Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Organizational Psychology 3Rd Edition Jex Test Bank Full Chapter PDF
Organizational Psychology 3Rd Edition Jex Test Bank Full Chapter PDF
1. Occupational health and stress are influenced by _____________ factors (combinations of the
environment and interpersonal interactions).
*a) psychosocial
b) socio-cognitive
c) psychopersonal
d) indicological
2. Researchers who focus mainly on the negative effects of workplace stress are likely adhering to which
of the following approaches to occupational stress?
a) Humanistic
*b) Medical
c) Clinical/counseling
d) Engineering
3. Which of the following terms is defined as an aspect of the work or job environment for which an
employee may need to adapt or change?
a) Strain
b) Stress
*c) Stressor
d) Goal
4. _________ role overload is due to the amount of demands; ________ role overload is due to the
difficulty of those demands perceived by a particular employee.
8
a) Work; emotion
b) Subjective; objective
d) Physical; perceptual
*d) Employees who survive layoffs may also feel extreme stress.
6. The positive response that an employee may have to demanding work conditions is called:
a) Good stress
b) Challenge stress
c) Distress
*d) Eustress
9
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
first-class carriages (Imperial Princes); Emperor’s special
carriage; first-class carriage for high officials in attendance
(Jung Lu, Yüan Shih-k’ai, General Sung Ch’ing, Lu Ch’uan-lin,
Governor Ts’en of Shansi, Ministers of the Household, and
others); Empress Dowager’s special carriage; special
carriages of the young Empress and the Imperial concubine;
two second-class carriages, for eunuchs in attendance; first-
class carriage for the Chief Eunuch, and the ‘Service’ carriage
of M. Jadot.
“The special carriages had been prepared at great expense
under instructions issued by the Director-General of Railways,
Sheng. Those of the Empress Dowager, the Emperor, and his
consort, were luxuriously furnished with costly curios and
upholstered in Imperial yellow silk; each had its throne, divan,
and reception room. Heavy window curtains had been
thoughtfully provided in the carriages intended for the ladies’
use; they were not required, however, as none of the party
showed any desire for privacy during the entire journey. While
travelling, the carriage of the Empress Dowager was the
general rendezvous of all the ladies, attended by their
eunuchs, the Empress Dowager spending much of the time in
conversation with the Chief Eunuch—of somewhat notorious
character—and the Emperor.
“The Empress Dowager possesses in a marked degree a
characteristic frequently observed in masterful natures: she is
extremely superstitious. The soothsayers and astrologers of
the Court at Peking enjoy no sinecure; on the other hand,
more attention is paid to their advice than that which the
average memorialist obtains, and the position of necromancer
to the Throne is not unprofitable. On the present occasion the
sages-in-ordinary had fixed the auspicious hour for the
Sovereign’s return to Peking at 2 p.m. on January 7th; M.
Jadot was accordingly requested to make the necessary
arrangements to this end, and the Empress Dowager
repeatedly impressed upon him the importance which she
attached to reaching the Yung-ting gate of the city at that
particular hour. To do this, as the engineer-in-chief pointed
out, would entail starting from Pao-ting-fu at 7 a.m., but the
determined ruler of China was not to be put off by any such
considerations. At 6 a.m. this wonderful woman arrived at the
station; it was freezing hard, and the sand storm was raging
violently; soldiers bearing lanterns and torches led the way for
the chair-bearers, since the day had not yet dawned. The
scene in all its details appeals powerfully to the imagination.
Once more the baggage question monopolised the Empress
Dowager’s attention; her last freight train, laden with spoils of
the southern provinces, preceded the Imperial train by only
twenty minutes. It will be realised that the august lady’s
requirements in the matter of personal supervision of her
property added responsibility of a most serious kind to the
cares—at no time light—of the railway staff.
“An incident occurred at Pao-ting fu which throws a strong
side-light upon the Empress Dowager’s character. The high
Chinese officials above mentioned, who travelled in the first-
class carriage between the Emperor’s special car and that of
the Empress, finding themselves somewhat pressed for
space, consulted the railway officials and obtained another
first-class compartment, which was accordingly added to the
train. Her Majesty immediately noticing this, called for
explanations, which failed to meet with her approval. The
extra carriage was removed forthwith, Yüan Shih-k’ai and his
colleagues being reluctantly compelled to resume their
uncomfortably crowded quarters; to these Her Majesty paid a
visit of inspection before leaving the station, making enquiries
as to the travellers’ comfort, and expressing complete
satisfaction at the arrangements generally.
