Professional Documents
Culture Documents
A Contribution To The Textual and Iconog
A Contribution To The Textual and Iconog
F I R S T
VATICAN
COFFIN
CONFERENCE
19-22 JUNE 2013
VOLUME 1
VATICAN COFFIN PROJECT
Reparto Antichità Egizie e del Vicino Oriente
Laboratorio di Diagnostica per la Conservazione ed il Restauro
Massachusetts Chapter
THANKS TO
Patrons of the Arts
in the Vatican Museums
Edited by
Alessia Amenta and Hélène Guichard
Editorial Direction
Barbara Jatta
Editorial Board
Barbara Jatta, Arnold Nesselrath, Paolo Nicolini, Alessia Amenta, Carla Cecilia, Guido Cornini, Federico Di Cesare,
Micol Forti, Cristina Pantanella, Stefano Pierangelini, Maurizio Sannibale, Giandomenico Spinola
Editorial Office
Federico Di Cesare, Valerio Brienza, Simona Tarantino
Photo Credits
Photos © Governatorato SCV, Direzione dei Musei
Images and Rights Office: Rosanna Di Pinto, Filippo Petrignani
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Photographers: Pietro Zigrossi, Alessandro Bracchetti, Giampaolo Capone, Luigi Giordano, Danilo Pivato, Alessandro
Prinzivalle
All the other references are indicated in the photo credits list at the end of the book.
Printing
Tipografia Vaticana
All rights reserved. Translation, electronic memorisation, reproduction, full or partial adaptation by any means
(including microfilm and photocopying) is strictly prohibited in all countries.
Foreword
ALESSIA AMENTA 15
FRUZSINA BARTOS
Cartonnage fragments from the 22nd Dynasty originating from Theban Tomb 65 and its surroundings 57
MARILINA BETRÒ
Birth, (re)-birth and votive beds: New evidence from a Third Intermediate Period context
in Theban Tomb 14 63
ANDERS BETTUM
Nesting: The development and significance of the ‘yellow coffin’ ensemble 71
SUSANNE BICKEL
KV 64. An intact 22nd Dynasty burial in the Valley of the Kings. Preliminary description 83
FEDERICO BOTTIGLIENGO
Digging in the museum: Some notes on Amduat papyri in the Museo Egizio of Turin 89
GIACOMO CAVILLIER
The Butehamun Project: Research on the funerary equipment 97
KATHLYN M. COONEY
Coffin reuse: Ritual materialism in the context of scarcity 101
Contents First Vatican Coffin Conference
AIDAN DODSON
The Third Intermediate Period coffins in the collection of the Medelhavsmuseet, Stockholm 145
MONIKA DOLINSKA
The Third Intermediate Period coffins in the National Museum in Warsaw.
Presentation of the collection 155
SILVIA EINAUDI
The tomb of Padiamunipet (TT 33) and its role in the ‘Saite recension’ of the Book of the Dead 163
NADINE GUILHOU
Painters of coffins and papyri at Thebes in the Third Intermediate Period 183
EDOARDO GUZZON
The wooden coffins of the late Third Intermediate Period and Late Period found
by Schiaparelli in the Valley of the Queens (QV 43 and QV 44) 191
NESRIN M. M EL HADIDI, SAFA A. M. HAMED
The effect of preparation layers on the anatomical structure and chemical composition
of native Egyptian wood 199
REMY HIRAMOTO
Terahertz (THz) imaging of 21st Dynasty coffins
211
FRANCE JAMEN
A textual-iconographical and technological study of unpublished 21st Dynasty coffins from Lyon:
The coffins of PA-d(j)-xnsw (Musée des Beaux-Arts, Invv. H 2320-H 2321) 219
CAROLA KOCH
The sarcophagus of Nitocris (Inv. Cairo TN 6/2/21/1): Further considerations about
the God’s Wives’ burial places 231
ALEXANDRA KÜFFER
The coffins from the Cache-tomb of Bab el-Gasus in Switzerland 249
NIKA LAVRENTYEVA
The coffin of Padikhonsu from the Pushkin State Museum of Fine Arts, Moscow
(Inv. 1, 1a 5316 / ИГ 5402) 255
ÉVA LIPTAY
The ancient Egyptian coffin as sacred space: Changes of the sacred space
during the Third Intermediate Period 259
LILIANE MANN
The letters of Willem Pleyte 289
ANDRZEJ NIWIŃSKI
The 21st Dynasty coffins of non-Theban origin. A ‘family’ for the Vatican coffin of Anet 335
ELENA PAGANINI
Life and death of ‘citizens’ of Amun: A socio-economic investigation of the Bab el-Gasus Cache 349
DANIELA PICCHI
The anthropoid coffin of Mesiset (?): An interesting history of collecting, typological study,
and diagnostic investigation 361
LUIGI PRADA
A contribution to the textual and iconographical study of embossments from Third Intermediate Period
