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Political Psychology. Vol. 12. No.4. 1991

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.,~~
Political Psycho{og-y- World Wide

Political Psychology in the Philippines

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'~ i
~ Cristina Jayrne Montiel! and Victoria Marie Chiongbian!
,:f:

'I.
" '11
."
This paper describes researches in Filipino political psychology. Presentation of
"'11
the literature is organized chronologically by major political events that mark
~
i the demise of one political season and the birth of another. The political back-
4J
.~ drop includes nationalist movements, student protests, mania! law, Senator
Benigno Aquino's assassination, and the EDSA Revolution's success. Research
~ interests cover topics like kinship, socialization, conflict, transition, and public
opinion surveys. The article ends by looking 0 1 p o s s ib ilit ie s for f u t u r e research In
political p~-ychology in the Philippines.

:1 KEY ,'''-ORDS: kinship; conflict; victim therapy; peoples pow'! r; leadership: political transition.

!
" INTRODUCTION

~~
Political psychology in the Philippines is a relatively young discipline. Only
:)!,~ two academicians identify themselves as political psychologists. There an: a
number of social scientists, however, who do look at the social, cultural, and
h~
>~
historical factors' that affect political behavior directly or indirectly. They engage
in research from within their disciplines but do not necessarily consider them-
W selves political psychologists.
'-j
·j·i
} " This paper describes various research studies in Filipino political psycholo-
d'" gy written from the 1960s up to the 19805_ It is organized according to time
!
periods defined by nationally significant episodes &at mart the end of one
ljl
III
political season and the beginning of another. A survey of the literature shows

•V
~:
that different dimensions of the discipline arose as a function of the changing
political context. The major topics include kinship, socialization, conflict, transi-
tion. and public opinion surveys.
In order to appreciate writings about Filipino political behavior and mC:1tE,]
I~
. Y·.
II.· :~
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IDepar1il~'::;! of Psychology, Areneo de Manila University, P.O. Sox 154. M:mila, Philil'p;n~, .
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760 Montie! and Chio~li 761

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Political
Table L General Trends in Filipino Political Psychology Through me Years
_. -_._

Common Research
_-----_.-
..

Psychological Political "-

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f:~:
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and a few anti-Marcos politicians from the upper class. A handful of charismatic
student leaders in the First Quarter Storm escaped arrest and operated an under-
Context Topics Dimension Dimension
~ ground network.
Personal! family/clan
,~:~ The more radical leaders associated with the Communist Party of the Philip-
Pre-Martial Rule: Kinship system and Political POWel"

