Theme 2: Early Humans in the Americas

1.1 Guiding Questions:

What are the origins of humanity?
How was the world populated by humans?
1.2 Unit Description
This unit traces the root lines of humanity and America. It examines the theories of populating
the world and traces the migratory patterns of the early humans. The analysis explores the impact
of climatic and environmental changes on human’s access to food. The Out of Africa theory is
used as the base to explore how the geographical spaces were unified by human activity
originating from Africa and reaching America. The migration is evidenced by a series
archaeological, and anthropologic traces that disclose information about culture, lifestyles,
settlement patterns, and survival.
This unit serves to situate Belize’s early inhabitants by examining the culture and lifestyle of the
Paleo-Indians, Archaic people, and the Maya. The examination will explore their salient
characteristics, differentiate among them, and outline continuities.
The unit culminates with a thorough analysis of the rise of the Maya Civilization. It surveys the
major characteristics of the Maya and analysis several examples that showcase the grandeur of
the Maya in the Mesoamerican region and Belize.
1.3 Objectives:
1. Describe at least one theory explaining the origins of humanity.
2. Trace the early human migration into America.
3. Examine the evidence supporting the theories and routes of migration into America.
4. Assess the general characteristics of the Paleo-Indians and the Archaic people.
5. Describe the cultural changes between Archaic Societies and the Maya.
6. Analyse the factors that led to the rise of the Maya civilization.
7. Describe Five major technological achievements of the Maya civilization.
8. Defend the importance and relevance of the Maya civilization for Belize today.

1.4 Why are the origins of humanity important to Belize?

 1.4 What were the origins of humans?
Our earliest ancestors lived in Africa almost eight million years ago. Over seven million years
later, we appeared and developed the skills—including sophisticated toolmaking and agriculture
—that allowed us to colonize the world.
Skeletal and DNA evidence suggests that our species, Homo sapiens, evolved in Africa and then
spread across the globe. The first traces of modern humans beyond Africa come from fossils in
Israel and possibly from stone tools found in Arabia. They date to before 100,000 years ago.
Homo sapiens’ colonization of the globe involved many stops, starts, and sometimes retreats, as
well as waves of different groups of people in some areas. Homo sapiens may have moved into
Eurasia via the Mediterranean coast of western Asia, spreading into Western Europe by 35,000
years ago (YA). Farther north, Homo sapiens first spread across northern Eurasia around
35,000YA. However, they may have retreated during the last Ice Age, and not recolonized the
region until after 14,000–13,000 YA. Genetically, the North American colonists are likely to
have originated in East Asia. They probably travelled across the plain of “Beringia”— now
beneath the Bering Straits between Siberia and Alaska, but exposed by low sea levels at the
height of the last Ice Age. Distinctive “Clovis” spear points (flaked on both sides) are found
across North America around 12,000 YA, so modern humans were widespread at that point, but
earlier sites are also known, including South American sites such as Monte Verde (15,500–
15,000 YA).

Skeletal and genetic evidence suggests that modern humans originated in Africa and spread
across the globe from there, as reflected on this map. This is called the “Out of Africa” theory.
An alternative “multiregional” theory suggests that Homo sapiens evolved simultaneously in
many different parts of the world, from ancestors who had left Africa much earlier. The ancient
ancestors of modern humans evolved in the African tropics. Over time, as human species
evolved larger brains and developed more advanced skills and behaviour, they became better
equipped to deal with the challenges of new environments.
By tracking the movement of humans through time, we learn how early societies formed and
how people lived, ate and progressed. The oldest idea of how early humans crossed over to the
Americas was based on the movement of animals too. They hunted megafauna (Giant animals)
to survive, and they followed them to the Americas.