mummy braces, chiefly from the Bab el-Gasus Cache and now in the Cairo Museum 369
Volume 2
GIOVANNA PRESTIPINO
The Vatican Coffin Project: Observations on the construction techniques
of Third Intermediate Period coffins from the Musei Vaticani 397
MAARTEN J. RAVEN
Third Intermediate Period burials in Saqqara 419
NICHOLAS REEVES
The coffin of Ramesses II 425
ISABELLE RÉGEN
Tradition and innovation on the Third Intermediate Period coffins. The case of an uncommon
rising solar and Osirian scene with hacking up of the earth 439
GÁBOR SCHREIBER
The burial assemblages of Ankhefenamun and Hor, and other Third Intermediate Period burials
from Theban Tomb -61- 463
IAN SHAW
New Kingdom and Third Intermediate Period coffin and textile remains from the 2011-2012
excavations at Medinet el-Gurob, Fayum region 471
LOREDANA SIST
A 25th Dynasty Theban coffin in the Museo del Vicino Oriente at Sapienza Università di Roma 509
ROGÉRIO SOUSA
Building catalogues. The concept of ‘architectonisation’ and the description of coffins of the 21st Dynasty 515
HELEN STRUDWICK
The enigmatic owner of the coffins of Nespawershefyt at the Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge 521
MYKOLA TARASENKO
The Third Intermediate Period coffins in the Museums of Ukraine 529
JOHN H. TAYLOR
The vulture headdress and other indications of gender on women’s coffins in the 1st millennium BC 541
IGOR URANIC
The Third Intermediate Period mummies and the coffins from the Arheološki Muzej in Zagreb 551
Posters 575
Bibliography 597
Contributors 707
A peculiar feature of TIP burials from the Theban area are the so-called mummy braces, typically
consisting of two crossing straps of red-dyed leather which were placed on the deceased’s shoulders,
hanging onto his/her chest and upper back.1 The ends of these straps were provided with trapezoidal
insets of normally undyed parchment, backed and framed by the same thicker and darker leather of
the braces. These insets consist of tabs typically embossed with small images, generally representing
a ritual scene, and short texts. The significance of these braces as part of the funeral paraphernalia in
the TIP is highlighted by the fact that not only could they be physically placed on mummies, but they
could also be depicted in the decoration of coffins and mummy boxes.2
In association with such braces, another type of leather artefacts can be observed in mummies
from this period, though this is found less commonly. This consists of two pendants, one in the shape
of a menat-counterweight and one in that of a menkhet-tassel, normally placed on the mummy’s neck
or chest and bound to one another by means of a strip of leather.3 As in the case of the braces, these
pendants too are typically made of dyed leather, with an inset of parchment, which is embossed with
short texts and/or decorative patterns.
Mummy braces (or sections thereof) with their tabs and the less common pendants are found in
museum collections worldwide, as already observed by Egyptologists more than a century ago,4 and
*
Permission for the study and publication of Černý’s notebook was granted by the former Keeper of the Archive, Griffith
Institute (University of Oxford), Vincent Razanajao. My thanks are due to Elizabeth Fleming and Cat Warsi of the
Griffith Institute, for answering my queries concerning this material, and to Jenni Navratil, for scanning the notebook.
In the preparation of this paper, I profited from discussion with Sabrina Ceruti (Archaeological Museum, Milan), Jenny
Cromwell (Macquarie University, Sydney), and Mark Smith (University of Oxford), to whom I express my gratitude.
Many thanks for their feedback are also due to the organisers and the participants of this conference, especially to
Alessia Amenta (Vatican Museums) and Christian Greco (Museo Egizio, Turin). Attendance of the conference was
made possible through a generous grant awarded by the Governing Body of The Queen’s College (University of
Oxford), whose assistance I hereby gratefully acknowledge. Needless to say, none of the present work would have
been possible without that of Jaroslav Černý, whose painstaking copies of the material form the origin and foundation
of this study.
