ps2082 Exc18

Examiners’ commentaries 2018

PS2082 Comparative politics
Important note
This commentary reflects the examination and assessment arrangements

for this course in the academic year 2017–18. The format and structure of
the examination may change in future years, and any such changes will be
publicised on the virtual learning environment (VLE).
Information about the subject guide and the Essential

reading references
Unless otherwise stated, all cross-references will be to the latest version of
the subject guide (2011) or current version of the online course. You should
always attempt to use the most recent edition of any Essential reading
textbook, even if the commentary and/or online reading list and/or subject
guide refer to an earlier edition. If different editions of Essential reading are
listed, please check the VLE for reading supplements – if none are available,
please use the contents list and index of the new edition to find the relevant
section.
General remarks
Learning outcomes
At the end of this course, and having completed the Essential reading and
activities, you should be able to:
• show how rational choice models can be applied to political institutions
and processes in order to understand their mechanisms
• demonstrate how essentially the same processes may work in entirely
different institutional settings
• show how the rational actor model can be applied to any situation
involving human action
• explain the function of the important institutions in modern liberal
democracies.
Format of the examination

The examination consists of 12 questions of which you must answer three. All
questions carry equal marks. You are allowed 60 minutes for each question.
Asking you to answer three questions allows the examiners to ensure
that you have a depth of knowledge of at least three topics and a general
understanding of the remaining topics covered in the course.
What are the examiners looking for?

Examiners are looking for critical evaluation of the question. This requires
you to assess it with reference to theories related to the subject. To be able
to do this you should have a good understanding of the literature, which
is often possible by moving beyond the subject guide and referring to the
literature listed under Essential reading and Further reading. In addition to
providing a critical assessment of the question, examiners are also looking for
1
DV1171 Introduction to international development
well- informed opinion and coherent arguments often backed by empirical

evidence. One common mistake students make is to provide a descriptive
essay without engaging in critical thinking.
Answering only one part of the question is also a common mistake that
candidates make. You need to make sure that you answer all parts of the
question asked. Finally, you need to communicate your answer in a well-
organised and structured essay format. In order to achieve this, you can spend
a few minutes planning your answer before starting to write. Examiners tend
to prefer well- structured but rather limited essays to lengthy but unstructured
essays.
Key steps to improvement

• Address the question directly and in its entirety.
• Read beyond the subject guide to cover text in Essential reading and
Further reading.
• Make sure that your essay has a structure, with an introduction, main body
and a conclusion.
• There is no one right answer, so plan in advance what you will say and how
you will say it.
• Make sure to reinforce your arguments with well-chosen, real-world
examples.
Examination revision strategy
Many candidates are disappointed to find that their examination

performance is poorer than they expected. This may be due to a number
of reasons, but one particular failing is ‘question spotting’, that is,
confining your examination preparation to a few questions and/or topics
which have come up in past papers for the course. This can have serious
consequences.
We recognise that candidates might not cover all topics in the syllabus
in the same depth, but you need to be aware that examiners are free to
set questions on any aspect of the syllabus. This means that you need
to study enough of the syllabus to enable you to answer the required
number of examination questions.
The syllabus can be found in the Course information sheet available on
the VLE. You should read the syllabus carefully and ensure that you cover
sufficient material in preparation for the examination. Examiners will vary
the topics and questions from year to year and may well set questions
that have not appeared in past papers. Examination papers may
legitimately include questions on any topic in the syllabus. So, although
past papers can be helpful during your revision, you cannot assume that
topics or specific questions that have come up in past examinations will
occur again.
If you rely on a question-spotting strategy, it is likely you will find
yourself in difficulties when you sit the examination. We strongly
advise you not to adopt this strategy.
2

