would be carried on; however, not in the same pace of the first

years. Plinio Catanhede was appointed Mayor. Administrative

reforms were set about and unfinished works started by previous

 106

~dministrations were completed. NOVACAP was then absorbed by

the newly created Government of the Federal District, under

the Secretary for Public Works. The working committee G.T.B.

was transformed into an autonomous agency for housing develop-

ment, CODEBRAS (Coordenacao do Desenvolvimento de Brasilia).

It's assigned tasks were planning, the design and construction

of houses and apartment blocks for federal civil servants. An-

other housing agency was created to cope with the needs of low

income segments of population SHIS (Society for Housing of

Social Interest).

5.2.5 General Costa e Silva took office in 1967, bringing

with him the intention of transferring important Government bodies

still settled in Rio de Janeiro, to the capital. 'l'he appointed

Governor, Engineer Wadjo Gomide, supported by a new technical staff,

tackled important works such as the extension of networks of infra-

structure and services." Building programmes were undertaken,

mainly for schools and housing. . The agricultural sector was given

new drive through additional financing and t~chnical assistance.

During his time of office a planning body was created CODEPLAN

(Companhia do Desenvolvimento do Planalto Central), 1967. Although

conceived of being in a much broader context, this agency promoted

studies mainly on social and economic aspects within the Federal

District area, paying little attention to physical planning and to

the regional implications of the capital.

 107

5.2.6 President Garrastazu Medici, Costa e Silva's successor,

took office in 1969. He also came to office with the firm pur-

pose of transferring all major government activities to Brasilia.

A deadline was set for the establishment of all heads of Ministries

and other government agencies in the capital 21st of April,

1970. Foreign embassies were informed that from 7th September

1972 onwards diplomatic accreditation and prerogatives would be

ensured only for diplomats residing in Brasilia. Those decisions

were accompanied by some administrative changes and renewed

activity in construction.

5.2.7 The government organization devised for the Federal Dis-

trict (Governo do Distrito Federal - GDF) is split into two dis-

tinct groups: the 'Central Administration' and 'Indirect Admin-

istration'. The first group embodies the Governor's Cabinet,

nine Secretaries (Education, Administration, Finance, Health,

Agriculture, .Social Welfare, Transport ai1d Works, Public Services

and Public Safety), and three s.pecial bodies (Military Police,

Fire Brigade and Accounting Tribunal). 'Indirect Administration'

comprises Government agencies, more executive in character.. They

are designed for a more active role in the development of the capi-

tal: NOVACAP remains still as the most powerful agency for

designing and supervising works. CODEPLAN still is the only

agency fully involved in survey and analysis of social and·economic

aspects of the Federal District; however, it has made some ·incur-

 108

sions into planning, with emphasis on economic aspects. SHIS

remains the agency most concerned with low income housing. Be-

sides those agencies involved with physical development there are

three foundations carrying out programmes of their own: Social

Welfare Foundation (FSSDF) Cultural Foundation (FCDF) , and Zoo-

botanic Foundation (FZDF) . Apart from these agencies, which are

linked to the Federal District Government, th~re is still CODEBRAS,

now subjected to the Federal Government and having large responsi-

bility for the provision of housing for Federal civil servants.

CoAU (Coordination of Architecture and Urbanism), a technical body,

has the role of coordinating the somewhat overlapping activities of

the above mentioned agencies, attempting also to establish.overall

development policy. There is also the top level Council for

Architecture and Urbanism (CAU), constituted by Lucio Costa, Oscar

Niemeyer and Israel Pinheiro as lifelong members, plus the actual

Governor, Secretary of Works and heads of agencies involved in phy-

sical development.

5.2.8 Apart from official agencies, private developers do under-

take some developments in the area, alth0ugh in small scale projects.

Nevertheless, the private sector is responsible for the bulk of build-

ing activities, representing 96% of total investment in constuction.

The public sector is responsible for the remaining 4%. . The parti-

cipation of private sector in the supply of houses, although being

virtually negligible in the first years, experienced an increase

 109

5
between 1968, 1969 and 1970.

Table 2

HOUSES SUPPLY BY SPHERE OF ACTIVITY

Public Private
Units % Units %

1968 7,648 90.3 821 9.7

1969 4,739 78.5 1,294 21.5

1970 5,386 71.8 2,115 28.2

SOURCE CODEPLAN, 1971

5.2.9 To conclude this brief description o,f the processes

of 'planning' and decision making in Brasilia five relevant issues

should be pointed out. Firstly, Lucio Costa's Pilot Plan is still ·

the only document upon which decisions are based. This does not

mean, however, that the plan is always complied with. The master

plan offers the basic criteria upon-which one of three cour$eS of

action are taken: to follow its propositions, to push out of the

planned area whatever is incompatible with the plan or to promote

piecemeal mutilations to the plan to cope with unforeseen pressures.

 110

The second observation is linked to the first, being that compre-

hensive planning has not yet been undertaken. Thereby, the dev-

elopment of the city is the result of pragmatic responses to

emergent crucial pressures, e.g. the creation of satellite towns.

Another feature worth remarking, is that most plots have been sold,

thus diminishing state control over potential developments within

urbanized areas. Finally, it should be noted that there is not

a local council in the administrative structure of Brasilia, the

Senate still acting as a collegiate to the Federal District Govern-

ment on matters concerning the city's development and life. CAU

remains a top level body for coordination and planning, but it has

been proved to be extremely susceptible to political influences.

5.3 Resources

5.3.1" The main structural material in Brazil is reinforced con-

crete. There are many reasons for this. Steel remains an ex-

pensive and scarce material, owing to crescent demand of the

emergent industrial complex. The labour intensive technique of

reinforced concrete ensures the opportunity for a wider participa-

6
tion of unskilled workers in building activity. Brazilian

structural engineers proved themselves extremely skilled, incorpor-

ating the most advanced concepts of reinforced·concrete, including

provisions for design in an ultimate strength basis. In Brasilia

 111

the employment of reinforced concrete found another ground: its

plasticity allowed Niemeyer the freedom to express his lyrical

7
and inventive temperament. Therefore, although the ministries,

a few office buildings and Brasilia Palace Hotel have steel frame

structures, the bulk of the constructions were of reinforced con-

crete.

5.3.2 With the exception of brick, gravel and sand which could

be found in the region, the bulk of building materials were trans-

ported great distances. Steel, cement and manufactured goods

were supplied by the industrialized areas of the country Sao

Paulo (1,300 Km.), Rio (1,500 Km.) and Belo Horizonte (8o0 Km.).

Wood was transported from Parana (2,000 Km. to the south). In

fact these flows of materials are still going on, although some

industries were settled within the region, providing steel and alu-

minium frames, timber joinery, fibre-cement tiles and pipes, pre-

cast concrete pipes, poles and sanitary equipment. It is true

that some building materials were flo~m to Brasilia in the early

days, a fact that some times is used to stress the pioneering

character of the period, but otherwise fed the detractors of

'Kubitschek's adventure'. However, since road connections were·

established with Sao Paulo (1958) , Belo Horiztonte (1960) and

Belem (1960) the accessibility of the area was ensured.

5.3.3 There is a contention about the estimate of expenditure

 112

lilade in the first years with the construction of Brasilia. A

figure of £250 million is given by H. Mindlin. 7 However

C. Lafer gives the figure of Cr $ 250.000.000.000 (in prices of

1961) which would equal some £375 million, which is estimated as

being 2.3% of the G.N.P. 8 To the oponents of Brasilia, the

costs were their main objection, accusing the city of being 'a

crime against the country's economy'. To Lhe defenders of

Brasilia, it represented an expansion of the scope of the economic

system, constituting a growth point, whose long term benefits

would largely gratify the initial national investment.

5.3.4 Financial support was provided by many government agencies.

NOVACAP was provided with grants to finance infrastructure and main

Government buildings. However, the bulk of the housing provided

at the first stage was financed by other agencies. The National

Pensions Institutes (IAP's). constructed several superblocks in the

south and north wings (SQS 407, 408, 409; 410, 411, 412 and SQN

403, 404, 405, 406) (Fig. 16). Three superblocks were undertaken

by the Bank of Brazil (SQS 308, 114, 714). The Foundation for

Popular Housing carried on the construction of a large sector of

row houses in the south wing (superblocks numbered 700). Part of

the development cost was recouped through the sale of plots within

the urbanized·area 13,769 plots, out of 18,018, had been sold

at a value of Cr $ 4,755,803 (some £23.8 million). If one con-

templates the cost of development of the city this was· effectively

 113

a gift to the buyers. 9

5.3.5 The Federal District is still today, to a high degree,

dependent on Federal Government policy in relation to Brasilia.

This dependence is related to both the programmes of expenditure

and money supply. The following table illustrates the degree of

participation of the Central Government in the total income of

12
local administration.

Table 3

EVOLUTION OF LOCAL GOVERNMENT INCOMES (By Sources)

Cr $ 100 (1968 Prices)

1966 1967 1968 1969

Own Sources 1 45,300,000 4~,500,000 58,200,000 50,300,000

Transfer
Payments 2 215,500,000 103,200,000 194,200,000 207,800,000

ICM (WHEAT) 3 87,000,000 95,000,000 107,600,000

'
Financing 3,500,000 10,500,000 18,400,000 3,400,000

264,300,000 250,200,000 365;800,000 369,lqo,ooo

1 Taxes, rents, interests, others

2 Basically Government Appropriations

3 Tax on Circulation of Goods

SOURCE CODEPLAN
 114

5.3.6 Recent trends indicate some changes in this picture.

Income from 'local sources' increased considerably in the last

years, owing to improvements in the taxation system, as well as

to the increase of activities within the Federal district. As

for the ICM wheat is programmed to be phased out. The last

government insti~ated a new drive to transfer government bodies

and respective civil servants to Brasilia~ Thus the programme

of expenditure of local administration experienced an increase,

as shown below

Table 4

EVOLUTION OF EXPENDITURE

Crs. $ 100 (1970 prices)

1969 1970 1971

Administration 78,700,000 lot!,500,000 133,200,000

Public Safety 52,500,000 58,400,000 64,000,000

Education 71,600,000 69,000,000 92,500,000

Housing and
Urban Development 75,400,000 56,800,000 72,200,000

Health 81,000,000 90,400,000 104,ooo,ooo

Others 49,200,000 46,100,000 44,900,000

TOTAL 408,400,000 425,200,000 510,800,000

13
SOURCE CODEPLAN
 115

5.3.7 The investment programme for housing in the period

1971-1973 anticipated the expenditure of Cr. $658,032,855

(some £42 million) to be distributed as follows :

1971 198,597,430

1972 241,323,287

1973 218,112,138

This investment is derived from four sources : Federal Dis-.

trict Government Cr. $ 4, 500, 000, the National Bank for

Housing (BNH) 135,827,532, Federal Government bodies,

through CODEBRAS 177,990,088 and the Federal Savings Bank

(CEF) 339,715,235. The programme proposes the construe-

tion of houses and apartments ranging from small units of 24.oom 2 ,

mainly in the satellite towns, to 150.00m2 units within the

14
'planned' area.
 116

6 THE RISE OF THE SATELLITE TOWNS

6.1 Population and Location

6.1.1 The population of Brasilia grew at a high rate

throughout the early years. The attraction exerted by

building activities and the transfer of some government

bodies to the capital stimulated migration towards the

city. The incoming population migrated from the nearby

regions but also, in large numbers, from the depressed

areas in the North-east of the country a thousand miles

away. During the period between 1960 and 1969 the annual

rate of population growth steadily decreased from 32.03% in

1961 to 8.79% in 1969, persisting around the same level for

the subsequent years. About 80% of Brasilia's present popula-

tion is immigrant.
 117

TABLE 5

ESTIMATE OF POPULATION ON 1st JULY OF EACH YEAR 1960-69

Population Increase . Rate

1960 134,992
1961 178,228 43,236 32.03
1962 222 '727 44,499 24.97
1963 266,899 44,172 19.83
1964 313,290 46,391 17.38
1965 350,749 37,459 11.96
1966 . 388,202 37,453 10.68
1967 438,442 50,240 12.94
1968 487,284 48,842 11.14
1969 530,122 42,838 8.97

SOURCE CODEPLAN - 1970 1

6.1.2 The rural population was 5% of the total population

in 1968, against 11% in 1960. This is due to the high_ rates

of population growth in urban areas, while the rural areas ex-

perienced a lower pace of expansion.

 118
Figure. 17
POPULATION PROJECTION AND AGE STRUCTURE

thousands

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' ·~·)~Q<$$ b•~~·~· I l
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,-.90
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i, e~: 9 &f: I I':.
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1·

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o~ ! . I 1' i. i!
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0
19 60 61 62 63 64 65 66 ff1 .68 69 70 71 72 73 74 75 76 77 78 79 1980
year

POPULATION PROJECTtON

.qi
I
o ~
I ..-t
en
..-t
~ en ..,,. en
Ol Ol M C"J .qt
~ en ~
'l!I lO 10 CD
m ."tll i
o 1..':> I I I I I I J I I l I
0 \.') 0 10 0 lO 0 \./') 0 l..'J 0 lO
..-t ..-t01C\1C".)C"J~ ~lOlOCD~

male female

SOURCE CODEPLAN, I PLANO DE DESENVOLVIMENTO

INTEGRADS - 1970
AGE STRUCTURE
 119

TABLE 6

URBAN AND RURl\L POPULATION 1960 AND 1968

1960 1968

Urban 120,564 89.3% 462,928 95.0%

Rural 14,428 10. 7% 24,356 5.0%

TOTAL 134,992 100.0% 487,284 100.0%

SOURCE CODEPLAN 1970 2

6.1.3 The population p:r:ojections for the Federal District

are subjected to a high degree of uncertainty owing both to the

uncertain behaviour of migration and governmental policy.

CODEPLAN 3 established in 1970 _ the following pattern

for population expansion (Fig. 17):

TABLE 7

POPULATION PROJECTION 1970 - 1980 (31st Dec.)

Minimum Average Maximum

1971 582,454 603,915 625,376
1972 609,265 637,965 666,665
1973 633,454 670,890 708,286
1974 655,124 702,629. 750,134
1975 674,331 733,242" 792,153
1976 691,111 762,710 834,309
1977 705,482 791,033 876,584
1978 717,454 618,209 9187964
1979 727,038 844,241 961,444
1980 734,237 889,126 1,004,015

SOURCE CODEPLAN 1970

 120

6.1.4 The age structure of the incoming population corres-

ponds closely to the average for regions of low income level.

Therefore Brasilia's population is dominated by young groups

{47% in the 0-14 years age group) , or 57% in the 0-19 years age

group. Such an age structure produces a large school popula-

tion {4-14 years age group), and also a heavy financial burden on

the adult population. {Fig. 17) 4

TABLE 8

AGE/SEX STRUCTURE 1968

0 - 4 18 •. 61 18.60 18.61
5 - 9 16.37 16.93 16.65
10 - 14 12.78 11.57 12.17
15 - 19 9.42 10.44 9.94
20 - 24 7.40 8.87 8.15
25 - 29 7.12 8.06 7.60
30 - 34 8.58· 7.19 7.87
35 - .39 6.28 6.38 6.33
40 - 44 4.60 4.22 4.40
45 - 49 3.25 2.81 3.03
so - 54 2.63 2.06 2.34
55 - 59 1. 74 1.19 1.46
60 - 64 0.73• 0.76 0.74
Over 65 0.49 0.92 o. 71

SOURCE CODEPLAN 1970

 121

6.1.5 As mentioned earlier (5.1.11) NOVACAP provided pro-

visional locations for the masses of migrants: Free Town, Vila

Amauri, Vellacap. Other building camps were permitted. These

accommodations, however, were insufficient to cope with the ex-

panding demands. Therefore, as occurs in many other Brazilian

cities, squatter settlements appeared, being the only possible

solution for the lower strata of the incoming population. Settle-

ments grew in several places, near to the working sites or near

to the more active centres which had been either sanctioned or

·built by government. They were accepted by the authorities and

welcomed by the building companies, as they housed the workers

required for the construction tasks. This practice can still be

found in Brasilia. A considerable number of single people and

sometimes families live attached to building sites, in wooden

shelters, for the duration cf the works. They are tolerated

while the works are carried out, being essential labour~ As the

constructio~ is finishing they move away, often carrying the old

shelter with them.

6.1.6 The squatter settlements inevitably cause concern to

the authorities and community they constitute a political em-

harassment to government, threaten public order and cause visual

disarray. The government usually resorts to expediency which

has varied in nature throughout the history of the city, accord-

ing to the prevailing circumstances, but all policies have commonly

 122

shared the principles of 'removal'.

6.1. 7 In 1968, the largest and most threatening of the squatter

settlements developed adjacent to the Free Town and across the Sao

Paulo road. As the Free Town was the main activity area in the

Federal District, it offered opportunities for the development of

small trade, menial work, etc. the 'popular informal growth

system', as enunciated by Patrick Crook NOVACAP then decided

to create a satellite town, primarily to cope with the problem of

·spontaneous settlements. Squatters would be shifted from the

'invasions' to Taguatinga, as it had been christened. It is

Ernesto Silva who describes the events involving the foundation

of the town as follows :

"It I-1as a Saturday, Juscelino was visiting

Brasilia, and had been invited to dine in the
J.K. Restaurant, in the Free Town. At the sun-
set .a mas~ of·about 4,000 people were gathered
near the restaurant holding signs saying "we
want to stay where ~1e are", "Viva President
Juscelino", "we founded Vila Sarah Kubitschek".
(Dona Sarah was President's wife). The excite-
ment was intense. Israel Pinheiro asked me to
go to the place, which I did. I climbed onto
a wooden box and addressed the derronstrators.
I told them that NOVACAP had already arranged
for the creation of a satellite town, 25 km.
from the Pilot Plan, and in this place each
i'lorker would have his own lot and could acquire
it for a reasonable price over a long term.
 123

" ( • ... ) I arranged with the committee of represen-

tati vcs of Sarah Kubitschek Town, a meeting for
the next day - Sunday, at 7 a.m., when the plan
of the new town would be shown and the way by
which the transfer would be carried out could be
examined.

"As combined, next rrorning ( • ... ) the meeting took

place ( .•• ) After exhibiting the plans we pro-
mised that NOVACAP would move everybody, put up
shelters and take steps to provide medical care
and schools." 6

Silva mentions that 'doubt and suspicion' still persisted, and

attributed part of the blame for the difficulties to some business-

men in the Free Town "who stimulated invasions because the resi-

dents were customers for building materials, and later for food".

6.1.8 Following Monday the moving tasks began with the help

of two social workers, nuns Olga e Terezinha, who were in charge

of listing the families and assisting the authorities with the

tasks of persuasion . However, as Silva said, "the resista."'lce

was enormous" .. In the first day they could move only a single

family .. That night a hundred people marched to NOVACAP's pro-

visional wooden off ices claiming for the night to s~ay in the

place, some proposing to set fire to the offices. During the

following days new efforts were made. NOVACAP's working team

brought wood, nails and zinc tiles and carried on the operation.

Finally, in ten days,. four thousand peep le were moved.

 124

"We dismantled, transported and rebuilt the

shacks, moved furniture, squatters' effects,
men, women and children. We built about a
thousand pit latrines, one for every lot.
We put in a provisional water network, God knows how
(He will forgive us!) We instituted daily
transportation in lorries provided by NOVACAP
and building companies. We assured a minimum
of medical assistance." 7

6.1.9 The first satellite town had been 'founded'. Author-

ities and squatters performed a role which would be repeated

many times in the history of the city. From the view of the

authorities the task had been successful, for the 'invasion'

had been removed. However, it was not a planned establishment

of a new town. The main locational criterion was to place it

outside the watershed of the Paranoa Lake, thus preventing its

pollution. The satellite town was sited 25 kilometers further

away on the same road towards Sao Paulo. (Fig. 18) • Early in

1959 the first brick and stucco school was built; a hospital

and a School of Technology.were officially opened later.

6.1.10 Although the initial intent was to introduce a new sys-.

tern of land tenure (inalienable possession of the family) under

the control of the local authority, it was soon abandoned. As

the town enlarged new activities were attracted to the. place

(shopping, warehouses, amusement facilities, small industries).

 125

Figure 18
SETTLEMENTS EXISTING IN 1968
TAGUATINGA

\
\
SOURCE AUTHOR'S RECONSTRUCTION FROM SEVERAL
BIBLIOGRAPHIC SOURCES
 126

~n 1964 it reached a 68,947 population. Squatter settlements

held a prominent role in this expansion, for it became an import-

ant centre for odd jobs and small trade.

6 .1.11 Meanwhile the Free Town expanded. New cessions for

plots were made to respond to expanding demands. The planning

of the town was not a primary concern, as it would disappear

when the planned city could accommodate the bulk of the activities

which were located there. Its main aim was to house major retai~

and wholesale activities, seconded by banking. The presence of

these interests proved strong enough to consolidate the settlement.

A major effort to remove the Free Town was made in 1961. Paulo

de Tarso Santos, appointed Mayor by President Jania Quadros,

... attempted to move commercial establishments and families to both

the North Wing (within the planned area) and Taguatinga. Although

the bigger firms did move out, attracted by better opportunities

offered ~n ~he growing city, small traders and local residents

persisted in their intention to stay in the 'townr. They were

supported by politicians who had a vested interest in doing so

or even sincerely concerned for the people, the Civil Construction

Trade Union and obviously the Commercial Association of Brasilia.

After a rather agitated period, a law was finally passed, on 2oth

December, 1961, allowing the rechristened 'Nucleo Bandeirantes'

{Pioneer Town) to remain

 127

"Article one. The so called Pioneer Nucleus

in the present Federal District is considered
a satellite town of Brasilia.

Paraqrafo Unico: The locality treated in the

present article ma.y no~ be moved to any other
area. The construction of wooden permanent
property is ·not permitted there ••• " B

6.1.12 It was not until 1964, under the Mayor Plinio Catanhede,

that a physical plan for 'Nucleo Bandeirantes' would be prepared.·

Providing for a population of 12,000, it proposed definite loca-

tions for commercial activities and social facilities. Later· a

large number of 'conjuntos habitationais' (official housing estates)

replaced the previous wooden shanties and the road system was re-

· arranged and partially paved.

6.1.13 Other official settlements were established in the follow-

ing years. ·Behind the development of the planned city, today so

called 'Plano Piloto', an unfore~een, premature and official urban

sprawl was steadily being laid out. Planaltina, an eighteenth

century town which in 1959 had a 2,000 population, was expanded by

the addition of a spacious enclave, Vila Vicentina, with tmpaved

roads serving plots for the relocation of people removed from the

'invasions', (4,000 people in 1964, 22,000 in 1970). Many of

the previous residents of Planaltina are· still involved with the

traditional activity - cattle raising - however, the bulk of the

 128

population works in the planned centre, 'Pilot Plan', thus

generating substantial community difficulties.

6.1.14 However, not only the problem of the squatter settle-

ments motivated this expansion. An overall scarcity of housing

also stimulated similar 'decentralist' initiatives. In 1961

Brasilia's Working Group GTB perhaps feeling that the

superblocks as originally conceived, did not accommodate a flex-

ible response to the varied housing demands, ordered the construe-

tion of a housing estate, the so-called Cruzeiro, outside the

planned area to the west, near the railway station and in the

Sector for Industry and Food Supply SIA. It was designed as

an enclave of row houses, similar to those conceived by Niemeyer

along the W3 Avenue. Lucio Costa strongly protested against

the proposal in a letter sent to the President of NOVACAP on July,

1961. In this letter.,. after emphasi·zing. the adequacy of the hous-

ing schemes provided in the master plan, Costa asserted :

" ( ••• ) the general mistake of considering

the superblock areas destined only to a
certain category of tenant, in consequence
creating the present problem, artificially,
and the resulting p_roposal for 'economic'
solutions that are really an aberration,
like this one of spreading in the urban areas
 129

available thousands of little houses, with-

out taking into account how expensive this
is ( ••. ) and not only expensive but serious
( ••• ) for such dispersive solutions counter
the original scheme of the plan, conceived
exactly with the intention of avoiding the
usual problems of rarefied urban reticules
( . .. ) No civil servant ought to live out-
side the residential area concentrated along
the residential axis: if he does, let it
be caprice and personal initiative, not
9
impelled by the circumstances."

After pleading for the abandonment of the proposed project, al-

ready under construction, Costa recommended the design of ·new

solutions.for the superblocks, containing appropriate proposals

for low cost housing, as well as the occupation of the North

Wing which remained up to that time almost untouched. However,

the appeal haq no echo. The project was carried out. Later

on that estate would be expanded, and is currently occupied by

middle level civil servants.

6 .1.15 The same pressures which led to the decisions previously

described continuously enforced the creation of similar settlements.