1 I will use the term ‘mummy braces’ throughout this article, as this is the most commonly used term in English for
indicating this type of artefact, though objections have been raised against its use (e.g. van Walsem 1997, 15, fn. 46;
Berman 1999, 367). Matters of terminology in labelling these items are discussed in more detail by Altenmüller 2000a,
76, whose remarks I need not reiterate here. Similarly, in indicating the material of which these objects are made, I
follow the use of earlier studies, which, for convenience, call it ‘leather’ (and, in the case of the thinner material of which
the embossed labels are made, ‘parchment’), though, strictly speaking, ancient Egyptian skin products such as these
do not classify as proper leather (see van Driel-Murray 2000, 299).
2 Altenmüller 2000a, 73, fn. 2.
3 For a clear image of braces still in situ on a mummy, see e.g. Smith 1906, Pl. 5, Fig. 3, and for one showing a set including
both braces and pendants, see e.g. Taylor 2011, 34, 48. In the latter, the computer-graphic reconstruction shows the
braces as if each made of two thin, separate leather strips running parallel to each other, rather than of just one piece
of leather (as is usually observed). No such examples of braces are known to me, and it may possibly be the case that
this reconstruction is based on a false impression given by the CT-scan: each brace is typically made from a wide
leather strip folded inwards on both sides (Altenmüller 2000a, 74), so that a scan may give the impression of two strips
running parallel to each other, where, in fact, one has simply two, rather than one, layers folded onto one another. The
same scan of the mummy in question, without the superimposed computer graphics, can be seen in Taylor 2004, 32.
4 See the list in Wiedemann 1882, 86, where the “Platten aus Leder” he mentions clearly indicate tabs from leather braces.
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5 As shown by the number of hits resulting from a general search with key words relevant to leather mummy braces in the
online databases of the British Museum or the Petrie Museum of Egyptian Archaeology, to mention but two collections
in England.
6 The most recent is Aston 2009, 380-381. Previous studies of particular consequence on these objects include Williams
1918, 275-277, and Goff 1979, 102-104, as well as van Walsem 1997, 116-119, who however mostly focuses on the pictorial
representation of braces on coffins and on their significance. For more references, see the bibliography in Altenmüller
2000a, 109-112.
7 Altenmüller 2000a.
8 A catalogue of the corpus assembled by him is in the table at the end of the article, which lists a total of 83 entries:
see Altenmüller 2000a, 92-100. This catalogue is stated to contain only dated (i.e., bearing the name of a king and/or
a High Priest of Amun) items from the 21st-22nd Dynasty (Altenmüller 2000a, 77), but is in fact larger in scope, for it also
registers 20th Dynasty (nos. 48-50) and undated items (nos. 75-83).
9 Altenmüller 2000a, nos. 49-50. By coincidence, one set of these early tabs dating to the 20th Dynasty (Altenmüller
2000a, no. 49) was also the first one, to my knowledge, to receive full scholarly attention and be published, in 1828
(Osburn 1828, 4-5, 33-41, Pl. 2).
10 PM I-2, 1964, 5: “Leather tab with Ramesses VIII embraced by Amen-rē ‘-Kamutf (?). Wilkinson MSS. xxii. 34”.
11 Altenmüller 2000a, no. 48.
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Embossments from Third Intermediate Period mummy braces
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19 For their value in dating a burial, see e.g. Osburn 1828, 33, and, in more recent times, Niwin’ski 1988, 15-16, 52-53;
Altenmüller 2000a, 76-77; Aston 2009, 381; Taylor 2011, 49. For their use in wider chronological studies, see e.g.
Wiedemann 1882, 86; Jansen-Winkeln 2006a, 230, fn. 69.
20 See e.g. Daressy 1896a, 75-76.
21 The problem is also connected with the general lack of reproductions (whether photographs or facsimiles) of these
items in the relevant publications. Most recently on this issue, Effland 2013, 34.
22 Altenmüller 2000a, 93-100.
23 To the point that, in his recent treatment of this material and due to the lack of published material, David Aston was
so cautious as to sound uncertain about whether the shape of these pendants is limited to menat-counterweights and
menkhet-tassels only (as is indeed the case): “Where described, these [sc. pendants] are usually in the form of a menat
or menkhet pendant” (Aston 2009, 381).