PS2082 Comparative politics – Zone A
Important note


reading references
section.
Comments on specific questions

Candidates should answer three of the following twelve questions. All
questions carry equal marks.
Question 1
Under what circumstances is legitimacy likely to matter in non-democratic
contexts?
Reading for this question
Whilst many authors have written on legitimacy, the one with the most
interest in non-democracies is Weber. His most accessible work can be traced
to the chapter entitled ‘Politics as a vocation’ in:
Connolly, W. (ed.) Legitimacy and the State. (Oxford: Blackwell, 1984) [ISBN
9780855206468].
or alternatively can be found in:
Lassman, P. and R. Speers Weber: Political Writings. Cambridge Texts in the
History of Political Thought. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994)
[ISBN 9780521397193].
Approaching the question
It is much harder to say anything useful about legitimacy in nondemocratic
systems than it is in democratic systems. This is partly due to problems of
response (people will tend to dissemble if they are afraid) and partly because
political outcomes are inevitably less predictable. Things are more uncertain
still when international factors are taken into consideration. Not surprisingly,
the study of internal legitimacy has not produced many great revelations.
Stronger answers to this question engaged with examples where contested
legitimacy has led to active intervention, such as in the case of Libya.
3
Question 2
‘One must understand a country’s cultural context in order to understand its
politics.’ Discuss.
For a study of how political culture has changed over time see:
Inglehart, R. Culture shift in advanced industrial society. (Princeton, NJ:
Princeton University Press, 1990) [ISBN 0691022968].
A more clearly comparative approach to studying political culture is to be
found in:
Almond, G. and S. Verba The civic culture: political attitudes and democracy in
five nations. (London: Sage, 1989) [ISBN 0803935587].
On issues relating to nations and nationalism in a way that is relevant to the
question see also:
McGarry, J. and B. O’ Leary ‘Introduction: the macro-political regulation of
ethnic conflict’ in McGarry, J. and B. O’Leary (eds) The politics of ethnic
conflict regulation: case studies of protracted ethnic conflict. (London:
Routledge, 1993) pp.1–41.
One potentially valid approach is to start from the idea that political culture is
an inherently comparative field of study and specifically to highlight differences
between countries. That is, some candidates argued that a country’s cultural
context must be understood, as a starting point, in order to understand each
country’s politics—and used examples to demonstrate this.
An alternative approach would be to start from the idea that cultural context
in democratic systems tends to change things in the long run as the influence
of global factors makes itself felt. Candidates could argue that this is always
the case and therefore context ‘must’ be understood, although there was also
scope for arguing that context does not invariably change things and hence
the statement is not entirely true.
Question 3
Can human rights coexist with majoritarian decision-making in
democracies?
Zakaria, F. ‘The rise of illiberal democracy’, Foreign Affairs 76 (November,
December) 1997, pp.22–43.
Dahl, R.A. On democracy. (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2000)
[ISBN 9780300084559].
Additionally:
Ackerman, B. ‘The rise of world constitutionalism’, Virginia Law Review 83(4)
May 1997, pp.771–97.
O’Brien, D. Storm center: the Supreme Court in American politics. (New York;
London: W.W. Norton, 1999) 5th revised edition [ISBN 9780393974928].
A competent answer needed to show understanding that the question was
about the internal coherence of democratic principles. This question has to
do with the many complex philosophical questions involving tensions in the
relationship between human rights and democracy.
4
Democracy can be vulnerable to self-destruction if it is not somehow

