Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Sala M. - Romanian
Sala M. - Romanian
d'histoire
Romanian
Marius Sala
Sala Marius. Romanian. In: Revue belge de philologie et d'histoire, tome 88, fasc. 3, 2010. Langues et littératures
modernes. pp. 841-872;
doi : https://doi.org/10.3406/rbph.2010.7806
https://www.persee.fr/doc/rbph_0035-0818_2010_num_88_3_7806
1. The identity
1.2.1. Origin
Romanian is a Romance language. Romanian is a continuation of the
Danubian (or Balkanik) Latin. Only Romance language is Eastern Europe. This
language emerged after the Romanization of the ancient provinces of Dacia under
(1) Marius Sala (Academia Română), born in 1932, coordinates Romanian linguistics works:
Dicţionarul limbii române, Micul dicţionar academic, 4 vol. (2001-2003), Enciclopedia limbii
române (2001), the data base containing Romanian texts, Dicţionarul etimologic român, Istoria
limbii române; Romance linguistics works: Vocabularul reprezantativ al limbilor romanice,
Enciclopedia limbilor romanice; Spanish linguistics works. Other publications about the Romanian
language: From Latin to Romanian: the Historical Development of Romanian in a Comparative
Romance Context (2005). Marius Sala has also studied languages in contact: Lenguas en contacto
(1998). Co-author to Les languages du monde (1986), Limbile Europei (2001). Director of the
Institute of Linguistics (1993). Member (1987-1993) of CIPL (Permanent International Committee
of Linguists). Membre d’honneur du Bureau de la Société de Linguistique Romane. Chief Editor of
Revue roumaine de linguistique, Studii şi cercetări lingvistice, Limba română.
MARIUS SALA 842
Roman rule (between 106 and 275), of Moesia and possibly Illiria (the Roman
presence lasted longer in these two provinces). The period of “language
formation”, more specifically the period during witch the language acquired its
distinct (Romance) identity different from Latin, is placed between the 6th-8th
centuries and has a final beginning of the Slavic influence.
No Romance language is phonetically identical with Latin. Conversely, no
Latin word was preserved in all Romance languages without undergoing some
formal change in at least one of these languages.
Some of the many specific phonetical features of Romanian are also present
in other Romance languages: the affricates [tS], [dZ] (ceară ‘wax’, geme ‘moan’)
are also found in Italian; the diphthong [je].
The morphological structure of Romanian is almost entirely Latin. No
Romanian sentence can be formed without the obligatory use of Latin elements,
mainly represented by various prepositions and conjunctions, all inherited from
Latin. Plural endings are Latin-inherited (-e, -i, -uri: casă ‘house’ — case
‘houses’, lup ‘wolf’ — lupi ‘wolves’, timp ‘time’ — timpuri ‘times’), just like the
verbal endings that indicate person (cânt ‘[I] am singing’, cânţi ‘[you] are singing’
2 sing., cântă ‘[he, she, it] is singing’, cântăm ‘[we] are singing’, cântaţi ‘[you] are
singing’ 2 pl., cântă ‘[they] are singing’) or the suffixes which differentiate
between various tenses and moods (cânta ‘to sing’ is used for present infinitive,
cânta ‘[he] was singing’ used to mark the imperfect, cântase ‘[he] had sung’ used
for “mai mult ca perfect”).
Many similarities also exist, extending to details, between the pronominal
systems transmitted to Romanian and to the other Romance languages. Numerals
from 1 to 10 were preserved in all Romance languages.
Finally, let us remark that some morphological facts of Latin origin are
peculiar only to Romanian. A few are already outdated, for instance the nominal
case inflection, which was reduced to three forms (in the other Romance languages
it was reduced to only one form much earlier). Romanian has distinct genitive /
dative singular forms for feminine nouns as opposed to the nominative forms: a
unei case ‘of a house’, a unei vulpi ‘of a fox’ as opposed to casă ‘house’, vulpe
‘fox’. Romanian also has a special vocative singular form for masculine nouns:
bărbate ‘[hey,] man!’. Similarly, the neuter plural ending -uri appears only in
Romanian (and only sporadically in central Southern Italian dialects) as a
derivation from the Latin -ora: tempus — tempora > timp ‘time’ — timpuri
‘times’. Some of the morphological facts peculiar to Romanian are innovations:
the nominal inflection with the definite article (omul ‘the man’, omului ‘to the
man’, omule ‘(hey), man!’), special plural forms ending in -le (stea ‘star’ — stele
‘stars’), relative superlative forms (cel mai bun ‘the best’), specific pronominal
forms (îmi ‘to me’, îţi ‘to you’, dânsul ‘he’), the ordinal numeral (al doilea ‘the
second’), the conjunction să ‘that’ (<Lat. si) that marks the subjunctive mood, the
ROMANIAN 843
conditional with the auxiliary aş (aş vrea ‘[I] would like’), forms of the auxiliary
verb a avea ‘to have’ different from those of the finite verb a avea (a / are, am /
avem, aţi / aveţi), new verbal suffixes (-ez < Lat. -izo, suffix of Greek origin, very
frequently used in vulgar Latin: lucrez ‘[I] am working’, lucrezi ‘[you] are
working’, lucrează ‘[they] are working’). Both archaisms and innovations in
Romanian morphology, of which we have provided only a few examples, are
inherited from Latin.
The Latin syntactic system was also transmitted, in its essence, to Romance
languages. However, Latin conjunctions expressing various coordination and
subordination rapports underwent some changes. Their reorganization caused the
loss of numerous classic Latin conjunctions. Romance languages, Romanian
included, inherited a small number of Latin conjunctions. Only two coordinating
copulative conjunctions are pan-Romanic (et, see old Rom. e ‘and’, and the Latin
nec > nici ‘neither; nor’); one disjunctive conjunction (aut, see Rom. dialectal au
‘or’); and only three Latin subordinating conjunctions (Lat. quando > când ‘when’
and Lat. quomodo > cum ‘as; how’, Lat. si > Rom. să ‘to’). In addition to these
pan-Romanic conjunctions, other Latin conjunctions were preserved in selected
Romance languages. Romanian has the richest and most original inventory of
simple and compound subordinating conjunctions; next to those inherited from
Latin, Romanian created other conjunctions with the aid of Latin elements (căci
‘as, for’, dacă ‘if’, as well as conjunction phrases which are more diverse than in
other Romance languages (pentru că ‘because’, chiar dacă ‘even if’).