24 PM I-2, 1964, 630-642.
25 Daressy 1896a; Daressy 1907.
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Embossments from Third Intermediate Period mummy braces
26 Compare the entries under the column “Fundort” in his final table (Altenmüller 2000a, 93-100). On the importance of
the Second Cache for the study of mummy braces, see also Niwin’ski 1988, 16, fn. 48: “The majority of such objects [sc.
mummy braces] came from the Bab el-Gusus tomb”.
27 No mention of this notebook is in the printed edition of the Topographical Bibliography (PM I-2, 1964), but it is
recorded in the relevant ‘Appendix slips’. On these, see the information available at: http://topbib.griffith.ox.ac.uk//
project.html (last consulted: 16/02/2016).
28 PM I-2, 1964, 658-667.
29 “The braces are now in the Cairo Museum and have been collated” (Černý 1975, 648, fn. 8). See also Černý 1975, 648,
fn. 9, 652, fn. 1.
30 Though absent from his corpus (but see the remarks in Altenmüller 2000a, 97, fn. 37), an attestation of this king on a
pendant had already been recorded in Maspero 1889, 573.
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Embossments from Third Intermediate Period mummy braces
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32 On the style of production notes, see already Altenmüller 2000a, 78-79. I diverge from his interpretation of the second,
more elaborate phrasing (about which, see also fn. 89 in the Catalogue), in that I consider the name of the High Priest of
Amun to be in apposition to sbA. His translation is instead: “unter der Leitung eines von seiner Majestät Unterwiesenen
und des Hohepriesters des Amun”.
33 The close connection between mummy braces and the priesthood of Amun has been remarked upon by several
interpreters; see most recently Aston 2009, 380.
34 Another example is Altenmüller 2000a, no. 47.
35 In this case, the name of the Tanite king may make an appearance, but only obliquely, within the indication of the High
Priest’s filiation: see, in Appendix A, the items indicating Pinedjem II as son of Psusennes I.
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Embossments from Third Intermediate Period mummy braces
36 In this respect, tabs nos. 38-39 are very unusual within our corpus, for they do not bear any mention of the High Priest of Amun,
but only portray and label king Amenemope (unless, above the scene, there was a band of text, now lost, mentioning the High
Priest of Amun, which would however be a unicum, at least based on the patterns identified above); in this respect, compare
also nos. 51-54 in Altenmüller 2000a. Another remarkable, though less peculiar, case is that of the already mentioned tabs nos.
28-29: here, more emphasis is put on the king than elsewhere, for his figure is captioned with both his praenomen and nomen,
and his presence also looms in the long production note, by means of the reference to Hm=f (‘his majesty’).
37 Jansen-Winkeln 2006a, 221-222.
38 In the case of nos. 24-25, the identification of the uraeus-bearing officiant as Pinedjem II is beyond any doubt, as he
is also captioned as the son of Menkheperre. In the other four cases, he is likely still Pinedjem II, though the absence
of any indication of his filiation does not allow one to categorically exclude the possibility that this may instead be
Pinedjem I; on this issue, see fn. 109 in Appendix A.
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of Pinedjem II with a uraeus, as a sort of subtle allusion to and justification of Pinedjem’s royal attribute: as
Amun-Re holds royal status (amongst the gods), so does his main representative in Thebes, Pinedjem himself.
Perhaps, royal aspirations were easier (and maybe also safer) to express within the milieu of the Theban
priesthood, Pinedjem II’s main intended audience, on these small artefacts. These were not necessarily made
expressly on the occasion of one’s burial, but might have been used as sacred paraphernalia during the daily
running of the temple cults, thus being constantly before the eyes of the local clergy, who could have seen
and understood in them a collateral and more or less subtle political message.39
To conclude the overview of these first, general observations emerging from the Catalogue, one
still ought to discuss the scenes that are depicted on the tabs. Concerning the deities that appear in
them,40 a list for those found in the Catalogue is available in Appendix B. Whilst Williams41 expressed
doubts about the possible attestation of Ptah and Min in them, followed by Altenmüller42 only as far
as Min was concerned (due to the easy, possible confusion with the almost ubiquitous representation
of ithyphallic Amun and Amun-Re in the tabs),43 it is in fact the case that both gods are also depicted
in the embossments, with Min being explicitly captioned as such in no. 41.