protected via some kind of system of checks and balances, but too much
protection of minority rights can make the idea of democracy as being about
majority rule almost meaningless.
This is a question where some discussion of individual cases would be helpful.
Most countries have experienced a number of real world dilemmas to do with
the judicialisation and tensions between protection of minority rights.
Question 4
Is an elected local government an obstacle to change?
For a specific example, see:
Curtice, J., B. Seyd and K. Thomson K. ‘Do mayoral elections work? Evidence
from London’, Political Studies 56(3) 2008, pp.653–78.
See also:
Page E.C. and M.J. Goldsmith (eds) Centre and local government relations.
(London: Sage, 1987) [ISBN 080348071X].
This question hints at a paradox. Decentralisation is commonly regarded
as a ‘good thing’ but many people who have to deal with local government
have found the experience frustrating. Why should this be? Most candidates
accepted the premises of the question but answered it in institutional ways.
One alternative possible answer that might have been attempted had to do
with the character of local voters who often tend to be ‘unpoor’ and ‘unyoung’.
They are likely to oppose change because of who they are more than on the
merits of the proposals themselves
Question 5
‘The greatest threat to democratic stability is economic crisis.’ Discuss.
Lipset, S.M. Political man: the social bases of politics. (Baltimore, MD: Johns
Hopkins University Press, 1983) 3rd edition [ISBN 08018255229].
This is a difficult question to discuss because we have no actual cases of
democratic breakdown in advanced countries since 1945, but we do have
potential hypotheses to consider. In recent years, countries such as Greece
and Spain have experienced severe economic difficulties and some candidates
approached the question by asking why those countries’ severe economic
problems have not, at least as yet, put democracy at risk.
We immediately see a contrast. Greek GDP has fallen by around a quarter
in recent years, whereas Greek economic growth in the 1960s was positive.
Yet there was a military coup in Greece in 1967 whereas it has so far been
unthinkable for democracy to break down in Greece since the 1960s.
Some candidates raised other (counter-factual) examples (that is, examples
where economic crises have not led to democratic instability and questioned
why this is) ranging from Latin America to Eastern Europe or Asia. The key to a
strong answer was to highlight the role of other causal institutions and seek to
explain what leads to democratic stability when economies falter.
5
Question 6
Which is preferable: a Weberian state bureaucracy or a clientelist
bureaucratic system?
Hood, C. The art of the state: culture, rhetoric and public management.
(Oxford: Clarendon, 1998) [ISBN 0198297653].
Weber, ‘Politics as a vocation’ in Connolly, W. (ed.) Legitimacy and the state.
(Oxford: Blackwell, 1984) [ISBN 9780855206468].
It is generally accepted that Weberian bureaucratic systems are more
efficient when it comes to running the country than clientelistic bureaucratic
systems are. A significant part of the relative economic success of many Asian
countries, contrasted with the less happy experiences of Latin America, has
been attributed to this fact. However, there is a political cost to be paid in
terms of the authoritarian characteristics of Asian bureaucracies in contrast
to the more political style of Latin America. The US specifically rejected the
idea of a meritocratic civil service in the 19th century because it was seen as
undemocratic.
Strong essays were able to weigh up the two types of systems and provide an
example or examples to back up their argument.
Question 7
Do referendums enhance or detract from the effectiveness of representative
democracy?
Dahl, R.A. Democracy and its critics. (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press,
1991) [ISBN 9780300049381].
Dahl, R.A. On democracy. (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2000)
[ISBN 9780300084559].
Schumpeter, J. Capitalism, socialism and democracy. (London: Martino Fine
Books, 2010) [ISBN 9781891396519].
There are various aspects to this question that candidates could have focussed
on. One is the perception that there are different types of referendum
depending on whether they are constitutional or merely focused on policy.
The question does not specify a type and exploring the differences between
the two, using examples, proved an effective strategy for some candidates.
The question could also be approached more specifically from the perspective
of representativeness in democracies: at one extreme, some people believe
that extensive popular participation is of decisive importance in measuring
the quality of democracy, and referendums allow for greater participation on
specific issues. However an alternative, sceptical approach would be that more
regular and direct participation could lead to mass hysteria at one extreme, or
apathy and voter fatigue at the other.
The use of referendums vary enormously between countries, and sometimes
within them. Strong answers engaged examples of which there are many to
choose, including those from relating to constitutional or policy issues.
6
Question 8
‘Parliamentary systems combined with systems of proportional
representation are a recipe for indecisive government.’ Discuss.
Sartori, G. Parties and party systems: a framework for analysis. (Colchester:
ECPR Press, 2005) 2nd revised edition [ISBN 9780954796617].
The first edition of this text is:
Sartori, G. Parties and party systems: a framework for analysis. (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1976) [ISBN 0521291062].
This is a variation on the “proportional representation versus the first-past-the-
post” debate. The question raises the issue of ‘best’ electoral systems and can
be seen as addressing the conflict between fairness and efficiency. Democratic
elitists prefer decisive government even at the price of some unfairness.
Pluralists are more concerned about fairness (and potential indecisiveness, as
per the question). Strong answers were able to raise the issue that it depends,
in part on whether proportional representation produces three or four
parties… 20 or 30. The latter might indeed be problematic whereas the former
may allow for more decisive government.
Question 9
What accounts for the increased role of constitutionalism in world politics?
Ackerman, B. ‘The Rise of World Constitutionalism’, Virginia Law Review 83/4,
May 1997, pp.771–97.
Ackerman claims that constitutionalism, is indeed increasing in importance
and seeks to explain why.
Greater international economic integration is one factor enhancing the role
of constitutionalism and the growth of the salience of rights issues is another.
Constitutionalism is widely seen as an effective barrier to democratic breakdown
of the kind that happened in Europe in the 1930s. Principles of majoritarianism
did not effectively protect liberal democracy from political extremism.
Some candidates chose to extrapolate upon their answer in various ways. For
example, some discussed whether constitutionalism is now at a state where
its importance ought to be reduced. Others chose to discuss how the rise of
constitutionalism has resulted in a more homogenous world. Still others took
the approach of discussing the pro’s and cons of protecting people’s rights
generally under constitutionalism. Whatever the approach, strong essays were
able to tie these extrapolations back to the question as posed and to include
real life examples to demonstrate key points.
Question 10
Is the European Union a federation?
Wheare, K.C. Federal government. (London: Oxford University Press, 1963).
Additionally:
1997, pp.771–97.
7