1.5 Who were the early humans that moved into the Americas?
The early humans in America are considered Paleo-Indian (Paleo-Indian is also referred to the
period between 12,000 years ago to the end of the last ice age). As mentioned earlier their origins
are found in Asia. The migrated into North America from Asia during the last ice age, when sea
levels were low (CA 12-20000 years ago). Archaeological evidence from Siberia indicates that
human groups occupied northeast Asia by 30,000 years ago, and stone tool assemblages used by
these peoples show crucial similarities to the earliest stone tools found in Alaska. The
movements of people between Asia and North America may have been by both land and sea.
The land routes were through Beringia (the Bering land bridge), while sea routes may have
followed the Pacific coast of Beringia and North America. Both linguistic studies and research
into molecular genetic variation in Siberian and Native American populations suggest that there
were several different expansions of peoples into the Americas. Mitochondrial DNA (mt DNA)
data suggest that south-eastern Siberia was the homeland for most ancestral Native American
populations, but some expansions may have originated from other regions of Asia.
They encountered and hunted many species of large, now extinct mammals. They felled these
"megafauna" (named such due to the large size compared to modern beasts) with spears tipped
with stone points. These animals included the mastodon, mammoth, horse, tapir, ground sloth,
great bison, giant beaver, giant tortoise, American lion, short-faced bear, and sabre-toothed tiger.
Many fossilized remains of these now extinct creatures have been found in the region.
The Paleoindian period included small bands that roamed over much of the Americas, hunting
and gathering food and relying on tools of chipped stone and other materials. They were nomads,
there is no evidence that they developed a political structure within their society. Perhaps a chief
of some sort to organize where they moved and where they hunted. But these early bands were
not static and unchanging. The fluted Clovis spear point was developed in the Americas by about
10,000 BC and greatly improved big game hunting success. Surface finds of these Paleoindian
spear points have been found in the Quiche Basin of the Maya highlands, at the Ladyville site
(Belize), Actun Halal (Belize), and Chanona Cave (Belize). Mammoth bones have been found
associated with stone tools in Central Mexico and at Loltun cave in Yucatan. While many
different animals were hunted, large and small, the big game animals became extinct at the end
of the Ice Age and new subsistence strategies were developed. Late in the Paleoindian period
there was a tendency for groups to utilize a more restricted array of food resources as bands in
different regions became increasingly well adapted to local environments.
 1.6 Who came after the Paleo-Indians?
The beginning of the Archaic period (ca. 8000–2000BC) was conditioned by the warming of the
earth. This led to a shift from nomadic hunting and gathering to more territorially based foraging.
The megafauna was not able to adapt to the change in climate and the decrease in large game
forced the Paleo-Indians to change their nomadic lifestyle to survive the weather conditions.
They found that they no longer had to move from place to place to hunt for food and changing to
a more sustainable lifestyle. During this interval the earliest known villages appeared along the
seacoasts, such as those along the Caribbean and the Pacific, where abundant natural food
resources of shore and lagoon could support long-term or year-round settled life. This rich
environment, combined with an efficient food-collecting technology, gave rise to village life.
Recent evidence from the site of Monte Verde in Chile suggests that the road toward settled
communities in some productive environments may have begun as early as 12,000 years ago.
Archaic culture in the Americas went through two significant developments: 1. Domestication of
plants 2. Sedentism (settled villages).
Plant Domestication: Humans select wild plants that they can raise into crops. This trial-
and-error process of selection eventually led to agriculture. Plant domestication allowed
human beings to settle into one space. Raising fields needed persons to tend to them
daily, this process required people to track seasonal changes that would be suitable for
planting, harvesting and replanting. It is important to remember that this took hundreds of
years to achieve. Tracking the season’s cycles would bring forth innovations apart from
agriculture. Agriculture also forced human beings to manipulate their environment in
order to survive environmental catastrophes.
Sedentism: As human beings began to depend on agriculture for survival, the need to
tend to the crops led to a settlement. Once humans could track seasons and cycles
confidently, these settlements became permanent.
Video: Human Population through time https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PUwmA3Q0_OE.