There are two syntactic peculiarities by which Romanian and other Romance
languages differ from Latin: the expression of the direct object and the restatement
of the (direct or indirect) object by a personal pronoun. Thus, in some Romance
languages, including Romanian and Spanish, the direct object can be preceded by
a preposition (pe < Lat. per in Romanian, a < Lat. ad in Iberian-Romanic idioms
and in Sardinian) usually when it is the name of a person: Rom. o văd pe mama ‘I
see mother’, îl văd pe Petru ‘I see Peter’ (Sp. he visto a Pedro). Reinforcing the
(direct or indirect) object by restating or anticipating it with a pronoun is
sporadically present in the vulgar Latin. The phenomenon is more widespread in
the Iberian-Romanic languages and in Romanian: Rom. pe mine m-au văzut ‘they
saw me’, nu îl văd pe Petru ‘I don’t see Peter’, Sp. a mi me vieron, no lo veo a
Pedro (direct object), Rom. ţie ţi se cuvine totul ‘you deserve everything’.
As opposed to other Romance languages which observe, though not very
strictly, the sequence of tenses (consecutio temporum), this feature is even less
strict in Romanian, thereby allowing it a freer, simpler sentence, such as all
languages with a predominantly oral, spoken character have.
Each Romance language, Romanian included, inherited about the same
number of Latin words (approximately 2,000). Approximately 500 of these words
were transmitted to all Romance languages. They are called pan-Romanic words.
MARIUS SALA 844
Just like other Romance languages, Romanian inherited the Latin word-
formation system. As in the case of the vocabulary, there is a series of prefixes
which were passed on to all Romance languages, including Romanian.
Pan-Romanic prefixes: Lat. ad- (Rom. adormi ‘to fall asleep’, Lat. dis-
(Rom. desface ‘to untie’), Lat. in- (Rom. împărţi ‘to divide’), Lat. re- (Rom.
răpune ‘to kill’). Still, there are some prefixes in Romanian which were not
preserved in other Romance languages: Lat. extra- (Rom. străbate ‘to cross’, It.
stravecchio, not to be found in French).
Pan-Romanic suffixes include collective suffixes denoting the idea of
collectivity: Lat. -etum: Rom. făget ‘beech forest’, Lat. -ime (Rom. broştime ‘a
group of frogs’), suffixes for names of agents and professions: Lat. –arius (Rom.
argintar ‘silversmith’, diminutival suffixes: Lat. –ellus (Rom. degeţel ’little
finger’), suffixes for abstract verbal nouns: Lat. -ura (Rom. arsură ‘burn’).
There are also suffixes which were preserved only in a few Romance
languages: the diminutival suffix -iccus was inherited by Romanian (măturică
‘little broom’), Spanish and Portuguese. In one respect Romanian is negatively
distinguished from other Romance languages since it does not possess adverbial
formations such as the It. chiaramente, Fr. prudemment, Sp. habilmente (the
formation process of these adverbs appears to have evolved only after the
separation of Romanian from the rest of Romance languages).
The compounding system of classical Latin underwent very important
changes in all Romance languages, including Romanian. Thus, the favored method
of compounding preserved and developed in Romanian is full word compounding:
noun + adjective (miazăzi ‘south’), numeral + noun (primăvară ‘spring’).
Generally it has been noticed that the most productive categories of compounds in
all Romance languages are adverbs, prepositions and conjunctions (aproape
‘close’, niciodată ‘never’.
Also very old are the names of the rivers Argeş, Buzău, Cerna, Criş, Motru,
Mureş, Nistru, Olt, Prut, Siret, Someş, Timiş.
The names of towns / villages witch recall their ancient autochthonous
names are fewer in Romanian than in French. The explanation lies in the fact than,
from early Middle Ages on, Romanians were forced to leave their towns and to
settle in villages sometimes located up in the mountains. The raids of migrating
populations, especially those of the Huns (376), caused many damages; of the city
in Dacia what remains today are most compact layers of ashes found in
Transylvania. City names as Abrud, Iaşi, Turda may came from Thraco-Dacian.
The least unsure method than can be used to establish what words come
from Thraco-dacian is the study of resemblances between these Romanian words
and similar Albanian ones. Starting from such similarities, researchers of the
substratum established a number of about 80-90 words regarded as certain words
of the substratum, and other 40 considered as probable substratum words. It is
worth mentioning that most of the words regarded as certain words of the
substratum refer to relief (waters, flora, fauna). Some of the autochthonous words
abovementioned (especially those referring to fauna) can also be included in
another category rich in autochthonous terms, namely the vocabulary of shepherds.
Animals, plants, land configurations are part of the traditional environment of
cattle breeders, the basic occupation of Thraco-Dacians, practised by Romanians
through centuries until today.
The Thraco-Dacian influence becomes less sure in the domain of the sounds
of Romanian language. Sounds like ă, h and ş, considered by some linguists to
have been inherited from Thraco-Dacian, can also be found in other Romance
languages (ă and ş), or, if found only in Romanian (h), a more convincing
explanation is the loan from Old Slavic
In the domain of morphology, two singular facts have been explained as
inherited from Thraco-Dacian: the postposition of the definite article and the way
numerals from 11 to 19 are formed. Romanian uses the form omul ‘the man’ or the
form casa as opposed to om and casă, the forms without article. The postposition
of the definite article in Romanian has been explained by the preference to place
the adjective after the noun it modifies (om bun ‘good man’, tată bun ‘good
father’), an option which is also found in Albanian. Numerals from 11 to 19 are
formed according to a characteristic model of compounding which uses the
preposition spre: unsprezece ‘11’, doisprezece ‘12’ where all components are of
Latin origin (both the underived numerals from 1 to 10 and the preposition spre
which comes from super). The latest hypotheses regarding this construction follow
two directions: it may have appeared independently of the situation encountered in
other languages, or it may be the result of transposing a similar substratum
construction into Latin.
ROMANIAN 847
(b) Superstratum
The Superstratum of Romanian is slavic. The Slavs arrived in the Danube
region and in the Balkan Peninsula in the 5th or 6th century. Attracted by the riches
of the Byzantine Empire, they migrated in large numbers to the south of the
Danube after the destruction of the defensive structures of the Roman Empire
(602). The Slavic states appeared and, from the 9th century on, the church that used
Slavonic as its official language began to impose its influence on the Romanic
element. In front of massive invasion of the valleys and fields south of the
Danube, part of the Romanized population, the ancestors of the present-day
Macedoromanians, left the center of the Balkan Peninsula and headed south as far
as the Pindus Mountains, Thessaly and Epirus. Thus, the arrival and settling of the
Slavs in the Balkan Peninsula broke the compact Romanic block of people who
lived in the Latinophone provinces along the Danube (Dacia, Lower Pannonia and
Moesia Inferior and Superior). In Dacia the number of the Slavs decreased as most
Slavs headed south. This lead to their assimilation by the native Romanized
populations, a phenomenon some linguists call “the second Romanization”.
Most obvious are the elements of vocabulary, which can be found in a wide
range of onomasiologic fields. The evaluation of the Old Slavic elements in
Romanian takes on a new dimension when the lexical units used by various
Romance languages to express notions for which Romanian borrowed Old Slavic
terms are examined. It is then found that Old Slavic words in Romanian sometimes
have a Germanic correspondent in the superstratum of Western Romance: bogat
‘rich’ corresponds to the French riche, the Italian ricco, the Spanish and the
Portuguese rico.