Little attention has been devoted to the nature of the action or situation depicted in the tabs’ images,
again, due to the lack of published reproductions of them. Previous literature on the topic has generally
described these scenes as depicting the king or the High Priest of Amun offering to or adoring a deity.44
The same was described by Altenmüller,45 who also specifies how, in the case of the offering scenes, the
offer almost invariably consists of ointments, in connection with the ritual of anointing the god.46
Looking at the Catalogue, and excluding the already mentioned peculiar case of nos. 43-44, where
only a standing god is represented, the scenes of all the other tabs show two standing characters facing
each other: on one side is the officiant (king or High Priest of Amun), on the other the deity. In the case of
the tabs representing an ithyphallic god (who can be unnamed, or labelled as Amun, Amun-Re, or Min),
there is also a third element in the composition: this is the god’s insignia, which stand behind him (for a
description of these insignia, see the Catalogue entries). In most tabs depicting a mummiform deity, the
god is standing on a plinth, and is possibly meant to represent a divine statue (nos. 16, 22, 24-28, 30-33,
35-36, 38-41, 45, 48). Appendix C offers a list of all the scenes depicted in the tabs, in connection with
the deity involved: recurrent combinations between the type of scene and the deity in question are
evident. Offering scenes are well-attested, yet the most recurrent type of scene is, strictly speaking,
neither one of offering nor one of adoration: in it, the officiant stretches his arms towards the deity (who
is always an ithyphallic god) and lays his hands on him, in a way evocative of the so-called ritual of laying
hands upon the god (see below). The second most attested type of scene is one of offering, namely, the
offer of Maat. The offer of ointment, specifically in the form of applying unguent to the god’s brow, is also
recurrent, albeit less frequent than the previous two.
The types of ritual actions pictured in these scenes find significant parallels in well-attested temple
rituals for the cult of divine images, such as the Daily Ritual.47 The exact identification of the scenes in the
39 For more on the much contested and speculated original use and nature of these leather braces, see the discussion below.
40 These are often poorly or not at all recorded in early studies, as pointed out by Altenmüller 2000a, 79.
41 Williams 1918, 277.
42 Altenmüller 2000a, 79, fn. 14.
43 This confusion is particularly evident in Smith 1906, 156, where, in describing a tab, Daressy (quoted by Smith in his
own article) names the god therein portrayed as Min, despite the relevant caption, which he also transcribes, explicitly
labelling him as Amun-Re.
44 Most recently, Aston 2009, 380.
45 Altenmüller 2000a, 74-77, 79, 82, 84.
46 This predominance of the anointing scene is however disputable, at least with regard to the tabs from the 21st Dynasty,
as will emerge from the ensuing discussion and from the Catalogue.
47 For a brief overview of this and connected rituals, see Eaton 2013, 175-190. For more on the cult of divine images, see
also Lorton 1999. A new, full, and detailed treatment of the Daily Ritual is now available in Braun 2013.
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tabs is complicated by the fact that, in interpreting them, one can only rely on their iconography, given
that, due to the small size of the item and the consequent lack of space, the scene is never accompanied
by a legend describing it, as it could be instead the case with similar depictions on other media, such
as, for instance, a relief on a temple wall. In the case of the ritual of laying hands upon the god, this
has parallels in both the textual sources for the Daily Ritual48 and in the iconograpic ones.49 The same
is the case with another, subsequent step in the divine image’s toilette described in this ritual, i.e., the
presentation of ointment, which is found in both the Daily Ritual’s written50 and visual sources.51 As for
the tabs showing the officiant applying the ointment on the god’s brow, this scene is not included in the
textual sources,52 but its iconography can be precisely matched.53 Finally, concerning the presentation of
Maat, this also can have its place in the daily divine cult, being found, for example, as one of the steps of
the Daily Ritual in its written sources.54
This close relationship between the representations found on the leather braces’ tabs and the
divine cults that would take place in temples confirms and supports interpretations of the braces and
their significance that were advanced by previous scholars. Developing distinct insights by Williams55
and van Walsem,56 Altenmüller in particular already highlighted the possibility that mummy braces
might have had their original “Sitz im Leben” in the temple cult: they might have been in the first
instance paraphernalia for the divine cult performed daily in the temples, and only secondarily turned
to a use for funerary purposes, being placed on mummies and with them buried.57 If such braces were
indeed originally employed in temple rituals pertaining to the care of divine images, their use on
mummies could even be explained as a means of stressing the deceased’s divine status, by linking his
or her image (the mummy) with that of the deity (the statue).