Before 1970 political power relationships ~. pines immediately strengthened their New People's Army, which followed the
Early Martial Rule: Socialization/ I) learning Political co~ u tf Maoist approach of building armed countryside forces to surround the city. Most
1970-1975 Attitudes toward
abstract political
2) atrirude formation objects of != ~ l,j: of the moderate leaders linked up with the nebulous Social/Christian Democratic
concepts if:' movements and remained in Metro Manila (Metro Manila is the nerve center of
Middle & Late Political conflict and I) stress Political situ..!ioo 't: Philippine political and economic life. It is composed of Manila, three other
Martial Rule:
1976-1985
its effects 2) therapy
3) social movements
the \-lare:>:>dic-
tatorship as sourre
~it- cities and more than 10 highly urbanized municipalities) organizing semilegal
of stress ~t. activities like political seminars and prayer rallies. By the late 1970s, the iron fist
,::.: EDSA Until Today: People Power and the I) collective Political tr....,silion ~~ of martial law had silenced even the moderate opposition, through detentions,
1986-Present transition from die- behavior from dicutonh,?
~ Ji: tortures, and disappearances.
~
tarorship to dernoc-
racy
Z) political
leadership
to dernocracy
,ir By January 1981, President Marcos lifted martial law, but his stranglehold
3) value systems ~~ on Philippine society remained tightly clasped until 1983. In August of that year,
Posl-EDSA: Nationwide public Attitude measurement Political figure>.
;2'\ Senator Benigno Aquino, exiled in the United States for 3 years, came back to
I986-Present opinion surveys programs, ~"""S
, JIHGFEDCBA
':~
£ ilill
I;,- the Philippines to try to convince Marcos to grant more freedoms to the nation
~ ~~ (Burton, 1989). The Marcos Administration pronounced the senator persona non
Jr'grata and hinted that unpleasant things might befall the opposition leader should
processes, one has to recognize the various social settings created by the highly ~, be return to the Philippines. Nevertheless, Aquino flew into the Philippines under
charged political events that have occurred over the past 20 years. For it is !ht ~, an alias. When his China Airlines plane landed, military men singled out Aquino
political context that strongly influences Philippine political psychology Rse;:m :~ from among the passengers, shut the plane exit door behind them. and in a few
(refer to Table I for a summary of research topics vis-a-vis the political COn!l:'UI_ seconds Aquino's dead body lay on the tarmac. The Marcos's administration
immediately blamed the communists for this bruta! slaying, but almost every
~
~ Filipino knew otherwise.
THE POLITICAL CO~'HEXT The burial march of Senator Aquino. attended by millions, marked the firs!
massive but peaceful show of collective anger against Marcos rule. This non-
Four significant events mark the development of recent Philippine history: _:violent display of force by large masses of Metro Manilans set the political tone
the First Quarter Storm in 1970, Ferdinand Marcos's declaration of martial law in for the next 3 years. Fear no longer paralyzed citizens. Urbanites poured out of
1972, Senator Benigno Aquino's assassination in 1983, and the victorious EDSA their homes, braving arrests, in order to join large-scale protest rallies.
(Epifanio De Los Santos Avenue) People Power Revolution in 1986: , When the 1986 snap national elections were announced, oppositionists from
In the late 60s, youth activism in the Philippines developed into a highly various ideological positions united behind Senator Aquino's widow. Cory, in her
organized political force that fed on the issues of student rights (e.g., the riglu so presidential bid against President Marcos. The latter proclaimed himself the
forrn independent student councils and newspapers), economic equality (e.g .• electoral victor after a political exercise that was widely perceived as rigged. The
distribution of land from landlord to tenant), and nationalism. The First QuaIU'f public anger against allegedly rampant electoral cheating ripened the political
Storm was a series of violent confrontations between police and students thI:f
l~ took place from January to March 1970, the first quarter of the year. The Ftnl
arena for radical change. In late February 1986, Marcos's longtime allies. De-
Cease Minister Juan Ponce Emile and Vice Chief of Staff Fidel R3lTlOS, an-
Quarter Storm triggered the political destabilization which eventually led to nounced over the radio that they no longer supported the Marcos govemmem,
President Marcos's declaration of martial law in September 1972_ ,-With their personal security guards and a few military sympathizers, they set up
During the early years of martial law, thousands of Filipinos were ~ • their forces inside two military enclaves in Metro Manila. In a few hours,
into prison or killed. Most of those detained were mass movement leaders from ~,-thousands of pro-Cory citizens surrounded the camps where Enrile and Ramos
the lower class, journalists, students, and religious leaders from the middle dzu, were holed up. The unarmed swarm of Filipinos functioned as human shields
~~ ··Zrrn .....·~...,.~:;ll~~~·:;,.;.'-
i62zyxwvutsrqponmlkjihgfedcbaZYXWVUTSRQPONMLKJIHGFEDCBA
Montiel and Chic~~
between the Marcos tanks and the Emile-Ramos group. The throng of non-
violent civilians sat and slept and ate and prayed on EDSA, the main highway ~
front of the military camps. On the fourth day of what became popularly knowa
as "People's Power," President Marcos flew by helicopter from :vialacaTl..a.r.;:
Palace to Hawaii. He had been toppled without bloodshed. In a few dayS~
of
President Corazon Aquino set up office in Malacanang as the new president'rqponmlkjihgfedcbaZYXWVUTSRQPONMLKJIHGFEDCBA
the Republic of the Philippines.
RESEARCH L~ fILIPI~O POLITICAL PSYCHOLOGY
Pre-Martial Rule-Before 1970: Kinship and Politics
In the 60s. sentiments of cultural nationalism that swept through the Philip-
pines did not spare the academic community. A number of social scientistsbeg:l.l'l
to look at Filipino culture and its unique qualities. And part of this search fUt'
cultural identity involved reflections on the Filipino kinship system and its rela-
tion to political party alliances at the municipal or small-town level (Hollnstciocr.
i1 1962; Lande. 1968).
The dimension of kinship that has been extensively studied is the alliance
~ system. This is a hierarchical structure of reciprocal relationships whose rnem-
l!
'1
1
bers, because they feel emotionally close, extend to and expect from each other
mutual assistance and loyalty (Hollnsteiner, 1962). The Filipino lives and thri\~
within a network of social relationships. His very identity is often determined ~y
the people he lives and works with. Because of this, the alliance system assume-s
l a significant role in the Filipino's life.
j
\ Similarly, in the political arena, it is the alliance system that gives substance
to the political party (Hollnsteiner, 1962). At the municipal level, the political
ij party merely serves as the formal point of departure for political power (Hollns-
teiner, 1962). Political parties do not have inherent ideological differences. Party
programs and policies are virtually undistinguishable (Lande, 1968). People,
however, remain intensely involved in municipal-level elections. A closer analy-
sis reveals that it is the alliance system or the patron-client system, as it is
referred to in political science (Lande, 1968), that is functioning.
.1Il. c.·
When a politician aspires for office at the municipal level. he often deper'..&!!
on his alliance system for political support. Through the hiera tchy, the polili:ur.
in the upper level distributes benefits like jobs and emergency money (for bI.;:;;.
ials, children's tuition fees, etc.) to his lower-level allies. This in turn pro vidc~
the means by which personal loyalties from among the poor are created (Hollns-
teiner, 1962).
Stone's transitory ownership theory (1973), which was based on field cb!:
gathered in Manila during the mid-1960s, explains how Filipino culture con'.-(:1l-
~~"'-»>-;·~>*;£ri~t~Zii:E:}/tY~~d:11~~~i!~~~~s.·~·g~=
'~ Politicai Psychology in the Philippin~ 763
.y?t .
'""
,it- iently permits local politicians to abuse public office. In the Philippines, it is felt
.
~f that public property, rather than being owned by everybody, belongs. in fact, to
~_ nobody. Personal property-at the time of its use or occupancy-belongs to the
.~; user. ~~s applies to ~ublic r~~ds, land, and ev.en political public o~ces. Hence,
:~{:'in traditional Philippine politics, electoral tnumph makes the victor the sole
v ., owner of his public office, and he may use it as he sees fit. even for private gain.
This transitory ownership of public office is more felt by local politicians like
mayors and congressmen. It has been less experienced by national leaders like
the president and senators, especially after the 1986 EDSA Revolution.
The ordinary Filipino becomes passionately involved in an election earn-
pajgn-not because his favored party upholds the ideology which he adheres to
but because he has outwardly to proclaim his loyalty to a politician-ally who will
later be able to provide him with concrete benefits (Hollnsteiner, 1962; Lande,
1968). As politicians deliver jobs, preferential contracts, and other personal
favors to their impoverished constituency, the patron-client alliance system is
sealed.
Early Martial Rule, 1970-1975: Political Socialization
~!:"
~~.
JK. Studies published in the opening years of martial law dealt with socializa-
r-.:ction processes. Research efforts were probably consequences of the govern-
if merit's efforts to promote its policies and programs to the Filipino masses. Since
~. mass media, schools, and the peer group became tools for such ongoing political
.:it propaganda, social scientists began to wonder whether these attempts at so-
N cialization really did have an effect-hence, the empirical studies of political
socialization and {he attitude of cynicism (Appleton, 1975; Ortega, 198.4; Sicat,
1970, 1976; Youngblood, 1972). Except for Ortega's 1984 research about
schoolchildren's sociopolitical concepts, the socialization studies were published
during the turbulent period following the First Quarter Storm.
Political Socialization
~,f'.
~. Social scientists investigated relationships between the three agents of SQ-
-ci31ization-the family, the school. and the peer group-s-and the political know!-
'
- ;
e dge and attitudes of children and youth in the urban areas.
Most research efforts were directed toward understanding the role of the
School in the learning of political concepts and attitudes (Appleton, 1975; Or-
tega, 1984; Sicat, 1970, 1976; Youngblood, 1972). It appears that the school-
:.through its teachers-provides Filipinos with the most political information
. (Skat, 1976). As children grow older, they learn to affiliate with L~ national
government, internalize their roles as citizens, understand the electoral process.
,..---~.~~---=~
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764 Montid and Chi