Required Reading:
Gruhn, R. (2020). Evidence grows that peopling of the Americas began more than 20,000 Years
Ago. Nature, 584(7819), 47–48. https://doi.org/10.1038/d41586-020-02137-3
Further Reading:
1. Harddcastle, M. (2022, June 27). Peopling of the Americas | Science Sessions | PNAS.
PNAS. Retrieved from https://www.pnas.org/post/podcast/peopling-americas
2. Clark, J., Carlson, A. E., Reyes, A. V., Carlson, E. C., Guillaume, L., Milne, G. A.,
Tarasov, L., Caffee, M., Wilcken, K., & Rood, D. H. (2022). The age of the opening of
the ice-free corridor and implications for the peopling of the Americas. Proceedings of
the National Academy of Sciences, 119(14). https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.2118558119
3. James Stemp, W., Awe, J. J., & Helmke, C. G. (2016). A possible Paleoindian/Early
Archaic point from Ladyville, Belize, Central America. PaleoAmerica, 2(1), 70–73.
https://doi.org/10.1179/2055557115y.0000000009
 1.7 Who are the Maya people?
As settled societies expanded throughout the Americas, the population grew. With more people
to feed, persons began to spread near and far to find lands that would hold a growing population.
The land had to be fertile for agriculture and to hunt small game. As the population grew the
necessity for organisation became a crucial part of the progress. How does one feed a growing
population while maintaining order and stability among the groups? How do you sustain
“occupations”? How do you time a working day? How do you get a large population to SUBMIT
and work together? Over the span of a few hundred years these small societies would eventually
grow into successful civilizations.
The Maya civilization was part of this independent evolutionary process. Located in eastern
Mesoamerica, the Maya flourished in a diverse homeland in Mexico, Guatemala, Belize,
Honduras, and El Salvador until the Spanish Conquest. The brutal subjugation of the Maya
people by the Spanish extinguished a series of independent Maya states with roots as far back as
1000 BCE. Over the following 2,500 years scores of Maya polities rose and fell, some larger and
more powerful than others. Most of these kingdoms existed for hundreds of years; a few endured
for a thousand years or more.
The Maya Civilization is subdivided in chronological order for its study the Pre-Classic, Classic,
and post-classic periods.
The Maya Area
The Maya area is divided into three environmental zones: the Pacific coastal plain to the south,
the highlands in the center, and the lowlands to the north. Considerable variation exists in the
environmental conditions within each zone, so each is further divided into subzones. But the
boundaries of each of the major zones and their subdivisions are not precise, since they define
subtle environmental changes or transitions in landform, elevation, climate, and soils. The
environment of the Maya area is marked by contrasts. The terrain varies from rugged mountains
to level plains. Altitude differences create cool temperate climates in the highland and hot
tropical conditions in the Pacific coastal plain and the lowlands. Rainfall variations produce other
contrasts. In some areas of both the highlands and the lowlands, there are dry, desert-like
environments, as well as areas of heavy rainfall that produce dense rain forests. Surface water is
easily available in places adjacent to rivers, lakes, and cenotes (sinkholes or natural wells), but in
other areas the Maya had to make great efforts to gain and store water by constructing wells,
reservoirs, and canals. Plentiful harvests of food came from regions with rich volcanic or alluvial
soils, but areas with far poorer soils required far greater efforts to support agriculture.
1.7.1 What is a Civilization?
Firstly, scholars have differences in opinions on a wide range of issues pertaining to civilization.
Their differing understandings are the reason for the different definitions of the term civilization.
Generally, civilization relates to a ‘complex society’. A society is complex when its individuals
live in groups of ‘settled dwellings comprising cities’ and engage in specialized activities. The
elements of a complex society include the following: (1) moral and legal systems to govern
human conduct; to introduce justice (2) advanced technology to fasten communication and
produce consumer items, among others (3) government to establish justice and protect
individuals’ rights (4) food surplus to sustain the growing population, and (5) culture. Other
features include: urbanisation (city centres), technological adaptations, social complexities, short
& long-distance trade, and symbolic communication.