Due to the large number of Old Slavic loans, Romanian provides pairs of
words in which a member of the pair is generally derived by means of affixes
(prefixes or suffixes), as for instance a pândi ‘to watch’ and pândar ‘field guard’.
These suffixes and prefixes were later on attached to Latin-inherited words or to
words of other origins. Romanian acquired thus many suffixes, some of which are
still frequent today and are attached to Latin themes: -eală: iuţeală ‘quickness’,
răceală ‘cold’, -enie: ciudăţenie ‘oddity’, -an: bogătan ‘rich man’, -iş: aluniş
‘hazelwood’, etc. Prefixes of this kind are not so numerous. Romanian has
preserved a number of such prefixes that are homonyms or paronyms of Latin
ones: ne- (neadormit ‘alert’, necinstit ‘dishonest’, prea- (preabun ‘very kind’, a
preaslăvi ‘to honor’. This situation also obtains with suffixes where a suffix like -
ar used to form names of agents is inherited from Latin along with a noun theme
in words such as argintar ‘silversmith’ (from argint ‘silver’, but from Old Slavic
in words with verb themes such as: pândar ‘field guard’ (next to pândi ‘to watch’).
In the domain of morphology, the least open to loans, certain linguistic facts
inherited from Latin were probably reinforced by Old Slavic influences, which
would explain the development of the neuter gender in Romanian.
MARIUS SALA 848
1.3.2. Morphology
Romanian is a highly inflected language; unlike other Romance languages, it
has both rich verbal inflection as well as rich nominal and pronominal inflection.
Inflectional endings are often associated with phonetic alternations in the root: sg.
masă ‘table’ — pl. mese ‘tables’; sg.m. românesc ‘Romanian’, f. românească
‘Romanian’ — pl. româneşti ‘Romanian’; [eu] merg ‘I go’ — [el] să meargă ‘he
subj. marker go 3rd sg.’.
Adjectives (qualifying and pronominal), pronouns (personal and
nonpersonal) and articles (definite and indefinite) have two genders: the masculine
and the feminine; these classes of words inflect for number, case and gender.
Nouns, however, have three genders: the masculine, the feminine and the neuter;
neuter nouns take masculine determiners in the singular and feminine determiners
in the plural: acest tablou ‘this-sg.m. picture’ — aceste tablouri ‘these-pl.f.
pictures’. Within nominal declension, the nominative is homonymous with the
accusative (often with the vocative as well), and the genitive is homonymous with
the dative. Case is morphologically marked on the determiners of nouns, in
particular on the article. The definite article is enclitic fused with the noun (as in
Swedish, Bulgarian and Albanian), sometimes replacing the inflectional ending:
m.sg. băiatul ‘boy-the nom. / acc.’ băiatului ‘boy-the dat. / gen.’ — pl. băieţii
‘boys-the nom / acc.’, băieţilor ‘boys-the gen./dat.’. Invariable nouns, most of
them masculine personal names, inflect for the genitive-dative with preposed lui:
cartea lui Dan ‘book-the def.art. gen. Dan’, ‘Dan’s book’; I-am scris lui Dan. The
lexemes cel, cea, cei, cele, e.g. băiatul cel deştept ‘boy-the art.m.sg. clever m.sg.’,
MARIUS SALA 850
‘the clever boy’, and al, a, ai, ale, e.g. o carte a Mariei ‘a book art. f.sg. Maria-
gen.’, ‘a book of Mary’s’ have an ambiguous status: articles or / and pronouns.
The accusative of (common or proper) nouns which denote persons and of
pronouns is formed with the semantically bleached preposition pe: Îl cunosc pe
băiat / pe Dan / pe el ‘him-dat. know-1st pe boy / pe Dan / pe he’, ‘I know the
boy / Dan / him’. Nouns preceded by prepositions which assign the accusative do
not take the definite article: Dan pleacă la munte ‘Dan goes to mountains’, ‘Dan
is going to the mountains’, except for the preposition cu, in most contexts:
Călătoreşte cu avionul ‘Travels with plane-the’, ‘He travels by plane’, but Îmi
place cafeaua cu lapte ‘Me-dat. like-3rd sg. coffee-the with milk’, ‘I like white
coffee’.
All degrees of comparison of qualifying adjectives and adverbs are formed
analytically: the comparative of superiority with mai ‘more’, e.g. mai înalt /
înaltă / înalţi / înalte ‘more tall m.sg.’, ‘taller’, mai repede ‘more quickly’, the
relative superlative with cel / cea / cei / cele + mai, e.g. cel mai înalt ‘more tall
m.sg.’, cel mai repede ‘more quickly’, ‘the quickliest’, e.g. the absolute superlative
with foarte ‘very’, e.g. foarte înalt ‘very tall m.sg.’, foarte repede ‘very quickly’.
Many adverbs are identical with the masculine singular form of the corresponding
adjective: băiat frumos ‘beautiful boy’ vs Scrie frumos ‘He writes beautifully’.
The adverbial counterpart of the adjective bun ‘good’ is bine ‘well’ and the adverb
corresponding to adjectives with the suffix -esc is formed with the suffix -eşte:
comportament copilăresc ‘childish behaviour’ vs. A procedat copilăreşte. ‘He
acted childishly’.
Personal pronouns have suppletive case forms, e.g. eu ‘I nom.’, tu ‘you
nom.’ — mie ‘me dat.’, ţie ‘you dat.’ — (pe) mine ‘me acc.’, (pe) tine (acc.). The
dative and the accusative strong forms are doubled by a clitic: îmi, mi ‘me dat.’, îţi,
ţi ‘you dat.’, etc.; mă ‘me acc.’, te ‘you acc.’, etc. The 3rd person personal
pronouns have the forms el, ea, ei, ele as well as dânsul, dânsa, dânşii, dânsele
‘he, she, they m., they f.’; the latter tend to express a weak degree of politeness in
the contemporary language. Other polite forms of pronouns are dumneata ‘you
sg.’, dumnealui / dumneaei ‘he / she’, dumneavoastră ‘you sg. / pl.’. Romanian
has emphatic pronouns (adjectives): însumi / însămi ‘myself m. / myself f.’, însuţi /
însăţi ‘yourself m. / yourself f.’, etc. The form of some pronominal adjectives
differs from that of the corresponding pronouns: alt ‘other adj.’ — altul ‘other
pron.’, cărui / cărei ‘whose / whom m.sg. / whose / whom f.sg. adj.’ — căruia /
căreia ‘whose / whom m.sg. / whose / whom f.sg. pron.’. Other pronominal
adjectives have different forms depending on their position: preposed acest e.g.
acest om ‘this m. man’ — postposed acesta, e.g. omul acesta ‘man this m.’.