765

I':>~~~
''''~'~ to be directly related to levels of self-esteem (Youngblood, \972). Adoles-
and articulate other political concepts such as government and the position ofrqponmlkjihgfedcbaZYXWVUTSRQPONMLKJIHGFEDCBA
lhr
president (Appleton, 1965; Onega, 1984). Despite considerable learning, i-;e-.,. ~~~r~ts with a high sense of self-esteem tend to be more politically cynical. Simi-
ever, older children still fail to grasp certain political concepts (e.g., the func. ·~.~v, those who display the greatest interest and activity in political affairs are
tioning Legislature and the Supreme Court). Moreover, there is confusion :::I .c~'.~ the most cynical (Youngblood. 1972).
trying to understand the meaning of national identity. Thus, it was suggested ~
Filipino educators modify their models of sociopolitical conceptual learning Ir
~!Ji Middle and Late Martial Rule, 1976-1985: Conflict
the traditional American model of civic education to one more suited [0 Filipmo
cultural patterns and needs (Ortega, 1984; Youngblood, 1972).
'~. Political conflict under martial rule intensified from the mid-seventies until
Within the school context, a second agent of socialization has been ~~
~'er.: EDSA Revolution in 1986. Research done during these years reflects the
ceived to affect the political socialization of Filipino children and adolesccnu ~ia1 processes of a citizenry undergoing extreme duress. The general topics
The peer group-e-through its social class composition-determines the politlQ:! ~;:£overed are concerned with conflict both on the individual level and on the social
outlook of adolescents, In heterogeneous schools, lower-class students have:bees $
~\· t':LAt the individual level are studies Oil stress, coping, and therapy of torture
observed to adopt the outlook of their upper-class peers; in homogeneous l~'a' ~.ctimS, political detainees, and their children (Acuna, 1989; Estrada-Claudio et
class schools, students retain their outlook and attitudes (Youngblood, 197-;
~.'~., 19'7"'0; Decenteceo, 1989a,0; Lopez, 1987, 1988; Marcelino. 1985). ConflictbaZYXWVU
Political conceptual learning in school often fails to penetrate one's imenw ~K i~ the social level includes studies on social movements and social change
set of political values (Appleton, \965). Apparently, the primary role of ~
[2fS<Butalid, 1982; Carlos, 1985; Carrol! 1984; Claver, 1984; Karaos, 1985; Lie-
school in the socialization process is the teaching of the ideals of d<:ffiL~
~.7-ii'·'
,~_.",:~an, 1985) '
(Sicat, 1976) more than the internalizing of abstract values such as equality ~~
freedom.
The fostering of certain values in children does not appear to fall uocer 1-~ Stress, Coping, and Therapy of Children of Political Detainees
domain of formal education. It may be that value formation is determined try
another agent of socialization. In the case of the Filipino, the family secrns ~ ," Through naturalistic observation, unstructured interviews, indigenous rneth-
playa more crucial role in the inculcation of certain political values (Or..c;A~ 'f eds like pagtatanong-tanong, (literally. this means "asking" and is a local form
1984; Sicat, 1970; Youngblood, 1972). ~:dpmicipant observation) storytelling, and projective techniques, psychologists
Adolescent. perceptions of family structure reveal that the Filipino f:tr.-z1'! '#f.·~'ereable to assess the effect of parental detention on children (Acuna, 1989;
.'l!.
tends to be authoritarian (Sicat, 1976; Youngblood, 1972). Parents are the Ii.}!c 0;;;& Estrada-Claudio et al., 1990; Marcelino, 1985).
decision-makers and children believe that "they should keep to their c"'~ :li. The problems children face are both physical and psychological. On the
spheres." While adolescents have accepted the present family structure, t~ Jc ,~y:.ysical level, some children-be.:ause of lack of money-s-are malnourished.
not see themselves as continuing the authoritarian set-up but modifying i~ ~l'i>)'chological problems, however, are more serious, Children often live in a
. stant state of stress. They experience fear and apprehension over the loss of
the decision-making system, into one that is more democratic (Sicat, 19;61wvutsrqponmlkjihgfedcbaZYXWVUTSRQPONMLKJIHGFEDCBA
rental security and protection. Moreover, they are confused and fed shame
~rmse they have a difficult time understanding why their parents are detained
The Political Altitude of Cynicism 'n::n in fact they are not common criminals. Constant stress leads children [0
'hit symptoms of withdra ••val, depression, and irritability. They become more
In the 70s, attitudes toward the political authorities and the Marcos ~ essive towards others and seem [0 have a difficult time integrating socially
were measured through the construct of political cynicism (Sicat, 1970. 197-6. their peers in school. Reactions toward the detained patent may be charac-
Youngblood, 1972). Adolescents then were found to be cynical towards pcl~tio'. __. ized by ambivalence: children are cynical yet they can cling to and become
which they perceived to be a "dirty game" where politicians were W QUt to ~ ~~~rly dependent on their parents.
o if,