In 1960 another satellite town was founded - Sobradinho, (25 kilo-

meters from the Plano Pilato}. A superior scheme was prepared

for this town, incorporating some principles of moderri urban ·

design, such as pedestrian precincts in shopping districts, open

 130

~paces for recreational purposes and greenery. An ordered dis-

tribution of housing, community facilities, including a Hospital

run by the University of Brasilia, were also provided, although

these provisions have not always been used as was intended by the

designers. This is the most ordered of the satellites and has

essentially become a dormitory town. The bulk of the housing

is provided by Government agencies, in the form of 'conjuntos'

of isolated individual houses. The great majority of its resi-

dents are comprised of middle level civil servants, who, each work

day, converge on the 'Plano Pilato'.

6.1.16 A worse fate was reserved for the inhabitants of Gama,

the third satellite town to be established, in 1961. 45 kilo-

meters from the 'Plano Pilato', and off the Belo Horizonte-Brasilia

roadway,_ it was intended primarily to relocate squatters removed

from the Vila Planalto and other small spontaneous settlements

scattered w_ithin the plc;inned area. In addition to the problems

resultant from the large distance (high transportation costs, an

unreliable bus service and time consuming journeys to work) it

has also been pointed out that the structure of the town itself

made the provision of community and services facilities difficult

and town life dull. The constraints imposed on the relocated

populations were such that some squatters, in the early times,

abandoned their lots, squatting again in some of the remaining

invasions.
 131

6.1.17 In spite of the protests of Lucio Costa, Oscar Niemeyer

and others, several 'sprawl' projects were undertaken. The

schemes proposed for housing in the superblocks did not make any

advance in terms of providing for low cost housing. The North

Wing remained largely empty, but the outer city did expand.

Another neighbourhood was built adjacent to Cruzeiro - the s~-

called Cruzeiro Novo. In 1969 a large housing estate was founded

for a 24,000 population, mainly civil servants - Guara I. It

has been placed adja~ent to the dual carriageway leading to

Taguatinga, near to the SIA. Later another similar development

would be undertaken adjacent to Guara I the so-called Guara II.

It has been designed for an ultimate population of 30,000.people.

6.1.18 In spite of the efforts of the authorities the problem

of the 'invasions' persisted. The most challenging of these

settlements was the so-called Social Security Invasion {Invasao

do IAPI). 1 ~ It was initially established for the employees of

a hospital run by the Social Security Institute for Industrial

Workers (IAPI), and was tolerated for a long time. Official

action in the early time was limited to preventing its eXpansion.

Nevertheless, an unsuccessful attempt to remove some of the shac~s

which had been built on privately owned land was followed by a

relaxation of the previous control, and the settlement steadily

expanded. It enjoyed the advantages of a suitable location close

to 'Nucleo Bandeirantes', adjacent to the main south entrance to

 132

the city, therefore served by abundant transportation. Many

of its residents.::;found opportunities for small trade and odd

jobs in 'Plano Pilato' and Nucleo Bandeirantes'. It also had

a large proportion of its labour force employed in construction.

6.1.19 In 1971, when this 'invasion' reached about 54,000

population, the concern of authorities and community led the

local government to take steps towards its eradication. A new

satellite town was envisaged to relocate the residents of this

settlement and of any other 'invasions' still settled in the

planned area. Early in 1972 the last squatters were removed to

the new town which had been christened Ceilandia (derived from

CEI - Campaign for Eradication of Invasions) . This new 'satel-

lite' in 1972 had about 70,0(X) people. The creation of Ceilandia

followed essentially the same scheme adopted in the foundation

of Taguatinga, in 1958. Located 35 kilometers from the ~lano

Pilato' the town was located on flat land. The residential

areas were arranged around a central open space where community

facilities and recreation areas would be located. A network of

unpaved roads was laid down, ensuring accessibility to the in-

dividual lots, wh~ch were allocated to the incoming families.

Water was provided in the form of collective taps .evenly distri-

buted throughout the settlement. Each family is supposed to

build its own shelter, with official support for acquisition of

materials. ~gain the major inconvenience of the town is one of

 133

location. Although the nearby Taguatinga offers increased

opportunities for odd jobs and small trade, the bulk of its

labour is still attracted by the 'Plano Pilato'.

6.1.20 In July, 1969, 28.41% of the total urban populat~on

of the Federal District was living in the 'Plano Pilato'.

Taguatinga comprised another 24.77% and 14.81% lived in Invasions.

(Fig. 19) •

'TABLE 9

DISTRIBUTION OF POPULATION JULY 1969

Population

Plano Pilato 143,059 28.41

Taguatinga 124 I 729 24.77
Gama 53,276 10.58
Sobrad~.nho 31,270 6.21
Nucleo Bandeirante 18,329 3.64
Grandes InvasOes* 74,576 14.81
Small Settlements 58,311 11.58

TOTAL 503,550 100.00·

SOURCE CODE PLAN 1970

* Social Sec~rity Invasion and 'Vilfenorio'

 134

Figure 19
EXPANSION OF BRASILIA
OFFICIAL SETTLEMENTS

1962

1968

\
 135

6.2 Brasilia = 'Plano Piloto' Plus Satellite Towns

6.2.1 The satellite grouping of communities in the Federal

District may give the impression, at a first glance, of being

the result of planned action, involving considerations about the

regional implications of the new capital, and aiming at the estab-

lishment of a balanced urban system where the satellites would

play a defined role, having a reasonable level of self-containment.

Nevertheless, as it has been shown, the surro~~ing districts have

been subjected to incremental development of a rather random nature.

The varied settlements are not adequately interrelated as they do

not succeed in. achieving a desired balance between population and

employment, housing and social services and between utility and

amenity. They really keep a strong relationship of dependence

with the 'Pilot Plan', and are in fact 'dormitory towns'. Some

features of this expanded urban system which are covered in the

following paragraphs will illustrate this~

6.2.2 The total urban population within the Federal district

is approximately 695,000, with some 240,000 in the 'Pilot Plan'

and about 455,000 in the satellite towns and small settlements.

The present population within the area is illustrated in Fig. 20.

In the last few years very small changes in this distribution

have been taking place. If one can see an outward spread of

residential development, there has also been a new drive in the

 136

Figure 20
DISTRIBUTION OF POPULATION - 1973

BRAZLANDfA

\
l
 137

construction within the 'Pilot Plan's' residential areas, as a

consequence of the Government policy of transferring Government

agencies still settled in Rio de Janeiro to Brasilia.

TABLE 10

DISTRIBUTION OF THE URBAN POPULATION 1973

?-lane Piloto 240,000

Taguatinga 140,000
Nucleo Bandeirantes 15,000
Sobradinho 50,000
Gama 80,000
Ceilandia 85,000
Planaltina 20,000
Braslandia 15,000
Other Settlements* 50,000

TOTAL 695,000

* Guara I, Guara II, .Cruzeiro, Cruzeiro Novo

SOURCE CODEPLAN 1972

6.2.3 A close look at the economic and social condition of

the population in the varied urban settlements within the Federal

District shows that this disperse urban system became a
 138

analogue to the social hierarchy. It is clear that the 'Pilot

Plan' houses the middle class, primarily composed of middle and

upper-echelon civil servants, liberal professionals and owners of

commercial enterprises. The lower class, basically composed of

lower-level civil servants, construction workers, and those who

rely on odd jobs, petty commerce and the like, is located in the

satell~te nuclei. It could be said that Brasilia highlights a

common feature of all Brazilian cities, in that the contrast bet-

ween the totally planned environment of the 'Pilot Plan' and the

somewhat randomly built periphery makes the disparities much more

perceptible.

11
6.2.4 Studies on income level carried on by Codeplan in 1970

tell that the average monthly income level per household for all

the Federal District equalled four minimum salaries (some £900.00

per annum). The only urban area which produces an income level

higher than the overall ~verage is the 'Pilot Plan' (slightly

higher than twice the average). Fig. 21 shows the distribution of

income per capita by locality within the Federal District.

6.2.5 Correlated with the disparity above there are wide

differences in formal education among the various urban nuclei,

which confirms the previous generalizations about the distribution

12
of classes in the urban system. Table 10 provides a picture

of illiteracy rates in the urban and rural areas of the Federal

 139

Figure 21
DISTRIBUTION OF ~.NNUAL INCOME PER CAPITA

'1

'I
I

CEILANDJA

:~~~!!f)

GAMA
qj:;:;~iji~!~';jl:tl1 1 1 TA GUATI NGA

I
I

·---.. _______,,-··· I
::

·. i
!

II
:1
·,
I

i
I
I
!

PLANALTINA . \\
8 · U5':lb ~ ... \ !
-- I
SOURCE CODEPLAN, 1970, WITH ADJUSTMENTS
TO INCLUDE NEW LOCALITIES
 140

District in 1964.

TABLE 11

ILLITERACY RATES IN THE FEDERAL DISTRICT 1964

Pilot Plan 12.3

Taguatinga 23.0
Free Town 29.0
Sobradinho 34.2
Planaltina 36.J.
Gama 40.4
Braslandia 40.7
Social Security Invasion 41.4
Rural Zone 46.7

EXPRESSED IN PERCENT BY LOCALITY

SOURCE PDF - SEC 1965 13

6.2.6 Government is the largest employment source in Brasilia

14
(35. 64% of total employment). This ·sector, in a sense justifies

the creation and growth of the city, this being perhaps a common
characteristic to other capital cities e.g. Washington. D.C.,

or Canberra. Secondly, one may find the ·construction industry as

 141

the main employment source for the lower segments of the ur~an

population (17.36% of total employment). Commerce, transport

and communication constitute also important employment sources

(15.96% of total employment). The lower classes rely, as we

have seen, on menial service jobs, small commerce and domestic

work (mainly for women). .Most of the employment sources are

located in the 'Pilot Plan', which houses the bulk of Government

activities. Construction is also mainly concentrated in the

'Pilot Plan' where one may find also the bulk of business activi-

ties, major retail establishments, liberal professionals, banking

and amusement. Therefore the 'Pilot Plan' is the main dttraction

point for a wide range of interests, being the convergence point

for essential journeys in connection with government activities,

business and industry, and optional journeys for pleasure or con-

venience.

6.2.7 In the peak· hours one may see large tidal movements bet~

ween residential areas in the satellite towns, with places ·of work

within the 'Pilot Plan'. Gile may see large numbers cf people con-

veyed by an expensive system of public transport which is run by

both public and private companies. Fig. 22 shows the daily

flow of passengers transported by bus. Although no transporta-

tion study has been carried out in Brasilia, the author's own

experience indicates that automobiles are increasingly dominating·

 142

Figure 22
PASSENGERS TRANSPORTED DAILY BY BUS
BETWEEN LOCALITIES

SOURCE CODEPLAN, 1970.

\,:
\
 143

the traffic scene. Car ownership is steadily increasing in the

new capital, much faster than in any other Brazilian city. Un-

. . 1 sources 15 give
o ff icia . t h e f.igure o f one car per f.ive persons

within the 'Pilot Plan' and one car per nine parsons for the

overall urban and rural settlements, against some 1:10 in Sao

Paulo and 1:14 in Guanabara. Although no traffic assessment

has been published yet, one can see that the dual carriageway

routes to Sobradinho and Planaltina are already overloaded at

peak hours.

6.2.8 Brasilia is not the first planned city in Brazil. In this

century two new state capitals were built Belo Horizonte,

capital of Minas Gerais, and Goiania, capital of Goias. Belo

Horizonte is nowadays an important centre for banking and industry.

Officially dedicated in 1897, its growth has gone far beyond its

plan forecasted·, so that three quarters of its .built-up areas lie

outside the previously planned city. Goiania, dated 1930, ex-

perienced the same process, although at a slower pace. The city ...
15
expanded also far beyond Atilio Correia Silva's plan, having

an area two times larger than the area initially proposed.

Brasilia, a city planned primarily as an administrative capital

of.500,000 population, confirms this trend. The locational

advantages provided with the construction of the capital certainly

would favour the development of the city far beyond the target
 144

~nitially established. The previous examples certainly have

also made it clear that this was very likely to occur.

6.2.9 Objecting against the development of Cruzeiro, Lucio

Costa stressed that the plan was conceived of as high density

neighbourhoods so as to avoid the "usual problems of rarefied

urban fabric 11 • It is worth comparing the expanded form of

Brasilia against other Brazilian capitals see Fig. 23.

From a comparison of these maps one can realize the degree of

dispersion of Brasilia. Its expanding urban structure poses

enormous constraints on the achievement of the desired environ-

mental efficiency, in addition to the already familiar socio-

economic difficulties which are common to every city in the

underdeveloped world.
 145

Figure 23

~D BUILT-UP
BRASILIA/S. PAULO
AREAS

i
!

~ .•

SAO PAULO

30 Km

20 Km

SOURCE ,;:=:::::·:

MAY, 1972 BRASILIA

 146

7 THE 'PILOT PLAN'

A comprehensive appraisal of the development of the

'Pilot Plan' would be a tempting theme for a thesis in itself.

Therefore this chapter will be limited to the description of

some deviations from the master plan which highlight contra-

dictions between the idealized physical organization of the

city and the actual usage by the community of the urban struc-

ture so far completed.

7.1 Development of the Planned Urban Area

7.1.1 In eighteen years during which Lucio Costa's plan

has been implemented the realities of Brasilia have presented

some features clearly different from his initial proposals.

He himself calls attention to some disappointments :

 147

"One of the characteristics of the plan was

precisely the mixing of the various social
classes in each one of the neighbourhoods.
Those classes would, therefore, coexist
within the urban structure, avoiding undesir-
able stratification ( ••• ) Due to lack of
vision and administrative incompetence, this
fundamental aspect of the city's conception
· has not been achieved. 11 1

"The administrators, considering this a Utopia,

decided to sell all the land for superblocks
in advance, under the pretext of making the
enterprise self-financing, thus parting with
the opportunity of developing the city in a
socially acceptable way. 11 2

7 .1. 2 About the architectural character of the residential

schemes Lucio Costa asserted the following :

11
CODEBRAS is itself regretably building in la:1.:ge
3Cale coarse apartment blocks, suburban in
appearance and inappropriately coloured, along
the motor axis .. Considering the large number
of superblocks still to be built, there is still
time to correct this tendency to 'antiarchitec-
ture' which paradoxically is· widespread through-
out the city, distorting the image generally
acclaimed for it ..

"The plan proposed that the superblocks, should

be surrounded by a dense green curtain of large
 148

trees, t'lith the twofold purpose of provid-

ing local residents with extensive parkways
and protecting the buildings from the nuisance
of the traffic .. It has also an additional
advantage, that of hiding partially the build-
ings, the bad quality of which has unfortun-
ately been confirmed as developments have pro-
2
ceeded."

7 .1. 3 Commenting on ways of avoiding the rise of squatter

settlements and satellite towns, Lucio Costa says :

11
It is an indignity to plan "conjuntos residen-
ciais' (housing estates) providing units of 25
or 30 square meters for farr.ilies of five or
eight persons. ( ..• ) This minimum ought to be
as high as possible, say to about 42 to 50
square meters, even if the mortgage lasts 50
years or more. This is the only true way to
ensure national security (internal social order
and peace).

"In the case of Brasilia the solution would be

partially achieved by building up low cost
apartn~nts for low level civil servants, em-
ployees in shopping and banking, and the work-
ing classes, in the superblocks ( ..• ) whoever
works in the city should live in the city. It
is an aberrance and a waste in a planned city,
this daily shift of the working population.
It is a mistake to stimulate the development
 149

of those pseudo satellite towns, which on

the contrary, should be restrained in fav-
our of rural activities in the neighbouring
areas or justified by having local industry
developed in them". 2

7 .1.4 Lucio Costa's commentary highlights important issues

concerning this study of the realization of the planned city.

Authorities are blamed for the failure of the housing programmes

carried out within the 'Pilot Plan' to provide for low income

families. This omission may be the primary cause of the growth

of the 'randomly expanding Brasilia". On the other hand he puts

that architectural goals should continue to be emphasized. The

housing schemes should exhibit a high architectural value, in

accordance with the acknowledged image of the capital city. Fin-

ally, Costa states that through a properly designed urban environ-

ment and proper provision of home living space, social order and

social behaviour could be enhanced.

7 .1.5 As we have seen, during the first four years the bulk

of residential construction has been concentrated in the south

wing (see Fig. 16). Throughout the following period the south

side of the city experienced a chequered process of development,

which has been intensified in the last five years. The north

wing, which remained almost untouched during the. first ten years,

is now under development although at a slower pace. The sector

 150

plotted for individual housing on the lakeshores to the ·south

is gradually being built up. Some 30% out of the 7.000 plots

available are already developed. The evolution of this resi-

dential development is illustrated in figs. 24, 25 and 26 which

roughly represent the development stages in 1964, 1968 and 1972.

7 .1.6 Apartment houses are by far the most common sort of

housing within the 'Pilot Plan'. They are to be built in the

120 superblocks and will comprise ~ome 63.000 housing units.

Apartments may also be found in the so called "Residential North

Wing", an area along the west side of the W3 North. NOVACAP

devised for this urban sector a mixed development with row houses

and three-storeyed apartment buildings, with shops on the ground

floor. Two basic types of apartment buildings may be found in

the superblocks six-storeyed blocks over "pilotis", provided

with lifts, and three storey walk-up buildings providing low cost

housing units. The six-storeyed buildings are built in the

superblocks adjacent to the Motor-axis and in the row of super-

blocks along the W3 Avenue, while the lower walk-up buildir&gs are

located in the row of double superblocks along the L2 Avenue.

7 .1. 7 Two other major housing types may be found in the

planned centre. Single family row houses of either one or two

storeys (sometimes with a basement) are located in the residential

area opposite to the W3 Avenue - SHIG (Sector de Habitacoe-s

 151

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 152

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SOURCE AUTHOR'S RECONSTITUTION· FROM SEVERAL Figure 26 ~

U1
BIBLIOGRAPHIC SOURCES VJ
DEVELOPMENT OF THE PILOT PLAN - 1972
 154

Geminadas) ; two rows of houses fronting a co~.mon parkland,

with pedestrian accesses. A cul-de-sac road provides motor

access to the walled backyards placed to the rear of each house.

Larqe detached houses were provided on the lakeshores opposite

the city. The scheme adopted for this development differs

slightly from the system suggested by Lucio Costa in his plan

for the competition (see Fig. 12.7). In the scheme adopted in-

dividual house plots, measuring usually 20 x 40 meters, were dis-

posed along both sides of a cul-de-sac access road, fronting a

parkland. (See Fig. 27).

7.1.8 The potential residential building types within the

planned centre are indicated in the following table. The fig-

ures shown are the author's estimate, since detailed study of

housing in Brasilia has not yet been carried out. Less frequent

types of housing are omitted: flats above shops (although not un-

common they are being gradually replaced by offices or small work-

shops) and 'mansion houses' (located in the suburban plots).

 155

Figure 27
HOUSING SCHEMES

\j ji~
.,._._,...
.. : ,''·t----tt!Jj::+.---__._

INDIVIDUAL HOUSING

il'.!:l! !~'!~:~!: :·.i1·: .:·; :=:; ·,: : :~: :l\ \j\ :\:]·j l! !l ~l~l l:.l!i[\'.:['.,l·lj\~;:;·: ; .·,.: : .:;·;:;~·~: ;:;l,l; :i;l~:~;:,;~ ;: 1
ROW OF HOUSES
SOURCE : AUTHOR'S RECONSTRUCTION
 156

'l'ABLE 12

POI'ENTIAL HOUSING TYPES WITHIN THE PLANNED AREA

Apartment Houses:

Six Storey (Lift) 45.000 Units

Three Storey (Walk-up) 17.000 Units

Row Houses 6.000 Units

Isolated Individual Houses 14.000 Units

TOI'AL 82.000 Units

The distinction between apartment buildings with lifts and walk-

up ones is important, as the latter are built at lower standards

aiming at the accommodation of low income population. They are

poorer in terms ~f construction ~nd landscaping. Table 11 shows

the numbers of housing types which could be found within the

'Pilot Plan' by 1966, including the row houses in Cruzeiro. In-

dividual houses were not included as they were not numerically

relevant in 1966.
 157

TABLE 13

HOUSING UNITS WITHIN THE PLANO PILOTO 1966

Apartments 10,259

Elevator 5,579
Walk-up 4,680

Row Houses 4,589

Cruzeiro 1,406
W3 Avenue 2,343
North Wing 840

. TOTAL 14,848

3
SOURCE Mr. Jose Pastore

7 .1.9 The schemes adopted far the neighbourhoods and super-

blocks followed to a certain extent the initial proposals of

Lucio Costa. However, Niemeyer has been most influential in

the shaping of the residential areas as he produced several hous-

ing designs covering the several types described. He developed

for the Federal Saving Bank a two storey row house, and a smaller

single-storey row house for the Popula:t: Housing Foundation, in

the residential areas along the W3 South. Niemeyer designed

 158

~lso a three storey low cost apartment building for the same

official agency which was adopted for the development of three

double superblocks along the L2 South. Finally, to complete

the series of prototypes, which would be followed throughout

the years, Niemeyer designed four superblocks comprising eleven

six storey apartment houses each. Most of the apartments then

designed have two or three bedrooms reflecting the predominance

of large households characteristic of the incoming population.

The layouts for both houses and apartments are similar to those

of other middle class housing units encountered in other Brazilian

capitals e.g. Sao Paulo, Rio de Janeiro or Belo Horizonte.

(See in Fig. 28 a sample of a typical three bedroomed apartment

built for employees of the Bank of Brazil).

7 .1.10 Commenting on the design of the superblocks Lucio Costa

recalls that "the plan propose~ that there should be competitions

4
or that 'qualified' architects be invited to design superblocks

not planned by ~OVACAP" . This has not been done, and neither

NOVACAP nor orher official developers have introduced any sub-

stantial innovations in the layout, provisions and standards of

the superblocks planned up to now. There are perhaps three

major reasons for this: firstly, it could be said that the

'acknowledge image' of the city inhibits professionals from pro-

posing new approaches to the design of new residential schemes

or biases professionals in charge of the control and.supervision

 159

Figure 28

ROW HOUSE AND APARTMENT TYPE

f
0
:r.

IO.oO"'

ROW-HOUSE .SHIGS

1-4~0 r mt"l.,O"!>
+-----------~~----~~--------~------~--~--~

SOURCE AUTHOR'S RECONSTITUTION APARTMENT- SQS- 30 8

 160

qf development towards the repetition of exiBting designs.

Secondly, the absence of an overall housing policy gives the

various government agencies the freedom to develop as they wish.

And owing to administrative inertia and pragmatism, the repeti-

tion of the already traditional schemes is offered as the safest

and quickest way of carrying out the construction of the hous-

ing units they need. A third important reason is that· most of

the land available for housing has been sold, either the super-

block as a whole or a projection of a building within the super-

block. In the latter ·case the projections to be sold were deter-

mined by an 'abstract' internal design of the blocks inspired by

the first schemes devised by the pioneering architectural staff.

7.1.11 It has been the opinion of many planners, since the

pioneering period of modern urban design, that land ownership

should be retained by the government to ensure overall planning

5
and development control. Lucio Costa clearly shares this prin-

ciple with other contemporary architects. However, in the case

of Brasilia a compromise solution has been devised. A~ he putit:

"I feel that not the land, but shares in

the land should be sold. The price of
these shares would depend on the loca~

tion and the height regulat:ions. This

would overcome any obstacles standing in
the way of present planning and any pos-
sible future replanning of the internal
6
arrangement in the superblocks."
 161

Israel Pinheiro, however, favoured the sale of projections or

entire superblocks, perhaps according to traditional require-

ments of land acquisition in Brazil, thus overcoming the legal

and administrative difficulties inherent in the strategy pro-

posed by Costa. With the sale of projections the purchase~

would buy the right to construct on a designated site within

t.he block. Landscape construction and maintenance would be the

responsibility of the city government, since the open space of

the superblock is in public usage.

7 .1.12 The bulk of housing development in Brasilia has been

undertaken by government agencies. Within the planned centre

the most common types of official development are in t~e super-

blocks and row house estates, and a less frequent sort is groups

of individual housing. The development of the 'projections' men-

tioned above is the only offered to the private sector as do indi-

vidual houses eith~r on the lakeshore plots or in 'row' develop-

ments. As a result of the dominant role played by the official

agencies the initial occupants df apartment houses were predomin-

antly civil servants. In the early stages of the housing develop-

ment, accommodation was made available for the incoming population

at minimal costs. The methods of allocation varied widely

depending on the government agency involved. However, to a large

extent, the principles of non-ownership or ownership without rignts

of resale were initially commonly adopted. Later, however, due to

 162

the shortage of housing, to the new opportunities made available

for individual housing development in the satellite towns and to

the familiar desire of the tenants to acquire their own property,

government housing was made available for tenant purchase at low

cost and long mortgages. This decision led to a considerable

number of transactions. The rights to the apartments, or the

apartments themselves, were sold by low income civil servants who

had the rights previously restricted, and w~o sought the consider-

able cash benefit that could be derived from such sales. These

civil servants· then moved to the satellite nucleii. In 1968 the

housing shortage within the 'Pilot Plan' reached a crisis, there-

fore rents were increased at an astounding rate. A large number

of middle-level civil servants put their houses to rent and moved

to the periphery. In th.is way they could obtain an additional

'salary' to meet usual household expenditures or even to buy fur-

ther consumer durables. Therefore market forces reinforced the

process by which mainly elite groups occupied the superbloc~s and

other housing types, even the 'poputar' housing, within the 'Pilot

Plan'.