Scholars describe civilization for different aims which include: (1) to show the superiority of a
particular race or ethnicity over other races or ethnicities, and (2) to show how the different
nations act in their interactions with one another.
1.7.2 What led to the rise of the Maya Civilization?
The evolution of the Maya civilization had a series of fits and starts, or cycles of expansion and
contraction. The development of Maya society can be traced from about 1000 BC to AD 1500,
during which time chiefdom-like organizations were succeeded by preindustrial states. But this
time span was also marked by considerable fluctuations in the size and complexity of the mosaic
of Maya polities. The Maya civilization was defined by the rise and fall of a succession of
independent kingdoms. The Maya was never politically united by conquest and empire, so the
cycles of expansion and contraction of individual polities continued right up to the time of
European intervention in the sixteenth century. The foundations of Maya states were shaped by
cultural traditions manifested by economic, socio-political, and ideological systems that
regulated human activities and relationships. These factors did not operate in isolation but, as we
shall see, were interwoven and reinforced each other. In fact, it is in their complex interactions
that these economic, socio-political, and ideological systems become the keys to understanding
the development of Maya civilization over time.
The Maya Economy
Broadly speaking, economic systems refer to the allocation of resources available to a society—
labour, food, raw materials, and the production and distribution of goods. A basic distinction is
often made based on the degree to which these resources were collectively managed by members
of society (the “social economy”) or centrally managed by a privileged elite (the “political
economy”. There are 130 centralized controls over the economies of egalitarian societies, while
at the other end of the spectrum, state-level societies operate with varying degrees of centralized
management of the economy. Thus, one factor critical to the growth of complex societies lies in
the development of the political economy— the degree to which the political elite controls labor
and the production and distribution of goods— and the ways the political economy is integrated
with the social economy.
The foundations of Maya civilization lie in the relationships between environmental conditions,
food production (subsistence), and population growth— factors important to every human
society. As we have seen, seasonal availability of rainfall made some portions of the Maya area
especially dependent on water storage, and those who controlled these sources of water also
acquired power. But for the most part other aspects of food production remained outside of the
Maya political economy. Of course, the environment and food production shape the
characteristics of all human societies, including people’s health and nutritional status, and the
society’s growth in size, density, and organizational complexity. The Maya made the most of the
opportunities afforded by an extremely diverse environment, rich in resources and blessed with a
variety of food sources that were first harvested by hunting and gathering. Throughout the pre-
Columbian era, in fact, hunting and gathering of wild foods provided essential dietary protein.
Later innovations included artificial ponds for the raising of fish and pens for nurturing deer and
other wild game.
The earliest form of cultivation was clearing, burning, and planting fields (swidden) with maize,
beans, squashes, and a variety of other domesticated crops. Since tropical soils become
exhausted after several years of cultivation if not replenished, new fields were cleared and
planted while old fields lay fallow. Careful management, such as leaving large trees in place and
inter-cropping several species of food plants, allowed soils to recover more rapidly. Swidden
agriculture is also adaptable to a wide range of environments, from mountain slopes to lowland
jungle and scrub forest. Marginal areas unsuitable for other methods, such as some drier lowland
bajos, were cultivated. It remains a common method of cultivation for the Maya today from the
highlands of Guatemala to the lowlands of Yucatan.
Higher population densities require intensive agriculture, where soil fertility is naturally or
artificially replenished to produce higher yields. Other intensive methods, less common or
unused today, included agricultural terracing, raised fields, and irrigation. Evidence for ancient
terracing is found in parts of the Maya highlands and in hilly portions of the lowlands. Raised
fields, like the chinampas (“floating gardens”) of Central Mexico, allowed productive use of
swampy or poorly drained land. Crops were grown on parallel or intersecting ridges of fertile soil
replenished by periodically dredging swamp muck. The canals drained the raised fields and also
were used for raising fish and other aquatic food. Examples of ancient irrigation in both the
highlands and lowlands have been documented.