something for themselves" (Sicat, 1976). Despite such cynical tendencies .• , Some children, however, do learn to cope. with the situation. Throegh an
majority of the youth still liked politicians for the services they rendered; m rn· ,~ and democratic lifestyle within the family as well as emotioaal support
over, they still perceived the government as the best institution to rope III . ~o.'n the extended family. children learn to adjust to their new remit)'. On the
problems of the country (Sicat, 1976). The attitude of political cynicism tw ~.G ,SlC.,:ialleve!, play with peers appears to be therapeutic. For example. children
_~~; .•,l.F,~~";'· I,"",~::::';;:''''''"''-::i;::,:",~·':~A\.~,~~~1:~;;rt:::DS.UJi;~t:.;;'"!':a':l~::~~~~--~'.2;;.-W·

766 Montiel and Chioogh~ Political Psychology in the Philippines 761

living with their detained parents enjoyed a pretend game where one playmate is Social movements
a torturer, another the political victim, and a third saves the detainee from the:
ruthless hands of the military (Montiel. 1984). Successful coping, howe;-e:. While a few Filipinos were brave enough 10 protest the injustices brought
requires taking into consideration not only the psychological aspects of the. about by the Marcos regime, the majority of Filipinos elected to stay silent and
situation but the social-political dimensions as well. Because parental detention uninvolved. In the early eighties, however, events in the political environment
is a result of political conflict. it is helpful for children to have broad kno'",JeG\1C took place which led to changes at the individual and social level (Butalid, 1982;
about the political beliefs of their parents. ~wvutsrqponmlkjihgfedcbaZYXWVUTSRQPONMLKJIHGFEDCBA
Licuanan, 198-4).
At the individual level, changing perceptions of self and societal role led to
political action. Fil ipinos from the labor sector, because of perceptions that they
Therapy of Detainees and Torture Victims . were being alienated from the power structure, were ready to form themselves
.. iDto a larger group (Carlos, 1985). On the other hand. those from the urban poor
Psychologists, through therapeutic sessions and unstructured inteIYiews. were ready to mobilize only because they were able to go beyond their traditional
were able to come up with idiosyncratic as well as cultural patterns that differ- clientelist attitudes and realize that they. through their number, could effect
entiate detainees and torture victims from ordinary people (Decenteceo, 19890; political change (Karaos, 1985).
Lopez, 1988). Such patterns will have to be taken into consideration if therapy i3. These two sectors of society, labor and the urban poor, were a .••akened into
to be successful. political consciousness because of the injustice they experienced directly. People
Detainees and torture victims have been characterized as committed indi- from the middle and upper classes of Philippine society, however. were only
viduals. Mostly coming from the underground, these people are used to hardship jolted into political awareness after the assassination of Benigno "Ninoy" Aqui-
and have developed their own methods for dealing with stress. Partly because or
no in August of 1983 (Carroll, 1984). Relatively comfortable and unaffected by
this underground subculture and partly because of Filipino cultural influences, the political conflict going on in the environment, the majority of the elite had
detainees and torture victims have developed cognitive and action-oriented de- remained passive. Senator Aquino's assassination, however. awakened in these
fenses; affective coping. however, remains undeveloped. i Filipinos the courage they had given up in exchange for passivity and its material
At the other end is the therapist, often coming from the socially elite sector comforts (Licuanan, I 98-t).
of society and usually lacking a complex grasp of Philippine sociopolitical real- These changes in perception of self and social role partly facilitated the
ities. Equipped with purely clinical-psychological knowledge, the ther;:pl~ formation of social movements. The Filipinos, perceiving and reacting to politi-
presents herself or himself to the detainee or torture victim as an expert, with tru: cal oppression, began to realize that they could only wield political power as a
expectation that the new client will simply be a passive recipient of therapeutic group (Butalid, 1982). Thus, they banded together into several sectoral and
suggestion. . cause-oriented groups.
Thus, the therapeutic session becomes one where client and therapist start These groups, led by new political figures, poured onto the streets toexert
off at different levels. if therapy is to be successful, both therapist and client will their political will. The parliament of the streets was established. Later in 1986.
have to make adjustments. On the one hand, the client must be able to share his ,these same groups rushed to the defense of Corazon Aquino and were responsible
or her expectations. On the other hand, the therapist should avoid the expert !'Ok for th-e success of the People Power revolution that toppled the dictator. President
and take into consideration the client's idiosyncratic as well as subcultural P"f' Ferdinand Marcos.
terns, The therapist, for example, should consider the victim's capacity (Of
endurancerqponmlkjihgfedcbaZYXWVUTSRQPONMLKJIHGFEDCBA
as well as the victim's need for direct action vis-a-vis problems ..
The approach that seems appropriate for the victim or detainee is the medi- Out of Martial Rule, 1986-Present: Transition
cal model with its emphasis on symptomatic relief (Lopez. 1988). Its bf'id ~ t,"·
: il" ~ ; ~
from Dictatorship to DemocracybaZYXWVUTSRQPONMLKJIHGFEDCBA
duration makes it is more suitable to the torture victim who would rather be rid 0.(
therapy at once to get back into political action. Although group therapy has been ~q;:, EDSA's triumphant People's Power in 1986 ushered in a new politi •.-aJ
found (0 be effective. it is usually difficult to maintain. The torture victim's "" ~~t~on of democracy after 14 years of martial rule. Almost instantly, social
detainee's strong need for confidentiality. a habit developed in undergmu:-..J is;~i. scientists locked into the various dimensions of People Power (Fernandez 19' 7;
operations, makes it difficult to pursue such a therapeutic approach. Hornedo, 1987; Licuanan, 1987; Magno. 1986; Montiel. 1985. 1989). Studic- ire