I
I
 163

7.1.13 In 1964 the Federal Government created the National

Housing Plan in order to meet considerable pressures resulting

from a nationwide house shortage which had led to overwhelming

increases in rents. An additional reason for the c~eation of

the housing plan lies in the nature of the plan for economic dev-
7
elopment adopted for the nation Program of Economic Action.

Due to the techniques it uses, the Housing Construction Industry

at present employs a large number of unskilled and semi-sk.llled

workers, and the Program of Economic Action proposed that this

industry should continue its prominent role in the absorption of

8
the continuously expanding national labour force. The principal

agency assigned to execute this plan was the National Housing Bank -

B.N.H. Large financial resources (from popular savings) were

channelled to the Bank which was to operate indirectly through

various agencies in different regions and cities. As we have seen

in 5.3.7 the current participation of the B.N.H. in housing fi~ance

in Brasilia is as high as 27.2% of the total official housing in-

vestment in the area. · The Federal Bank contributes the largest

part - 31.8%

7 .1.14 The first official moves in the field of housing were

directed towards eradicating squatter settlements. The most

'attractive' practice in the country was the creation of 'conjuntos

habitacionais' (housing estates) some distance from the urban

centres, comprising tiny individual houses for the foriner residents

 164

of eradicated settlements. This practice was widespread

throughout Brazilian towns and cities; in Brasilia it has been

most influential in the development of the periphery and in the

overall supply of housing. However, seeking both the success

of the economic operations and the alleviation of the overall

shortage of housing still persisting in the capital, the finan-

cial agencies widened their scope, further favouring segments of

the middle class. The allocation of resources further stressed

the physical stratification of Brasilia as the 'Pilot Plan' was

given the biggest share of the resources available, aiming at the

construction of higher standard housing units, as indicated in

tables 12 and 13.

7 .1.15 As one can see the 'fundamental aspect of the plan', as

Lucio Costa put it, is irreparably lost. The integration of the

various segments of Brasilia's society within the 'Pilot Plan'

has not been realized. The physical hierarchy between the planned

centre and the periphery has been further emphasised by official

action and market forces in the. last few years. There are those

who live 'within the plan' and those who live outside it. This

inequality is reflected in expressions such as "I work in the

Plan", "Somebody lives in the Plan" or "Only the bacanas live in

the Plan". (Bacanas is slang for people who are better-off).

These expressions imply that there are those living according to

the plans and those· not considered by the plans. Pet.er Grenell
 TABLE 14

HOUSING PROGRAMME 1971-73 PUBLIC SECTOR

DISTRIBUTION OF HOUSING UNITS BY LOCALITY AND SIZE

Size in Square Meters

24 42 49 60 70 80 100 120 150 Total

Plano Piloto 108 2,075 7,036 9,219

Taguatinga 2,500 1,5000 3,570 7,570
Sobradinho 858 1,850. 500 3,208
Gama 3,ooo 1,620 900 5,520
N. Bandeirantes 150 150
Brazlandia 150 150
Planaltina ·aoo ._.800
Guara II 4,500 1,800 1,000 500 7,800

TOTAL 34,417

9
SOURCE CODEPLAN

._,
V1
°'

~;.,;,,;;,;;.;;: .•• - • ·--- ... -·- ·-·- ·- .. ~-- ..• ···-· ~=;..':'".:.- -· - === ---- - - --- - ~-~--~---
. . .-""" . . . . ._ . . . _,_ ·-- ·--~-~~---=- --- .. -· .·-· . ···-:··· .-...;..·------
 166

TABLE 15

HOUSING PROGRAMME 1971-73 PUBLIC SECTOR

DISTRIBUTION OF INVESTMENTS BY LOCALITY IN Cr. 1.00

PRICES OF 1970

Plano Pilato 466,576,330

Taguatinga 48,020,000

Sobradinho 22,313,505

Gama 42,672,480

N. Bandeirantes 600,000

Brazlandia 600,000

Planaltina 5,200,000

Guara II 72,050,540

TOTAL 658,032,855

SOURCE CODEPLAN 9
 167

10
defined the latter group as 'invisible people'. However,

whether this inequality is clearly expressed in terms of being

included or not being included in the planned environment, there

is another segregation which can be seen as the most direct con-

tradiction to Lucio Costa's equalitarian proposals. It is the

differentiation between rich and poor neighbolirhoods within the

'Pilot Plan'. In fact, the superblocks numbered 100 and 3CX>, on

the west side of the Motor-axis, are more valued than those to the

east, particularly those adjacent to L2 Avenue, owing to differ-

ences of housing types, architectural standards and landscaping.

Low income civil servants are housed mainly on the east side of

the Motor-axis, on the slope down to the lake.

7.1.16 However, there is another important factor stressing the

differences between the western and eastern neighbourhoods. It is

that the W3 Avenue, throughout the years, acquired importance as

the major shopping sector of the city, with a long strip of banks

and shops on its east side. Lucio Costa devised this artery as

an auxiliary service road, with warehouses fronting onto it and

workshops and garages to the rear, fronting onto the superblocks.

However, owing to the concentration of construction in the south

wing and to the slow pace of construction in the city centre,

NOVACAP allowed banks, shops, bars and offices to be temporarily

installed along this avenue, occupying the building types origin-

ally designed for warehouses and workshops. Lucio Costa also

 168

called attention to this fact

"The W3 Avenue was proposed as one of those

ordinary service roads; it acquired false
importance because the city centre did not
exist yet. Now, with the simultaneous con-
struction of both North and South sectors of
the city centre, adjacent to the Exchange
platform, it ~rill lose this undue prominence." 11

Recent trends, however, do not justify Costa's optimism, as the

strip is likely to remain as Brasilia's principal centre of street

·life. Owing to the concentration of activities and people, this

avenue is also better served by the public transport system than

any other artery. As a consequence of these facts, the symmetry

implied in Costa's Master Plan has been upset, and the residential

areas adjacent to the W3, particularly in its South segment, ac-

quired a higher value than the remaining areas to the East.

7 .1.17 Brasilia is not alone in expressing physically social

and economic inequalities. In fact this is a common feature of

other Brazilian cities, as well as other cities in the developed

and underdeveloped countries. What makes Brasilia noticeable,

together with other planned cities throughout the world, is that

the physical stratification is still present, and clearly discern-

ible, in spite of the equalitarian purport of its plan. It is

worth looking at other examples..:.of planned urban structures to

find the extent to which the proposals set out by their planners
 169

and architects have been used or misused by the communities in-

volved. Problems similar to those of Brasilia may be found in

Bhubaneswar, India's first planned city, capital of Orissa, as

well assessed by Peter Grenell. 12

7 .1.18 The plan for Bhubaneswar was prepared by Dr. Otto

Koenigsberger who saw in the enterprise the opportunity to "blend

modern physical design with indigenous spatial patterns, to in-

fuse new life and vitality in the old temple town, and to build an
13
efficient urban environment". By 1965 the new capital had

grown to around 45,000 persons. "The city had an attractive visual

character to the western eye, with environmental standards higher

than most other Indian cities." 14 Although the most categorized

civil servants were provided with suitable housing, there was an

acute shortage affecting mainly the lowest levels of governmental

hierarchy and private service people, who lived mostly in shanty

towns called bustees. ~hese settlements were located on the

fringes of the capital and along a railway track crossing the ur-

ban centre, and presented the "worst living conditions in the city".

Koenigsberger had also envisaged a mixture of housing types in

each neighbourhood "to encourage social interaction between differ-

ent social and bureaucratic strata, and to strengthen ties necess-

15
ary for effective democratic local government". Grenell

asserts that owing to official action the planned capital became

a "physical analogue of the bureaucratic hierarchy", and five small

 170

villages which were adjacent to the site, "were now in the path

of the capital expansion, (being) ( ••• ) crowded with low level

civil servants who could not find accommodation elsewhere." 16

7 .1.19 Although in both Brasilia and Bhubaneswar official action

is accounted responsible for the undesirable developments, a con-

siderable argument has arisen dur.ing recent years about a mi scan-

ception widely spread among architects and physical planners, the

17
so-called "fallacy of Physical Determinism 11 : the belief that

architectural forms can alter social forms. As Leonard ReissITan

put it :

"The visionary ( . •• ) seems to insist on his

belief that the individual t'lho is put in a
magic house,in a magic setting, and surrounded
with what are essentially the trappings of
middle class life, will emerge a stolid, socially
acceptable human product in the middle class tra·-
dition. It is a highly doubtful assumption.
Even. granting it is truth, one might ask: why
establish middle class traditions as the epitome
of the good life?" 18 .

7 .1. 20 Both Lucio Costa and Koenigsberger believed that the

planned neighbourhood would be the basis of social control to

effect desired social change. Harold Orlans, in his study of

the British New Towns assessed that their planners generally

believed that "sociability and community activity could be organ-

-
171

ised or, at least, encouraged, by a congenial physical environ-

ment and genuine social reform which would counteract the conse-

quences of industrialism, occupational specialization, and class

segregation and conflict".A> Lucio Costa, as most visionaries

would, believed that massive social forces, characteristic of

the Brazilian society, with the impetus of centuries behind them,

could be "contained and redirected toward nirvana 1121 by a newly

. I

designed environment and a neatly planned neighbourhood.

"Must Utopia realized, always disappoint?" Orlans

asks and answers :

"To be persuasive and practical (to persuade

different kinds of people and to be practised
in different tirres and places) a Utopian idea
must be relatively simple and generalized. But
life is more complicated than any simple idea,
and probably than any idea or image one can have
of it - "the inexpressible complexity of every-
thi_ng that lives" is how Tolstoy, for all his
genius in expressing that complexity, put it.
This is the rock upon which Utopia, and reason.
22·
its elf, founders. "

7 .1.21 Disappointment with the reality of Brasilia produced

considerable criticism of Lucio Costa's Master Plan. David

Epstein's commentary epitomizes the most frequent sort of charges

against it, as follows :

 172

"Ten years after the Jury selected Lucio

Costa's Pilot Plan, the realities of the
city's development presented a picture dis-
tinctly different from that foreseen by the
planner .. It has not in reality been possible
to prevent the 'encystment of squatments' or
to provide for the coexistence of various
social classes in neighbourhood units. In-
spired by European ideas and standards, obey-
ing the dictates of aesthetics and symbolism
rather than being ground in empirical social
and regional reality, the Brasilia plan in
practice soon betrayed the gap between the
plan's pretensions and the social and geographi-
23
cal reality to which it would be applied."

However, as we have seen in the preceding paragraphs, this criti-

cism could fairly be extended to most of the urban visions con-

ceived up to the 1950's or later, throughout the world. In

spite of efforts such as those of Lewis Mumford, in the Culture

24 25
of the Cities, Arthur B. Gallion, in The Urban Pattern,
26
· 1 and Pau 1 Goo aman, in
and Perciva · Communi· tas
· , which "added

greater social realism to the visionaries' argument ( ••• ) and

have shown an understanding of the forces of urban society", the

Utopian mentality remain~d as a characteristic of visionaries'

. 27
intellectual production.
 173

7.2 'Monumental', 'Gregarious', and 'Quotidian' Scales

7.2.1 A considerable debate has been raised, by theoreticians

and practitioners of modern urban and architectural design, about

28
the concept of monumentality. Norma Evenson, writing on the

monumental character of the government complex in Brasilia says :

"In creating the monumental complex of Brasilia,

Niemeyer was entering a realm of design which

has been subject to considerable debate in the
field of modern architecture. Throughout most
of history it has been customary for important
human institutions to be symbolized architectur-
ally. Since communal ideals could endure in a
way that individuals could not, permanent nonu-
ments repre·senting the collective strength of
civic, religious, and cultural institutions,
have been designed to communicate to man unborn.
The survival of such monuments reflects the col-
lective survival of a society and the continuance
CJf a cultural herit_age. Thus the Greeks built
their houses of mud and their temples of stone.
It is not accidental that our arQhitectural leg-
acy from the past has been largely in the form of
institutional monuments. Our ancestors meant such
buildings to last.

"Nonumental architecture presupposes the existence

of viable institutions which can be appropriately
embodied in architectural form, and it assure-es
also a general responsiveness to the symbolism of
 174

"monumental building. In the view of many,

neither of these conditions is representative
of the rrodern age. To some, the rapid social
change of our time has rendered the traditional.
institutional base of society as essentially
fragmented, without strong civic focuses or
need for collective symbols. Moreover, the
directed communal effort which produced the monu-
ments of the past can be seen as anachronistic
and imbued with antidemocratic authoritarianism.
It is not difficult, in fact, to interpret every
monumental achievement of the past, from the
Parthenon to Chartres Cathedral, from the
Campidoglio to the United States Capitol, as a
symbol of tyrannical power and antisocial waste.
One can argue quite convincingly that the ·modern
derrocratic state has no need of institutional
IrrJnuments." 29

7.2.2 Miss Evenson's optimism in relation to the modern demo-

cratic institutions, howeve~, did not prevent her from making a

more realistic apprais~l of the issue when describing Chandigarh.

"At the time Chandigarh was built, India was

celebrating her new independence; self-
government · had been hard ~1on, and it was
appropriate that governmental functions be
surrounded with dignity and drama. As a
resurgent nationalism began to make itself
felt throughout much of the postwar world,.
and new nations achieved political identity,
it became clear that the desire for institutional
30
symbols was by no means dea.d."
 175

7.2.3 Lucio Costa defends Brasilia's right to grandeur, deny-

ing that the city is monumental in a pejorative sense :

"As for the concept of monwrentality, I c?o not

see why in Democracy the city must necessarily
be lacking in grandeur. In ostentation and
emphatic grandeur yes; but in that which natur-
ally results from a simple and functional layout,
conceived with high intentions. The rrore so
when dealing, as in this case, with a capital, a
si_ngular city no matter how socialized the
country. It is not breaking (the city) do~m·

into units of provincial rut that one will

symbolize this singular role urbanistically.

"One ought not to forget that besides this business

of 'welfare' the human condition has, in spite of
everything, grandeur, and it is awareness of this
that gives us strength to carry life to the end." 31

7.2.4 Oscar Niemeyer further stresBed the visual drama sug-

gested in Lucio Costa's plan through a number of distinguished

designs, which reinforced the symbolic character of the capital.

Niemeyer concentrated his major efforts on the realization of

the government complex, which represented a unique opportunity

for the application of modern architecture to a monumental urban

scheme. Summarizing his design philosophy, Niemeyer re-stated

his well known fidelity to formal liberty :

 176

"I am in favour of an almost unlimited

plastic freedom, a freedom that is not
slavishly subordinate to theoretical
determinants or to functionalism, but
which makes an appeal to the imagination,
to things that are new and beautiful,
capable of arousing surprise and errotion
by their very newness and creativeness;
a freedom that provides scope - when
desirable - for IOC)Ods of ecstasy, reverie
and poetryo" 32

7.2.5 In relation to his conception of the government com-

plex Niemeyer said :

"Uy special concern was to find rwithout

functional limitations - a beautiful clear-
c~t design tliat would define the character-
istics of the main buildings - the palaces,
strictly so called - within the indispensable
criterion of simplicity and nobility. ( . .. )
·I called to ·mind the Piazza San Marco in Venice,
the Palace of the Doges and the Cathedral of
Chartres, ( • •• ) Plastic beauty alone is the
guiding, dominating spirit, with its permanent
message of grace and poetry." 33

"Yet, when thinking out· the form for those pal-

aces, I also bore in mind the kind of rrood they
would impart to the Plaza of the three powers.
It should not seem, as I saw it, cold and tech-
nical, ruled by the classical, hard and already
 177

"obvious purity of straight lines. On the

contrary, I visualized it with a richness
of forms, dreams and poetry, like the
mysterious paintings by Carsou, new forms,
startling visitors by their lightness and
creative liberty; forms that were not
anchored to the earth rigidly and statically,
but uplifted the Palaces as though to suspend
them, white and ethereal, in the endless
nights of the highlands: surprising and
breathtaking forms that would lift the visitor,
if only for brief instants, above the difficult
and at times overwhelming problems which life
poses fo:r: all of us. " 3 4

7.2.6 In 1960 the bulk of the government complex had been

built. Much has been said and written since about this menu-
. . 35
menta 1 rea 1 ization. To many of its intransigent critics

it was seen as a "throwback to nineteenth-century concepts of

36
grandeur, the exhibition of civil and military power".

However, ~or its love~s, it appears as an exciting stimulus for

poetic descriptions of its visual drama, and for literary inter-

pretations of its s~rmbolic character. Andre Malraux thus des-

cribed the urban achievement :

"Modern architecture was up to now an architec-

ture of buildi!lgs: it created houses, that
some day such an epic individualism should be
surpassed, none of its historians had any
doubts. But nearly all of them thought that
 178

"the greatest architecture, that which

creates cities instead of buildi.ngs,
would be born in the Soviet Union - and
it is appearing right here." 37

"Which modern city has been concerned

up to now, with such dignity, with such
nobility of intention? Save! intrepid
.capital, which reminds us that the ir.onu-
ments are for the service of the spirit." 38

Apart from these intellectual speculations about the symbolic

significance of the capital, it should be said that there has

been a general popular "responsiveness to its symbolism".

Perhaps it has been so because it expresses the gap between

the collective aspirations of a country and the realities it

is striving to alter.
 179

7.2.7 It seems possible that the greatness of the preceding

argument has inhibited the will to enquire into the 'ordinary'

needs and aspirations of the daily users of the monumental city,

the residents of Brasilia. This inhibition seems to be widely

spread among Brasilia's planners and architects, and is perhaps

one of the reasons why a user oriented detailed development plan,

providing for an orderly development of the urban areas, has not

yet been undertaken. This paralysis, characteristic also of

Brasilia's planning bodies, attracted a number of bitter criticisms.

Joaquim Guedes, lecturer in Architecture and 'Urbanism' at the

University of Sao Paulo, argues quite convincingly

"Brasilia is so sacred that one cannot 'live' in

it. It is remarkably and incomprehensively
aesthetically ori.ented. Men have been making
beauty throughout many thousands of years, as a
cons~quence and expression of life. What ought
to be solved, now arid forever, are the problems
of the organization of human life. The import-
ant thing, therefore, would be to think about the
needs of Brasilia's re~idents, and not about aes-
thetics. ~lhat has been the result (of this aes-
thetic oriented enterprise)? A disorganized pic-
ture which hides the 'beauty'. Apart from the
38
work of the great masters, all the rest is mediocre."

7.2.8 Early in 1974 the Ministry of Work and Social Security

(MTPS) asked Niemeyer to design an additional building .to accommo-

date some two thirds of its sections which were still functioning
 180

1·n Rio de Janeiro. According to the press 39 it was proposed

that an additional set of round low rise buildings should be built

across the service road, to the rear of the existing Ministry's

buildings. Some years earlier the National Congress had made a

similar request, to cope with its expanding bureaucratic sector.

Additional low rise buildings had been designed and built across

the roads of ·the mall on both sides of the axis, being connected

with the existing building complex by spacious underpasses. The

character of these designs by Niemeyer indicate that the main con-

cern was to avoid an undesirable intrusion of new forms on the

hitherto established image of the Monumental Complex.

7.2.9 The facts briefly described above illustrate two import- l

I
ant issues. First, that the final form cf the city was assumed as it
l
a starting hypothesis. In other words, the final form of the city
I
would not be an expression of the varied

and needs of its reside~ts

anc changeable aspirations

throughout Brasilia's history but, instead,

I
Lucio Costa's plan provided a clear blueprint for those engaged in __

the realization of the city, comprising its detailed final visual

appearance. This characteristic of the plan for Brasilia is con-

firmed by Niemeyer as he defended the maintenance of aesthetic control!

"I am not in accord with a permanent censorship in any

city, but anyone who is familiar with the level of
Brazilian architecture, especially its incomprehensible
 181

capacity for debasement, "'ill understand and accept

the purpose which it served in the new capital, as
an educative and disciplinary measure to impede the
aberrations which are lamentably spread all over the
country under the pretext of revolutionary or modern
architecture. ( ••• ) It is evident that in our urban
sectors a certain restriction is indispensable in
order to maintain the equilibrium and harm::>ny required
by·the master plan. One cannot accept that a ne:<1
planned city should present the same mistakes, the
same urbanistic and architectural confusion as exist-
i~g cities, which expand without control, where each
building is treated as an isolated building, without
relation to those surrounding it, or to the harrrony
of the_ group, which a conscientious architect would
know to preserve. " 40

"Of course, this freedom (freedom claimed for his own

designs) cannot be used freely. In urban localities,
for instance, I am, on the contrary, all for restrict-
i~g it, or rather, for preserving the unity and har-
m::>ny of the overall plan by avoiding sol ution.s that do
not wholly fit into it, however inspired they may be
and however high their architectural level. And with -
this end in view, in Brasilia, ( •• • ) regulations are
set up to cover volumes, free spaces, heights, facing
materials, etc., in order to prevent the city from
proliferating, like other m:Jdern cities, in a r~girne
41
of disharmony and confusion.

7.2.10 The second issue which can be derived from the facts des-

cribed in 7.2.8 is that Niemeyer set a precedent for similar develop-

-
182

ments to take place on empty land still available within the 'Pilot

Plan', even on the praised 'open spaces'. Recent trends indicate

that authorities and developers consider this opportunity highly

attractive. New plots for individual housing have been created in

the housing sector on the lakeshores to the south, on areas previous-

ly designed as open space for recreational purposes. A number of

official buildings were constructed on the west side of the city in

the area surrounding the Industrial and Food Supply sector. (See

Fig. 15). While these developments have been undertaken on the

·outskirts of the pla11ned area, justification will appear for develop-

ing inner empty land to cope with increasing pressures that the ex-

panding city will certainly exert upon the 'Pilot Plan'. Although

very well kno~m difficulties may arise from the misuse of this paten-

ti.al opportunity, it could perhaps be used to advantage.

7.2.11 An important feature of Brasilia is the hierarchical or-

ganization 9f the city into sectors, expressed through a neat com-

42
partmentalization of separate categories of urban activity. This

has been a rule for modern planned cities throughout the world. This

principle stems from Tony Garnier's 'Industrial City', being incor-

porated in 1929 in the Athens Charter. To many critics there is a

fundamental contradiction inherent in this principle: 'How to re-

concile a discontinuous. urban fabric with the continuity and simul-

43
taneity of the activities \Jhich take place in the urban space?'
 183

This contradiction is an object of concern of many critics of

planned urban structures. Christopher Alexander in his famous

article 'The City is not a Tree' inquires into the nature of the

organization of the old and of the modern· planned cities in order

to identify 'which essential ingredient is missing' from the latter

that makes it unable to contain the complex fabric of urban life.

'What is the ·inner nature, the ordering principle, which distin-

guishes the artificial city from the natural city?' Alexander

I
asserted that the 'artificial' city has, in mathematical jargon, the
;I
organization of a tree, and the 'natural' city has a semi-lattice I

organization, composed of a complex series of connections between

I
the varied 'systems of activities' (activities and the objects they I
require) : "The different systems overlap one another, and they
I
overlap many other systems besides".
!
I
I
I
"For the human mind the tree is the easiest vehicle
for complex thoughts. But the city is not, cannot,
and must not be a tree. The city is a receptacle
for life. If the receptacle severs the overlap of
the strands of life within it, because it is a tree,
it will be like a bowl full of razor blades on e.dge,
ready to cut up whatever is entrusted to it. In
such a receptacle life will be cut to pieces. If
we make cities which are trees, they will cut our
44
life within to ,.Pieces."

7.2.12 As we have seen (4.1.3} Brasilia has been hierarchically

 184

organized into three major urban sectors, where three differ~nt

scales would be achieved: the 'collective and rronumental' scale,

in the Monumental Axis, the 'gregarious' scale, in the city centre,

and the 'residential and quotidian', within the superblocks and low

rise housing areas. These primary sectors had been split into sub-

sectors to accommodate different categories of activity. These

zones would be s3rviced by a free system of motorways, which would

easily convey the users of such an urban system, from activity to

:1
activity, from scale to scale. The 'in~quability' of the city 45
~I
I
would stem from the clearness of this hierarchy, as suggested in l

Fig. 14. However, as the city has materiali.zed, the organization

envisaged by Lucio Costa has been upset by an unforeseen usage of

the urban structure initially idealized.