These different subsistence adaptations were crucial to the rise of Maya civilization. As we have
seen, the mosaic of different agricultural methods and cultivated species mimicked the diversity
and dispersed characteristics of the natural ecosystem. Each subsistence method was well suited
to particular environments. As new areas were colonized, new environmental niches were
exploited by one or more cultivation methods. Successful methods were redefined and expanded.
Areas especially suited for intensive food production and rich in other resources supported
population growth and larger settlements, which in turn produced powerful incentives for further
expansion of a diversity of intensive agriculture methods. Population growth not only requires
increases in food production but necessitates changes in the organization of society. These
consequences of population growth follow from increases in absolute numbers of people
(demographic growth) and increases in concentrations of people at a single location. But even
with the growth of higher population concentrations, as in the larger Maya cities, overall, Maya
settlement was far more dispersed than in most other preindustrial states.
The dispersal of settlement and production, of both food and many commodities, fostered the
development of centralized markets that provided efficient nodes for the exchange of goods.
Although there is debate on the issue, the weight of evidence points to a degree of elite
management of the market system— in other words, markets integrated important components of
the political and social economies under at least a measure of elite control. Dispersed settlement
and resources also fostered the growth of trade routes throughout the Maya area, and control of
routes and goods was another point of intersection of the political and social economies. As part
of the social economy, localized trade allowed communities that possessed some products in
abundance to exchange these with other communities to acquire what was unavailable locally.
This promoted a complex economy based on symbiotic relationships between communities and
regions, as each relied on others to furnish a portion of their needs in return for their efforts.
Specialization and Trade
Long before civilization emerged, the Maya had developed customs and means for allocating
goods and services among their families and communities. Communal labour sufficed to meet
most of the needs within Maya settlements. But even at the community level some individuals
gained an edge over others as a result of economic differences. Some individuals produced more
food or goods than others and gained greater status and prestige as a result. The advent of these
kinds of social and economic differences provided opportunities for some individuals to gain
control over the distribution of goods— the beginnings of a political economy and a first step
along the road toward a more complex society. But while the political elite eventually controlled
some aspects of the Maya economy— especially in long-distance trade networks and most likely
in major markets— even in its most complex form the overall system combined features of both
a social and political economy.
As Maya communities grew over time, people began to concentrate their efforts in making goods
for specific needs and markets. This led to increasing craft specialization. Initially most
producers were part-time specialists, but increasing demand for some products led to full-time
craft specialization. People who specialized in skilled and labour-intensive crafts, such as those
who produced objects made from jade and other hard stones, often worked under the patronage
of more powerful men and thereby became part of the political economy. In return for support
from their patrons, these artisans produced high-prestige objects made of jade, feathers, and other
exotic materials that often symbolized political or religious authority. Some prestige goods were
consumed locally, but by controlling production, elite patrons could also trade the output of their
workshops to other elites for goods from other regions.
Social Organization
Maya society was divided into a small ruling elite that monopolized wealth and power and a far
more numerous nonelite with little wealth and power. This distinction was not sharply drawn;
Maya society was more of a continuum of wealth and power differences than two completely
distinct classes. It is also likely that ability and economic success provided some mobility
between nonelite and elite status. Time and the availability of increased wealth also allowed a
“middle class” to emerge. Nonetheless, members of the Maya elite, especially those in the
uppermost echelons of authority that can be labelled “royal,” clearly distinguished themselves
from the rest of society. The distinctions between elite and nonelite were often maintained by
endogamy, ideology, and custom.
At the foundation of all the great ancient civilizations lies the development of social stratification
— the division of society into a ruling elite that held great wealth and power and a broader
subordinate nonelite populace that provided the labor and resources that supported the elite and
fuelled society. The origins of social inequality can be traced to a number of things, including
inherent differences in ambition, aggression, and intelligence among people in all societies. Over
their lifetimes some individuals gain, lose, and regain prestige from their actions. As already
mentioned, some people acquire more resources than others.