What the study of the tabs’ iconography certainly confirms is that their visual repertoire is derived
from that of temple cults, for this shows perfect matches with scenes that can as easily be found on
temple wall reliefs. As already remarked by Altenmüller,58 the case of the mummy braces and their likely
integration in private funerary rituals from an extension of their original ritual use in the temple cult
is another example of a general trend observed in the development of funerary practices during this
period.59
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pendant, with reference to the relevant bibliography (as already attempted by Černý himself, as is
shown by additional pencil notes in his hand underneath many of the drawings), or at least to give
significantly close parallels. Any attempt to precisely identify the objects from the Second Cache is
made rather difficult by the fact that, as previously mentioned, the records about the discovery of
the Bab el-Gasus coffins and the connected funerary equipment were only partially published by
Georges Daressy, and, even when published, they contain a significant number of mistakes in both the
descriptions and especially in the equivalences between A-list, B-list, JE numbers, etc.65 On account
of this, in many instances within the Catalogue, identification attempts are intended only as tentative.
Three Appendices follow the Catalogue. Appendix A collects the mentions of kings and High
Priests of Amun in the objects included in the Catalogue,66 Appendix B lists the deities attested on
the tabs,67 and Appendix C collects the types of scenes found on the same category of items.
65 On the mistakes contained in Daressy’s lists and concordance, see already the warning in Daressy 1907, 4, and the
discussion and revised lists in Niwin’ski 1988, 27, 199-204. Daressy’s published copies of the texts from tabs and
pendants also contain many imprecisions, but these cannot always be identified with certainty, owing to the recurrent
lack of reliable correspondences between the actual objects and Daressy’s copies and records. A clear example of a
wholly mistaken copy must be, for instance, that of the menkhet-pendant in Daressy 1907, 33, no. 127, where the name
in the cartouche should be Psusennes, and not Pinedjem (on this, see also Černý 1975, 648, fn. 9, 652, fn. 1).
66 To be compared with the lists in Altenmüller 2000a, 77-78, 90.
67 To be compared with the list in Altenmüller 2000a, 79-80.
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Catalogue
3. (Č. d1)
Type. Pendant (menat).
Text. Production note: ←↓ iri.n Hm-nTr tp(y) n Imn PA-sbA-xai-n-niw.t sA PA(y)-nDm (‘Which the High
Priest of Amun, Psusennes Son of Pinedjem, made’).
Remarks. Possible matches, based on text, include Daressy 1907, 25, no. 48 = Altenmüller 2000a, no.
41 or Daressy 1907, 33, no. 125 = Altenmüller 2000a, no. 43.
4. (Č. b)
Type. Pendant (menat).
Text. ←↓ Hm-nTr tp(y) n Imn Nsy-BA-nb-+d(.t) (‘The High Priest of Amun, Smendes’).
Remarks. Match with Daressy 1907, 35, no. 135 = Altenmüller 2000a, no. 10, based on text.69
68 The orthography of Pinedjem’s name in Černý’s facsimile differs slightly from the copy by Daressy 1907, 22, no. 11, which has
no y, but is the same observed in an earlier copy of the same item, in Daressy 1896a, 76, no. 11.
69 The orthography of Smendes’ name in Černý’s facsimile differs slightly from the copy by Daressy 1907, 35, no. 135, which
has no y, but is the same observed in an earlier copy of what is likely to be the same item, in Daressy 1896a, 76, no. 130
(probably a mistake for 135, as a different pendant no. 130 is already listed above in the same page).
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7. (Č. d2)
Type. Pendant (menkhet).
Text. Production note: ↓→ [iri].n Hm-nTr tp(y) n Imn PA-sbA-xai-n-niw.t sA PA(y)-nDm (‘Which the High
Priest of Amun, Psusennes Son of Pinedjem, [made]’).