7.2.13 The development of W3 Avenue as a provisional shopping

sector for Brasilia proved to be the most influential departure from

the organization conceived for the city. It is worth enquiring in-

to the content, shape and location of that 'shopping strip' to under-

stand the reasons for its curr2nt success as Brasilia's centre of

street life. The W3 Avenue and its neighbouring areas contain

accommodation for a varied range of activities which make that urban

complex a highly attractive meeting place for social life as well as

for shopping, business and entertainment. Its elements are shopping:

gross and specialized retail; specialized offices: banks_, post

 .j:
. .

185 ,I
1
1

offices, government agencies, police station, private and public

clinics; entertainment and cultural facilities: library, cinema,

bars and restaurants, sports centres; .churches; housing: apart-

ment houses and row houses; education: primary and secondary

schools, and colleges of further education. Figure 29 gives diagram-

atically the arrangement of activities in a segment of the strip.

7.2.14 Not only W3 Avenue had its scope altered from that origin-

ally proposed by Lucio Costa. It may be recalled that Costa devised

.for each pair of superblocks a local shopping assembly in which shops

were designed in a pair of architecturally unified rows fronting the

superblocks' pedestrian ways, having a service road in between (see

Figure 12.7). In accordance with the hierarchical organization of

·the city, the shops located in these rows should cater primarily for

the da~ly needs of the residents in the superblocks, being the major

city shopping located in the city centre, surrounding the road ex-.

change platform. As in the case of W3 A~enue, owing to the scarcity

of proper accommodation during the early implementation period, banks,

shops, restaurants and specialized offices were installed in these

complexes. As a general rule, these establishments served catchment

areas wider than the adjacent neighbourhoods, reached by public or-

private transport. Therefore these shops turned their entrances and

shop windows to the service roads, which became in fact 'shopping.

streets'. Some of the shops have a double facade, with entrances

and show windows on both the pedestrian walkways of the superblock~

 186

and the street. These streets became successful as small scale

shopping centres, sometimes housing groups of specialized establish-

ments: e.g. the shopping street between SQS 308 and 309 became the

most attractive city centre for· up-to-date boutiques, becoming a

meeting place for young people. These shopping streets, particularly

those closest to W3 Avenue may also be considered part of that complex

cf shopping ana. social amenities which, while serving Brasilia as a

whole, deeply penetrated the residential areas to the west of the

Motor-axis. As such they have been included in diagrams (Figure 29) •

7.2.15 The 'shopping strip' is serviced by a large proportion of

the total public transport in the city, for bus and taxi routes are

of necessity placed where people and acitivities are concentrated.

·rn fact the W3 Avenue became a busy thoroughfare for vehicles enter~

ing the town from the satellite settlements to the south of the 'Pilot

Plan'. However, the inadequacy of its design is evident: being

conceived as a secondary service road difficulties are experienced in

catering for the complex pattern of movements inherent in its current

usage. Thereby, parking is also a severe problem of the 'strip' as

well as of other concentration areas in the city, e.g. the planned

city centre. Nevertheless, as far as parking is concerned, the W3

Complex does present some advantages that other centres do not.

owing to its complex and oblong structure one may find a series of

optional parking areas within a reasonable distance from the main

artery or even attached to it.

 UJ
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 188

,,'

7.2.16 Although the 'shopping strip' attracts people from the

whole of the 'Pilot Plan' and from the satellite settlements, its I
J;
't
1;
commercial activities also have considerable support from the in- ~

1·
.
~
~

:j
habitants of its neighbouring residential areas. Some 110,000 .I
!
people live around the W3 Avenue within easy walking distance of

it, and are able to enjoy its social and commercial amenities with-

out vehicular journeys. (See Fig. 29) •

7.2.17 As one can see, the urban scheme which materialized in that

.part of the city clearly departed from the ordering principle adopted

by Lucio Costa. Instead of being part of an urban system which would

be organized as a 'tree' as enunciated by Alexander~ the physical

arrangement and content of that sector of the 'Pilot Plan' favours a

·series of varied connections between several systems of activities.

The housing units are no longer grouped to inward looking neighbour-

hoods, but are part of ovP.rlapping catchment areas, according to

different activities and the'interests and requirements of each resi-

dent. People in the superblocks may walk to the nearest 'activity

area' for shopping or social amenities and meet those who come to it

from greater distances by public transport or car. Therefore,

people can more easily participate in communities which vary and over-

lap widely, beyond the limitations of the neighbourhoods. This mix-

ture of two 'urban scales', the 'residential or quotidian' with the

'concentrated or gregarious', introduced vitality to this south-.

eastern quadrant of the city, located on the west side of the Motor-
 189

i I
j

axis, vitality which is somewhat lacking in the neighbourhoods to

the east. Jane Jacobs, in The Death and Life of Great American

Cities argues that the most alive neighbourhoods are typically areas

of mixed uses, industrial, commercial and residential, of different

sorts of traffic, and more crowded than is supposed to be healthy:

"It is curious that city planning neit;her respects

spontaneous self-diversification arrong city popula-
tions nor contrives to provide for it. It is
curious that city designers seem neither to rec_og-
nize this force of self-diversification nor to be
attracted by the aesthetic problems of expressing it." ~ 6

In the case of this segment of the 'Pilot Plan', a flourishing urban

system has been established with a preconceived framework as a basis.

A great variety of uses and communications were met within a general

building pattern and a system of roads.

7.2.18 There are not.many indications that with the.completion of

the city centre W3 Avenue will revert to its original purpose. On

the contrary, if the preceding facts are insufficient evidence that

it will be maintained as a shopping street, further reasons may be

added to support this belief. First, it is highly uncertain that the

city centre, once completed, will provide enough floor space and build-

ing types to cope with the increasing needs of the embryo metropolis

consisting of the 'Pilot Plan' plus satellite settlements, which is

 rr

l!j
190
!i
i

likely to achieve a 1,000,000 population by 1980 (double the target

adopted by the Master Plan). A second reason is that, owing to the

considerable investments carried out in the area, many and strong

interests are involved in its commercial success. These interests,

which have proved strong enough to perpetuate the 'Free Town' certainly

will be mobilized in defence of this highly profitable shopping complex.

D2velopers, as well as authorities, are so confident in the future of

the area that the building type originally devised for the area has

been replaced by newly designed buildings, well adapted for retail.

trade, with plenty of floor space, suitable arrangement and accesses

fronting both the Avenue and the superblocks. The north segment of

W3 Avenue, in the North wing has also been redesigned to fulfil effect-

ively its new role: large plots have been devised close to the super-

blocks to house large firms, liberal professionals, clinics and cultural

centres; a mixed scheme comprising shops and houses has been iroplemen-

ted on its west side. (See Figure 30).

7.2.19 One may agree that this-unpredicted development of the

shopping strip brought up many problems. However, two basic assump-

tions should be taken if one wishes to deal properly with the resulting

difficulties: first, the 'shopping strip' is there to stay, and sec-

ond, it plays an important role as Brasilia's centre of street life,

being important in the organization of the ~ity. The most direct

implication of these assumptions respects the unpredicted pattern of

movements which resulted from the concentration of people and activities

~----------"'----~~~------ ----- ----------'--'====.;..---~-

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W3 AVENUE TO THE NORTH

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 192

along the west artery of the 'Pllot Plan'. What treatment should

be given to public transportation in the area? How to cope with

unforeseen transverse... flows of traffic which are overloading the

access roads to the superblocks? How to maintain pedestrian safety

and comfort in the busy thoroughfare, with six kilometers of shop-

front? The answers to these questions would demand a proper assess-

ment of the factors involved. At this stage the establishment of

guidelines for further investigation would be sufficient.

 193

8.1 SUM~.ARY

8.1.1 In 1956 the idea of a new capital for Brazil reached

its maturity. ·The reasons for building Brasilia had been estab-

lished for a long period of the country's history. The site had

been chosen in the fifties. It remained to Juscelino Kubitscheck

to lead the enterprise, which had been included in his programme

of government. The construction of Brasilia would be symbolic of

the effort to develop the country at an astounding pace, under the

optimistic slogan: "fifty years of progress in five years." The

shift of massive resources to the hinterland would also widen the

scope of national economy, ensuring acc2ssibility to previously

almost untouched territories. A new capital city would also pro-

vide the government with a suitable environment in which to per-

form its important functions free from the burdens imposed by the

congested and somewhat viciously influential Rio de Janeiro. In

spite of the objections presented by its detractors, Brasilia

fired the imagination of the country, being supported by large

segments of the middle and lower classes.

 194'

8.1.2 From 1929 to the forties Brazilian architecture witnessed

a creative surge which stimulated world interest. From that period

on Brazilian professionals and schools of architecture energetically

put into practice ideas and principles of the modern movement. This

wave characterized initially by the importation of theorJ and form

as it had been evolved by the CIAM during the 1920's and 1930's grad-

ually stimulated a burst of originality, inspiring what has been

recognized as a unique architectural expression. A similar situa-

tion existed regarding urban design, which also flourished, although

at a slower pace. One may find in the most active urban areas many

examples of modern urban schemes, although in small scale develop-

men ts: housing estates, urban renewal, etc. As was the case in

many countries throughout the world, the ideas and principles evolved

by the CIA.~ had great influence on Brazilian professionals, being

inherent in their intellectual background.

6.1.3 Juscelino Kubitscheck had faith in the capacity of Brazilian

architects and town planners to conceive the new capital for the pro-

mising Brazil~ A competition was held for the Master Plan of the

city. An international panel of judges was appointed, with three

foreign participants: Sir William Holford, Andre Sive and Stamo

Papadaki, and three Brazilian professionals: Oscar Niemeyer, Paulo

Antunes Ribeiro and Luiz Horta Barbosa. An examination of the

entries and judges' statements shows that to a large extent both

shared internationally accepted principles, ideas and standards of

 195

urban design as synthesized by the CIAM. Although differing widely

in emphasis, the placed entries were based upon principles such as

public ownership of land, zoning, planning for modern mobility,

neighbourhood idea, open spaces for recreational purposes, green

belt, high residential densities taking advantage of modern techni-

cal resources.

8.1.4 Lucio Costa's Pilot Plan was recognized by the jury as the

only one to indicate in a "masterly way" the fundamental features of

a modern urban structure within a unity of artistic conception which

had the greatness of a capital city for Brazil. Profess:!.ng his

belief in the principles of CIAM, Costa also made clear that his

Pilot Plan incorporated traditional principles of urban composition,

inspired in European cities such as Paris, London and Venice.

8.1.5 In respect of the relationship between Brasi.lia and its

region, Costa stated that the city would not be the outcome but the

cause of regional planning.

8.1.6 The urban structure was conceived as an articulation of

three different scales, hierarchically o_rganized: the ' col·lecti ve

or monumental' (Monumental Axis), the 'concentrated and gregarious'

(City centre), and the 'quotidian and residential' (Superblocks).

8.1. 7 Although social gradations would be easily dealt with by

 196

giving a higher degree to certain superblocks, undesirable class

distinctions would be avoided by grouping superblocks of different

standards in sets of four to form balanced residential neighbour-

hoods. The growth of squatter settlements, whether on the out-

skirts of the city or in the surrounding countr1side, should at all

cost be prevented. Provision should be made for decent and economi-

cal accommodation for the entire population within the planned city.

8.1.8 OWing to well known conflicts between the trational urban

fabric and modern mobility requirements, principles of modern road

building techniques would be harmoniously combined with modern prin-

ciples of urban design. In heavy traffic arteries vehicles would

be kept apart from predestrians, 'without losing sight of the fact

that under proper conditions and for mutual convenience coexistenqe

is essential'.

8.1.9 While monumental, the city would also be 'comfortable,

efficient, welcoming and homelike, ( ••• ) spacious and neat, rustic

and urban, imaginative and functional'.

8.1.10 In their final report the jury was emphatic that a Federal

Capital ought primarily to express grandeur, differing fundamentally

from any other city of half million inhabitants, exhibiting its own

architectural character. To the judges Lucio Costa's project did

achieve the desired balance between the city's daily life require-
 197

ments and its monumental elements.

8.1.11 To many critics, one of the characteristics of the compe-

tition was the importation of concepts and devices of urban design,

with little regard to national and local conditions.

8.1.12 During the first four years the plan had been feverishly

implemented. Since the realization of the city was primarily an

architectural task, Oscar Niemeyer, leading a group of professionals,

provided the forms which would make the plan a reality. The presi-

dent himself was involved in the administration of the works, tog-

ether with Mr. Israel Pinheiro, head of NOVACAP. Many pioneers

tell of the sense of responsibility which existed, and the democratic

spirit which prevailed on the site.

8.1.13 Up to 1960 a number of selected buildings were built withln

the Government complex and in other urban sectors within the South

Wing. W3 Avenue was permitted as a provisional city centre, with

shops, banks, bars and restaurants, and social facilities.

8.1.14 Three sectorial plans were prepared for Education, Health

and Food Supply. These plans influenced the formulation of the

briefs for early local developments; however they have never been

fully implemented.

8 .1.15 Initially NOVACAP was given full powers over the develop-
 198

ment of the city, comprising also distribution of uses and control

of sale of land. The Federal Government has been the main source

of resources and retains also a prominent role in the decision

making process. There is no local council, being the Senate of

the Republic and the only collegiate to appreciate matters concern-

ing the development of the city.H~ The atmosphere of public involve-

ment and part~cipation experienced in the first four years no longer

prevails in Brasilia.

8.1.16 Many bodies are devoted to sectorial aspects of the physi-

cal realization of the city; however local and regional planning,

providing for the orderly growth of the ,·Pilot Plan• and its surround-

ing areas, has not yet been undertaken.

8.1.17 The works in the site attracted waves of migrants which

provided mainly the manual labour for the building tasks. In Sep-

tember 1960 the population reached 141,742. The problem of

accommodating the incoming population led authorities to tolerate

the establishment of spontaneous settlements {invasions) on the

fringes of official provisional ones: Free Town, Velhacap, Vila

Planalto, Vila Amaury. However, the concern with the steady growth

of the 'invasions' led authorities to create satellite towns to

accommodate families which were removed from the eradicated squatter

settlements: Taguatinga in 1958, Sobradinho in 1960 and Gama in 1961.

8.1.18 During the period between 1960 and 1969 th€ population of
 199

Brasilia grew from 134,992 to 530,172. Today the population is

estimated as 695,000. Apart from the satellite towns other peri-

pheral urban settlements were officially established to accommodate

the increasing population. The Free Town was consolidated.

Cruzeiro, Cruzeiro Novo, Guara I and Guara II were developed in

spite of protests by Lucio Costa. Planaltina and Brazlandia, two

existing small towns, received additional population: former sqaut-

ters removed from eradicated 'invasions'. In 1972 Ceilandia was

founded to house 70,000 persons removed from the Social Security

Invasion.

8.1.19 In spite of Lucio Costa's statements about the ways to

avoid both undesirable physical discrimination and the realization

· of a rarified urban structure, the true Brasilia, that which comprises

the 'Pilot Plan' plus satellite urban settlements and exhibits both

these bad attributes, has been developed. Authorities are blamed

for this major deviation from the plan. How~ver, many critics

assert that the plan, being utopic in nature, neglected social, econ-

omic and political empirical realities.

8.1. 20 This rarif ied urban structure imposes severe burdens upon

lower income_ groups which are located in satellite towns or other

peripheral settlements, which are in fact 'dormitories', as they fail

in providing a reasonable· level of employment opportunities and

social facilities.
 200

8.1.21 As Lucio Costa pointP.d out in 1962, the housing programme

carried out within the 'Pilot Plan' failed in providing for low in-

come families. A close look at the housing types provided, even

those designed for low income families (popular housing) shows that

they, to a large extent repeat layouts and standards of middle class

housing units encountered in other Brazilian cities. In addition

to this, market forces stimulated an outward movement of low income

people to the peripheral settlements, where they could find the

opportunity to build their own houses in a process which better

reflected their changing needs and resources: starting with a pro-

visional shelter (ba~racao) on the rear of the plots and gradually

building up a definite stucco building.

8.1.22 Recent housing programmes undertaken by government agencies

further stressed the tendency of providing for elite groups within

the 'Pilot Plan', while only in the periphery were resources allo-

cated for small housing units, ranging from 24 to 50 square meters.

8.1.23 Contrary to the recommendations of Lucio Costa, within

the planned area one may find a distinction between poor and rich

neighbourhoods, reflecting differences in standards of housing as

well as locational advantages, for some sites are better serviced by

the transportation system and other community facilities.

8.1.24 The development of W3 Avenue as Brasilia's centre of street

-
201

life upset the ordering principle proposed by the Master Plan.

The local shopping deviated also from its initial purpose, having

now catchment areas wider than the adjacent superblocks, reached

by motor car or bus transportation •. This unforeseen community us-

age of the conceived urban structure, although producing some prob-

lems, suggests that a new relationship between residential areas. and

'gregarious' urban spaces could enhance opportunities for social

interaction within the 'Pilot Plan'. This fact should be consider-

ed as one deals with the difficulties which are currently overwhelm-

ing the efficiency of the planned city, such as traffic congestion,

conflicts between pedestrian and vehicular movements, inefficiency

of the public transportation system, and pollution.

-
202

8.2 CONCLUSION

The description of both the process of conception and the

development of Brasilia which has been attempted in the previous chap-

ters offers a number of interesting issues for a final commentary.

Some of these issues will be discussed in the following paragraphs, in

an attempt to extract some guidelines for further incursions in the

subject, aiming at the understanding of the process of development of

that embryo metropolis, which is the primary condition for obtaining

effective practical instruments to steer its growth and change.

8.2.1 Brasilia, as a 'vision~ of a contemporary city, reflected

the theories and principles of urban design which after the Second

World War and during the fifties largely influenced similar 'visions'

throughout the world. Many authors agree that the 'visionary' has

made several contributions to the understanding of the city, since

through his practical examples he indicated the multiplicity of fac-

tors which create the urban environment.

 203

8.2.2 Often failure in realizing some of the 'visionary's' plans

calls attention to the fact that human motivations and human needs

ought not to be overlooked or oversimplified, and that the structure

of society must be properly considered. Political organizations must

inevitably become involved in any planned urban realization. The

1
profit motive and economic structure are also implicated. . Brasilia

confirmed these lessons. This is not to say that Lucio Costa's Plan

was a failure and that its author should be condemned. Perhaps the

high aspirations of the plan could not be fulfilled, but they had the

virtue of highlighting the actors and actions which shaped Brasilia's

current structure.

8.2.3 What one should conclude is that Brasilia, in spite of the

high intentions of its planner, will not be freed of the problems and

frustrations of a typical Brazilian city. Probably an upper minority

of its inhabitants will enjoy the borinties of a pleasant environment,

however it will offer very few to the general welfare of the majority

of its population.

8.2.4 Although Lucio Costa's Pilot Plan expressed a final output,

the 'vision' of an efficient city, Brasilia embarked on an unpredict-

able process of growth which at all steps will require decisions in-

valving human aspirations and human needs. Recognition of this

stimulates speculation about planning approaches that better reflect

the continuous development process.

 204

8.2.5 At the turn of this century Patrick Geddes developed a

matrix for urban analysis which he called 'thinking machine'

means of checking that everything relevant had been considered.

Starting from a basic grid having as ordinates Place, Work, Folk,

he developed a four fold diagram that pointed the ways to continu-

ous action upon the environment. (See Figure 31).

"Each quadrant of the di_agram expresses an ex-

plicit component of the planning process. The
first quadrant represents the present urban
structure, and he called it 'acts' • The quad-
rant below it is the survey phase of planni?gr
when the collection of data and its analysis are
translated into 'facts'. The third rroves to the
area of reflective 'dreams', where policies and
plans axe evolved. Finally, the fourt11 emerges
into executive 'deeds': operative programmes for
development. These would reappear as 'acts' in
the first quadrant at the start of the following
planning cycle. ( ••• ) Thus this 'thinki?g mnchine'
became a tool to express the evolution of cities.
Inherent 'Yli thin it was the notion of feedback:
that every planned action would affect the follow-
ing stage in the development of a city. " 2

This fascinating contribution, together with other bright Geddes

anticipations, would become the most influential of recent develop-

ments in the art and science of urban and regional planning.

8.2.6 The understanding of planning as a continuous process,

------ 205

Figure 31
PATRICK GEDDES' MATRIX

O~er~:··.e Acts: Tha Town E~ecutiv& Oe<td$ · Utooia

II ?LACE P!aceWo:k Place Foik Achieved Polity Achiev~d S•1ne-rgy ACrHEV:i~ENT

Syner;iz9d
\\'o;k Place NORK
1 Werk Folk Synargiz:ed Polity SYNERGY
Achi.wem&nt

I
r Folk Place Fol!< Work FOLK
I ETHNO?OUTY
(Lova)
Politl:ed Synef'g'(
(Wisdom)
Politized Achievam9i'\t

I
F~aiing Sense Feeling Ex;:>!!riance EMOTION Emo:ioned Ideation Emo:ion'!<I lmagaf'/
FEELING
(Hom!!) (M3:>tery) (Mys::cism} (?hiiosophy) (Po~try)

D
I
Experienced Feeling
a ldaated Emotion IDE:\TIQN Id-eat~ Imagery
::xp-3::enced Sansot EXP£RIENCE
(Folkw3ys) i (Doctrina} {Scienc.::) (O<!<>ign}

Imaged Emotion Imaged Ideation IMAGERY

S!:NSE Sensed Ex.oarience Sens~ Feeling
(Symbol) ( Ma:iiernatics) (lma<Jination)

-··-
Orre-:trve Facts: The School Rerlactiv& D~am3: Th& Studio

SOURCE G. BELL and J. TYRWHITT, HUMAN IDENTITY IN THE URBAN ENVIRON-

~, 1972, p. 20.
--
206

together with the belief that people can play an important role

in the making of the urban environment, as well as the trained

planner and the politician, seems to be a basic assumption for

dealing with the expanding Brasilia. The application of imported

urban design devices and standards without regard to regional and

social conditions proved to be shortsighted. Empirical realities,

changeable in nature, suggest the approach 'planning as a verb', as

against the static 'plan'.

"Give a fish to a hungry man,

He will eat once.
Teach him how to fish,
He wil·l eat forever." Chinese saying 3

8.2.7 In the next paragraphs an attempt is made to delineate

some relevant planning issues in which further knowledge is desir-

able.

8.2.8 .Brasilia and regional planning

In 1972 a study of Brasilia's region of influence was

undertaken by a team from the University of Brasilia under the

scholars Ricardo L. Farret. and Monteiro Sant'Ana. 4 The first

step of the study was the delineation of the functional region by

the process of .Flow Analysis. A region of 368,567 square kilo-

meters was delineated, having a population.o-£·2,948,491 (IBGE Census,

1970). See Figure 32. The region's dominating centres are

 207

Figure 32
"REGIAO GEOECONOMICA DE BRA~ILIA"

?:).~<
Aoo; P'i:tf:itAL PA\},
....._.....,. ..... AO;>. 1tt'tAA'- PfAO PAV.
--tt-,.---.y. ~ :. ·~
~Ot>. t!IT.\OU1\I., .,AY
) ) .
v . .,. .
.
- - - ~00. CSTAi)UAi,. tif.(g

~.,.
~ .1. •. IJl.lllllllUI Y,CO

._...----- 7

o.P.

··~
SOURCE FARRET AND MONTEIRO, A DEDE URBANA DA REGIAO GEOECONOMICA
DE BRASILIA, UNIVERSIDADE DE BRASILIA, 1973.
 208

Brasilia, with 600,000 population, Goiania, with 250,000, and

Anapolis, with 90,000. After analysing.·.the problems and potenti-

alities of the region an attempt has been made to define a model

for the regional organization aiming at the activation of the

regional economy. Two main goals were established: to prevent

the leakage of resources from the region, which is highly depend-

ent on Sao Paulo-Rio's industrial complex: to reduce the migra-

tory flow towards Brasilia, through the creation of opportunities

of employment and social services evenly distributed throughout the

region. Three alternative courses of action were examined:

1. Selection of urban settlements that, in functj_on

of their hierarchical position and location, could
be strengthened as growth poles.

2. Maintenance of Brasilia as primarily a Government

Centre, developing Goiania-Anapolis axis on the
basis of secondary and tertiary activities.

3. Strengthening of the interdependences betwe3n

selected urban settlements, within their associa-
ted regions, in order to stimulate their promotion
as growth poles.