The core to this answer lies in defining federalism. Several criteria are
potentially relevant but they point in different directions. Secession is
important in that there is a consensus that a country can leave if it wants to.
However, the day-to-day workings of European government looks distinctively
federal. Another relevant factor is the common currency, though the overlap
between the EU and the Euro is not complete. Candidates may have also
brought in issues of Brexit, without letting it dominate their answer given that
the question was more generally about Europe.
Question 11
‘Political party membership is declining because the importance of the
media is increasing.’ Discuss.
Panebanco, A. Political Parties. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
1988) [ISBN 9780521314015].
This question lays out an assertion that could itself be contested by
candidates; however in most cases it was accepted by candiates that there is at
least a correlation if not causation between the decline in party membership
and the rise in the media.
Many candidates chose to focus mainly on the decline of political party
membership, with some also reflecting on the impact of that decline. This
could include a discussion of the role and strategies of political parties
more generally: are they primarily motivated by ideology, or in positioning
themselves to capture the vote and therefore win elections? Understanding
the purpose and strategies of political parties proved a useful starting point
for many candidates to address this question.
The second element of the question allowed candidates to consider the
role of the media in relation to party membership decline. Just two possible
explanations for the correlation are: Media scrutiny of parties highlighting party
disunity; people looking to the media for political information and influence
rather than political parties. The question had scope for other issues to creatively
be raised, for example the influence of social media or the impact of ‘fake news’.
The strongest answers were able to address both elements of the question
(party decline and media influence) and how they relate to each other.
Question 12
Are term limits an essential part of democratic presidentialism?
Linz (1990). As with other arguments about presidentialism, it was Linz who
put the issue of term limits on the academic agenda.
For a more recent study see:
Philip, G. and F. Panizza The triumph of politics. (Cambridge: Polity Press,
2011) [ISBN 9780745647494].
Strong answers to this question were able to address how presidentialism
is institutionally specific and how far its consequences can be reproduced
in different ways. For example, to what extent can executive powers in
presidential systems be altered through changing the electoral system? It is
not clear that there is anything completely distinctive institutionally about
8
presidentialism that would settle the issue. The use of one or more examples
to explore these issues was an effective way for candidates to address this
question.
One of the institutional factors that have come into play since Latin America
redemocratised at the end of the Cold War, has been the adoption of a US-
style system in which a single re-election period was allowed. A clear majority
of Latin American countries now have this system. There are exceptions,
however – Venezuela permits indefinite re-election and Ecuador and Bolivia
have looked as if they might be going in the same direction. Moreover,
Argentina has to some extent undermined the point of term limits by
permitting the election of spouses.
9