Polities and Kings
Political power refers to the ability to make decisions that control economic, social, religious,
and military activity within society and perpetuate this control over time. The ruling elite
monopolized decision making, although specifics of political organization in Maya society
varied in time and space. In some instances, councils composed of prominent elite men enjoyed
considerable power; in other cases, they were advisory at best. But the history of Maya political
organization was dominated by the development of independent polities and centralized political
power— the rise of the institution of divine kingship— within most of these polities. Maya kings
(most were men, but some were women) were known by the title of k ’ubul ajaw (divine or holy
lord) and derived their authority from a number of sources, some varying according to time and
circumstance. But religion was fundamental to royal power, for all Maya kings controlled rituals
that were believed to be responsible for the necessities of life—water, food, and security. Maya
rulers also embodied the passage of time itself and monopolized access to their royal ancestors,
who gave them a unique source of legitimacy to rule. Royal authority also depended on a king’s
success as a warrior, his abilities as a military leader, and his ability to provide security for his
subjects. Maya kings derived power from their control over critical resources, beginning with
prestige goods that provided wealth and reinforced status. In the Maya lowlands power also
came from managing certain critical resources unavailable locally, such as imported highland
obsidian and sea salt. In some locations Maya kings were able to control major trade routes, such
as those that followed rivers.
Each Maya king headed an administrative hierarchy composed of elite officials and quite likely
an advisory council, but the details of this organization and its functions are hazy at best. Texts
do show that Maya kings claimed a divine or sacred status, and were responsible for the
prosperity, health, and security of their kingdoms and their subjects by maintaining a favourable
relationship with the gods. In ancient Maya society, therefore, kings were both political leaders
and priests. The religious power of Maya kings was manifest in the construction of temples—
houses for the gods— where the king could demonstrate his special connections to the
supernatural through the performance of elaborate public rituals that nourished and placated the
gods. For their part, subjects were obliged to provide corvee labor to build and maintain the
temples and furnish tribute to both their king and their gods. Within such a system, success bred
success, for each bumper crop of maize or each victory over a rival power demonstrated that the
gods looked favourably on both the king and his kingdom. The allegiance to the ruler by the
ruled was strengthened, and the morale of the entire kingdom was bolstered.
Cities and Wars
The origins of warfare among the Maya can be traced back to competition for critical resources.
Even in the initial colonization of the Maya area, there was undoubtedly competition for water,
the best land, and other resources. As the population grew, these resources became increasingly
scarce, and competition intensified. One response to increasing populations and agricultural land
shortages was to practice more intensive methods of cultivation. But as people began to
congregate in ever-larger settlements to reap greater economic, social, and religious benefits,
competition developed between these emerging centres. The elite rulers of early market and
temple centres attempted to gain control over larger territories and win the allegiance of greater
numbers of subjects to increase their prestige, wealth, and power. The emergence of chiefdom
organizations and the formation of the first Maya polities seems to be marked by the
subordination of formerly autonomous settlements by more powerful centres. Maya warfare was
conducted to secure economic, political, and ideological advantages. The economic aim of
warfare was to secure additional labor and resources by payment of tribute, as well as extend
control over trade routes. Political advantage came from conflicts that expanded polity
boundaries or eliminated threats by defeating rival polities. Ideological goals were pursued in the
taking of captives to be used as sacrifices to sanctify religious ceremonies, as well as in
enhancing the prestige of both king and polity by military victories. Originally, these goals were
undoubtedly pursued in sporadic and limited conflicts, but the threat of attack was probably
essential to maintain the dominance of the earliest polity capitals over their subordinates. When
actual conflict occurred, it increased the economic power and prestige of the victorious leader,
while vanquished rivals were disgraced or eliminated as ritual sacrifices. In time, victors were
able to incorporate conquered settlements into ever-larger realms. Eventually, military
competition led to greater conflicts between the most powerful polities and resulted in expanding
the victor’s economic, political, and religious power.