The study group concluded by recommending the participation of all

the authorities involved with the region in the efforts aiming at

the development of further studies which are necessary for the es-

tablishment of overall regional policy for urban development.

 209

8.2.9 Self-containment of the Satellite Towns

Lucio Costa pointed out that the development of the satel-

lite towns should be conditioned to rural and industrial development,

implying that a balance between level of employment and population

(the work-place sufficiency) would be desirable. Self-containment

was also implied in the British New Towns idea: •••• "a town deiib-

erately planned and built, a self-contained town: a town which pro-

vides in addition to houses, employment, shopping, education recre-

ation and culture everything which marks the independent satis-

fying town." 5 An examination of the British New Towns, however,

shows that although a certain degree of self-containment has been

achieved with regard to some of those aspects, it appears that a cer-

tain degree of interdependence between the several satellites, and

6
between them and the dominating centre will remain and is desirable.

In the case of Brasilia one can see clearly the need for promoting a

certain degree of self-sufficiency in the dormitory satellite towns,

mainly .because of the· low mobility of its population. However one

should not lose sight of the limitations inherent in this idea·.

8.2.10 The 'Pilot Plan' as Dominating Centre of a

Complex Urban System.

The planned centre is no longer a self-contained govern-

ment city. Instead, it is the dominating centre·of an expanding

urban system. In s~ite of efforts to control migratory flows to

 210

Brasilia, it is predictable that the embryo metropolis will grow

at a steady rate. Therefore it is predictable that future pres-

sures upon its shopping, social and cultural facilities, as well

as upon its business centre, will upset its current provisions.

Parallel to this, the predictable increase of motor traffic will

severely burden its roae network, which is already menaced, by an

unforeseen pattern of ~ovements. Therefore, here one may find an

important issue where further knowledge is highly desirable: what

is the degree of adaptability of the urban structure so far completed

for future changes, and to what extent are those changes predictable?

8.2.11 The Nature of Brasilia's Housing Developments.

Here one finds a subject central to thacurrent condition

in Brasilia. As has been seen the problem of accommodation of low

income labourers led authorities to create satellite towns, periph-

eral housing estates or to overload. two existing small towns. Mean-

while th~ provisions.for residential development within the.pilot

plan were not fulfilled. There is a great deal of evidence to

show that the housing schemes allowed by the 'Pilot Plan.' do not

offer opportunity for dwellers to create their own house through. a

process which reflects and responds to their changing needs, oppor-

7
tunities and resources: 'housing as a verb ' • This process is,

to a large extent, a characteristic of traditional housing develop-

ments encountered in Brazilian cities and towns. It appears that

hous~ng, which has been and will be a prominent factor in the deter-
 211

mination of the unpredicted urban structure of Brasilia, ought to

receive permanent attention from planning bodies, university

research units, and professional organizations.

8.2.12 Connnunity Usage of the Conceived Urban Structure.

Many authors have indicated a crisis in our knowledge of

the relationships between the forms of artificial space we create

8
and the social behaviour that goes on in it. The last two dee-

ades have witnessed an increase in the number of studies about human

environment and behaviour. Orthodox city planning has been charged

with considerable criticism for its anti-urban bias, by giving

higher priority to buildings, plans and design concepts than to the

needs of people; or even for the pretention of creating new social

order through the rearrangement of the physical environment. It

seems that Brasilia offers an interesting and clearly recognizable

case for studying how the proposals set out by its planners are

working in real life. The observation of the community usage of

the conceived urban structure, the insights one may derive, and the ..

principles one may infer from this observation may provide an import-

ant opportunity to enhance our capability for planning future dev~l-

opments in the city, within a user-oriented philosophy.

 212

NOTES
 212

1 THE MODERN MOVEMENT

1. Norma Evenson, Two Brazilian Capitals, New Haven:

Yale University Press, 1973, p. 119.

2. William Holford, "Brasilia, a New Capital for Brazil",

Architectural Review, 122, Dec. 1957, p. 397.

3. Lewis Mumford, The City in History, Middlesex, Penguin

Books, 1961. p. 593.

4. Ibid.

5. s. Giedion, Space, Time and Architecture. Cambridge:

Harvard University Press, 1967, pp. 511-15.

6. Percy Johnson-Marshall, Rebuilding Cities. Edinburgh

University Press, 1966, p. 112.

7. Theo Crosby, How to Play the Environmental Game.

Middlesex: Penguin Books, 1973, p. 36.

8. Accounts of CIAM's events and manifestations may be

found in J.L. Sert, Can Our Cities Survive?
Cambridge : Harvard University Press, 1942 and
J.L. Sert, J. Tyrwhitt and E. Rogers, ed. The
Heart of the City. Cambridge : Harvard Univer-
sity Press, 1952.

9. Jose Louis Sert, Can Our Cities Survive? Cambridge -:

Harvard University Press, 1942, p.X

lo. The "Athens Charter" is published as an appendix in

J.L. Sert, Op. Cit. pp 246-49.

11. Le Corbusier, Planejamento Urbano, Sao Paulo: Per-

specth·a, 1971, pp. 32-34 (Original "Maniere
de Penser l'Urbanism").
 213

12. S. Giedion, Op. Cit. pp. 429-31

13. Le Corbusier, Op. Cit. p. 42. The connotation of

"construction" here is that of a joint effort
of architects, engineers and other professionals
towards the building of our environment.

14. Le Corbusier, "Description of the CIAM's Grid",

Bergamo, 1949, in J.L. Sert "et al", The Heart
of the Citv, 1952.

15. Le Corbusier, description of CIAM's Grid, as quoted

in G. Bell and J. Tyrwhitt, ed. Human Identity
in the Urban Environment, Middlesex: Penguin
Books, 1972, pp 19-22.

16. Le Corbusier, The City of Tomorrow. London:

Architectural Press, 1971. Original "Urbanisme",
1924.

17. Aracy Amaral, Semana de 22, s. Paulo: Perspectiva,

1971.

18. Gregory Warchavichick and Flavia de Carvalho, two lead-

ing architects in s. Paulo who greatly contributed
to the introduction of the MOdern Movement in
Brazil, through a number of lmpressive designs
and also as energetic publicizers of the 'Inter-
natio"nal style'.

19. Norma Evenson, Op. Cit., p. 76. Although the words

quoted constitute a fair statement, as far as
architecture is concerned, in respect of other
fields of art it is lacking in precision - e.g.
Villa Lobos, music; Candido Portinary, painting;
Carlos Drummond de Andrade, literature.

20. Accounts of those events may be found in P.L. GOodman,

Brazil Builds. New York.: Museum of Modern Ar_t,
1943, in N. Evenson, Op. Cit., pp. 80-83 and in
Henrique Mindlin, Modern Architecture in Brazil.
New York: Reinhold, 1956.
 214

21. Norma Evenson, Op. Cit., p. 45.

22. Klaus Frank, The Works of Affonso Eduardo Reidy.

New York: M.M.A., 1960. Introduction by
s. Giedion, pp 7-11.

2 THE DECISION

1. Ernesto Silva, Historia de Brasilia. Brasilia :

Coordenada, 1971, pp 25-26 (Portuguese). This
work gives a historical account of the construc-
tion of Brasilia. A comprehensive account of
those events may be found in N. Evenson, Op. Cit.,
chapter B, pp 105-116.

2. Ibid., p 51.

3. Imprensa Nacional (Brasil), Constitui9oes do Brasil.

Rio de Janeiro, 1948. p 3~6, as worded in
David G. Epstein, Brasilia, plan and realityf
1973, p 45.

4. Robert T. Daland, Brazilian Planning. Chapel Hill

University of North Carolina Press, 1967~
Betty M. Lafer, Planejamento no Brasil. Sao Paulo
Perspectiva, 1970.

5. R.T. Daland, Op. Cit., p 51.

6. Juscelino Kubitscheck, A Marcha do Amanhecer. Sao

Paulo : Bestseller Importadora, 1962.

7. Ibid., p 5.
 215

8. Israel Pinheiro, "Um Realidade Brasilia", Modulo 8,

June 1957.

9. Those adjectives were employed by the Diplomat Meira

Penna, one of the leading apologists of the
transfer, in a denunciation of Rio de Janeiro's
Federal Bureaucracy in Quando Mudam as Capitais.
Rio de Janeiro : IBGE, 1958.

10. David G. Epstein, Brasilia, Plan and Reality.

Berkeley: University of .California Press, 1973.
pp 31-41. The coined "Public Work Complex", which
is most influential of the relationship between
public and authorities in Brazil, is fully analysed
in the chapter II.

3 THE COMPETITION

1. Williani Holford, Op. Cit., p 397.

2. The conditions for the competition may be found in

Portuguese in Modulo 8, pp 9-12.

3• J. L. Sert I J. rryrwhi tt I E. N. Robers , The Heart of

the City. Cambridge : Harvard University Press,
1952.

4. Stamo Papadaki, The Work of Oscar Niemeyer. New York :

Reinhold, 1950.
Oscar Niemeyer : Works in Progress, New York
Reinhold, 1956.
Oscar Niemeyer. New York Braziller, 1960.

5. William Holford, Op. Cit., p 397.

 217

4 LUCIO COSTA'S PILOT PLAN

1. Alberto F. Xavier, ed. Lucio Costa : Sobre Arquitetura.

Porto Alegre : Universidade do Rio Grande do Sul,
1962.

2. William Holford, Op. Cit., p 398

3. Lucio Costa, Plano Piloto de Brasilia (report to the

competition) as worded in a booklet published by
Brazil's Ministry for Forei;gn Relations, Rio de
Janeiro, 1959.
The full report may be found as Appendix I in th.is
thesis.

4. Lucio Costa, "L'Urbaniste Defende sa Capitale",

"Architecture, Formes, Functions, 14. Lauzanne,
1968. pp 18-21

5. Claudio Gemes, Brasilia, 1960 - 70 11

11
,. Acropole 375-76,
Sao Paulo, July-August, 1970.

6. Lucio Costa, "Lucio Costa Fala de Brasilia, de· sei

Trabalho, de Arquitetura". Arquiteto, 9, sao
Paulo : Sindicato dos Ar~uitetos, 1973.

7. Lucio Costa, Plano Piloto de Brasilia, 1956,

Appendix I.

8. Ibid.,

9. Ibid.,

10. Ibid.,

11. Ibid. I

12. Ibid.,

13. Ibid.,
 216

6. The complete report of the jury may be found in Portu-

guese incorporated to the minutes (atas) of the
"Com.'Ilissao Julgadora do Plano Pilato de Brasilia.
Modulo 8, pp 17-21. It may be found also in
E. Silva, Op. Cit., pp 117-121.

7. Accounts of competitior., judgement and plans may be

found in English in N. Evenson, Op. Cit., pp 117-
144 and D.G. Epstein, Op. Cit., pp 48-60.

8. The complete report of P.A. Ribeiro may be found in

Modulo 8, pp 15-16.

9. Illustrations of this plan in Modulo 8, pp 49-55.

10. "Resume das apreciac;:oes do Jury", Modulo 8, pp 13-16.

11. Modulo 8, p 53.

12. Illustrations of this plan in Modulo 8, pp 56-61.

13. N. Evenson, Op. Cit. I p 128.

14. William Holford, Op. Cit., p 397.

Illustrations of this plan in Modulo 8, pp 63-75
15. ·Resume das Apreciacoes do Jury, Modulo 8, pp 13-16
'
16. Illustrations of this entry in Modulo 8, pp 76-79

17. Resume das Apreciacoes do Jury, Modulo 8, pp 13-16

'
18. Illustrations of this plan in Modulo 8, pp 80-85.

19. Resumo das Apreciacoes do Jury, Modulo 8, pp 13-16

'
20. N. Evenson, Op. Cit., p 138

21. Illustrations of this plan in Modulo 8, pp 86-91

22. Resume das Aprecia95es do Jury, Modulo 8, pp 13-16

 217

4 LUCIO COSTA'S PILOT PLAN

1. Alberto F. Xavier, ed. Lucio Costa : Sabre Arquitetura.

Porto Alegre : Universidade do Rio Grande do Sul,
1962.

2. William Holford, Op. Cit. I p 398

3. Lucio Costa, Plano Pilato de Brasilia (report to the

competition) as worded in a booklet published by
Brazil's Ministry for Fore~gn Relations, Rio de
Janeiro, 1959.
The full report may be found as Appendix I in th.is
thesis.

4. Lucio Costa, "L'Urbaniste Defende sa Capitale",

"Architecture, Formes, Functions, 14. Lauzanne,
1968. pp 18-21

5. Claudio Gemes, "Brasilia, 1960 - 70 11 , Acropole 375-76,

Sao Paulo, July-August, 1970.

6. Lucio Costa, "Lucio Costa Fala de Brasilia, de· sei

Trabalho, de Arquitetura". Arquiteto, 9, sao
Paulo : Sindicato dos Ar~uitetos, 1973.

7. Lucio Costa, Plano Pilato de Brasilia, 1956,

Appendix I.

8. Ibid.,

9. Ibid. I

10. Ibid.,

11. Ibid. I

12. Ibid.,

13. Ibid., ·
 218

14. Final report of the Jury, incorporated in the minutes

of the judging committee, which may be found in
Modulo 8, pp 17-21

15. Ibid.,

16. Resumo das Apreciacoes

I
do Jury, Modulo 8, pp 13-16

17. Norma Evenson, Op. Cit., p 151.

18. Alberto Xavier, Op. Cit., p 73.

5 THE REALIZATION OF THE PLAN

1. Juscelino Kubitscheck, as Mayor of Belo Horizonte in

1942, invLted Niemeyer to design the well known
Pampulha development. Those Niemeyer Works may
be found in P.L. Goodman, Brazil Builds, 1943.

2. Oscar Niem~yer, Minha Experiencia em Brasiiia. Rio

de Janeiro Vitoria, 1961. p 64.

3. Ernesto Silva, Historia de Brasilia, 1971. pp 157-

220.

4. David G. Epstein, Brasilia, Plan and Reality, 1973

pp 61-71.

5. CODEPLAN, I Plano de Desenvolvimento Integrade para

o Distrito Federal, Brasilia : CODEPLAN, 1970.
pp 399-401.

6. Mario·wagner da CUnha, Es~rutura da Industria de

Contru~ao. Sao Paulo : F.A.U.S.P., 1955.
 219

7. Henrique Mindlin, Op. Cit., p 46.

8. Celso Lafer, "O Planejamento no Brasil - Observa9oes

Sobre o Plano de Metas", in Betty M. Lafer, Op.
Cit. pp 48-49.

9. Ibid., pp 29-50.

10. Author's own experience shoed that in 1969

the price of some plots for individual housing in
the lakeshores was even lower than the costs of
developing the area.

11. CODEPLAN, Op. Cit., p 117.

12. Ibid., p 124.

13. Ibid., p 125

14. Ibid., pp 236-268.

6 THE RISE OF THE SATELLITE TOWNS

1. CODEPLAN, Op. Cit., p 64.

2. Ibid., p 68.

3. CODEPLAN, Demografia e mao de Obra no Distrito Federal,

Brasilia : CODEPLAN, 1970, p 78.

4. CODEPLAN, I Plano de Desnvolvimento Integrado para o

Distrito Federal, 1970, pp 69-70.
 220

5. Patrick Crook, Lecture on "Rapid Urbanization" held

in the Department of Urban Design and Regional
Planning, University of Edinburgh, January, 1974.
Crook points out two interrelated economic systems
a formal "official growth system", which operates
with resources of Banking, established businesses,
administrative offices, etc., and an informal
"popular growth system", of squatters, comprising
low and small trade and manufacture, under the
aegis of local authorities and community.

6. Ernesto Silva, Op. Cit. I p. 231.

7. Ibid., p. 232.

8. Imprensa Nacional (Brazil), Cole9ao de Leis. Rio de

Janeiro Imprensa Nacional, 1962, as worded by
D.G. Epstein, Op. Cit., p 78.

9. Alberto F. Xavier, Op. Cit., pp 84-85

10. David G. Epstein, Brasilia, Plan and Reality, 1973,

p 106-38.

11. CODEPLAN, Estudo Comparative da Distribui9ao de Renda

no Distrito Federal, Brasilia : CODEPLAN, 1969~

12. · An important appraisal of class distribution in the

Federal District may be found in David G. Epsteinr-
Op. Cit., pp 93-105.

13. Secretaria de Educacao e Cultura, Censo Escolar do

' - Resultados Provisorios, Brasilia
Distrito Federal
Governo do Distrito Federal, 1965, p 4.

14. CODEPLAN, Demografia e Mao de Obra, 1970. p 105.

15. Realidade, Special issue on Brazilian cities, Nossas.

Cidades", Sao Paulo Editora Abril, rviay 1972, pp
241-52.

16. Atilio Correia Lima, one of the pioneers of the Modern

Movement in Brazil, left a number of impressive works,
e.g. the Hydroplane Station, which may be found in
P.L. Goodman, Brazil Builds., 1943.
 221

7 THE !PILOT PLAN'

1. Lucio Costa, "O Urbanista Defende sua Capital",

Acropole 375-76, Sao Paulo, July-August, 1970.

2. Lucio Costa, "Interview to the Engineering Club, Rio

de Janeiro", in Cadernos de Arquitetura 3,
Brasilia : IAB-DF, 1970.

3. Jose Pastore, Satisfaction Among Migrants to Brasilia,

a Sociological Interpretation, doctoral disserta-
tion in Rural Sociology, University of Wisconsin,
Madison, 1968, quoted in David G. Epstein, Op. Cit.,
p 95.

4. The expression "qualified architect" has not the same

meaning as in Britain (RIBA) 1 instead refers to
architects of acknowledge competence.

5. CIAM, The Athens Charter.

6. Lucio Costa, Plano Piloto de Brasilia, Appendix I.

7. Robert T. Dalan, Op. Cit.

8. Celso Furtado, Analise do Modelo Brasileiro. Rio

de Janeiro : Civilizacao Brasileira, 1972.

9. CODEPLAN, I Plano de Desenvolvimento Integrado Para o

Distrito Federal. Brasilia, 1970, p 236.

10. Peter Grenell, "Planning for Invisible People : Some

Consequences of Bureaucratic Values and Practices",
in John Turner and Robert Fichter, Freedom to Build.
New York : Macmillan, 1972 pp 79-98.

11. Lucio Costa, "Interview to the Engineering Club", 1970.

12. Peter Grenell, Op. Cit., p 95-121

 222

13. Ibid.·, pp 98-99

14. Ibid., pp 99-101

15. Ibid. I pp 101

16. Ibid.

11. Hebert Gans, People and Plans, Middlesex : Penguin

Books, 1972, part one, "Environment and Behaviour".

18. Leonard Reissman, The Urban Process, New York

The Free Press, 1970.

Leonard Reissman, Op. Cit. I p 56

19. Harold Orlans, Utopia Ltd. , quoted in L·. Reissman,

Op. Cit. I p 53.

20. Harold Orlans, Op. Cit. Ibid., p55

21. L. Reissman, Op. Cit., p 57.

22. Harold Orlans, Op. Cit., quoted in L. Reissman,

Op. Cit., p 56.

23. David G. Epstein, Op. Cit • : p 93•

24. L. Mumford, The Culture of Cities and later The

City in History, Middlesex : Penguin Books, 1961.

25. Arthur B. Gallion, The Urban Pattern, New York

D. Vand Nostrand Co., 1950.

26. Percival and Paul Goodman, Communitas, Means of

Livelihood & Ways of Life, Chicago : University
of Chicago Press, 1947.
 223

27. L. Reissman, Op. Cit., p 62-66

28. See "In Search for a New Monumentality", Architectural

Review, 104, September 1948, pp 117-27.

29. Norma Evenson, Op. Cit., p 201.

30. Ibid.; p 203.

31. Alberto F. Xavier, Lucio Costa Sohre Arquiteturaz

p 51.

32. Oscar Niemeyer, "Form and Function in Architecture",

Modulo 21, December 1960, quoted in N. Evenson,
Op. Cit., p 193.

33. Oscar Niemeyer, "My Brasilia Experience 11 , Modulo 18,

June 1960, quoted in N. Evenson, Op. Cit., p 204.

34. Oscar Niemeyer, "Form and Function in Architecture",

quoted in N. Evenson, Op. Cit. , p 204.

35. Comprehensive reports on the realization of the govern-

ment complex may be found in :

Willy Staµbli, Brasilia. New York Universe Books, 1965.

N. Evenson, Op. Cit., pp 190-207.

36. David G. Epstein, Op. Cit., p 51

37. Quoted in J.O. de Meira Penna, Brazil Builds Brasilia,

Divisao Cultural, Itamaraty, 1960, p. 13.

38. Quoted in "Nossas Cidades", special issue of Realidade,

May 1972, p 244.

11
39. 0 Estado de Sao Paulo", 7th May, 1974.
 224

40. Oscar. Niemeyer, in "Inquerito Nacional de ~quitetura",

quoted by N. Evenson, Op. Cit., p 184.

41. Oscar Niemeyer, "Form and Function in Architecture",

quoted in N. Evenson, Op. Cit., p 193.

42. Jane Holtz Kay, "A Dream in the Jnngle", Building

Design, London 7th June 1974., 19-22, and also
David Epstein, Op. Cit., pp 53-54.

43. Claudio Gomes, "Brasilia, 196u-70", Acropole 375-376.

44. Christopher Alexander, "A City is not a Tree",· Design

206 pp 45-46.

45. Kelvin Lynch, The Image of the City, Cambridge :

MIT Press, "( ..• ) imageability is that quality
in a physical object which gives it a high pro-
bability of making a strong image in any given
observer".

46. Jane Jacobs, The Death and Life of Great American

Cities, New York : Random House, 1961, as quoted
by herself in How to Play the Environmental Game,
by Theo Crosby, Middlesex, Penguin Books, 1973,
p. 66.

8 SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION

1. Leonard Reissman, Op. Cit., pp 67-68

2. G. Bell and J. Tyrwhitt, "Human Identity in the

Urban Environment, Middlesex : Penguin Books,
1972, pp 18-21

3. Quoted in "Urbanismo no Subdesenvol vimento", by

.Jorge Wilheim, Sao Paulo : Saga, 1969.
 225

4. Ricardo Farret and Monteiro Santana, A Rede Urbana

da Regiao Geo Economica de Brasilia, Brasilia :
SUDECO - FUB, 1973.

5. A.A. Ogilvy, "The Self Contained New Town 11 ,

Town Planning Review, vol. 39 (1), p 38-45.

6. Walter Bruce, Aspects of Commuting and Selfcontain-

ment, Academic Paper, Department of Urban Design
and Regional Planning, University of Edinburgh,
1974.

7. John F.C. Turner, "Housing as a Verb", in Freedom

to Build, edited by John Turner and Robert Fichter,
New York : Macmillan, 1972.

8. Bill Hillier, "In Defence of Space 11 , RIBA Journal,

November, 1973, p 539-544.
 226

BIBLIOGRAPHY - CITED WORKS

 227

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY

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AMARAL, Aracy. Sern.ana de 22. S. Paulo Perspectiva, 1971.

BELL, Gwen and TYRWITH, Jacqueline. Human Identity in the

Urban Environment. Middlesex : Pe_nguin Books, 1972.

BENEVOLO, Leonardo.. The Origins of Modern Town Planning.

·Landon : Poutledge and Kegan Paul, 1973.

BLUMENFELD, Hans. "Criteria for Judging the Quality of the Urban

Environment". The Canadian Architect, November,· 1970.

BUCHANAN, Colin. Traff.ic in Towns. London HMSO, 1964.

Censo Escolar do Distrito Federal, 1967 : Resultados Provisorios.

Brasilia : Secretaria da Educacao e CUltura, 1965.

CIAM. "The Athens Chart". :en Can Our Cities Survive? by

Y.L. SERT. . Cambridge : Harvard University Press, 1971.

CODEPLAN. Derrografia e Mao de Obra no Distrito Federal.

Brasilia : Codeplan, 1970.

CODEPLAN. Estudo Comparativo de Distribuicao de Renda no Distrito

Federal. Brasilia : Codeplan, 1970.

CODEPLAN. I Plano de Desenvolvimento Integrado para o Distrito

Federal. Brasilia : Codeplan, 1970.

COSTA, Lucio. Interview to the Engineering Club of Rio de

Janeiro, 1972.
 228

COSTA, Lucio. "L'Urbanist Defende sa Capitale". Architecture,

Formes, Functions, No. 14, Lauzanne, 1968.

COSTA, Lucio. "Lucio Costa Fala de Brasilia, de seu Trabalho,

de Arquitetura". Arquiteto, No. 9, s. Paulo, 1973.

COSTA, Lucio. "Plano Piloto de Brasilia" Arts and Architecture,

76, Nov. 1959.

COSTA, Lucio. "Plano Pilato de Brasilia". In Brasilia, by

Willy Staubli. New York : Universe Books, 1965.