;k~.;;..
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76S zyxwvutsrqponmlkjihgfedcbaZYXWVUTSRQPONMLKJIHGFEDCBA 769

Montiel and Chi6~i;;""

Filipino Political Psychology during the years after EDSA reflect a cone.:::"" !C\': People po-.••'er; from a social-psychological perspective, involves a psycho-
the transition process that occurs when a dictatorship is toppled and a cemocn...'""¥ ~gical transformation from weak and powerless individuals to a self-confident
is born. Topics of concern during the transition include leadership (Abin~. 'iI11JUP (Licuanan, 1987). An individual, recognizing there is a problem. initially
z;:, ., ••
1987; Hernandez, 1987; Montiel, 1986, 1990), political parties (de Charentem-r fft'ls powerless. Thus, he IS motivated to Jam a group of other powerless indi-
1988; Velasco, 1988), and democratic-authoritarian value systems (Licuar.a.~ 'iduals because the strength in numbers that the group can provide balances out
'••.
1989; Nebres, 1988). 'his feelings of inadequacy. Through concrete involvement that brings small
;{lParies, group members learn to develop a sense of self-efficacy and self-
cc.nfidence (Licuanan, 1987).
Dimensions of People Power Massive rallies during the latter part of the Marcos regime served as a cure
:!or the helplessness Filipinos were feeling. Small victories allowed them to see
Social scientists have looked into the political (Magno, 1986). cuitl.'r.ll . If¢ they could rake control of their lives. Thus, when the EDSA Revolution
(Fernandez, 1987; Hornedo, 1987; Lagrnay, 1986), and social-p5ycho!og;~! ~broke out, Filipinos, now brimming with confidence, wen: ready to topple a
(Henson, 1988; Licuanan, 1987) dimensions of the EDSA Revolution. :-"{on;. ator (Licuanan, 1987).
over, one political psychologist has made an assessment of the differential dftttt . Henson (1983) interviewed 180 purposively selected participants of the
of the EDSA Revolution and martial law on the political attitudes of arlolcs.cc~ WSA Revolution and inquired about personal motives for joining the political
leaders (Montiel, 1985, 1989). '<;j::;JliC!1,on. The reasons most frequently cited were personal commitment, desire to
Two points have been made about the political dynamics of the EDS..\ Marcos, desire to support/unite will; the people, sense of duty as a Filipino,
Revolution. On the one hand, it was revolutionary in the sense that Filipinos i!lld lJl)d curiosity.
not passively entrust their futures into the hands of a few elite politicians ~ An empirical study was done to compare the effects of martial law and me
instead actively fought to shape their own future. On the other hand. Peoyk ~EDSA Revolution on adolescent political leaders' attitudes towards themselves
Power at EDSA remained an unfinished revolution because the poiiticnl sm..M :> and their political environment (Montiel, 1985 and 1989J. Martial law and EDSA
tures of dictatorship were not yet completely transformed (Magno, 198M. differentially affected adolescent's emotions, behaviors, cognitions, and spiritual
Filipinos, however, did not march out thinking they would subvert ,hte reliefs. Adolescent leaders after martial law felt helpless and angry while their
existing political structures. Cultural analyses reveal an obvious absence of ;J.c. EDSA counterparts felt a sense of efficacy and pessimism. After martial law,
ology during the EDSA Revolution. On the other hand, certain cultural p;a.'!. ir..oreover, there W3S a polarization of political tendencies where some leaders
tems-s-affective and noncognirive in nature-were distinctly visible. opted to stop organizing altogether while others chose to become radicals. TIle
Lagrnay (1936) describes three facets of Filipino culture that im irm ld) EDSA revolution, on the other hand, allowed for continuity. Moreover. adoles-
intertwined with the People's Power at EDSA. One is the propensity to celebrare. 1(5, during martial law, experienced cognitive dissonance because they had to
to feast, to fiesta. Accounts of the crucial days in February 1986 unf:li!ingh l!'ct conservatively in spite of their radical ideas. On the other hand, the EDSA
include stories of collective food-sharing, amidst continuous singing and light· ~ulution, because itrewarded progressive thinking, allowed for cognitive inte-
heartedness-i-in spite of the Marcos's tanks, guns aimed squarely at the celebr: ..•t· ~~~ion. Lastly, while martial law led one to lose spiritual faith. the EDSA
ing crowd. A second cultural dimension is the Filipino skill to improvise m ~;;.o!ution allowed for its development.
problematic circumstances. The Filipino is generally skilled at ad hoc ma$EE';'· .. This panern of results holds true, likewise, for adolescents' attitudes toward
ment of movement, taking things as they are. and playing by ear. The EDSA political environment. For example, adolescents after martial law did not
affair was, in effect, a gamble of unplanned spontaneous collective action. A,."}- ieve in peaceful change through democratic reforms, whereas leaders after
other aspect of Filipino culture that manifested itself in the 1986 revolution w:;u ~SA became more optimistic about peaceful change.
Catholic religiosity. Statues of the Virgin Mary "watched over" the utJa11!it:4
crowd, nuns and priests confronted the tanks, aI'.D holy masses were ooserved
daily at EDSA (Lagrnay, 1986; Montiel, 1988a). The National Political Leadership
Filipinos, who find strength and meaning in community. wert! drawa l;.?
EDSA'5 spirit of community, which was, moreover, a Christian COtT'ff!l;[f;.~!·T, After EDSA. studies were done on political structures like tbe cabinet
largely Catholic-influenced, where people nonviolently confronted soldier» k"!ii.! fMQfltiel. 1986). the legislature (Montiel, 199'0). and the military (Abinales,
tanks (Claver, 1986; Hornedo , 1987; Fernandez. 1987). 1987; Hernandez, 1987).
-:.: -.,...--~- wvutsrqponmlkjihgfedcbaZYXWVUTSRQPONMLKJIHGFEDCBA
rqponmlkjihgfedcbaZYXWVUTSRQPONMLKJIHGFEDCBA
no Montie! and Chic~
An empirical study on the theoretical construct of nontradition:ll le<Jeief'-h,
as applied to the Aquino cabinet was carried out (Montiel, 1986). Findil:';:
suggest that a nontraditional leader comes from a middle-class family. is-
nationalist, has a democratic political style, has leftist political views, k::e--
promises, holds consistently to political views, is no! supported by the busir;':
sector, is for the masses, does not lie or cheat, is not anticommunist. and is ~ 1
sexist. While many cabinet members have been classified as traditional leader;. l
few were described as nontraditional. Thus, as a group. the Aquino Cabin~l ,~
be considered centrist. President Aquino herself encompasses both !rJJi:~<::;;~
leadership traits as wei] as certain nontraditional attributes (Montiel, 19861.
Congressional voting patterns were analyzed to determine the nature 0(
congressional concerns and the existence of voting blocs (Montie l, 199(). Fix.
ings reveal that there are two voting blocs with the pro...administration candid:r.;,:
in the majority bloc and the anti-administration candidates in the minority bi(~
Congressmen, moreover, appear to be concerned with the growing mi!ir:mu!:~
of the right as well as the redistribution of political and economic power. A;u! ••..
ses reveal that resolutions on militarization issues and the redistribution of pohn-
cal power are a function of voting bloc. Pro-administration candidates, for -:'''m-
f If.
pie, are interested in allocating power to regions outside the political capit:1.lobaZYXWVUTSRQPONMLKJIHGFEDCBA
Metro Manila. On the other hand, anti-administration candidates woulc l'J!hct
reduce the powers of the Aquino bureaucracy. Further analyses show [l-:.l! .!J...
though issues on economic redistribution (e.g., land reform, governrnent unioo-
ism) generate the most debate. Congress usually ends up with relatively COfL'-C7'
vative and pro-elite economic bills,
Coup d'etat attempts disclose the fact that factions within the military ()()'I!>
recognize their capacity to intervene in politics and society, The puliticiz,:lI:liO~
the military is largely attributed to two phenomena-14 years of dici3tOr;,hip l..'ld
the EDSA Revolution (Abinales, 1987; Hernandez, 1987).
Before the declaration of martial law, the military was made subordinate :1,1
the civilian political authority (Hernandez, 1987). During martial law, 00",("\('1,
military force was needed to implement Marcos's authoritarian regime. \flilur-:
men were consequently allowed to exert a "direct yet subordinate hand in go'\,-cr
nance" (Abinales, 1987). Especially in areas where martial law had displaced l.k
local elites, the military became the locus of political power, ingraining k
military with a consciousness of the value of politics.
The EDSA Revolution further complicated the politicization of the mili
Many in the military' held the perception that the military had installed C
Aquino into power; thus, it should be given a partnership role in Woo!
government.
While these two phenomena facilitated the politicization of the m lh!:
other factors were directly responsible for the outbreak of attempted CL'UP d·r!z.r'
A less important factor (one which has received media attention both in th<-kr~:
~:S:;
",'f:' r.,ftical Psychology in the Philippines nl
f . i: ·
..• fttu d international press) has to do with frustration over military' grievances (e.g ..
h~bow salaries and inadequate or outdated military equipment) that have not been
'·,t5-t!<jdressed. A more important problem, however, is the antithesis between the
1
_~ d;:.cision-making process under the hierarchical authoritarian structure in the
~'f.lilitarf and that of the national government's democratic system (Hernandez,
~ lk r 1987). Because the democratic process requires taking into consideration other
fi,i; eW ffiS and ideas, it becomes slow and cumbersome. Thus. people in the military
f1l: ~eive the process to be ineffective. They prefer, instead, the authoritarian
r;~{s.,.stem because even if it does not allow for competing forces and demands. it is
~). r~!atively faster and more efficient.
~.~
Psychological and Cultural Dynamics of the Filipino Masses
Research has been done on the democratic concepts of Filipinos vis-a-vis
::;.their authoritarian tendencies (Licuanan, 1989; Nebres, 1983). There have also
.!C.;o.
.~"beeIi studies on the political behavior of various sectors of Philippine society (de
i'Cha.-renlenay, 1988; Carroll, 1989; Ileto, 1979; Velasco, 1988).
There is a mismatch between Philippine culture and the democratic forms
j~:mherited from the United States (Nebres, 1988). For one, the American form is
,7t:~vcrsarjal and conflictual. But this does not suit Filipinos who tend to avoid
,,¥.,t'OOflictand criticism. Second, the American m o d e l emphasizes the individual as
',@=:srational thinker, yet most Filipinos identify themselves with a group and are
.'~··2!fecti'e in orientation. Third, Filipinos-c-albeit [heir acceptance of democracy
f>:~i;<;a theoretical construct and a romantic ideal-still have a basic predisposition
",:.~ .• , .Ii
r;W",,!owardsauthoritarianism (Licuanan, 1989). Thus, a democratic form that is
l":i,,.t2xionalwill not be able to unite Filipinos. Only one that is affective in narure and
l~tha! touches on the national consciousness will lead to change and unity CSebres,
;~~:'"1988).
,:'i;...·:-'·.
it', Studies show that there are three levels of political action in tho! Philippines
;..flde Charentenay, 1988). At the grassroots level, there seems to be very little
stained political activity. Apparently, the struggle fer survival relegates politics
!he sidelines. Especially when the common folk perceive politics te be a power
between politicians, they remain passive and apathetic (Ileto, 1979). It is
TI-";:
during local elections that there is a flurry of political activity and. violence.
I.,
This sudden bout of political activity at the grassroots level seems to be tied
"'~~f;;pwith the second level of action, that of the political part'! system. It appears
:::A.. ._
:~~~ there has no! been much change at this level of political actioa. Political
_"?_ ie:; can still be characterized by political alliances of patronage ar,rl clientelist
~1¥~tworks (de- Charentenav, 1988; Velasco, 1988). The reality is still tilZl voters