1.7.3 What were some of the achievements of the Maya Civilization?
Maya Classic Period (CE 300-800)
As the name suggests, the Classic period is seen as the height of Maya civilization. However, we
have seen how Maya societies were developing from the Early Preclassic to the Classic period.
This type of development could only have happened through the support of rural people.
Population increase led to new settlements and increasing specialisation at all levels. Social
stratification was the result. More surplus goods meant more trade and by extension greater
exchange of ideas. Today we call it globalisation but in the Classic period it might have been
called Mayanisation as people began to manifest a common culture of religion, society,
mathematics, elite goods, architecture, technology and science.
Calendric System
Read the file “Maya Calendric system”
Architecture
Ancient Maya structures were versatile in use. Some buildings were sacred and used for various
ceremonies or religious activities (high temples), while others were used for burials (palaces and
homes), and some were used for recreational purposes (ballcourts Pok- ta- Pok). Most of what
we understand from ancient Maya architecture comes from what archaeologists uncover.
Architecture is our strongest connection to our ancient past.
Different structural techniques showcase cultural changes. In the highlands and the lowlands,
different city-states would go more prominent and more complex to show prestige and power by
their ruling powers. But certain traditions remained. For example, the ascension of a new ruler
would be indicated based on the architecture of the high temples in large city-states. A new ruler
would add a layer of architecture over the previous temple. It would not have to cover the old
style completely, but something new to portray a new ruler or a new dynasty.

Watch Video: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ae9YyRc7s_Q

Art
The ruling elite boasted about themselves. Stelae, ceramic art and murals depict warfare, the
capture of prisoners and sacrifice during the Classic period. Caracol, Tikal and Naranjo provide
ample evidence of the increasing conflicts over resource control (trade, tribute, land). Altar 21
(the ballcourt marker) at Caracol records the defeat and death of Tikal’s king, Double Bird, by
Caracol’s Lord Water on May 1, 562 C.E. At Tikal this event coincides with the defacement of
several stelae and monuments. Lord Kan II who later succeeded Lord Water as ruler of Caracol
continued aggression against other Peten sites subjugating Naranjo C.E 626-642. Nearly all the
carved stelae in Belize and the Maya area date to the Classic period.
Watch Video: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=CG9FTN4TPGc
Mathematics
The Maya used the vigesimal system which was based on twenty numerals written in just three
ways: a shell for zero, bar for five and dot for one. They were one of the few civilizations which
developed the concept of zero. India also invented zero and it was introduced to the Europeans,
by way of the Arabs in the 13th century. Without the use of zero, it is almost impossible to do
arithmetic operations. It also explains why the Maya were able to produce accurate astronomical
chart.
Maya Hieroglyphs
Classic Maya writing makes use of a range of types of signs, some more related to phonological
units, the others more related to conceptual units. These may be called phonetic and logographic
signs, respectively. The same word may be written in the same text in a variety of ways, making
use of the possibilities offered by these two types of signs as well as by graphic variants and
stylistic variations in the visual representation of the individual signs.
The Classic Maya demonstrate an impressive ability to use word play, iconography, and other
linguistic and visual dimensions to create truly magnificent monuments as rich in their literary
style as Classic Maya art is in its iconographic displays. A logographic sign, a "sign that
represents a word" (G. Stuart 1988:7) is often simply a picture of a major element of the act or
object represented. The meaning of many of these signs has been established by an examination
of the scenes which accompany the text in which the glyph appears.
Watch Video: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lgsQndSyfHg

References:
Sharer, Robert. The Ancient Maya Sixth Edition. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2006.
Daily Life in Maya Civilization. London: Greenwood Press, 2009.
Foster, Lynn. Handbook to Life in the Ancient Maya World. New York: Facts on File, 2002.