PS2082 Comparative politics – Zone B
Important note


reading references
section.
Comments on specific questions

Candidates should answer three of the following twelve questions. All
questions carry equal marks.
Question 1
‘Public opinion polls are an unreliable method for learning more about
particular sub-groups within a given society.’ Discuss.
Lagos, M. ‘Latin America’s smiling mask’, Journal of Democracy 8(3) 1997, pp.
125–38.
Linz, J. A. Stepan Problems of democratic transition and consolidation:
southern Europe, South America and post-communist Europe. (Baltimore,
MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996) [ISBN 9780801851582].
There are two key issues here: one is methodological, regarding whether
people are likely to give honest opinions that can or should be relied upon for
research or political data collection when public opinion polls are collected.
The other is how public opinion polls may be used in various contexts. Strong
candidates narrowed down their answers to one of either approach and made
a strong argument for or against the statement with reasons to back it up.
Particularly strong candidates were able to recognise how, across various voter
jurisdictions, this question has been particularly salient in recent years – when
public opinion polls have failed to predict election outcomes, and have even
been accused of being not only not neutral, but influencing the way people
vote based on pre-election voter-poll predictions.
Question 2
10
To what extent does political culture influence bureaucratic behaviour?

Hood writes specifically on the relationship between political culture and
bureaucracy:
Hood, C. The art of the state: culture, rhetoric and public management. (Oxford:
Clarendon, 1998) [ISBN 0198297653].
For a study of how political culture has changed over time see:
Inglehart, R. Culture shift in advanced industrial society. (Princeton, NJ:
Princeton University Press, 1990) [ISBN 0691022968].
A more clearly comparative approach to studying political culture is to be
found in:
Almond, G. and S. Verba The civic culture: political attitudes and democracy in
five nations. (London: Sage, 1989) [ISBN 0803935587].
Hood (1998) in particular has argued that bureaucracies will (and should) reflect
the wider political culture of a society. From his approach, Weberian patterns
of bureaucracy are hierarchist, with alternatives being egalitarian, individualist
and fatalist. Organisation that carry out complex and technically difficult tasks
must pursue both efficiency and creativity; working within the rules and able
to improvise without them. A particular bureaucracy’s success at finding a
balances amongst these elements relates to the political culture as a whole.
Question 3
How does a country’s electoral system influence its party system? Discuss with
reference to Duverger’s hypothesis.
Given that his work is cited in the question, successful candidates need to be
familiar with:
Duverger, M. Political Parties: Their organizational activity in the modern
state. Translated by B. and N. North. (London: Methuen, 1978; originally
published 1964) third edition [ISBN 9780416683202].
See also:
Lijphart, A. Patterns of democracy: government forms and performance
in thirty-six countries. (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1999) [ISBN
9780300078930].
Duverger’s arguments are best applied to an electoral environment where
reasonably contented voters have to make marginal calculations about the
future. However, disillusion has often motivated people to vote against a
discredited establishment in favour of something quite different. ‘Throw the
rascals out!’ or ‘take a chance on me’ can often be very powerful mobilising
slogans which can simply outweigh any Duverger-type effect at times of crisis.
It is also the case that parties based on a geographical concentration of the
vote can concentrate support and similarly outweigh a ‘first-past-the-post’
electoral system. There are several points which can be made here, including
the straightforward argument that popular preferences can outweigh electoral
mechanics.
11
Question 4
‘Russia’s Putin has shown that semi-presidentialism can easily develop into
semi-authoritarianism.’ Discuss.
Elgie, R. ‘The Perils of Semi-presidentialism: Are they
exaggerated?’,Democratization 15/1 (2008), pp.49–66.
This question is largely empirical but it allows candidates familiar with
the notion of semi-presidentialism to bring an institutional dimension
derived from the literature to their answer. Russia’s Putin is an increasingly
salient subject and strong answers were able to bring in the issue of semi-
presidentialism but also link it to wider theoretical concepts. There were
opportunities to link this to international issues as well (such as Crimea),
although candidates are encouraged not to go too far from the question as
posed.
Question 5
Which is preferable: a Weberian state bureaucracy or a clientelist
bureaucratic system?
Hood, C. The art of the state: culture, rhetoric and public management.
(Oxford: Clarendon, 1998) [ISBN 0198297653].
Weber, ‘Politics as a vocation’ in Connolly, W. (ed.) Legitimacy and the state.
(Oxford: Blackwell, 1984) [ISBN 9780855206468].
It is generally accepted that Weberian bureaucratic systems are more
efficient when it comes to running the country than clientelistic bureaucratic
systems are. A significant part of the relative economic success of many Asian
countries, contrasted with the less happy experiences of Latin America, has
been attributed to this fact. However, there is a political cost to be paid in
terms of the authoritarian characteristics of Asian bureaucracies in contrast
to the more political style of Latin America. The US specifically rejected the
idea of a meritocratic civil service in the 19th century because it was seen as
undemocratic.
Strong essays were able to weigh up the two types of systems and provide an
example or examples to back up their argument.
Question 6
‘Political party membership is declining while the importance of the media is
increasing.’ Discuss.
Panebanco, A. Political Parties. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
1988) [ISBN 9780521314015].
This question lays out an assertion that could itself be contested by
candidates; however in most cases it was accepted by that there is at least a
correlation if not causation between the decline in party membership and the
rise in the media.
Many candidates chose to focus mainly on the decline of political party
membership, with some also reflecting on the impact of that decline. This
12
could include a discussion of the role and strategies of political parties