The verb has a richly inflected paradigm, with different forms for the six
persons. There are five personal moods: the indicative, the subjunctive (formed
with the conjunction să), e.g. să merg ‘subj.marker go-1st sg.’, să fi mers
ROMANIAN 851
‘subj.marker be go-past part.’, the conditional e.g. aş merge ‘aux. 1st sg. go’, aş fi
mers ‘aux. 1st sg. be go-past part.’, the presumptive (va fi mergând ‘will 3rd sg. be
go-gerund’ and the imperative, e.g. mergi! ‘go-2nd sg.’. There are also four
impersonal verbal forms: the infinitive (built with the infinitival particle a) a
merge ‘inf.particle go’, a fi mers ‘inf.particle be go-past part.’, the gerund
mergând ‘go-ger.’, the participle mers ‘gone’ and the supine de mers ‘of gone’.
The indicative mood has several tenses, especially in the domain of the past: the
imperfect mergeam ‘go-imperf.1st’, the simple perfect mersei ‘go-simple perf. 1st .
sg.’, the compound perfect (with the auxiliary a avea) am mers ‘have 1st gone’,
and the past perfect mersesem ‘go-past perf. 1st sg.’. The passive voice is formed
both with the verb a fi ‘to be’ in all persons, e.g. Eşti iubit de toţi ‘be-2nd sg. loved
by all’, ‘You are loved by everybody’, and with the pronoun se, with the 3rd person
singular or plural, e.g. Se construiesc multe vile ‘refl. build. 3rd pl. many villas’,
‘Many villas are being built’. The impersonal meaning is expressed only with the
3rd person singular form preceded by se: Se călătoreşte confortabil cu avionul
‘refl. travel 3rd sg. comfortably with plane-the’, ‘Travelling by plane is
comfortable’. There are numerous verbs with an obligatory reflexive pronoun,
especially in the accusative, e.g. a se cuveni ‘to be proper’, a se înrudi ‘to be
related’, a se zbate ‘to wriggle’, etc., but also in the dative, e.g. a-şi închipui ‘to
imagine’. The mark of all negative forms is the adverb nu ‘no’, with all personal
moods as well as with the infinitive e.g. nu spun ‘no say 1st sg.’, ‘I don’t say’ , a
nu spune ‘inf.particle no say’, ‘not to say’, or the prefix ne- ‘not’ with the other
impersonal forms, e.g. nespunând ‘not-say-ger.’, ‘not saying’, nespus ‘not-say-past
part.’, ‘unsaid’, de nespus ‘of not-say-supine’, ‘unmentionable’.
1.3.3. Syntax
An interesting property of Romanian is the occurrence of sentences without
a noun in the nominative, i.e. subjectless, if the predicate is a weather verb, e.g. Ø
A nins ‘It has snowed’, Ø Plouă torenţial ‘It is raining in buckets’, or a verb which
selects an indirect object and a prepositional object: Ø Nu-ţi pasă de nimic ‘You
don’t care about anything’, Ø Îi arde de distracţie ‘You feel like having fun’.
Also, if the predicate is a verb with a 1st or 2nd person subject, the subject
pronoun is omitted (it is inferred from the form of the verb): Ø Am multe griji ‘I
have many worries’, Ø Veneai întotdeauna la timp ‘You always arrived on time’.
Subject pronouns occur only for emphasis: Voi ştiaţi ce se întâmplă, dar eu nu
bănuiam ‘You knew what was happening, but I had no idea’.
When a verb and its verbal complement have the same subject, the
complement is a subjunctive, not an infinitive: Vreau să plec ‘ I want to leave’.
The direct and the indirect objects expressed by nouns are doubled (via
anticipation or resumption) with accusative and respectively dative clitic forms of
the personal pronoun: Pe Dan l-am cunoscut la mare ‘I met Dan at the seaside’,
MARIUS SALA 852
Concurentului acestuia i s-a acordat premiul întâi ‘This competitor has been
awarded the firts prize’.
In possessive constructions, the possessor may be expressed by a possessive
adjective, e.g. Am luat umbrela ta. ‘I have taken your umbrella’, or by the genitive
of the 3rd person personal pronoun, e.g. Am luat umbrela lui /ei /lor ‘I have taken
his / her / their umbrella’, both having the syntactic function of noun modifier, as
well as by dative clitic forms of the reflexive or personal pronoun, in all persons:
Ţi-am luat umbrela ‘I have taken your umbrella’, Şi-a luat umbrela ‘He has taken
his umbrella’.
As in any other inflectional language, agreement plays an important role in
the syntax of Romanian. All determiners agree in gender, number and case with
the noun, and so does the qualifying adjective with the noun it modifies. The verb
agrees in person and number with the pronoun-subject. Both the adjective used as
a predicative as well as the past participle in the passive voice construction agree
in gender and number with the subject.
Also worth mentioning, are a number of issues regarding word order. In the
overwhelming majority of situations the subject precedes the verb. With some
verbs, however, the normal word order is verb—subject: S-a produs un accident
‘An accident has occurred’, Ţi se cuvin laude ‘You deserve compliments’, Nu-mi
convine situaţia ‘I don’t like this situation’, Îi trebuie un medicament scump ‘He
needs an expensive medicine’. With verbs occurring in double object
constructions, the word order of the constituents is verb—indirect object—direct
object: I-am dat lui Ion cartea ‘I have given Ion the book’. If the direct object is
placed before the indirect one, e.g. I-am dat cartea lui Ion ‘I have given the book
to Ion’, the sentence is ambiguous: lui Ion could be interpreted as a noun modifier
in the genitive, given the homonymy of the genitive and the dative. The qualifying
adjective follows the noun which it modifies. If , for emphasis, it is placed before
the noun, the adjective takes the definite enclitic article: băiatul frumos ‘the
handsome boy’ vs frumosul băiat ‘the handsome boy’. As for determiners, some
have a fixed position, whereas others do not. Those which always precede the
noun are: the interrogative adjective, e.g. Care băiat? ‘Which boy?’, the relative
adjective, e.g. Spune-mi ce carte vrei ‘Tell me which book you want’, the
indefinite (relative) adjective, e.g. fiecare / oricare / alt băiat ‘each / any / another
boy’, the demonstrative adjective acelaşi, e.g. acelaşi băiat ‘the same boy’, the
negative adjective, e.g. niciun băiat ‘no boy’, as well as the indefinite article, e.g.
un băiat, nişte băieţi ‘a boy, some boys’. The standard position of the possessive
adjective is after the noun which takes the definite enclitic article: băiatul meu
‘my boy’. It is only rarely, for emphasis, that the possessive adjective precedes the
noun: al meu băiat ‘my boy’. The demonstrative adjective may either precede or
follow the noun: acest băiat ‘this boy’ vs băiatul acesta ‘this boy’. Consequently,
Romanian has structure with two determiners, i.e. definite article + possessive /
ROMANIAN 853
after a consonant represent both the respective vowel (membri, veni) and a type of
final nonsyllabic half-voiced [j]: Bucureşti, Focşani.