Remarks. According to Č erný’s notes, marked “52”. Perhaps match with Daressy 1907, 25, no. 43 =
Altenmüller 2000a, no. 40, based on text (which however lacks [iri].n in his copy) and numbering
(A43 = B52). For other possible matches, see remarks to pendant no. 3.
8. (Č. bb)
Type. Tab.
Scene. None (unlike all other examples of tabs, this and its twin, no. 9, bear no scene, only text).
Text. ←↓ Mw.t wr(.t) nb(.t) ISr(w) Hnw[.t] nTr.w nb(.w) (‘Mut the Great, Lady of Asheru, Mistress of
All the Gods’).71
Remarks. According to Černý’s notes, this tab and no. 9 are both marked “B26”. Probable match with
Maspero 1889, 579 = Altenmüller 2000a, no. 12, based on the tab’s peculiar aspect (lack of scene) and
text (especially note IrS for ISr).72 Possible, but much less likely, is a match with Daressy 1907, 24, no.
33 = Altenmüller 2000a, no. 17, based on text (which however shows several orthographic differences)
and numbering (A33 = B26). From Daressy’s description, it also seems possible to understand that his
tabs include an image (“répresentent”) of Mut, which would definitely rule out any match with ours.73
9. (Č. bb)
Type. Tab.
Scene. None (see its twin, no. 8).
Text. ←↓ Mw.t wr(.t) nb(.t) ISr(w) Hnw.t nTr.w nb(.w) (‘Mut the Great, Lady of Asheru, Mistress of All
the Gods’).
Remarks. According to Černý’s notes, this tab and no. 8 are both marked “B26”. For a probable match,
see remarks to tab no. 8.
70 At the top of the inscription, the upper part of the eye-sign is covered by the edge of the leather in which the embossed
parchment is embedded, but the sign remains clearly identifiable.
71 In both this tab and its twin (no. 9), the writing of Asheru is unusual, the signs being ordered in the spelling IrS. Also, the
top of both tabs is lost, so it is impossible to tell whether more text (or even an image) originally preceded the extant
inscription.
72 There are two minor disagreements between Černý’s and Maspero’s copies (with the latter writing the .t in wr.t and the
w in ISrw), but these may be negligible, and perhaps the signs were originally there, but had become less visible at the
time of Černý (this appears to be likely in the case of ISrw, where enough space for w is left beside the determinative).
73 The match of numbering (B26) between this tab and Daressy’s lists remains however striking, and, assuming (as seems
reasonable) that this tab is the one described by Maspero (from the First Cache) and not by Daressy (from the Second
Cache), one is led to wonder whether the numbers sometimes found on these items and recorded by Černý may
have been written (at least in some cases?) not at the time of excavation/accession in Cairo, but only at a later phase
and based on Daressy’s records, thus being themselves liable to containing errors. Uncertainty about the nature of
these numbers is also increased by some instances of duplication in sets of braces that would otherwise appear to be
completely unrelated from one another (see the case of “104” for nos. 10, 11 on the one hand and 40, 41 on the other, or
that of “84” for nos. 13, 24).
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12. (Č. k)
Type. Tab.
Scene. Smendes (r.) offering ointment vessels to Mut (l.). In bottom register, a frieze with two neb-
signs, each surmounted by an ankh- flanked by two was-signs.
Text. Caption(s): → Hm-nTr tp(y) n Imn Ns-BA-nb-+d(.t) | ↓ di anx (‘The High Priest of Amun, Smendes,
given life’). ↓→ Mw.t Hnw.t nTr.w (‘Mut Mistress of the Gods’).
Remarks. None.
74 The spelling of iri.n is here with two n’s, a writing that is often encountered in similar short production notes; see Jansen-
Winkeln 1990, 138-139; Jansen-Winkeln 1994b, 93-95; Jansen-Winkeln 1996, 121-122, no. 201. The same redundant writing is
shown by all other tabs documented in this Catalogue that present this formula, namely, nos. 11, 22-23, 48, and is possibly
due to the horizontal direction of the writing, with the second n being used as a space-filler. In the pendants sporting a
production note, this redundant n is never found, as their inscriptions run vertically.
75 In his description of the tabs, Daressy indicates these braces with the word “étofes”, rather than the usual “bretelles” – a
lapsus calami? That these are standard braces is confirmed by his previous description of this set in Daressy 1896a, 76,
no. 81, where he includes it in a list of “bretelles”.