more generally: are they primarily motivated by ideology, or in positioning
themselves to capture the vote and therefore win elections? Understanding
the purpose and strategies of political parties proved a useful starting point
for many candidates to address this question.
The second element of the question allowed candidates to consider the role of
the media vis a vis party membership decline. Just two possible explanations
for the correlation are: Media scrutiny of parties highlighting party disunity;
people looking to the media for political information and influence rather
than political parties. The question had scope for other issues to creatively be
raised, for example the influence of social media or the impact of ‘fake news’.
The strongest answers were able to address both elements of the question
(party decline and media influence) and how they relate to each other.
Question 7
Do referendums enhance or detract from the effectiveness of representative
democracy?
Dahl, R.A. Democracy and its critics. (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press,
1991) [ISBN 9780300049381].
Dahl, R.A. On democracy. (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2000) [ISBN
9780300084559].
Schumpeter, J. Capitalism, socialism and democracy. (London: Martino Fine
Books, 2010) [ISBN 9781891396519].
There are various aspects to this question that candidates could have focussed
on. One is the perception that there are different types of referendum
depending on whether they are constitutional or merely focused on policy.
The question does not specify a type and exploring the differences between
the two, using examples, proved an effective strategy for some candidates.
The question could also be approached more specifically from the perspective
of representativeness in democracies: at one extreme, some people believe
that extensive popular participation is of decisive importance in measuring
the quality of democracy, and referendums allow for greater participation on
specific issues. However an alternative, sceptical approach would be that more
regular and direct participation could lead to mass hysteria at one extreme, or
apathy and voter fatigue at the other.
The use of referendums vary enormously between countries, and sometimes
within them. Strong answers engaged examples of which there are many to
choose, including those from relating to constitutional or policy issues.
Question 8
Can human rights coexist with majoritarian decision-making in
democracies?
The key readings for this topic are:
Zakaria, F. ‘The rise of illiberal democracy’, Foreign Affairs 76 (November,
December) 1997, pp.22–43
Dahl, R.A. On democracy. (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2000) [ISBN
9780300084559].
13
Additionally:
May 1997, pp.771–97,
O’Brien, D. Storm center: the Supreme Court in American politics. (New York;
London: W.W. Norton, 1999) 5th revised edition [ISBN 9780393974928].
A competent answer needed to show understanding that the question was
about the internal coherence of democratic principles. This question has to
do with the many complex philosophical questions involving tensions in the
relationship between human rights and democracy.
Democracy can be vulnerable to self-destruction if it is not somehow
protected via some kind of system of checks and balances, but too much
protection of minority rights can make the idea of democracy as being about
majority rule almost meaningless.
This is a question where some discussion of individual cases would be helpful.
Most countries have experienced a number of real world dilemmas to do with
the judicialisation and tensions between protection of minority rights.
Question 9
Do federal systems give the judicial system too much of a role in politics?
Part of the requirement for answering this question accurately requires
defining federalism. Several criteria are potentially relevant but they point
in different directions. Strong answers acknowledged different elements of
federalism but then led the answer into something more focussed on the role
of the judicial system.
The role of the judicial system within federalism is debated and hence there
was no ‘right answer’ that the examiner was looking for; however strong