The use of the Latin alphabet in writing became official in 1860. Before that,
it had been sporadically used in a few old Romanian texts dating from the 16th-18th
centuries, but until 1779 these texts used foreign spellings (Hungarian, Polish,
Italian, German). Various etymological (Latinized) spelling systems were
suggested between 1779 and 1880. In 1881, the Romanian Academy regularized
the spelling on the basis of the phonetic principle and a few changes were made
later on, the last one in 1993. In the 16th century and until the beginning of the 19th
century Dacoromanian was predominantly written with Cyrillic alphabet with
some additions / adaptations and simplifications in the course of the time. During
Soviet rule, the Moldavian Republic had to use the slightly adapted Russian
Cyrillic alphabet in writing. In 1989 the use of the Latin alphabet in writing
became again official in the Moldavian Republic.
2. The history
formulas specific to Western Romanic texts. The language of the text is clear,
generally intelligible even to contemporary readers, with few old and / or regional
peculiarities. The vocabulary is preeminently Latin with a few words of different
origin (Slavic, Hungarian, Greek). The spelling exhibits few inconsistent elements,
denoting the existence of a writing tradition in Romanian (indirectly confirmed by
information on previous Romanian texts that were not conserved).
2. 2. The periodization
Thus, the first texts written in Romanian appeared rather late in the 16th
century. The emergence of writing in Romanian and the circumstances which
determined this cultural event are still debated. Some researchers think that this
event can be explained exclusively by internal factors (changes in the Romanian
feudal society). Others relate it to certain external factors (the influence of
Hussitism in the 15th century or of Lutheranism in the 16th century).
Among diverse Romanian texts from the 16th century, we must distinguish
between the so-called literary ones (usually religious and popular books) and the
over 120 non-literary ones. We have already seen that the oldest Romanian text is
a private letter from 1521. After 1560 non-literary texts steadily increase. By the
end of the century, juridical and administrative papers, official and private letters,
brief notes were written in Romanian. During the reign of Michael the Brave
(1593-1601), writing in Romanian is gradually adopted by the state chancellery in
Wallachia. We know that the Romanian administration in Transylvania wrote
letters both in Slavonic and Romanian. In 1602, the first Romanian funerary
inscription is recorded.
The history of literary Romanian has two main subdivisions: the old and the
new epoch.
The old epoch last from the 16th to the 18th century, that is, during the
interval 1500-1780, which is also divided by some linguists in two periods: before
and after 1640.
The number of 16th century literary texts preserved until today amounts to
59. No doubt there were more; there is information about an Evanghelie ‘Gospel’,
an Apostol ‘Apostle’ (in Moldavia, 1532), a Catehism luteran ‘Lutheran
Catechism’ (printed in Sibiu in 1544). Most of the literary texts from that period,
vanished today, were religious texts (only three have a different character: a moral
didactic work, a historic fragment, and some medical prescriptions).
The oldest literary text preserved and dated is probably Evangheliarul slavo-
român ‘The Slavo-Romanian Gospel’ printed in Sibiu in 1551-1553. Both this
text, of which only some fragments remain, and the Lutheran Catechism were
meant to attract Romanians to Lutheranism.
The first extensive literary texts, approximately as old as the first complete
Romanian text, are the rhotacized texts. They are called so because all words
MARIUS SALA 858
inherited from Latin included in these texts exhibit the rhotacism of intervocalic n
(intervocalic n changes into r). All these texts are preserved in manuscripts. In
general, known by this name are the oldest four religious texts discovered in
Moldavia (Bucovina) at the end of the 19th century: Codicele Voroneţean,
Psaltirea Voroneţeană, Psaltirea Scheiană, Psaltirea Hurmuzaki. They are
translations of Slavonic religious texts. A consensus has not been reached yet
concerning the date, the place or the cultural-religious movement which was the
reason of the translation, or the status of copies / originals of the translations.
Some researchers believe the reason for the translation was internal, others
external (various factors: Bogomilism, Hussitism, Lutheranism, Catholicism).
The books printed by Coresi in Braşov: Întrebare creştinească ‘Christian
Question’ (1559), Tetraevanghelul ‘The Gospel’ (1561). All these works are very
important for the revision and the adaptation to the Wallachian idiom of the
rhotacized texts. Due to these adaptations, the printed books could be understood
more easily by a larger number of readers and thus could lay the foundations for
the development of literary Romanian. Literary Romanian is, then, based upon the
idiom spoken in northern Wallachia and south-eastern Transylvania. Some of
Coresi’s printings (1561, 1564) have prefaces and epilogues written directly in
Romanian, i.e they are not translations.
Palia de la Orăştie (1581-1582), printing of an original translation from
Hungarian, exhibits a series of regional peculiarities. It is one of the most
important books from the 16th century due to both the quality of the translation and
its originating from a region less well represented (Banat — south-western
Transylvania).
Most of the 16th century Romanian texts were written with the Cyrillic
alphabet. However, there are also a few texts with Latin characters. A Calvinist
anthology of religious songs (psalms) was printed in Oradea or Cluj (1570-1573).
A Tatăl Nostru ‘Pater noster’, written in the Latin alphabet and given by bailiff
Luca Stroici, a Moldavian boyar, to the Polish writer Stanislaw Sarnicki, was
published in Krakow (1593).
17th and 18th centuries texts are literary texts, predominantly religious and
historic. Some of them are translations, others are variants of other works.
Religious texts: Cazania (1643) by Varlaam, Noul Testament, printed by
Metropolitan Simion Ştefan at Bălgrad (Alba Iulia : 1648), Viaţa şi petreacerea
svinţilor, an anthology of texts translated by Metropolitan Dosoftei (4 volumes,
1682-1686). The complete translation of the Bible, owed to the brothers Radu and
Şerban Greceanu (Bucharest : 1688), is an event of great cultural importance
because it crowned a century-long effort to provide the church with its most
important document of faith, written in Romanian and flawlessly edited. In the
same period the Wallachian Metropolitan Antim Ivireanul introduces the literary
genre of sermons of high rhetoric class (Didahiile). Of these texts, Varlaam’s
ROMANIAN 859
Cazania, printed in a large number of copies, spread in all the regions inhabited by
Romanians and thus contributed to the consolidation and unification of literary
Romanian.
Original history writings, chronicles (manuscripts). Moldavia: Letopiseţul
Ţării Moldovei, written by Grigore Ureche, focuses upon the history of Moldavia
between 1359 and 1595; this is the oldest chronicle written in Romanian and has
been preserved in copies that also include interpolated texts by Simion Dascalu.