,.~~::_ k~1X'rtpoliticians from 'whom they canexpect persona! 0; community favors
tCarroH. 1989). Thus, at this level of political action, the personalistic C2.::1p.;j fn
 '~"""'=~~~""'~~~.~~w"'" zyxwvutsrqponmlkjihgfedcbaZYXWVUTSRQPONMLKJIHGFEDCBA
·~'·S:;.:'i"":C~~"''''~~·ji~~'~2.
772 Montid and Chioog~
technique still seems to be most effective. Findings from an empirical stud ••.
(Velasco, 1988) reveal that the house-to-house visit was perceived by co.~-
gressmen to be the most effective campaign technique. The party label, hm"'ev~
was not mentioned to be a crucial factor for winning. ".
Although this personalistic type of political activity is acceptable to th~
majority of the Filipinos, a few have matured beyond this level and opted for 1
more ideological type of politics. The minority of Filipinos who prefer this ('YDe
of political action belong to cause-oriented groups (de Charentenay, 1988). c~~
posed of people who gather around a certain political cause (e.g. foreign debt
repudiation, removal of the U.S. bases). Filipinos in cause-oriented groups tend
to value democratic institutions. They also realize that the common Filipino WIll
only be able to participate in the governing process if popular organization, are
strengthened (Arroyo, 1990).
Post-Martial Rule, 1986-Pre~nt: Public Opinion Surveys
With the establishment of a broader democratic space, national public opin-
ion surveys have flourished. There are two reasons why nationwide polls grew
rapidly under the Aquino Administration. First, Filipinos were ready to give
more honest answers to survey questions, inasmuch as the element of fear of
reprisal for a "wrong" answer was no longer in the political air. Next. the fK"'.••.
government was much more open to an honest reading of the public pulse JIHl tbe
survey organizations gladly obliged by conducting polls which served to provide
the government with systematic feedback on its performance.
I Public opinion surveys assess Filipinos' satisfaction over and knowledge of
the political situation, political structures like the legislature and the military.
political figures such as the president, and controversial issues like land reforra
(Miranda, 1987a,b; Montiel, 1988b, 198%; Montiel & Mendoza, 199Oa.b).
I Attitudes towards these political entities, moreover. are linked to social-political
variables like economic class, educational attainment, and area of residence
(Montiel, 1988b, 1989b; Montiel & Mendoza, I99Oa).
.,
f.J.
-"':
~ With regard to the legislature, findings suggest that Filipinos who COl'TI!!
Ii from the upper classes and who have the highest educational attainment arc: the
most aware of legislative issues and politics. They are also the most dissatisfied
il
{. with the legislature. Filipinos from the lower class are especially happy wh..--n
their congressmen build local roads and bridges (Montiel, 198%).
Surveys about the military focus on Filipinos' artirudes and perceptions
regarding the soldiers' role in society. While Filipinos are generally satisfied wI!."
the military's role in maintaining peace and order (Miranda, 1987b; Montiel ~
Mendoza, 1990b), findings reveal that Filipinos do not approve of the mijit3'ry's.
attempts at wresting power from the legitimate government. The incornpetcrce
~
f2t
- ,:,a.p:,
roiitkal Psychclogy in the PhilippineswvutsrqponmlkjihgfedcbaZYXWVUTSRQPONMLKJIHGFEDCBA n3
¥
f~'of the present Aquino administration could never be enough justification for a
,~, coup d'etat (Montiel & Mendoza, 199Gb).
Surveys on President Cory Aquino generally deal with perceptions of lead-
ership style and satisfaction ratings. Filipinos perceive Aquino to be trustworthy,
credible, and pro-poor. Moreover, she is not seen to be a dictator. Because of
this, her endorsement of politicians significantly increases their respective popu-
larity ratings (Montiel & Mendoza. 1990a). Through the years, however, satis-
faction with Aquino has continued to decline. The upper class and those with the
highest educational attainment appear to be the least satisfied, while ironically,
those that have benefitted least from the government, the poor, continue to be the
most satisfied with Cory Aquino. Cautious interpretation of such data is war-
ranted, as the social-desirability response bias may be stronger among the lower-
.~~~income respondents. Their apparent appreciation of the president in fact !1'.2y
. ."):;merely reflect general acquiescent tendencies vis-a-vis survey questions (Montiel
& Mendoza, 199Oa).
Attitudes towards land reform were assessed through questions dealing with
. the bases for land retention and size of retention limit. Older and richer Filipinos
differed from their younger and poorer counterparts in the basis for determining
land retention limits. Similarly, in terms of size of retention limit, the older, more
educated Filipinos coming from the Visayan region opted for a higher land
retention limit. Moreover, economic influences as well as political dispositions
further complicate the land reform issue (Montiel, 1988b).
FINAL WORDS
Trends in Philippine Political Psychology
Three factors appear to influence Filipinos' political behavior. These are the
tendency toward personalism, the need for group affiliation, and the inclination
to be affective rather than cognitive.
.~ The studies on the alliance system, patron-client systems. and political
~. action at the grassroots level reveal that the Filipinos have a tendency toward
~~r personalism. Filipinos will campaign for a candidate whom they k..•. now, More-
%,!!:}' over, they will only vote for someone who can provide them with favors.
#{. A second factor that seems to motivate Filipino political behavior is the
;f'/""
,~!,.".need for group affiliation. The studies on social movements and People Power
~; show that Filipinos become confident only when they are part of a larger group.
$.' At another level, children of detainees seem to adjust mere when around 2
.~: supportive family.
r e. , An even more important factor is the Filipinos' affective nature. A fe'''''
Filipinos=-llke former political detainees and members of cause-oriented
 J ,~ ;:

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~~..
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~;ol1tJel and Chiong~ .~f;;J:til<!1 Psychology in the Philippines 'TIS
'iiI i'

groups-are motivated by their cognitions. ::~local idosyncracies-they

Most Filipinos, however, tendrqponmlkjihgfedcbaZYXWVUTSRQPONMLKJIHGFEDCBA
10 may in a few years contribute to a deeper, clearer
evaluate political activities using their affect. Studies on People Power ar><! ./'i- UL d~~st~-'d;~'
•...
~ u.:.,
•. LKJIHGFEDCBA
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of Filioino
H .I Y . lU political
• .• . J.............
1 1 - .1 . behavior I ," ,," •

Ft'-~ ~
concepts of democracy substantiate this pattern.

The Future of Political Psychology in the Philippines

I~ ~~
ACKSOWUDG~IE"'IS

:' The authors wish to thank Dr. Allen Tan from the department of psychology.
The development of political psychology in the Philippines calls for metb- ",Meneo de ;\IaniJa University, for his helpful comments on tile earlier versions of
odological and theoretical improvements, expanded comparative work, and tbe ; tbis article. This research was made possible by a grant from the Reverend
training of more Filipino social scientists for work in the field. ~ p:!cifico Ortiz, S. J., Research Chair, Ateneo de Manila University.
Filipino political psychology can profit methodologically from more origi-
nal data-gathering procedures adjusted to the local political setting. Anotha
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