COSTA, Lucio. "Urbanista Defende sua Capital". Acropole,

365-76, July/August, 1970.

CROSBY, Theo. How to Play the Environmental Game. Middlesex

Per.guin Books, 1973.

CUNHA, Mario. Estrutura da Industria de Construcao no Brasil.

S. Paulo : F.A.U.S.P., 1955.

DAI.AND, Robert T. Brazilian Planning. Chapel Hill University

of North Carolina Press, 1967.

EPSTEIN, David G. Brasilia, Plan and Real~Ell..· Ber~eley

_University of California Press, 1973.

EVENSON, Norma. Two Brazilian Capitals. New Haven· Yale

University Press, 1973.

FRANK, Karl. The Works of Affonso Eduardo Reidy. London

Alec Tiranti, 1960.

FURTADO, Celso. Analise do Modelo Brasileiro. Rio de Janeiro

Civilizacao Brasileira, 1972.

GANS, Herbert Y. People and Plans. Middlesex .• Penguin Books

1972.
 229

~EDDES, P. Cities in Evolution. London: Ernest Benn, 1968.

GIEDION, S. Space, Time and Architecture. Cambridge: Harvard

University Press, 1967.

GOMES, Claudio. "Brasilia, 19.60/70". Acropole, 365-76.

s. Paulo, July/August, 1970.

GOODWIN, Philip. Brasil Builds. New York: Museu.~ of Modern

Art, 1973.

GRENELL, Peter. "Planning for Invisible People: Some Conse-

quences of Bureaucratic Values and Practices". In
Freedom to Build edited by Turner, Y., and Fichter, R.
New York: McMillan, 1972.

HILLIER, Bill. "In Defense of Space". RIBA Journal, November,

1973.

HOLFORD, William. "Brasilia, a New Capital for Brazil",

Architectural Review, 122, December, 1957.

HOWARD, Ebenezer. Garden Cities of Tomorrow. London: Faber

and Faber, 1970.

IMPRENSA NACIONAL (Brasil). Constituicoes do Brasil. Rio de

·Janeiro: Imprensa Nacional, 1948.

IMPRENSA NACIONAL. Colecao de Leis. Rio de Janeiro: Imprensa

Naciorial, 1962.

JACOBS, Jane. The Death and Life of Great American Cities.

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JOHNSON-MARSHALL, P. Rebuilding Cities. Edinburgh: University

Press, 1966.

KAY, Jane H. "A Dream in the Jungle". Building Design.

London: June 7, 1974.
 230

KUBITSCHEK, Juscelino. A Marcha do Amanhecer. s. Paulo:

Bestseller Importadora, 1962.

LAFER, Betty M. Ed. Planejamento no Brasil. S. Paulo:

Perspectiva, 1970.

LAFER, C. "O Planejamento Urbano no Brasil - Observacoes sobre

o Plano de Metas". In Planejamento no Brasil, edited
by Betty M. Lafer. S. Paulo: Perspectiva, 1970.

LE CORBUSIER. Planejamento Urbano. s. Paulo: Perspectiva,

1971.

LE CORBUSIER. The City of Tomorrow. London: Architectural

Press, 1971.

LINCH, Kelvin. The Image of the City. Cambridge: M. I. T.

Press, 1971.

MARTIN, Leslie and MARCH, Lionel. Urban Spaces and Structures.

Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1972.

MINDLIN, Henrique. Modern Architecture in Brazil. New York,.

Reinhold, 1956.

MUMFORD, Lewis. The City in History. Middlesex:' Penguin

·Books, 1961.

NIEMEYER, Oscar. Form and Function in Architecture. Modula 21,

December 1960.

NIE.MEYER, Oscar. Inquerito Nacional de Arquitetura. Belo

Horizonte: Escola de Arquitetura de M. Gerais, 1963.

NIEMEYER, Oscar. Minha Experiencia en Brasilia. Rio de Jane.tro:

Ed. Vitoria, 1961.

NIEMEYER, Oscar. "My Brasilia Experience". Modulo 18, June 1960~

 231

O Estado de Sao Paulo, 7th May, 1974.

ORLANS, Harold. Utopia Ltd. New Haven: Yale University Press,

1953.

PAPADAKI, Stavro. Oscar Niemeyer. New York: Braziller, 1960.

PAPADAKI, Stavro. Oscar Niemeyer: Works in Progress. New York;

Reinhold, 1956.

PAPADAKI, Stavro. The Work of Oscar Niemeyer. · New York:

Reinhold, 1950.

PASTORE, Jose. Brasilia, a Cidade e o Homem. s. Paulo: Ed.

Nacional, 1969.

PASTORE, Jose. Satisfaction Arrong Migrants to Brasilia: a

Sociological Interpretation. Doctoral D.issertation.
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PENNA, Meira. Brazil Builds Brasilia. Rio de Janeiro: Divisao

Cultural, Itamar~ti, 1960.

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1958.

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Sao Paulo: Ed. Abril, 1972.

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 232

Resume das Apreciacoes do Juri. Modulo B, July, 1957.

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SERT, Y.L., TYRWITH J., and ROGERS, E. N. The Heart of the

City CIAM B. Cambridge: Harvard University Press,
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SILVA, Ernesto. Historia de Brasilia. Brasilia: Ed. Coorden-

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STAtlBLI, Willy. Brasilia. New York': Universe Books, 1965.

TUR.l\!""ER, John F.C. and FICHTER, Robert, Gds. Freedom to Build

New York: Macmillan, 1972.

WILHEIM, Jorge. Urbanismo no Subdesenvolvimento. s .. Paulo~

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Alegre: Universidade do Rio Granqe do Sul - 1962.
APPENDIX I

LUCIO COSTA'S PILar PLA.'l\I REPORT

 1

LUCIO COSTA'S PILOT PLAN REPORT

In 1823, Jose Bon.ifacio suggested transferring the Capi-

tal .of Brazil to Goias, and rechristening it Brasllia.
First of all, I should like to apologize to the Directors
of the Development Company (Novacap) an.d to the Jury
of the Competition, for the sketchy manner in which 1
am submitting the idea which I have followed in my ·I:·
suggested outline plan for the Federal Capital; and at the
aame time, I must justify myself. I
1t was not my intention to enter the competition-nor
indeed, am I really so doing. I am merely liberating my
1
i
I
mind from a possible solution which sprang to it as a
complete picture, but one which I had not sought. I
I therefore come forward, not as. a properly equip.ped tI
expert, since I do not even run an office of my own, but as l
a mere «maquisard:o of town planning wh-o does not even
mean to continue working out the ~dea offered in this
report, save perhaps as a consultant. And .if I speak
with such candour, it la because I base my reasoning on
this simple asaum,ption: If my Idea has .any validity, my
data-although given apparently .in such a sketchy man.
ner-will prove quite sufficient, showing that despite its
spontaneous origin, I subsequently gave it a great deal
of thought before reaching this soluti1)n. And if the
suggestion has no validity, then the Jury will f.inq, it easy
to eliminate, .and I shall not have wasted my time, nor
that of anybo-;ly else.
Since there were no restrictions in the way of entering
the competition, there was less ·possibility of consulting '
the Development Company on what is, in fact, a point of
great importance: namely what, from a planning stand-
·;. :point, they think this city should be--since .in this ins-
l , tance it will not be the outcome but the cause of the
; regional plan. For this is a deliberate act of possession, ;
the gesture of pioneers acting in the spirit of their
colonial traditions: and each competitor is, iri effect,
being asked how he conceives of such a city. It should be
conc~ivcd of, I believe, not as a mere organic entity,
able to functbn effortlessly and vitally like i:lnY mo-
dern town; not as an «urbs», therefore, but as a «civitas»,
having the virtues and attributes appropriate to a true
capital city. To achieve this, the town planner must be
 2

imbued with a certain dignity and nobility of pur,pose-

for it is from this basic attitude of his that must spring
the sense of order, fitness and proportion which will con.
fer re~l monumentality on his urban scheme. I use the
word not in the sense of ostentation, but .as the palpable
and consci-ous expression of true value and significance. ~:
·j
He must -design a city .in which or.derly and efficient
work may be carried out: but also a city of vitality and :j
charm, conducive to reverie and intellectual speculation, I:
capable of becoming not only the seat of Government, t:I
the administrative headquarters of the nation, but also i
a centre of culture which will attract to it the finest and
most perce.ptive intellects in the country.
And now let us see how the plan was born, outlined,
and develcoped to its present conclusion.
lt was born of that in.itial• gesture which anyone would
make when pointing to a given place, or taking posses.
sion of it: the drawing of two axes crossing each other
at right .angles, in the sign of the Cross, 1. This sign was
then adapte.d to the topography, the natural drainage of
the land, and the best possible orieotation: the extremi-
ties of one axial line were curved so as to make the sign
fit into the equilaterial triangle which outlines the area
to be urbanized, 2.
Finally, it was decided to apply the free .Principles of
h-ighway engineering, together with the elimination of I
road junctions--to the technique of town planning. The i.
curved axis; which corresponds to the natural approach J

road, w.as given the functi-on· of a through radial artery,

with fast traffic lanes in the centre and side lanes for
local traff.ic. And the residential district of the city was
largely located along this radial artery, 3.
As a result of this concentration of the city's housing,
it seemed logical to dispose the other important centres
along the transverse r.adial artery, which thus came to
be regarded as the monumental radial artery. Here, then,
are located the Civio and Administrative Centres, the
Cultural Centre, the Entertainment .and Sports Centres,
the Town Hall and other Public Buildings, the Barracks
and the zones designated for warehousing and supply,
local light industries and the railway station, 4. At the
intersection of the two arteries, but functioning essen.
ti.ally as part of the organization of the monumental ra.
dial artery, are the banks, the finance corporations, big ~ 5
business buildings and offices housing the liberal profes-
sions as well as extensive markets and shopping centres.

~~-:£?!-:
Since the in.onumental radial .artery underpasses the· re·
sidential radial road, it was necessary to create a s.pa.
cious platform, to be kept clear of all traffic not !·peci.
fically intending to park there. The qu.let refuge of this
platform makes it the logical site for the Entertainment
Centre where cinemas, theatres and restaurants are grou.
pcd together, 5.
Traffic heading for the other parts of the city flows
down in a one.way stream to the lower level roofed over
by the platform. lt is thus sandwiched as it were bet.
ween two platforms, with the sides left open. The 'under-
platforrl}' will also house a large car.park and here too
is the I riterurban Transport Centre-a building reached
by passengers from the upper platform, 6. Only the fast
. traffic lanes, already underground, dive below the centre
..!
of the 'under-platform' which spreads down the hill until
it reaches the Esplanade on which the Government Builrl-
ings arc located.
Thus, with the creation of there complete clove.leaves
in each arm of the residential radial artery, and ·'Jf an equal
number of underpasses·, car and bus trafic will flow
unimpeded through the central and residential districts,
and with no road intersections. An independent and se-
cond<:~ry traffic system has been worked out for heavy
vehicular traffic; it has crossings marked by traffic
lights, but does not communicate with the first system
except beyond the Sports Centre. It has basement level
access to bull.dings in the Shopping Centre, and it skirts
 3

the Civic Centre at a lower than groun·d level, with

a_pproach galleries tunnelled through the terraced em-
bankment, 7. ·.
Once a general network for motorized traffic had been
establi5hed, an independent grid of safetransit footpaths
for pedestrians had to be organized, 8. However, separa. 8
tion of the systems of circul.ation must not be taken to
unnatural extremes, since it mu!;t not be forgotten that
the car, to.day, is no longer 1\lan's -deadly enemy; it has r

been domesticated and is almost a member of the

family. lt only becomes 'de-humanized' and reassu-
. mes its hostile, threatening attitude, when it .is rein-
te:;,·ated into the anonymous body of traffic. Then
\ ..'.~ -~'-'--...._--·--.--::.
indeed, Man and Motor must be kept apart, although - •+:;::;'··=
r-:-
one must never lose sight of the fact that, under ,proper
conditions and for mutual convenience, co-existence is JeT.,~ (A»,..ICC.•A~ I
essential. . ~ .. ~, ~1!. l>'"'"t~ ...
W.ithin the framework of regulated traffic, the se.
par.ate areas are linked together to make one harmonious
system; let us see how. The highlights in the outline plan
· of the city are the public buildings which house the Fun- !
damental Powers. These are three, and they are auto- Sf:T':III. DO\ ,..., .. ,>'Tf .. •.>.)
nomous: therefore the equilateral triangle-associated
with the very earliest architecture in the world-is the
element.ary frame best suited to ex,press them. For this
purpose, a triangular, terraced embankment (terreplein)
was designed: it w.ill be supported on retaining walls of
rough stone rising above the surr::~unding countrysi.de,
and can be· reached from the r.1mp of the autostrada
running between the President's Residence .and the airport.
At each angle of the triangular piazza-the Place of the
Three Powers, as .it might be called-stands one of the
three buildings: the Government Palace and the Supreme
Court at the base; the Congress Building at the tip. This
buil.ding .also fronts on to a wide esplanade on a second,
rectangular embankment on a higer level, according to
the local to,pography: the entire per.imeter of this em. i
bankment is also supported on walls of unfaced stone.
To transfer to present-day usa·ge the ancient technique
of the terreplein lends a certain harmony to the pattern
and creates an unexpected and .monumental strength, 9. 9
This esplanade--the Mall as it would be called in En.
gland-is lined by a w.ide grass verge used by pedestrians
and also for parades an-d processions; on to it front the
· Mini:;tries and the Offices belonging to the Public Au-
thorities, 10. The M-inistries of Foreign and Home Aff.airs
occupy the lower corner sites adjoining the Congres-s
Building, and they are suitably landscaped; the War, Sea
and Air Ministries face a separate square, while the re.
maining ministries are sited in a row along the Mall,
each with .its •private carpark. The l.ast in the row is the
Ministry of Education, making it adjacent to the Cultu-
ral Centre which is treated as a park so as to make it
more effective as a background for the Museums, Li- ,.....')>

,. __ .. ,.. _~~~~
brary, Planetar.ium, Academies, Institutes, etc. Close to
these is a wide stretch of land reserved for the University ..._ -~···•t..t

...... ,.. ...... ,... lt.••·~IL-...........

•
City, its General Hospital, and, later on no doubt, for the
Observatory. Along the Mall, space has also been alloca.
ted for the Cathedral, but this will f.ace its own piazza,
not so much for reasons of protocol, since in Brazil the
Church is separated from the State, but more because
of the question of human scale and the need to give
this building its monumental value. Another reason, even
more impcrtant, is of an architectural nature: the Mall's
perspective must be undisturbed up to a ·point beyond
the central platform, where the two radial arteries cross
each other.
On this platform, as we have seen,• traffic is only
local; and the Entertainment Centre-which has some-
thing, in it of P.iccadilly Circus, Times Square and the
Champs Elysees--is situated on it. The side of the plat-
form ~hich .overhangs the Cultural Centre an.d the Mall
will not be built over, with the exception of the Opera
House and .a tearoom, reached directly from the Enter-
tainment Centre, or through a lowerlevel passage from
 4

the Cultural Centre. The front of the platform will be

lined with cincm~5 and theatres. all with the same low
hcigh~ regulations, so that if viewed a:; .a whole, they
will mal<c an uninterrupted architectural mass, with
arcades, wide sidewalks, te;·race:; and cafes. The factadcs
of the buildings provide .a fine field for illuminated ad.
vcrtisements, 11. The theatres will be inter-connected by
lnnes barred to motor traffic, in the traditional manner
of Ri::>'s Ouvidor Street, Venetian alleys, or arcades which
run into small ,patios where there will be bars and cafes.
Behind the buildings, footpaths and lanes will lead to
'loggias' overlooking the park. The purpose of this care-
ful planning is to provide p:easant surroundings f.or social
gatheri.ngs and friendly intercourse. The street level of
this theatreland complex will be OjJen and unobstructed
except for the cores of access leading to the up.Per floors,
so as to maintain an uninterrupted perspective. The upper
floors will be glassed.in on both sides, so that the res.
taurants, clubs, tearooms, etc., may look on to the lower
esjJlanade on one side, and on the other may have a
view of the hilly park-an extension of the monumental
radial artery on which the co;1~:nercial and tourist hotels 12
are located-and beyond thi:., of the imposing Radio-TV
Tower, which is treated as a plastic element in the com-
position of the urban mass, 9, 11 and 12. Slightly to one
si.de of the centre of the platform is the entrance hall
of the I nterurban Transport Terminal with it:; ticket-offi-
ces, bars restaurants, etc. This is a low building connected
by escalators with the lower departure hall which, in its
turn, is separated by glass partitidns from the departure
,-/
g;~-·FGQ";J!' J I
lv%+"
:.

quay proper. Oneway traffic forces the buses to make a

detour leaving the road under the platform; this gives the
travellers their last view of the monumental radial artery
before the bus enters the residential ra.dial artery, and is a
psychologically satisfactory way of saying farewell to the
national Capital. Also situated on the platform (which, like
the lower platform, will house extensive car-parks) there
will be two ~paclous piazzas for pedestrians; one facing
the Opera House and the other, symmetrically arranged,
looking on to a pavilion -overhanging the gardens of the
Cultural Centre and consisting .of a restaurant, bar and
tearoom. In these piazzas the carriage roads are one.
way only, and are raised for a good distance of their
course, so that pedestrians may cross freely in both di.
rections. They will ~lso have direct acess throu.gh the I
j·
piazzas to the Shopping Centre, to the Banks and the . ,
Finance CoriJorations.
14
To one side of the Entertainment Centre and con-
nected to it are the two great cores of the Sho.pping Cen-·
tre, with their smaller shops and department stor.
es, and also the -other Centres which are quite dis-
tinct from these-the Banks and the Finance Cor-
porations. and the Centre which groups together the
big busine:;s firms and agencies, and the liberal profes-
sions. Here, respectively, .are the Bank of Brazil and the
General Post and Telegraph Office. These centres can
be reached by car via the respective appro<lch roads,
and by pedestrians along sidewalks which avoid street
crossings. 8. There are .also two-level car.parks and base.
ment entrances comrresjJonding to the lower level of the
central platf:>rm. Both in the Banking and Business Cen.
tres, the pattern of the building plan is to be three high.
rise blocks and four lower or.es. all .interconnected by
a wide streetlcvel area with mezzanines. which will pro-
vide cove;·ed communicat:on and .ample space for bran.
ches of banks, business firms. restaurants, etc. In the
Shopping Centre the p.lttcrn suggested .is an ordered
row of long buildings followed by one larger building,
but all having a uniform height and all interconnected
by a similar street-level area of ample jJroportions, for
sho,ps, mczzan.ines and arc~des. Two raised branches of
the road ringing this builci'ing group will give pedestrians
access to each building.
The Sports Centre, with its extensive car.parks, is
situated between the Municipal Square and the Radio.iV
Tower. This tow~r is triangular and consists of a monu.
·.;

mcn!al ba~c of unfaccd reinforced concrete, stretching up
to a studio and office floor, and of a metal super.struc-·
ture with a look-out section half-way up, 12. On one side
it overlooks the stadium .and its •pavilions, with the So:.
tanic::tl Gardens behind them; .on the other, it has a view
of the racecourse, grc;ndstands, stables and ancil:ary buil-
dings and, adjacent to these, the Zoological Gardens. The
two great green parks, ·symmetrically laid out in relation
to the monumental radical artery, are the 'lungs' of the
new city, .;.,
The Town Hall, Police HQ, Fire Station .and Public
Welfare Building stand in the Munici,pal Square. The
Prison and Insane Asylum, though set apart at a good
distance fr.om the central built.up area, .also belong .in
practice to the same part of the outline plan.
Beyond the Municipal Square are the City Transport
Garages; and beyond them, on both sides of the monu-
mental r.adial artery, the Barracks. P-.large area which
stretches acr.:lss the artery from one side to the other
will concentrate the warehouses, the local light industries
and their own housing schemes; at the far end is the
railway station which is also linked with one of the bran.
ches of the road for heavy vehicular traffic.
Now that we have travelled .down the monumental
. radial artery from point to point, we can perceive that
its flexibility and compactness of ,pattern, 9, from Go-
vernment Piazza to Municip.al Square, do not exclude
variety; and that each part .appears to be individually
important, forming a living, plastic .organism in the over-
all planning scheme. Since each part is autonomous, it
has been f<~un.d ,possible to create spatial areas wich corr-
espond to a human scale and the inter-relation between
the great buildings does not detract from the contribution
made by the .architectural characteristics of each area.
As regards the problem of housing, the solution cho.
sen was the arrangement of an uninterru,pted sequence i the organiz::ttion .:>f the urban scheme itself, and will not
of super-blocks, in double or single rows, and with a wL
de gr·een belt, densely planted with tall trees, r·ound each
super-block. Each one will give pride of place to one spe. , rences in standard will spring from a greater or lesser
cies of tree; the ground will be carpeted with grass, and
shrubs and foilage will screen the internal grouping of
the super-block from the spectator: who will get a view
of the lay.out through a haze of greenery, 13. This will
have the two.fold advantage of guaranteeing orderly
planning, even when the density, category, ,pattern or
architectur.at standard of individual buildings are of a
different quality; an.d at the same time, it w.ill provide
the inhabitants with shady avenues down which to stroll
at leisure, in addition to the open spaces planned for their
use in the internal pattern of the super.block.
The residential building in the super-blocks can be
arranged in varyng manners, though always .in obedience 1 red; thus the houses on the higher land will make a good
to two general principles: uniform height regulation~­
perhaps a maximum of six storeys above the pilotis- ·; they will be built a.t a good distance from each other:-
and segregation .of motorized traffic .and pedestian tran-
sit, especially near the entrances to the Primary School
and the urban amenities located in each super-block, 8.
Behind each super-block runs the service road for
heavy vehicul.ar traffic; on the opposite side of this are
garages, workshops, wholesale warehouses, etc., while an
:1rca equivalent to a third row of super.bl:>cks is given
over to flower gardens, market gardens, and orchards.
Botwcen the service road and the radial artery are ex.
tcnsivc building sj)aces with alternating approach roads.
I~ is here that the Ch:.1rch, the secondary schools, the cL
ncma .:1nd the retail trade serving each neighbourhood
arc located, each according to c;:;tegory and classification,
13. The ·district market, butchers' shops, grocers', green-
grocers', ironmongers', etc., line the first section of the
traffic lane which corresponds to the service approaches;
and the barb~rs' shops, hairc!r~ssers', dress shops, tea-
ram::;. etc.,. ::trc concentrated along the first s~ction of the as woodland an·d ,parkland, ::tnd green spaces· over which the
accommodation road used by cars and buses; here, too,
arc the servicing and filling stations. The shops have pia-
5
tc.glass display winclov;::;, ar.d th~y form rows along pa.
vements protected by b:.lilt.out c~nopics.
They f<Jce the woccled belts round the super.blocks
that arc only u:;eC.: by ;:c,;·::s~rians, and also the ·.
·belt on the opposite side of the r0.:d, adjoining the accom-
modation road. They arc ir.ter.connected by lanes and
alleys so that they are really semidetached, although if
viewed as ::1 whole they i)jJpear to form one single com-
position, 14. \"/here each four su,p~r.blocks meet there is
a church, and behind it the secondary schools: the cinema ·
is on the service road but facing the residential radial
artery, so ~hat those wh:> come from <~ther parts of the
city may find it easy to reach. The space between these
two ma.in roads will ·be occupied by youth clubs with their
sports· fields and play plots.
- ·-·The- social structure of this housing zone can be
graded by setting .a greater velue on specified super-
blocks, such as, for exam,ple, the single rows wh.ich a?join
the diplomatic quarter. This quarter stretches on esther '
side of and parallel to the ra·dial artery. It has a tree,.
lined accommodation road and a service road latter sha-·
red with the other residential super-blocks. The treelined
road, which is exclusive toEmbassies and Legations! will
only be built-up on one side; -on the other there wall be
a free and unobstructed view .over landscape, w.ith one
exception-the most important hotel will be located here,
since it is not far from the centre of the city. On the
opposite side of. the residential radial artery, the super.
blocks fronting on to this will naturally be more valuable .
than those facing inwards: this, too, will allow of classi- '
fication according to economic conditions in force at the
time. Nevertheless, the four-by.four grouping of the su-
per-blocks will, while favouring co-existence .of social '
groups avoid any undue and undesirable strafication of
societ/ And, in any case, variations in tile standard of '
living from one super-block to another will be offset by
be of such a nature as to affect th;1t degree of comfort
to which all members of society have a right. Any diffe:
density, r~. larger or smaller living-space allocated to each
individual or family, or from the quality of building ma-
terials selected and the degree of finish which these re-
ceive. And since such problems are being raised, growth
of slums·, whdher on the city outskirt3 :>r in the surround-
ing countryside, should at all costs. be ,prevented. The
Development Company should, '\.Vithin the scope of the
proposed outline plan, make provision for decent and e·co-
nomical accom:>dation for the entire population.
Provision is also being made for island sites surroun-
ded by trees .and parkland, to be acquired for individual
houses. lt is sugested that these plots should be stagge.
·pattern against the background or the landscape, since
This arr.angement will make it possible for one service
road to serve all the ,plots, 15. Also, the construction of 1
~ome houses of a high architectural order (which does
not necessarily mean that their cost will be exorbitant)
has been seriously cnvis.Jged. In such cas~s, the regula.
tions should specify a minimum distance between each
house, of at least five-eighths of a mile (1 kilometre);
this will emph~size the exceptional character of these
private building concessions.
The city's cemeteries will be s.itcd at the extremities
of the radial arteries, :.=;o .:;~ to prevent funerals crossing
the city Centre. ·They w:;t b~ planted with. grass lawns :
and be suitably wcoC:ed: the f)ravcstones· will be the sim-
ple, fiat slabs us~d .in Englar.d, the idea being to avoid
any sign .of ostentation.
No housing will be jJcrr~itted round the lake: the.
area must 'be kept unspoilt. The lakcshcre wiil be theated
citiz~ns m<1y walk and enjoy other countryside amenities.
Only sports clubs, restaurants, playficlds, swimming en.
 6