Miron Costin is the author of Letopiseţul Ţării Moldovei (which covers the history
of Moldavia from 1595 to 1661) and of De neamul moldovenilor, a polemic study
on the origin of Romanians. Ion Neculce wrote Letopiseţului Ţării Moldovei,
which covered the history of Moldavia between 1661 and 1743. Hronicul vechimei
a romano-moldo-vlahilor by Dimitrie Cantemir was written partly in Romanian,
partly in Latin. Wallachia: Letopiseţul Cantacuzinesc or Istoria Ţării Româneşti de
când au descălecat pravoslavnicii creştini, started by Constantin Cantacuzino, was
continued by Stoica Ludescu. Cronica Bălenilor was written by Radu Popescu.
Fiction writings: Psaltirea în versuri written by Dosoftei and printed in
1673. Divanul sau gâlceava înţeleptului cu lumea sau giudeţul sufletului cu trupul,
written by Dimitrie Cantemir (1698), is a theological and philosophic essay printed
in Iaşi. The same author wrote Istoria ieroglifică, an allegoric novel intended as a
political pamphlet.
Juridical-administrative writings (prints): Pravila de la Govora (1640), with
elements of cannonic law; Pravila lui Vasile Lupu (Iaşi : 1646); Îndreptarea legii
or Pravila lui Matei Basarab (Târgovişte : 1652); Pravilniceasca condică (1780).
Translations of secular books, popular books: Alexandria (1620; the first
novel in Romanian), of moralizing / didactic books: Floarea darurilor (Snagov :
1700), Varlaam şi Ioasaf, Archirie şi Anadan, Viaţa lui Esop. The first Romanian
“calendar”, Foletu(l) novel (1693-1700).
Grammar books: the first grammar to be printed is Elementa linguae daco-
romanae sive valachicae (1780), written by Samuil Micu and Gheorghe Şincai.
Although written in Latin, it had an important role in the “cultivation” of the
national language. The fact that three grammar books were written in less than
three decades shows that need to study and cultivate scientifically the national
language.
The end of the 18th century was in conclusion a flourishing period for culture
in the national language. Only religious books have been printed earlier
(catechisms, collections of homilies, missals, gospels). Part of the aristocracy and
of the clergy, though, prefered Hellenism.
At the end of the 18th century, in Transylvania, part of the Orthodox
Romanians accepted the union with the Roman-Catholic church (they are the
Greek-Catholics) hoping they would obtain equal rights with those of other
nations. Some of them studied theology and philology in schools from Blaj and in
MARIUS SALA 860
higher schools in Vienna and Rome, where they learned Latin and came into
contact with historical sources. As a consequence of these new horizons,
Romanians began to act to raise their cultural level, in the atmosphere of the
Enlightenment.
The new epoch (from 1780 until today) is divided into three stages:
— the pre-modern or stage of modernization (1780-1830), with numerous
translations and the first linguistic normative works;
— the modern stage (1831-1880) when a stylistic diversification took
place and original literature developed through the 1848 writers;
— the contemporary stage (1880 until today), which begins with classical
writers M. Eminescu, I. Creangă and I.L. Caragiale.
In the pre-modern period (1780-1830), Romanian culture undergoes a
process of rebirth manifested as a tendency to modernize its structures. The epoch
is dominated by the doctrine of Şcoala Ardeleană ‘The Transylvanian School’,
represented by Samuil Micu, Gheorghe Şincai, Petru Maior and Ion Budai-
Deleanu (whose works remained in manuscript). The credo of this movement had
as principal goal the demonstration of the Latin character of Romanian. The
cultivation of everything Latin led to the idea of replacing the Cyrillic alphabet
with the Latin and the proposed orthography is etymological (closer to written
Latin), not phonetic. The first printed book using the Latin alphabet is Carte de
rogacioni pentru evlavia homului chrestin ‘Prayer book for Christian piety’
written by Samuil Micu (1779). The promotion of Latin elements was to have an
important influence on the process of linguistic unification. In parallel with the
tendency of linguistic unification, Şcoala Ardeleană ‘The Transylvanian School’
promoted the idea of modernizing the language by borrowing words from Latin
and, sometimes, from Romance languages. In addition to the grammar text by
Samuil Micu and Gheorghe Şincai mentioned above, there appeared Ortographia
romana sive latino-valachica by Petru Maior (1819), Lexiconul de la Buda (1825),
a collective work with the participation of Petru Maior included. Normative works
also appeared in Wallachia: Observaţii sau băgări dă seamă asupra regulelor şi
orînduielelor gramaticii rumâneşti ‘Observations on Romanian grammar rules and
norms’ (1787) by Ienăchiţă Văcărescu and Gramatica românească ‘Romanian
Grammar’ (1828) by I. Heliade Rădulescu, the latter being the most important.
The period is also characterized by the presence of numerous works from all
fields of written culture. Also at this time the foundations of superior education in
Romanian were laid (Gh. Asachi in Moldavia and Gh. Lazăr in Wallachia) and the
first cultural, literary and scientific magazines were issued (Albina românească
‘The Romanian Bea’, 1829, and Curierul românesc ‘The Romanian Courier’,
1829). In order to express heretofore unvoiced notions of material and spiritual
life, literary Romanian turned at first to Neo-Greek. Soon after 1800, the
orientation changes fundamentally. Due to Şcoala Ardeleană ‘The Transylvanian
ROMANIAN 861
School’, Romanian turned to Latin and the other modern Romance languages. It is
the beginning of a deliberate process of re-Latinization of the literary language,
which would last a century and generate, after 1840, excesses of linguistic purism.
In the adaptation of new terms, of neologisms, to the phonetic and morphologic
structure of Romanian, hesitations, oscillation and uncertainty are noted that would
last several decades. Finally, in this epoch a process of emancipating the written
language from the influence of the language of religious texts began. At the end of
this period, literary Romanian has three main variants, each confined to a certain
province (Transylvania, Moldavia, Ţara Românească = Wallachia).
The modern period (1831-1880) brings to an end the modernizing process
started in the previous period. The period is dominated by the scholars’ wish to
overcome the regionalism of the culture and to lay the foundations of a pan-
Romanian culture. On the level of linguistics, the period is dominated by the
Latinist ideology, whose representatives argued for the elimination of non-Latin
elements from the literary language. Although the excesses of linguistic purism
were eliminated, the Latin model will have left its permanent imprint on the
literary aspect of the language.
The unification of the literary language was accomplished according to the
norms spelled out by I. Heliade-Rădulescu around 1840. The unified language had
to start from the literary norm of religious texts, which had the advantage of being
unitary. Accepting the norm of religious texts as basis for the unification of the
language, Heliade founded the new literary language upon the Wallachian idiom,
which had been accepted as the unique language of culture in the printed religious
texts of the 1750’s.