“At 11.30 a.m., punctual to the minute, the train arrived at
Feng-T’ai, where the Luhan line from Lu Ko-ch’iao meets the
Peking-Tien-tsin Railway; here the British authorities took
charge. The Empress Dowager was much reassured by the
excellence of the arrangements and the punctuality observed;
nevertheless, she continued to display anxiety as to the hour
of reaching Peking, frequently comparing her watch with
railway time. To M. Jadot, who took leave of Their Majesties
at Feng-T’ai, she expressed again the satisfaction she had
derived from this her first journey by rail, promising to renew
the experience before long and to be present at the official
opening of communication between Hankow and the capital.
She presented five thousand dollars for distribution among
the European and Chinese employés of the line, and
decorated M. Jadot with the order of the Double Dragon,
Second Class.
“From Feng-T’ai the railway under British control runs
directly to the main south gate of the Tartar city (Ch’ienmen),
but it had been laid down by the soothsayers and astrologers
aforesaid that, for good augury, and to conform with tradition,
the Imperial party must descend at Machiapu and enter the
Chinese city by the direct road to the Palace through the
Yung-ting Men. At midday, therefore, leaving the railway, the
Court started in chairs for the city, in the midst of a pageant as
magnificent as the resources of Chinese officialdom permit.
The scene has been described by European writers as
imposing, but a Japanese correspondent refers to its mise-en-
scène as suitable to a rustic theatre in his own country. Be
this as it may, the Empress Dowager, reverently welcomed by
the Emperor, who had preceded her, as usual, entered the
city, from which she had fled so ignominiously eighteen
months before, at the hour named by her spiritual advisers as
propitious. Present appearances at Peking, as well as the
chastened tone of Imperial Edicts, indicate that the wise men
were right in their choice.
“It may be added, in conclusion, as a sign of the times, that
the Empress Dowager’s sleeping compartment, prepared
under the direction of Sheng Hsüan-huai, was furnished with
a European bed. Per contra, it contained also materials for
opium smoking, of luxurious yet workmanlike appearance.”
Within a week or so of the Court’s return, the representatives of
the foreign Powers were duly received in audience under the
conditions named in the Peace Protocol. It was observed that the
Old Buddha assumed, as of old, the highest seat on the Throne daïs,
the Emperor occupying a lower and almost insignificant position. At
the subsequent reception of the Minister’s wives, in the Pavilion of
Tranquil Longevity, the wife of the Doyen of the Diplomatic Corps
presented an address to “welcome Her Imperial Majesty back to her
beautiful Capital.” The document was most cordially, almost
effusively, worded, and showed that the astute and carefully pre-
arranged measures taken by the Empress to conciliate the foreign
Powers by adroit flattery and “allurements” had already attained their
desired effect. Already the horrors of the siege, the insults and the
arrogance of 1900, were forgotten; already the representatives of the
Powers were prepared, as of old, to vie with each other in attempts
to purchase Chinese favour by working each against the other.
In receiving the address of the ladies of the Diplomatic Body, Her
Majesty created a marked impression by the emotion with which she
referred to her affectionate regard for Europeans in general and her
visitors in particular. With every evidence of complete sincerity she
explained that a “Revolution in the Palace” had compelled her to flee
from Peking; she deeply regretted the inconvenience and hardships
to which her good friends of the Foreign Legations had been so
unfortunately subjected, and she hoped for a renewal of the old
cordial relations. The foreign ladies left the audience highly satisfied
with the Empress Dowager for her condescension, and with
themselves at being placed in a position to display such
magnanimity. This audience was the first of many similar occasions,
and reference to the numerous works in which the social side of Her
Majesty’s subsequent relations with Europeans have been described
will show that the Old Buddha had not greatly erred when she
assured Jung Lu of the value of ancient classical methods in dealing
with barbarians, and promised him that all would readily be forgiven
and forgotten in the tactful exercise of condescending courtesies.
Life settled down then into the old grooves, and all went on as
before in the Capital of China, the garrisons of the Allies soon
becoming a familiar feature in the streets to which gradually the
traders and surviving Chinese residents returned. Once more began
the farce of foreign intercourse with the so-called Government of the
Celestial Empire, and with it were immediately renewed all the
intrigues and international jealousies which alone enable its rulers to
maintain some sort of equilibrium in the midst of conflicting
pressures.