cio:wrcs and fishermen's clubs may opera~c round the
IC!ke. The Golf c:ub is ai:-cJdy locc;tcd to th~ cast, nec1r·
the Prcsi:!cnt's Re:;i:lence and tht! Hotel, b:>th of \Nhich
arc now under construc!ion: and the Yacht Club will b;!
sited on ., nearby creek. S;r.all woods crossing these clu.
blands will run down to the edge of the lake, ·which is
ringed by a tree.planted avenue that sometimes wanders
inl~nd. and will later be land$caped with flowering plants
c;nd dotted with more trees. This ring avenue joins the
residential radial artery and the ai)proach autostra.da
running from the airport to the Civic Cc:1tre-a road to be
used by fam::>Us visitors t:> the Capital city, although
on their .return they may with advantage use the residen-
tial radial artery. it is ho;:>ed that the final location of
the airport will be in the near side of the lake, so as to
obviate the need for crossing it or driving round it.
Street numbering should start from the intersection
of the two axes-using the monumental radial artery as
a p:::lint of reference to divide the city into tyJo halves,
North and South. The super-blocks will be given numbers;
the buildings inside each, letters; ar.d finally each apart.
ment will be numbered acc::~rding to usual practice. For
:;ws;ty, unh:trnpcrcd by read junctions, yet ~he ground is
given b;1ck in :t fair measure to the pedestrian. And
sine·~ the structute of the city is zo clearly outlined, its
constructi:::ns will be easy: it is based on the crossing '
of two axes, on two ter1aced embankment:; or terrcpleins,
a platfom, two artc:-ic:; going in one direction and one
in another. This one can b~ built in t'IIO ·phases--first
· the central traffic ic;nes with a cloverleaf on each side,
then the lateral traffic lanes which could continue their
progress simultaneously with the normal 'dev~lopmer:t of
the city. There would alw.1ys be space for more buildings
in the green belts adjacent to the r:adial arteries. The
super-blocks would be merely levelled off and landsca.ped,
each w.ith its frame of green, planted from the very
outset with grass and trees, but not given pavements or
curbs of any kind. On the one hand, the use of highway
tecnique; on the other, the technique of the landscaper,
planting parks and gardens.
Brasilia, capital of the aeroplane and the autostrada,
city and park. The ccntury.old dream of the Patriarch.
..
~

instance, one address might be N.Q3.L apt 201. The

buildings will be lettered in a clockwise direction, from
the entrance to each super.block.

There still remains the problem of how to dispose

of real estate and make it available t~ private capital.
I feel that the su.pe•- blocks should not be subdivided,
and suggest that not the land, but shares in the land,
should be sold. The price of these shares would depend
on the vicinity and the height regulations. This would
overcome any obstacles standing in the way of pre-
sent planning and any possible future replaninng
of the internal arrangement in the ::.uper-blocks. Such
a plan should .Preferably be worked out before the
shares are sold; but there is nothing to prevent pur.
chasers of a substantial number of shares from submit-
ting their own planning scheme for a specified super-block
to the a~proval .~f the Development Company. Nor is
there anything to stop this Company, in addition to
facilitating the acquisition of shares by other cor,pora.
tions, from itself functioning as a building cor·poration.
I think, too, that the price of the shares should include
a fixed percen!age to cover the expenses of the project.
In this way, good architects could be invited to submit
designs and competitions could be started for the •plan- .
ning of those super-blocks which are not be.ing developed i
by the Architectural Division of the Development Com- ·1
pany. I would also suggest that two .Phases should be :
adopted por the approval of the varions planning sche. ·
mcs: a pilot plan and a master plan-which would make
selection and control of the quality of architectural solu-
tions easier for the Company.
In the same way, advance planning should b~ under_
taken before the fin&:ll lay.out of the Shopping Centres,
the Banking and Financial Centre, and the Big Business
and Liberal Professions Centre is proceeded w.ith. lt
would then be possible to ·divide them up into subscctors
and independent units, without dctrac~ing from the har.
many of the overall architectural pattern. lhe separate
parts could then be put up for sale in the real estate
market, •.vhile the total .or pa:-tial construction of the
b:.Jildin~s would be paid for by the interested ,parties,
by the Company, ::~r by both, wurking in collaboration.
To sum up-it .is easy to grasp ti1c crit.::ria used in
t!1is plan for a capital city. since its clnracteristic are
the simplicity and clari~y cf the o:-:~inal pattern. As
h<1s be~n st10wn, the::·.:: f.::c::>rs clo n :>~ cxcludt! variety in
treatment of the individu;al ·parts, each of which is con-
ceived of 3ccording to the speci.1l n<lturc of its respective
'function. The result of such tre.:.tm~nt should be harmony,
clc:;pite .rl!quirements which ar.:: apparently contradictory.
Th\J.>, though the city i5 monumental, it is als:> conve- Booklet edited in Rio de Janeiro by Brazil's Foreign-
nient. efficient, welcoming a:-:d intimate. At one and the sa-. Affairs Ministry's Cultural Division and produced by Edi-
me time it is spread out and compact, rur.al and urban- . tora Modulo Limitada in September, 1959.
 I

!:

APPENDIX II

BIBLIOGRAPHY ON BRASILIA
 1

This bibliography is compiled from

Brasilia e Arquitetura Brasileira :

Bibliografia, by Alberto Fernando

Xavier, Brasilia : Universidade de

Brasilia (Institute de Artes e

Arquitetura) , 1973. Recent works

were added by this author.

 2

BRAZILIAN PERIODICALS

001 Artigas, J. Vilanova e Equipe, Plano Piloto de Brasilia

(Pilot Plan for Brasilia) P.odulo B, Julho, 1957.

002 Backheuser, Everardo. Localiza~ao da Nova Capital: Clima

e Capital. ·Boletim·Geografico (Rio de Janeiro) 5(56) : 871,
Novembre, 1947.

003 Backheuser, Everardo. Localizacao da Nova Capital Criterios

de Escolha. · ·noletim Geografico ' (Rio de Janeiro) 5(57) : 967,
Dezembro, 1947.

004 Backheuser, Everardo. Localizayao da Nova Capital do Pais no

Planalto Central· ·neletim·Geografice. (Rio de Janeiro) 5(53) :
515-516, Agosto, 1947.

005 Backheuser, Everardo. Localiza~ao da Nova Capital : Ponto

Nevralgico. · "Boletim ·Geografico (Rio de Janeiro) 5 (58) :
1024-1025, Janeiro, 1948.

006 Bernardet, Jean-Claude. Brasilia, Cidade Historica - Depoimento

·Acropole 375-376 74-75, Julho/Agosto, 1970.

007 Boudeville, Jacques B. Brasilia. Boletim Geografico (Rio

de Janeiro) 157 : 579-590, JulI:io/Agosto,. 1960.

008 Corbisier, Roland. Brasilia e o Desenvolvimento Nacional.

·Modulo 18 : 2-9, Junho, 1960.

009 Corona, Eduardo. Gostar, Conhecer e Respeitar Brasilia.

·AcIOf>Ole37 5 /376 79-80, Julho/Agosto, 1970.

010 Corona, Eduardo. Lucio Costa·e Brasilia. Acropole 385 :

8, Junho, 1971.
 3

011 Costa, Lucio. Braxilia. Arquitetura 78: 35-36, Dezembro 1968

012 Costa, Lucio. Carta a Comissao do Distrito Federal. Acropole

385: 35-36, Junho, 1971.

013 Costa, Lucio. O Urbanista Defende a Sua Capital. Acropole

375/376: 7-8, Julho/Agosto, 1970. Revista do Clube de
Engenharia 386: 12-13, Marco/Abril, 1970.

014 Costa, Lucio. Plano Pilato de Brasilia. Acropole 256/257:

51-59, Fevereiro/Marco, 1960. Axquitetura e Engenharia 44:
8-12, Marco/Abril, 1957. Arquitetura e Engenharia 61/63: 16-20,
Julho/Dezembro, 1961. Modulo 8: 32-38, Julho, 1957. Modulo 18:
53-57; Junho, 1960. Revista do Clube de Engenharia 386: 14-22,.
Marco/Abril, 1970. Revista Brasileira dos Municipios (R. Janeiro)
10: 41-44; 1957.

015 Cunha, Mario Wagner Vieira Da. Brasilia em Bransicao.

·Bem Estar 1: 23-24, Fevereiro/Marco, 1958.

016 Deffontaines, Pierre. Occupacao da Montanha no Planalto

Central Brasileiro. Boletim Geografico (R. de Janeiro) 5(52):
375-385, Julho, 1947.

017 Dos Passes, John. Brasilia: Uroa Capital Surge no Sertao.

Selecoes (Rio de Janeiro) 207: 33-38, Abril, 1959.

018 Faissol, Speridao. Brasilia, A Nova Capital do Brasil.

Boletim Geografico (R. Janeiro): 18(156) 351-352, Maio/Junho,
1960.

019 Ferraz, Geraldo. Construcao da Nova Capital: Brasilia.

Habitat 37: 52, Dezembro, 1956.

020 Ghiraldini, Milton e Equipe. Plano Pilato de Brasilia.

Arquitetura 46: 10-21, Agosto/Outubro, 1957. Habitat 40/41:
12-18, Marco/Abril, 1957. Modulo 8, Julho, 1957.

021 Gomes, Claudio. Brasilia, 1960/70. Acropole 375-376:

15-19, Ju~ho/Agosto, 1970.
 4

022 Goncalves, Ney Fontes e Equipe. Plano Pilato de Brasilia.

Arquitetura e Engenharia 44: 14-23, Marco/Abril, 1957.
Modulo 8, Julho, 1967.

023 Graeff, Edgard. Brasilia, Dais Caminhos Para a Arquitetura

Contemporanea Revista Brasiliense (S. Paulo) 13: 162-180,
Setembro/Outubro, 1957.

024 Guimaraes, Pedro Paulino e Equipe. Plano Pilato de Brasilia.

Habitat 45 6-20, Novembro/Dezernbro, 1957.

025 Heringer, Ezechias Paulo. 0 Sitio, O Homem e a Cidade.

Aeropole 375/376: 66-67, Julho/Agosto, 1970.

026 Holford, William. Criterios do Julgamento do Concurso de

Brasilia. Brasilia 15: 8-10, Marco, 1958.

027 Holford, William. Experiencia e Opinioes Sabre Urbanismo.

Arquitetura e Engenharia 44: 30-32, Marco/Abril, 1957.

028 Holford, William. Problemas e Perspectivas de Brasilia.

Modulo 17: 2-3, Abril, 1960.

029 Holford, William. Sabre Brasilia. Modulo 19: 2-6 Agosto,

1960.

030 James, Preston E. & Faissol, Speridiao. o Problema da

Capital do Brasil. Boletim Geografico (R. Janeiro) 17(158):
771-783, Setembro/Outubro, 1960.

031 Johnson, Paul. Brasilia Vista Por Um Ingles. O Estado de

Sao Paulo, go CAD.: 14, 04-09-60.

032 Le Corbusier. Brasilia tem o Sentido Exato de Espaco e Cor.

Arquitetura 8: 17-18, Fevereiro, 1963.

033 Leite de Castro, Christoviam. A Transferencia da Capital

do Brasil- Boletim Geografico {Rio de Janeiro) 4{45): 1087-
1088, Dezern.bro, 1946.
 5

034 Levi, Rino. Plano Piloto de Brasilia. Arquitetura e

Engenharia 46: 4-9, Agosto/Outubro, 1957. Habitat 40/41:
4-11, Marco/Abril, 1957. Modulo 8: Julho, 1957.

035 Mattos, Joaquim de Almeida. A Mirabolante Nova Capital

Brnsileira. Brasil Arquitetura Contemporanea 9: 2-21, 1957.

036 Mello, Eduardo Kneese de. Perque Brasilia. Acropole 256/257:

5-16, Fevereiro/Marco, 1960.

037 Mindlin, Henrique E. E Equipe. Plano Piloto de Brasilia.

Arquitetura e Engenharia 44: 25-29, Marco/Abril, 1957.
Habitat 45: 2-5 Novembro/Dezembro, 1957. Modulo 8, Julho,
1957.

038 · Niemeyer, Oscar. A Imaginacao Na Arquitetura. Modulo 15:

6-13, Outubro, 1959.

039 Niemeyer, Oscar. Brasilia. Modulo 6: 12-23, Dezembro, 1956.

040 Niemeyer, Oscar. Brasilia, 1970. Acropole 375-376: 10-11,

Julho/Agosto, 1970.

041 Niemeyer, Oscar.

-
Forma e Funcao Na Arquitetura. Modulo 21:
3-7, Dezern.bro, 1960.

042 Niemeyer, Oscar. Minha Experiencia de Brasilia. Modulo 18:

10-16, Junho, 1960.

043 Niemeyer, Oscar. Uma Cidade Para Homens. Arqui tetura 76:
16, Outubro, 1968.

044 Papadaki, Stamo. Brasilia: Um Retorno. Modulo 24: 2-3,

Agosto, 1961.

045 Papadaki, S.; Sive, A.; Holford, W; Niemeyer, O.

o Concurso Para o Plano Piloto de Brasilia - Declaracoes de
Membros do Juri. Modulo 8; 22-28, Julho, 1957.
 6

046 Pedrosa, Mario. Brasilia, A Cidade Nova. Arquitetura e

Engenharia 55: 6-7, Setembro/Outubro, 1959.

047 Pedrosa, Mario. Licoes do Congresso Internacional de

Criticos. Modulo 16: 7-11, Dezembro, 1959.

048 Pedrosa, Mario. Reflexoes em Torno da Nova Capital.

Brasil, Arquitetura Contemporanea 10: 32-35, 1957.

049 Penna, J.O. de Meira. O Brasil Constroi Uma Nova Capital.

Modulo 7: lS-19, Fevereiro, 1957.

050 Penna, J.O. de Meira. O Congresso Internacional de Criticos

de Arte. Modulo 15: 26-27, Outubro, 1959.

051 Queiroz, Mauriqio Vinhas de. Sete Aspectos Sociais de Brasilia.

Acropole 375/376: 54-57, Julho/Agosto, 1970.

052 Richards, J.M. Brasilia Vista Por Um Ingles. Modulo 14:

2-5, Agosto, 1959.

053 Roberto, M.M.M. E Bquipe. Plano Piloto de Brasilia.

Arquitetura e Engenharia 45: 4-28, Maio/Julho, 1957. Habitat 42:
2-24, Maio/Junho, 1957. Modulo 8, Julho, 1957.

054 Ruellan, Francis. A Vocacao do Planalto Central do Brasil

(Comentarios) Revista Brasileira de Geografia 18 (3) :
413, 1956.

055 Saarinen, Aline B. Surge Brasilia. Modulo 17:· 26-27,

Abril, 1960.

056 Santos, Rubens Rodrigues Dos. Brasilia : 1956-1960.- Engenharia

(Sao Paulo) 18 (209) : 521-568, Abril, 1960.

057 Vieira, Flavio. Escolha do Sitio Para Brasilia. Boletim

Geografico (Rio de Janeiro) 17(150) 231-237, Maio/Junho, 1959~
 7

058 Wilheim, Jorge. Brasilia, Ano 2000. Acropole 375/376

42-46, Julho/Agosto, 1970.

059 Wilheim, Jorge. Brasilia 1960, Uma Interpretacao.

Acropole 256/257: 19-49, Fevereiro/Marco,. 1960.

060 Wilheim, Jorge. Brasilia 1970, Um Roteiro. Aero pole

256/257: 119-120, Fevereiro/~_arco, 1960.

061 Wilheim, Jorge e Equipe. Plano Piloto de Brasilia. Habitat

40/41: 19-29, Marco/Abril, 1957.

062 Williams, Amancio. A Proposito de Brasilia. Nodulo 16:

2-3, Dezembro, 1959.

063 Alcance de Brasilia. Arquitetura 76: 14, Outubro, 1968.

064 Arquitetos e Criticos de Arte Falam Sabre Brasilia. Modulo 16:

29-31, Dezembro, 1959.

065 Atas da Comissao Julgadora do Plano Pilato de Brasilia.

Arquitetura e Engenharia 44: 4-5, Marco/Abril, 1957.
Arquitetura e Engenharia 65: 61-63, Julho /Dezembro, 1961.
Brasil, Arquitetura Contemporanea 9: 64-67, 1957.
Habitat 40/41: 2, Marco/Abril, 1957.
Modulo B: 17/21, Julho, 1957.

066 Brasilia. Special Issue of Acropole 256/257, Fevereiro/Marco,

1960.

067 Brasilia. Special Issue of Acropole 375/376, Julho/Agosto, 1970.

068 Brasilia. Special Issue of Arquitetura e Engenharia 44: 2-32,·

Marco/Abril, 1957.

069 Brasilia. Special Issue of Engenharia (Sao Paulo) 18(209)

491-573, Abril, 1960.
 8

070 Brasilia. Special Issue of Habitat 40/41: 1-29, Marco/Abril, 1957.

071 Brasilia. Special Issue of Modulo 8, Julho, 1957.

072 Brasilia. Special Issue of Modulo 32, Marco, 1963.

073 Brasilia. Realidade Sao Paulo) 7(74) 242-251, Maio, 1972.

074 Brasilia dez Anos Depois Segundo Lucio Costa. Revista do Clube
de Engenharia (Rio de Janeiro) 386: 6-12 Marco/Abril, 1970.

075 Brasilia e a Conduta Britanica. Arquitetura 65: 26, Novembre,

1967.

076 Brasilia 1961. Special Issue of Arquitetura e Engenharia

61/63: 21-27, Julho/Dezembro, 1961.

077 Brasilia, Radiografia de Uma Capital. O Dirigente Construtor

3(11): 21-44, Setembro, 1967.

078 Construcao da Nova Cidade: Brasilia. Habitat 35:1, OUtubro,

1956.

079 Edital Para o Concurso Nacional do Plano Pilato. Modulo 8:

9-12, Julho·, 1957.

080 Opinioes dos Criticos de Arte. Brasilia 33: 4-7, Setembro, 1959.

081 Resume das Apreciacoes do Juri. Modulo 8: 13-16, Julho, 1957.

Arquitetura e Engenharia 44:13, 24, 29, Marco/Abril, 1957.

082 Teses Ao Congresso Internacional de Criticos de Arte.

Arquitetura e Engenharia 55: 4-15, Setembro/Outubro, 1959.
Habitat 57: 2-19, Novembro/Dezembro, 1959
Habitat 58: 3-7, Janeiro/Fevereiro, 1960.
 9

PERIODICALS FROM OTh"ER COUNTRIES

083 ~costa, Silvio. Brasilia. Architectura (Havana) 28(322):

256-263, Mayo, 1960.

084 Alfieri, Bruno. New York, Caracas, Brasilia. Zodiac

(Milano) 11: 2-19' 1963.

085 Airo, Clemente. Brasilia, Nueva Capital del Brasil.

Espiral (Bogota) 76: 62-64, Marze, 1960.

086 Andia, . Beatriz de. Brasilia Ville Revolutionnaire.

Connaissance du Monde (Paris) 34: 29-41, Septembre, 1961.

087 Augelli, John P. Brasilia: The Emergence of a National

Capital. Journal of Geography (Chicago) 62: 241-252, September,
1963.

088 Balcombe, George. Brasilia. Architectural Design 34(8)

241-250, May, 1964.

089 Balcombe, George. Brasilia. The Architect & Building News

(London) 224(15) 563-573, October, 1963.

090 Barata, Mario. Brasilia Revisitata. Zodiac (Milano) 11

36-47, 1963.

091 Barata, Mario. Punto di Vista di un Brasiliano. Zodiac

(Milano) 6: 136-139, 1960.

092 Boix, Jose. Auge y Ocaso de Brasilia. Cupula Barcelona)

21(238) : 464-469, Agosto, 1969.

093 Bonifacio, Roberto & Doberti, Roberto. Brasilia: Alla

Donde Brasil se Extrema. Nuestra Arquitectura (Buenos Aires)
367 : 34-41, Junie, 1960.
 10

094 Bower, A. Birth of a Capital. Art in America (New York)

47(4) : 114-115, Winter, 1959.

095 Bruand, Yves. L'Experience de Brasilia. L'Information

d'Histoire de l'Art. (Paris) 4 : 111-120, Sep./Octobre, 1961.
l'Information d'Histoire de l'Art (Paris) 5 : 142-152, Nov./
Decembre, 1961.

096 Casati, Cesare. Immagini di Brasilia 1966. Domus ·(Milano)

434 : 2-23, Gennaio, 1966.

097 Choay, Francoise. Une Capitale Prefabriquee: Brasilia.

l'Oeil (Lausanne) 59 : 76-83, Novembre, 1959.

098 Clay, Glady. Brasilia and its Personalities. Landscape

Architecture (Louisville) 53(4): 261, July, 1963.

099 Cornu, Marcel. Oscar Niemeyer: Mon Experience a Brasilia.

La Pensee: Revue du Rationalisme Moderne (Paris) 119: 133-
135 I 1965 •

100 Costa, L.; Korn, A.; Lasdun, D.; Smithson, P.

Capital Cities. Architectural Design (London) 11 437-441,
November, 1958.

101 Costa, Lucio. l'Urbaniste Depend sa C~pitale. Architecture,

Forrnes, Functions (Lausanne) 14; 18-21, 1968.

102 Costa, Lucio. Nueva Capital del Brasil. Temas de Arquitectura

y Urbanismo (Madrid) 1: 5-16.

103 Costa, Lucio. Presentacion del Plan Pilato. El Arquitect;o

Peruano (Lima) 270/272 : 22-27, Enero/Marzo, 1960.

104 Cotta, Anna Rose & Marcelli, Attilio. Considerazione su

Brasilia. Casabella (Milano) 218: 33-39, Mar., 1958.·

105 Crease, David. Brasilia Becomes a Capital City. The Geographi-

cal Magazine (London) 41(6) : 419-428, March, 1969.
 11

106 Crease, David. Progress in Brasilia. The Architectural

Review {London) 131(782) : 256-262, April, 1962.

107 Crist, Raymond E. Why Move a Capital? Americas (OEA,

Washington) 15(8) : 13-17, August, 1963.

108 Delaney, Arthur A. A New Capital for Brazil. The Social

Studies {New Jersey) 51(2): 60-62, February, 1960.

109 Delmas, Gradys. Brasilia Comes of Age. The Reoorter

(New York) 36(4) 25-33, February, 1967.

110 Delvoy, Robert L. Brasilia Ou La Naissance d'une Capitale.

Habitat {Paris) 12 : 550-574, 1960.

111. Dorfles, Gille. !l Congresso di Brasilia. Demus {Milano)

361: 29-74, Die., 1959.

112 Elvira, J.R.; Trepero, J.J. ; Fernandez, N. Informe

Sohre Brasilia. Hogar y Arquitectura (Madrid) 33: 26-40,
Marze/Abril, 1961.

113. Evenson, Norma. The Symbolism of Brasilia. Landscape

{Santa Fe, New Mexico) 18(1): 18-28, Winter, 1969.

. 114 Flores, Carlos. Sohre Brasilia y Niemeyer. Bogar y Arquitec-

tura {Madrid) 26: 27-36, Enero/Febrero, 1960.

115 Freyre, Gilberto. A Brazilian's Critique of Brasilia.

The Reporter {New York) 22: 31-32, Mar. 31, 1960.