answers offered an informed and critically reflective response, potentially
using examples to demonstrate the learning between theory and case
studies.
Question 10
‘Parliamentary systems combined with systems of proportional
representation are a recipe for indecisive government.’ Discuss.
This is a variation on the “proportional representation versus the first-past-the-
post” debate. The question raises the issue of ‘best’ electoral systems and can
be seen as addressing the conflict between fairness and efficiency. Democratic
elitists prefer decisive government even at the price of some unfairness.
Pluralists are more concerned about fairness (and potential indecisiveness, as
per the question). Strong answers were able to raise the issue that it depends,
in part on whether proportional representation produces three or four
parties… 20 or 30. The latter might indeed be problematic whereas the former
may allow for more decisive government.
14
Question 11
Do parliamentary systems need strong parties in order to work well?
Duverger, M. Political Parties: Their organizational activity in the modern
state. Translated by B. and N. North. (London: Methuen, 1978; originally
published 1964) third edition [ISBN 9780416683202].
Additionally:
This question requires a knowledge of how parliamentary systems and political
parties work together well (or, it could be argued, ineffectually). A wide range
of examples (contemporary or historical) could have been used and many were
by candidates in 2017-18. The strongest answers, however, were able to explore
the complicated relationship between the party politics and parliamentarism.
Duverger was an obvious starting point, but other directions of argument were
possible and utilised on some occasion by candidates.
Question 12
‘The advantages of a semi-presidential system outweigh the disadvantages.’
Discuss.
The key authors on core executives are:
Linz, J. and A. Valenzuela (eds) The failure of presidential democracy.
(Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1994) [ISBN
0801846404].
Lijphart, A. Patterns of democracy: government forms and performance in
thirty six countries. (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1999) [ISBN
9780300078930].
An answer based on semi-presidentialism would also be acceptable. In such a
case, the relevant work is:
Elgie, R. and S. Moestrup (eds) Semi-presidentialism outside Europe: a
comparative study. (London: Routledge, 2007) [ISBN 0415380478].
For a sceptical approach see:
Haggard, S. and M. McCubbins (eds) Presidents, parliaments and policy.
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001) [ISBN 0521774853].
Strong candidates were able to show how presidentialism is institutionally
specific and how far its consequences can be reproduced in other ways. For
example, to what extent can political parties in presidential systems be altered
through changing the electoral system? It is not clear that there is anything
completely distinctive about presidentialism. Core political institutions may be
an important part of a political system but they can be adapted in all kinds of
ways.
15

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Examiners’ commentaries 2018

Examiners’ commentaries 2018

This commentary reflects the examination and assessment arrangements

Information about the subject guide and the Essential

Format of the examination

What are the examiners looking for?

well- informed opinion and coherent arguments often backed by empirical

Key steps to improvement

Examination revision strategy

Many candidates are disappointed to find that their examination

Examiners’ commentaries 2018

This commentary reflects the examination and assessment arrangements

Information about the subject guide and the Essential

Comments on specific questions

Democracy can be vulnerable to self-destruction if it is not somehow

Approaching the question

Examiners’ commentaries 2018

This commentary reflects the examination and assessment arrangements

Information about the subject guide and the Essential

Comments on specific questions

To what extent does political culture influence bureaucratic behaviour?

could include a discussion of the role and strategies of political parties

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