Concerning the modernization of the literary language, “the enrichment” of
the lexic was a major preoccupation. Most cultural personalities suggested
Romanian should resort to Latin, others that it should approach French, in the first
place, or Italian (the direction promoted by I. Heliade Rădulescu). There were also
people who believed that the renewal of vocabulary should use the internal
elements of the language (obviously, those of Latin origin). In parallel with
enriching the vocabulary, scholars also thought of purifying it by eliminating terms
that were not relevant for the modern aspect of the literary language (scholarly
Slavonic words or strictly regional terms). The syntax of literary language was
renewed as well. The old syntactic structures that copied Slavonic syntax and
appeared in the language of the translations were replaced by new ones that took
French as a model. The simplicity and flexibility specific to the syntax of spoken,
common language made its way into the syntax of the texts from this period.
The last two decades witnessed the crystallization of literary styles
(scientific, juridical-administrative and fictional). The fictional style is illustrated
in the original literature created by the 1848 generation of writers (N. Bălcescu,
M. Kogălniceanu, Gr. Alexandrescu, C. Negruzzi, A. Russo, V. Alecsandri).
MARIUS SALA 862
Also in this period the normative works (orthography, grammar book and
dictionary) of the Romanian Academic Society were issued. These works had a
provisional character.
The contemporary period (from 1881 to the present) is characterized by the
completion of the process of linguistic unification and modernization of the
literary language. The Romanian Academy played an important part in this process
by publishing in 1881 the first official orthography orientated towards phonetism.
This was the first breach with Latinism and thus contributed to the decline of this
cultural trend. The Latin model was replaced by the Wallachian one, which had
started to gain ground, in some cases, even since 1860-1880. This process was
accelerated after 1918, when the unitary Romanian state came into existence. The
concentration of the most important part of administrative, political, cultural and
scientific life in the capital of the country (Bucharest) was decisive for this
process.
This is the epoch in which the great classics of Romanian literature created
their works: M. Eminescu, I. Creangă, I.L. Caragiale, M. Sadoveanu, L. Rebreanu,
T. Arghezi.
In the modern period, literary Romanian has undergone a strong Latin-
Romance influence (especially French, but also scholastic Latin and Italian;
Şcoala Ardeleană is the initiator of a Latinist current, I. Heliade Rădulescu of an
Italienizing one). The consequences were not only the enrichment and renewal of
the vocabulary, but also other phenomena such the reinforcement of certain
Romance grammatical categories (the revitalization of the infinitive, the increase
in the number of verbs of the IIIrd conjugation of the type cuprinde ‘to include,
comprise’ or the introduction of syntactic models. In the lexical domain, old terms,
borrowed through scholarship, are eliminated : secol is used next to veac ‘century’,
insulă next to ostrov ‘island’. The French influence contributed especially to the
massive replacement of terms from certain languages (e.g. dată ‘date’, deja
‘already’, destin ‘destiny’, discuta ‘discuss’). German terms (turn ‘tower’) and
English ones later entered too. The number of French borrowings is quite large. In
this sense, we speak of the re-Latinization, re-Romanization or the Westernization
of Romanian. The Latin model is used in naturalizing many neologisms of
immediate Romance origin ‘obiecţie < fr. objection with [ţ] as in preţ < Lat.
pretium ‘price’ or from scholastic Latin (demn ‘worthy’ < Lat. dignus, with [mn]
as in semn which is inherited from the Latin signum). Doublets appear through the
apparition of loanword neologisms with the same etymon as words inherited from
Latin (dens and des ‘thik’, saluta ‘to salute’ and săruta ‘to kiss’ represent the same
Latin word, densus and salutare, respectively; the first term of the pair is
loanword, while the other is the word inherited from Latin). Finally, the neologic
derivates can be related to an inherited word, bun cannot be analyzed through it
ROMANIAN 863
(ocular ‘ocular’, oculist ‘oculist’ are close to ochi ‘eye’, inherited from the Latin
oculus from which ocular and oculist were derived in Latin or in Romance).
The modern epoch meant in fact Romania’s and Romanian’s turning with
it’s face towards the West, after having had it’s “face turned”, for several centuries
of social and cultural history, “toward the East”. Romanians, the only Latin people
of the Orthodox religion, could not have recourse to Latin, used in the Romance
West in schools, administration and of course church. While the Western neo-
Latin people continuously renewed their language(s), throughout centuries and
especially during the Middle Ages and Renaissance, with Latin forms and turns of
phrase, Romanians turned to Slavonic, the language of culture here in use. We
shouldn’t forget the reverse side of the coin, too : free from the pressure of literary
Latin, so powerful in the West through schools and church, Romanian was able to
develop unimpended in accordance with the tendencies of late Latin. As a result,
Romanian became the most Latin of the Romance languages: not through Latin
element and accrued through the centuries, but through natural evolution of the
Latin tendencies; in the words of the German Romanist E. Gamillscheg,
“Romanian, the child who was separated from his family early on, preserved old
family features with more fidelity, even in the new ambiance where it grew up”.
3. The Geography
4. Auxiliaries
certain elements which are not marked in the written form (the place of the word
stress, the distinction among multiple phonetic values for certain letters, hence the
distinction between a diphthong and two vowels in hiatus), but also because of the
persistence of certain regional pronunciations in the language used by many a
speaker.
Orthographic rules also often make references to morphologic norms, which
are implicitly or explicitly covered in the main orthographic guides/dictionaries.
The Romanian Academy has also directed and endorsed a special normative work
on the grammatical structure of Romanian, namely Gramatica limbii române
‘Grammar of the Romanian Language’ (11954, 21963), which is the basis of the
official pre-university study of Romanian in all schools and at all levels. A new
description of the grammatical structure of Romanian language came out under the
aegis of the Romanian Academy in 2005: Gramatica limbii române ‘Grammar of
the Romanian Language’ (2 volumes).
In the domain of the vocabulary, the academic dictionaries, chief
among which is the current Dicţionarul explicativ al limbii române ‘Explicative
Dictionary of the Romanian Language’ (11975, 21996), have prescriptive function
also, specifying wherever necessary the restrictions in the usage of certain words
(labeled as regional, popular, colloquial, slang, obsolete, archaic etc.) and the
contexts where they are appropriate.
The Romanian academic norms are slightly conservative, but far more
permissive than the academic norms of other languages (for example French).
In the current stage of development of the Romanian language, the main
source of the introduction of certain borrowings and of internal creations is
represented by the mass media. Of course, the decisive model for the language of
artistic literature is that of the great writers, for scientific languages, the model of
the great scholars and professors, but for the currently used standard language, the
role of the written and spoken press takes precedence. After 1989, Romanian has
known, through the mass media, a veritable lexical explosion of borrowings and
internal formations, not all of them with equal chances of naturalization or
survival; time and usage will make the selection.