116 Giedion, Siegfried. Stadtform Und Die Grundung Von Brasilia

(0 Plano ea Fundacao de Brasilia). Bauen + Wohnen (Zurich}
14(8): 291-296, August, 1960.

117 Grosvenor, Rita. Brasilia The Heartless Heart.

The Architect & Building News. (London) 28-33, January,·1971.
 12

118 Gutierrez, Pablo. Brasilia y La Ciudad Iberoamericana.

Aconcagua (Madrid) 2(4): 414-424, 1966.

119 Harbinson, Robert & Balcombe, George. Conversation in

Brasilia. RIBA Journal (London) 68(13) : 490-494, November,
1961.

120 Hardey, Jorge E. Two New Capital Cities: Brasilia and

Islamabad. Ekistics (Athens) 18(108) : 320-325, November, 1964.

121 Haskell, Douglas. Brasilia: A New Type of National City.

·Architectural Fo~um (New York) 113(5): 126-133, November, 1960.

122 Heck, H.W.J. A Visit to Brasilia. Journal of the.Royal Town

Planning Institute (London) 46(10) : 267-268, November, 1960.

123 Herve, Lucien. Brasilia. l'Architecture d'Aujourd'hui

(Bologne) 101: 22-37, Avril/Mai, 1962.

124 Holford, William. Urbanisme de Brasilia: Architectural and

Urban Elements in the To\m Plan of Brasilia. Architecture,
Formes, Functions (Lausanne) 7: 75-77, 1960-1961.

125 Holford, William. Brasilia. RIBA Journal (London) 67(5)

154-159, March, 1960.

126 Holford, William. Brasilia: A New Capital City for Brazil.

The Architectural Review (London) 122(734) : 394-402, Dec., 1957.

127 Holford, William. Brasilia: The Federal Capital of Brazil.

The Geographical Journal (London) 128 : 15-18, March, 1962.

128 James, Preston E. & Faissol, Speridiao. The Problem of

Brazil's Capital City. The Geographical Review (New York) 46
301-317, July, 1956. The Geographical Review (New York) 48 :
271-272, October, 1956.

129 Joedicke, Jurgen. Brasilia, Neue Hauptstadt Im Inneren Brasiliens

(Brasilia, Nova Capital no Interior Brasileiro) Arkitektur und
Wohnform (Stuttgart) 2 : 5-10, Feb., 1959. Arkitekr.ur und Wohn-
form (Stuttgart) 5 : 21-26, July, 1959.
 13

130 Kubitschek, Juscelino. Brasilia. l'Architecture d'Aujourd'hui

(Bologne) 90 : 2-3, Juin/Juillet, 1960.

131 Kubitschek, Juscelino. Brasilia: New Town with Bravura,

American Institute of Architects Journal (Washington) 52(2)
42-47, August, 1969.

132 Kuenzle, Creed. Brasilia, Eine Hauptstadt Im Bau. (Brasilia,

Capital em Construcao) Werk (Zurich) 46 (7) : 259-262, July, 1959.

133 Leloir, Jean Pierre. Brasilia, Relate de un Viaje.

Muembles + Decoracion (Madrid) 6: 279-289, Junia, 1962.

Leoz, Rafael. Brasilia. Temas de Arquitectura y Urbanisrro

(Madrid) 39: 3-4, 1962.

135 Lima, Nestor dos Santos. Brasilia: Ensayo Sabre la Nueva

Capital del Brasil. Arquitectura Mexico (Mexico) 64: 221-240,
Diciembre, 1958.

136 . Lotiron, Jean-Louis. Brasilia, Nouvelle Capitale du Bresil.

La Technique des Travaux (Liege) 36(5/6) : 130-146, Mai/Juin, 1960.

137 Loyer, Francois. Les Progres de Brasilia. l'Oeil (Lausanne)

184: 8-15, Avril, 1970.

138 Marc, Olivier. Lucio Costa et Oscar Niemeyer a Brasilia.

Aujourd'hui (Bologne) 46: 34-39, Juillet, 1964.

139 Mataloni, Hugo Nestor. Brasilia: Antecedentes Historicos.

. Nuestra Arquitectura (Buenos Aires) 370: 19-20, Septiembre, 1960 •

140 Mazzochi, Maurizio. Masce Brasilia. Pirelli {Milano)

33-38, Abril, 1958. ·

141 Mcconnel, R. Shean. Brasilia: City for the Year 2000.

Official Architecture & Planning {London) 34(12): 905-909,
December, 1971.
 14

142 McQuade, Walter. Brasilia's Beginning. ·Architectural Forum

(New York) 110(4) 96-103, April, 1959.

143 Mickel, Ernest. Aspo Hears Reports on Brasilia and New Ways
to the City Beautiful. The Architectural Review (London)
123(7) : 34, July, 1958 •.

144 Moeller, Henry R. Wohnen in Brasilia. (Morar em Brasilia)

Bawlet (Berlin) 53(21): 590-593, May, 1962.

145 Moholy-Nagy, Sibyl. Brasilia: Majestic Concept or Autocratic

Monument? Progressive Architecture (New York) 40(10): 88-99,
October, 1959.

146 Moravia, Alberto. Brasilia. Casabella (Milano) 243 57,

·Settembre, 1960.

147 Nervi, Pier Luigi. Critica Delle Strutture. Casabella

(Milano) 223: 55-56, Genn., 1959.

148 Niemeyer, Oscar. Brasilia. Architectural Design (London)

XXX(l2) : 524-525, December, 1960.

149 Niemeyer, Oscar. Mes Experiences a Brasilia. l'Architecture

d' Aujourd' hui (Bologne) 90 : 8-9, Juih/JuiTlet.,. .. l.960·~:: :. ..

150 Niemeyer, Oscar. Temoignages. l'Architecture d'Aujourd'hui

(Bologne) 80 : 55, Octobre/Novembre, 1958.

151 Niemeyer, Oscar. Testiomontanta. Zodiac (Milano) 6 131-135,

1960.

152 Niemeyer, Oscar. Testimonio. El Arquitecto Peruano (Lima) .

270-272 : 28-32, Marze, 1960.

153 Niemeyer, Oscar. Unterheemer Brasilia. {O Empreendimento

de Brasilia) Bauwelt (Berlin), 53(21) 583-589, May., 1962 •.

154 Perdiguero, Fernando. Brasilia y la Imprevision. Temas de

Arquitectura y Urbanismo {Madrid) 43: 35-36, 1962.
 15

155 Parodiz, J.J. Brasilia. Carnegie Magazine (New York)

33: 45-48, February, 1959.

156 Penna, J.O. de Meira. Brasilia. El Arquitecto Peruano

(Lima), 270/272 : 18-21, Enero/Marzo, 1960.

157 Penna, J.O. de Meira. Brasilia, Urbanisme Politque.

Architecture d'Aujourd'hui (Bologne) 90: 4-7, Juin/Juil, 1960.

158 Penna, J.O. de Meira. Signification du Transfert de la

Nouvelle Capit~le. l'Architecture d'Aujourd'hui (Bologne)
80: 50-51, Octobre/Novembre,. 1958.

159 Pinchemel, Philippe. Brasilia, Ville Symbole ou le Mythe

Devenu Realite. La Vie Urbaine (Paris) 3: 201-234, Juil/Sep.,
1967.

160 Platt, Robert s. Brazilian Capitale and Frontiere.

Journal of Geography (Chicago) 369-375, Dez .. , 1954.
Journal of Geography (Chicago) : 5-17, Jan., 1955.

161 Playfair, Guy. Brasilia, Brazil's New Frontier.

Peruvian Times (Lima) 26(1307) : 10-12, January, 1966.

162 Prieto, Luis B. Brasilia, Un Desafio a la Selva. Politica

(Caracasj 12 : 88-91, Agosto/Diciembre, 1960 • .

163 Ramsden, J.M. Brasilia: A Layman's Impression. The Architect

and Building News (London) 224(5) : 574-575, October, 1963.

164 Richards, J.M. Brasilia: A Progress Report. The Architectural

Review (London) 125(745) : 94-104, February; 1959.

165 Roca, Jaioe. Espacio Magico eftla Arquitectura de Brasilia.

Revista de la Universidad Nacional de Cordoba (Argentina) 283-
292, Mar/Juin., 1971.

166 Romera_, Antonio R. Brasilia y el Congreso de Critic.as de Arte.

Cuadernos (Paris) 41 : 99-102, Mar./Abril, 1960.
 16

167 ~anchez, Alvaro. La Universidad de Brasilia. Conescal

(Mexico) 4 : 303-314, Agosto, 1966.

168 Schiller, William. Brasilia Revisited. Peruvian Times

(Lima) 28 (1427) : 18-19, April, 1968.

169 Snyder, David E. Alternative Perspectives on Brasilia.

Economic Geography, 40 (1) : 34-45, January, 1964.

170 Sobral, Maria Elisa Costa. Temoignage Sur Brasilia. La Nee

(Paris) 22 : 123-128, Avril/Juillet, 1965. - ·-

171 Stephenson, Glenn V. Two Newly-Created Capitals :

Islamabad and Brasilia. Town Planning Review (Liverpool)
41(4) : 317-332, october, 1970.

172 Stingel, w. Brasilien Baut Seine Neue Hauptstadt. (0 Brasil

Controe Sua Nova Capital). Bauen + Wohnen Zurich, 12(6) :
209-212, Juni, 1958.

173 Svensson, Ole. Brasilia - En Gang Til. Arkitekten (Kopenhagen) ,

12 257-262, June, 1968.

i
174 Swiech, Jerzy. Brasilia 68. Architektura (Warszawa) 251(10): i
402-407, october, 1968.
I
II::
i75 Von Eckardt~ Wolf. Brasilia Symbol in the Mud.
American Institute of Architects Journal 36 (5) : 36-42, Nov. 1961. II
l
I
I
176 Vouga, Jean Pierre. Brasilia, Octubre 1958. Habitation
(Suica), 2 : 16-21, Fevreier, 1959.

177 Westwood, Brian. Brazil & Brasilia. Architectural Associa-

tion Journal (London) 77(856) : 102-106, November, 1961.

178 Wilson, Betty. Brasilia, Brazil. Carving a Capital out of

the Wilderness. Americas {OEA, Washington) 8 : 2-8, Aug. 1958.
 17

179 York., F.R.S. Brasilia: Colourful Background for New Buildings.

Surveyor and Municipal Engineer (London) 119 638-641, 1960. !'•

180 Zevi, Bruno. A Kafka Nightmare Critical of Brazil's New Capital

City. Atlas (Paris) 2 : 26-28, Juillet, 1961.

181 Zevi, Bruno. Brasilia e il Complesso Eur-Kafka Nel Mato Grosso.

Cronache di Architettura (Bari) 3(285), 1970-1971.
I

182 Zevi, Bruno. Brasilia Troppo in Frette Capitale di Plastici

II
. f
Ingranditi. Cronache di Architettura (Bari) 3(246), 1970-1971. 'I
•I

I
; 1·
183 Zevi, Bruno. Critica a Brasilia. Zodiac (Milano) 6: 129-131, 11
1960.
·-1
i
184 Zevi, Bruno.
Architecttura
Elezioni Regionali, Brasilia e U Thant.
(Milano) 16(177) : 144, Luclio, 1970.
:I
1.85 Zevi, Bruno. P.M. Bardi su Burle. Marx Brasilia Senza
1
11
• r
I
Paesaggio Tropicale Cronache di Architettura (Bari) 5(539), ,I
1970-1971. iI

18G Zevi, Bruno. Un Piano per Brasilia - La Nuova Capitale Volera.

Cronache di Architettura (Bari) 3(193), 1970-1971.

187 Zuck, Klaus R. Ein Student Seiht Brasilia 1962. (Un

Estudante ve Brasilia 196~). Bauwelt (Berlin) 53(21) : 594-595,
May, 1962.

188 A Brasilia. Domus (Milano) 331 1-2, Guigno, 1957.

189 * Brasilia. Architect & Builder (Cape Town) 275-277,

July, 1958.

190 * Brasilia. Architectoniki (Athens) 6(34) 44-50,

July/August, 1962.

191 * Brasilia. Arkitekten (Kopenhagen) 62(26) 437-443,

December, 1960.
. ~
I

Ii
j·

'
I

!
i
iI
i
I
j
_u
 18

192 * Brasilia. Arkitektur (Stockholm) 12: 89-90, December,

1960.

193 * Brasilia. Special Issue of Arquitectura Mexico

(Mexico) 64 : 202-248, Diciembre, 1958.

;j
194 * Brasilia. Special Issue of Bauwelt (Berlin) 44
'1
I!
1161-1174, November, 1957. l
j;

195 * Brasilia. Special Issue of El Arquitecto Peruano Ii•·'

1.;

(Lima) 270/272 : 13-35, Enero/Marzo, 1960. '~

!I '1

!lj.
196 * Brasilia. Special Issue of l 'Architecture d 'Aujourd.'hui ·:
(Bologne) 90 : 2-33, Juin/Juil, 1960.

197 * Brasilia. Special Issue of l'Architecture d'Aujourd'hui

(Bologne) 101 : 22-37, Avril, 1962.
I!,,
Ii
198 * Brasilia. Special Issue of Nuestra Arquitectura
(Buenos Aires) 370 17-54, Septiembre, 1960.
I
199 * Brasilia. The Architect & Building News (London)
214 (5) 159-160, July, 1958.

200 * Brasilia. The Architect & Building News (London)

218(4) 135-146, August, 1960.

201 * Brasilia: A Modern Capital Grows in the Wilderness.

Engineering News-Record (New York)· : 30-37, April, 1959.

202 * Brasilia: A New City Rises Architectural Record

(New York) 125(1) : 14-15, January, 1959.

203 * Brasilia: A New National Capital City. Arts &

Architecture (Los Angeles) 76(4) : 15-21, April, 1959.

204 * Brasilia Ante La Critica. Hogar y Arquitectura

(Madrid) 33 : 41-45, Marzo/Abril, 1961.
 19

I
205 * Brasilia, Ciudad del Futor con Realidad Actual.
Construct (Espanha) 27 : 17-42 + 270-272, 1960.

206 * Brasilia Come l'Eur - O Peggie. 1 'Archi tettura

(Milano) 6(9) : 580, Gennaio, 1961.

207 * Brasilia, 10 Anos de Experiencia. Temas de Arquitectura

y Urbanismo (Madrid) 142 : 3o~36, Abril, 1971.

208 * Brasilia: Global Report. Prefabrication and New Build.-

ing. (London) 5(59) : 484-487, September, 1958.

209 * Brasilia, Moplh Kai Aeitoypria. Architectoniki (Athens)

6(35) 44-49, Sep./Oct., 1962.

210 * Brasilia: Niemeyer's Presidential Palace for Brazil's

New Capital. Interiors (New York) 118(11) : 92-97, June, 1959.

211 * Brasilia: Nouveille Capitale du Bresil. l'Architecture

d'Aujourd'hui (Bologne) 80 : 48-71, Octobre/Novembre, 1958.

212 * Brasilia - Organ Eines Foderaviten Staates. (Brasilia -

Orgao de Um Estado Federative) Bauwelt (Berlin) 44 : 1164-
1165, November, 1957.

213 * Brasilia, Pilot Plan. Arts & Architecture (Los Angeles),

76(11) : 21 + 36 + 38,· Nove., 1959.

214 * Brasilia: The New Capital of Brazil. Engineer

(London) 209 : 394, March, 1960.

215 * Brasilien Baut Brasilia Ein Nationale Experiment.

Oder Mehr? Brasil Constroi Brasilia - Uma Experiencia Nacional.
Ou Alga Mais? Bauwelt (Berlin) 44 : 1161, November, 1957.

216 Brazil Has Plan for New Capital. Progressive Architecture

(New York) 38(5) : loo, May, 1957.

217 * Brazil's Jungle Capital. ~...rchitectural Forum (New

York) 109 : 13, August, 1958.
 20

218 * Bridgehead to Brasilia. Progressive Architecture

(New York) 38(4} : 136-138, April, 1957.

219 * Britain at Brasilia. The Architectural Review

(London) : 78 - 80, August, 1968.

220 * Concours Pour La Nouvelle Capitale du Bresil.

Aujourd'hui (Bologne) 13 : 56-63, Juin, 1957.

221 * Congres International des Critiques d'Art a Brasilia. i

I
l'Architecture d'Aujourd'hui (Bologne) 86 : V-VII, Octobre/ l
Novembre, 1959. I
I
l
222 Der Plan Jorge Wilheim. Bauwelt (Berlin) 44 1174, November
I
1957. ·I
I

223 * Bauwelt
I
Der Plan Lucio Costa.
1169, November, 1957.
(Berlin) 44 1168-
lI
I
!
t
224 Der Plan M.M. Roberto. Bauwelt (Berlin) 44 1170- i
1171, November, 1957. t

225 * Der Plan Rine Levi. Bauwelt (Berlin) 44 ll 72-1173 ,.

November, 1957.

226 * Der Wettbewerb. (O Concurso) Bauwelt (Berlin)

44 1166-1167r November, i957.

227 * Ein Alter Traum (Um Velho· Sonho). Bauwelt {Berlin)

44 1163, November, 1957.

228 * Explanaded Egyptian Embassy Emerges. Progressive

Architecture {New York) 46(3) 51-52, March, 1965.

229 * GLI Affari Esteri di Brasili. l'Architettura (Milano)

180 : 388-389, Ott, 1970.

230 * Half-Finished Brasilia Becomes A Capital. Engineer

(London) 163 : 24-25, April, 1960.
 21

231 * Inchiesta su Brasilia. l'Architettura (Milano),

9(51) 608-619, Gennaio, 1960.

232 * La Cite Nouvelle, Brasilia. Architecture, Formes,

Functions (Lausanne) 7 : 71-88, 1960-1961.

233 * La Creation d'une Capitale. La Construction Moderne

(Paris) 2(2) : 36-44, 1960.

234 * La Nouvelle Capitale du Bresil. Aujourd'hui (Bologne)

12 56-61·, Avril, 19.57.

235 * La Nueva Capital del Brasil. Arquitectura (Havana)

26(300): 290-296, Julio, 1958.

236 *· La Polemica Internazzionale su Brasilia. l'Architettura

(Milano) 5(11): 729, Marze, 1960.

237 * Palace, Hotel, and Housing Rise in Brasilia.

Progressive Architecture (New York) 40(2): 75-77, February, 1959.

238 * Roads to Brasilia. Town and Country Planning Journal

(London) 209, June, 1960.

239 * The Moon's Backside. RIBA Journal (London) 74(4):

159-160, April, 1967. RIBA Journal (London) 74(5): 177, May,
1967.

240 * Un Quirinale Provvisorio su Cariatidi Strutturali.

Architettura (Milano) 3(22): 254, Agosto, 1957.

241 * Wettbewerbsprojekt Fur die Stadt Brasilia. (Concurso

de Projetos Para A Cidade de Brasilia). Werk Zurich) 46: 139,
Juli, 1959.

242 * Zevi Versus Brasilia: Leading Question to IFLA Con-

gress. The Architectural Review (London) 133(794): 234, Abril,
1963.

243 * Zwischenbericht Brasilia. (Relatorio de Brasilia).

Baumeiter (Ber+in) 1273-1292, Novembre, 1963.
 22

BOOKS PUBLISHED IN BRAZIL

244 Belcher, Donald J. & Associates, Inc. Relatorio Tecnico

Sobre a Nova Capital da Republica. Departamento Administrative
do Service Publico, Service de Documentacao, Rio de Janeiro,
1956.

245 Costa, Lucio. Writings on Brasilia in Lucio Costa: Sobre

Arquitetura. ~ac.Arquitetura, Urgs., Porto Alegre, 1962.

246 Freyre, Gilberto. Brasilia. In Brasis, Brasil e Brasilia

Grafica Record Editora, Rio de Janeiro, 1968, P. 175-197.

247 Niemeyer, Oscar. Brasilia - The Construction. In Enciclopedia

Barsa. Encicloped:!.a Bri tanica Ltds. , Rio de Janeiro, 1970, V. 3,
P. 362-368.

248 Niemeyer, Oscar. ·rMlnha Experiencia em Brasilia Ed. Vitoria,

Rio de Janeiro, 1961.

249 Orico, Oswaldo. Brasil, Capital Brasilia. Service Graf ice

do IBGE, Rio de Janeiro, 1960.

250 Pastore, Jose. Brasilia: A Cidade e o Homem Companhia

Editora Nacional, Sao Paulo, 1969.

251 Penna, J.O. de Meira. Conclusoes on the Transference of

the Capital. In Quando Mudam as Capitais. IBGE, Rio de
Janeiro, 1958, cap. XVI, Pags. 303-313

252 Reis Filho, Nestor Goulart. Brasilia. In Quadro da Arquitetura

No Brasil. EditOra Perspectiva, Sao Paulo, 1970, P. 97-104.

253 Sa, Paulo. Quelques Principes d'Urbanisme· a Propos de la

Nouvelle Capitale du Bresil: Brasilia. Departamento de Imprensa
Nacional, Rio de Janeiro, 1960.
 23

254 Santos, Milton. Brasilia e o Subdesenvolvimento Brasileiro.

In a Cidade Nos Paises Subdesenvolvidos. Ed. Civilizac~o
Brasileira S.A., Rio de Janeiro, 1965, III P~rte, 51-68.

255 Silva, Ernesto. Historia de Brasilia. Coordenada, Editora

de Brasilia, 1971.

256 Wilheim, Jorge. Brasilia 1969: Um Comentario Indispensavel.

In Urbanisrro no Subdesenvolvimento. Saga Editora, Rio de
Janeiro, 1969, P. 284-393.
 L
24
I
BOOKS PUBLISHED IN OTHER COUNTRIES

257 Arnau, Frank. Brasilia: Phantasie Und Wirklichkeit.

(Brasilia: Fantasia e Realidade). Prestel_Verlag, Munich, 1960.

258 Bacon, Edmond N. La Grande Realizacion: Brasilia. In D'Athenes

a Brasilia Edita Sa, Lausanne, 1967, P. 220-226+283.

259 Bardi, P.M. Brasilia and the New Architecture. In Profile of

the New Brazilian Art. Livraria Kosmos Aditora, Rio de Janeiro,
1970, P. 55-72.

260 Brown, A.J. & Sherrard, H.M. Brasilia, Capital of Brazil.

In.An Introduction to Town and Country Planning Angus and Robertson,
Melbourne, 1969, P. 262-263.

261 Cantacuzino, Sherban. Brasilia. In Great Modern Architecture

Studio Vista Limited, London, 1966, P. 152-160.

262 Diversos. Symposium Sur Brasilia. In Le Probleme Des

Capitales en Amerique Latine. Centre National de La Recherche
Scientifique, Paris, 1965, P. 363-400.

263 Epstein, David G. Brasilia, Plan and Reality. University

of California'- Berkeley - .London, 1973.

264 Evenson, Norma. Two Brazilian Capitals, Yale University,

Newhaven & London, 1973.

265 Flores, Carlos. Brasilia, and Zero. In Arauitectura

Interior, 1961. Editorn Aguilar, Madrid, 1960, P. 97-141.

266 Ludwig, Armin. The Planning and Creation of Brasilia: Toward

a New and Unique Regional Environment? In Perspectives of
Brazil. Ed. Eric N. Baklanoff, Nashville, U.S.A., 1966,
P. 179-204.
 25

267 Mackesey, T. Il Plano di Brasilia La Cita e Il Plano

Universita di Napoli, Facolta di Ingegneria, Napoli, 1961,
P. 67-69.

268 Magalhaes, Aloisia & Feldman, Eugene. Lborway to Brasilia

Falcon Press, Philadelphia, 1959.

269 Mindlin, Henrique E. Brasilia: Dream or Reality? In

Brazilian Architecture. Royal College of Art, London, 1961,
P. 41-50.

270 Monbeig, P.E. Outros. Interventions (Sur Brasilia). In

·Le Probleme des Capitales en Amerique Latine/Symposiurn sur
Brasilia. Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique,
Paris, 1965:390-400.

271 Pfeifer, Gottfried. Quelques Rernarques a Propes de Brasilia.

In Le Probleme des Capitales en P..merique Latine/Symposium sur
Brasilia. Centre National de La Recherche Scientifique, Paris,
1965, P. 386-390.

272 Roche, Jean. Expose Introductif (Sur Brasilia). In

Le Probleme des Capitales en Amerique Latine/Symposium sur
Brasilia. Centre national de la Recherche Scientifique, Paris,
1965, P. 363-368.

273 Santos, Milton. Brasilia, A Nova Capital Brasileira. In

Le Probleme des Capitales en Amerique Latine/Symposium sur
Brasilia. Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, Paris,
1965, P. 369-385.

274 Staubli, Willy. Brasilia. Verlagsanstalt Alexander Koch

GMBH, Stuttgart, 1966.