The power behind the Throne, from this time until his death, was
undoubtedly Jung Lu, but the Foreign Legations, still confused by
memories and echoes of the siege, and suspicious of all information
which did not conform to their expressed ideas of the causes of the
Boxer Rising, failed to realise the truth, and saw in him a suspect
who should by rights have suffered punishment with his fellow
conspirators. But the actual facts of the case, and his individual
actions as recorded beyond dispute in the diary of His Excellency
Ching Shan, and unmistakably confirmed by other independent
witnesses, were not then available in the Chancelleries. Accordingly,
when Jung Lu first paid his formal official calls upon the Foreign
Ministers, he was anything but gratified at the reception accorded to
him. In vain it was that he assured one member of the Diplomatic
body, with whom he had formerly been on fairly good terms, that as
Heaven was his witness he had done nothing in 1900 except his
utmost to defend and save the Legations; his statements were
entirely disbelieved, and so greatly was he chagrined at the injustice
done him, that he begged the Empress Dowager in all seriousness
to allow him to retire from the Grand Council. But Tzŭ Hsi, fully
realising the situation, assured him of her complete confidence, and
in a highly laudatory decree refused his request:—
Tzŭ Hsi had not only realised the immense superiority of the
material forces of the western world, but she had also been
convinced of the immense intellectual and political forces which
education and increased means of communication were steadily
creating amongst her own subjects, forces with which, as she
perceived, the effete and ignorant Manchus would have to reckon
sooner or later. It is quite plain from her Edicts on this delicate
subject that she realised clearly the dangers which threatened the
Manchu rule. She saw that their class privileges, the right to tribute,
and all the other benefits of sovereignty which the founders of the
Dynasty had won by force of arms and opportunity, had now become
an anachronism, and must in the near future involve the Manchus
themselves in serious dangers and difficulties, unless, by fusion,
means could be found to avert them. Among the rules laid down by
the founders of the Dynasty for the maintenance of the pure Manchu
stock, was that which forbade intermarriage with Chinese. This law,
though frequently violated in the garrisons of the south, had
remained generally effective within the Metropolitan province, where
it had served its purpose of maintaining the ruling class and its caste.
But the Empress had now come to understand that if China was to
be preserved as a sovereign State, it must be rather by means of
Chinese energy and intelligence grafted on to the Manchu stock,
than by the latter’s separate initiative. In January 1902, immediately
after her return to Peking, she gave effect to her convictions on this
subject in a remarkable Decree whereby she recommended that, for
the future, Manchus and Chinese should intermarry. “At the time of
the founding of our Dynasty,” she says, “the customs and languages
of the two races were greatly different, and this was in itself reason
sufficient for prohibiting intermarriage. But at the present day, little or
no difference exists between them, and the time has come,
therefore, to relax this law for the benefit of the Empire as a whole,
and in accordance with the wishes of our people.” In the same Edict
Her Majesty deprecated the Chinese custom, which the Manchus
had never adopted, of foot-binding, and urged that the educated
classes should unite to oppose a custom so injurious to health and
inhuman in practice. There was, however, to be no compulsion in
this matter. In one respect only did she desire to adhere to the
exclusive Manchu traditions, namely, as regards the selection of
secondary wives for the Imperial harem, who must continue to be
chosen exclusively from Manchu families; she did not desire “to incur
any risk of confusion or dissension in the Palace, nor to fall into the
error committed by the Ming Dynasty, in the indiscriminate selection
of concubines, a matter affecting the direct and legitimate
succession to the Throne.” Nor would she expose her kinsmen to the
risk of conspiracy against the Dynasty which would certainly occur if
the daughters of the great Chinese houses were admitted to the
Palace. The law had been laid down once and for all by Nurhachu,
and it was binding on every occupant of the Dragon Throne, namely,
“no Manchu eunuchs, no Chinese concubines.”
Her next step, in a decree which frankly deplored the hopeless
ignorance of her kinsmen, was to authorise the Imperial clansmen
and nobles to send their sons to be educated abroad, so that
perchance the lump of their inefficiency might yet be leavened.
Eligible youths, between the ages of fifteen and twenty-five, and of
good physique, were to be selected and their expenses would be
defrayed by the Government.
This much for the Manchus; but in regard to the whole question of
education, which she declared to be the very root of all China’s
difficulties, she perceived, after prolonged consultations with Yüan
Shih-k’ai and Chang Chih-tung, that so long as the classical system
continued, with its strong hold of tradition upon the masses, it must
constitute the chief obstacle to any effective reform of the body
politic. After much careful deliberation she decided that unless the
whole system of classical examinations were abolished, root and
branch, no tinkering with western learning could be of any practical
use. The ancient system of arguing in a circle, which for over two
centuries had characterised the ideal essay and hypnotised the ideal
official, must undoubtedly triumph over all other educational