6. Bibliographical orientation
(a) Dictionaries
Academia Română, Dicţionarul limbii române A—B (1913), C (1940), D—
deînmulţit (2006), F—I (1934), J—Lacustru (1937), Ladă—lojnitţă (1940-
1948), M (1965-1968), N (1971), O (1969), P (1972-1984), R (1975), S
(1986-1994), Ş (1978), T (1982-1983), Ţ (1994), U (2002), V, W, X, Y (1997-
2005), Z (2000).
CADE = CANDREA (I.-Aurel), ADAMESCU (Gh.) : 1926-1931, Dicţionarul
enciclopedic ilustrat (Bucureşti : Editura “Cartea Românească”).
CIORANESCU (Alejanndro) : 1958-1961, Diccionario etimológico rumano (La
Laguna : Universidad de la Laguna).
DEX = Dicţionarul explicativ al limbii române (eds. I. Coteanu, Luiza Seche,
Mircea Seche) (Bucureşti : Editura Univers Enciclopedic, 21998).
DOOM = Academia Română, Institutul de Lingvistică “Iorgu Iordan-Al. Rosetti”,
Dicţionarul ortografic, ortoepic şi morfologic al limbii române (ed. Ioana
Vintilă-Rădulescu) (Bucureşti : Univers Enciclopedic, 22005).
MARIUS SALA 870
MDA = Academia Română, Micul dicţionar academic (eds. Marius Sala, Ion
Dănăilă), I-IV (Bucureşti : Univers Enciclopedic, 2001-2003).
TIKTIN (H.) : 32000-2005, Rumänisch-deutsches Wörterbuch, I-III (Cluj-Napoca :
Clusium).
(b) History of Language, Grammar, Philology
Academia Română, Gramatica limbii române (ed. Al. Graur, Mioara Avram şi
Laura Vasiliu), I-II (Bucureşti : Editura Academiei, 21966).
Academia Română, Institutul de Lingvistică “Iorgu Iordan-Al. Rosetti”,
Gramatica limbii române (ed. Valeria Guţu-Romalo), I-II (Bucureşti :
Editura Academiei Române, 2005).
AVRAM (Mioara) : 32001, Gramatica pentru toţi (Bucureşti : Humanitas).
AVRAM (Mioara) and SALA (Marius) : 2000, May We Introduce the Romanian
Language to You? (Bucureşti : The Romanian Cultural Foundation).
AVRAM (Mioara) et SALA (Marius) : 2001, Connaisez-vous le roumain ?
(Bucureşti : Fondation Culturelle Roumaine—Union latine).
BEYRER (Arthur), BOCHMANN (Klaus) und BRONSERT (Siegfried) : 1987,
Grammatik der rumänischen Sprache der Gegenwart (Leipzig : VEB Verlag
Enzyklopädie).
BIDU-VRĂNCEANU (Angela) şi FORĂSCU (Narcisa) : 2005, Limba română
contemporană. Lexicul (Bucureşti : Humanitas Educaţional).
CHIVU (Gheorghe), BUZA (Emanuela) şi ROMAN MORARU (Alexandra) : 1992,
Dicţionarul împrumuturilor latino-romanice în limba română veche (1421-
1760) (Bucureşti : Editura Academiei).
CHIVU (Gheorghe) şi GHEŢIE (Ion), eds. : 2000, Contribuţii la istoria limbii
române literare. Secolul al XVIII-lea (1688-1780) (Cluj : Clusium).
COTEANU (I.) : 1973, 1986, Stilistica funcţională a limbii române, I, Stil,
stilistică, limbaj, II, Limbajul poeziei culte (Bucureşti : Editura Academiei
1973).
DASCĂLU JINGA (Laurenţia) : 2004, Grammatica romena per italiani
(Alessandria : Edizioni del Orso)
DENSUSIANU (O.) : 1929 et 1914-1938, Histoire de la langue roumaine, I
(Bucarest : Ernest Leroux) et II (Paris : Ernest Leroux).
DIMITRIU (Cornel) : 1999, 2002, Tratat de gramatică a limbii române, I-II (Iaşi :
Institutul European).
FISCHER (I.) : 1985, Latina dunăreană. Introducere în istoria limbii române
(Bucureşti : Editura Ştiinţifică şi Enciclopedică).
GHEŢIE (Ion) : 1975, Baza dialectală a românei literare (Bucureşti : Editura
Academiei).
GHEŢIE (Ion), ed. : 1997, Istoria limbii române literare. Epoca veche (1535-1780)
(Bucureşti : Editura Academiei).
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ROSETTI (Al.), CAZACU (B.) şi ONU (Liviu) : 21971, Istoria limbii române
literare. De la origini până la începutul secolului al XIX-lea (Bucureşti :
Minerva).
RUSU (Valeriu), (ed.) Tratat de dialectologie românească (Craiova: Scrisul
românesc, 1984).
SALA (Marius) : 22006, De la latină la română (Bucureşti : Univers Enciclopedic)
[trad.: Du latin au roumain (Paris : L’Harmattan, 2000); Del latín al rumano
(Bucarest: Univers Enciclopedic—Unión latina, 2002); Dal latino al romeno
(Alessandria: Edizioni dell Orso, 2004); From Latin to Romanian: The
Historical Development of Romanian in a Comparative Romance Context
(Mississippi : University, 2005).
SALA (Marius), ed. : 22006, Enciclopedia limbii române (Bucureşti : Univers
Enciclopedic).
SANDFELD (Kr.) et OLSEN (Hedvig) : 1936, 1960-1962, Syntaxe roumaine, I
(Paris : Droz); II-III (København : Munksgaard).
SECHE (Mircea) : 1966, 1969, Schiţă de istorie a lexicografiei române, I, De la
origini până în 1880, II, De la 1880 până astăzi (Bucureşti : Editura
Ştiinţifică).
URSU (N.A.) şi URSU (Despina) : 2004, 2006, Împrumutul lexical în procesul
modernizării limbii române literare (1760-1860), I-II (Iaşi).
VASILIU (Em.) : 1965, Fonologia limbii române (Bucureşti : Editura Ştiinţifică).
VASILIU (Em.) : 1968, Fonologia istorică a dialectelor dacoromâne (Bucureşti,
Editura Academiei).
VASILIU (Em.) şi GOLOPENŢIA (Sanda) : 1969, Gramatica transformaţională a
limbii române (Bucureşti : Editura Academiei).
(c) Literature
Academia Română, Institutul de Filologie Română “Alexandru Philippide” Iaşi,
Dicţionarul literaturii române de la origini până la 1900 (Bucureşti—
Chişinău : Editura Academiei Române—Gunivas,).
Academia Română, Dicţionarul general al literaturii române, I-VII (A—Z) (ed.
Simion Eugen) (Bucureşti : Univers Enciclopedic, 2004-).
CARTOJAN (N.) : 21980, Istoria literaturii române (ed. Dan Simionescu)
(Bucureşti : Minerva).
CĂLINESCU (G.) : 21982, Istoria literaturii române de la origini până în present
(ed. Al. Piru) (Bucureşti : Minerva).
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