76 The captions of both figures are lost, but Mut can be identified through her iconography, which matches that found in all
other tabs picturing her (wadj-headed staff in one hand, ankh-sign, here partly damaged, in the other, and double-crown).
As for the officiant, this must be the king, rather than the High Priest of Amun: not only because all the better-preserved
tabs collected in this Catalogue that present a production note (nos. 10, 23, 48) identify the officiant as the king, but also
because of this tab’s association with no. 10, which further suggests that, here too, the officiant is Amenemope.
384
Embossments from Third Intermediate Period mummy braces
15. (Č. u)
Type. Tab.
Scene. Pinedjem (r.) offering Maat to Mut (l.). In bottom register, a frieze with a was-sign flanked by
two ankh- and djed-signs.
Text. Caption(s): ←↓ Hm-nTr tp(y) n Imn PAy-nDm | → mr(y) Mw.t (‘The High Priest of Amun, Pinedjem,
beloved of Mut’).
Remarks. According to Černý’s notes, there are two copies of this tab, one marked “43” (no match with
Daressy’s list A or B).77
16. (Č. w)
Type. Tab.
Scene. Pinedjem (r.) adoring Ptah (l., on a plinth).78
Text. Caption(s): ← Hm-nTr tp(y) n Imn PAy-nDm (‘The High Priest of Amun, Pinedjem’).79 In bottom
register, a frieze with two neb-signs, each surmounted by an ankh- flanked by two was-signs.
Remarks. According to Č erný’s notes, there are three copies of this tab, all marked “128”. Match with
Daressy 1907, 30, no. 105 = Altenmüller 2000a, no. 23, based on orthography (writing of Imn and of the
nDm-sign, which Daressy interprets as paired with a book roll-determinative) and numbering (A105 = B128).
77 Several braces with the name of Pinedjem are registered by Daressy with very little or no elements that may help any
attempt to identify them based on their text or iconography; see e.g. Daressy 1907, 26, 37, nos. 49, 144.
78 The god’s name is not given, but the iconography is that of Ptah (mummiform figure, tight cap, tassel behind the neck,
was-staff). Comparison with representations of Khonsu in tabs nos. 22-23 (further characterised by crook and flail in
his hands and the lunar disk and crescent upon his head) suggests that the god in this tab is Ptah, and not the similarly
mummiform Khonsu. Ptah is certainly attested in at least two other tabs, where he is accompanied by a caption naming
him: these are documented in Altenmüller 2000a, no. 9 and in Daressy and Smith 1903, 154. The latter is said to be from
a coffin numbered 98 (Daressy’s A-list) and JE 29713 (in Daressy and Smith 1903, 154), but these data do not match the
information later registered in Daressy 1907, 7, 25, no. 42 (having same JE number and deceased’s name as in Daressy’s
earlier article) and 10, 30, no. 98. Another example of Ptah is doubtful, for only a mummiform figure is preserved, and this
could also be, e.g., Khonsu; see Altenmüller 2000a, no. 82. One further occurrence of this god may be documented in
another tab, of whose existence I was made aware by Černý’s notes to tab no. 22; see Bruyère 1937, 88, no. 4.
79 The nDm-sign is very poorly executed. Amun’s name is here written with the sign depicting the god, rather than being
phonetically spelled out as in all the other specimens collected in this Catalogue.
80 The captions of both figures are lost. Only the lower part of the goddess is preserved, with only her right hand, holding a
(wadj-headed?) staff, being visible. The goddesses currently known to be attested on tabs from mummy braces are Mut
(who has the most attestations), Isis, Nekhbet, and Wadjet; see Altenmüller 2000a, 79-80. Concerning the nature of the
offering in this tab, the human figure holds a vessel apparently in the shape of a nu-pot in his left hand, whilst his right
hand is lost through damage.
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81 Here, as in the case of tabs nos. 19-21, the god’s name is not given, but his iconography is that of Montu (hieracocephalic
human figure sporting a uraeus and a double-plumed sun disk). Besides the examples registered in this Catalogue, Montu
is known to feature, though again without any written caption, in at least two more tabs; see Altenmüller 2000a, nos. 49
(god indication omitted), 78. These two instances have been alternatively classified as representations of Re-Horakhty
(Feucht 1995a, 56), but the presence of the double plume in the god’s solar headdress, which is characteristic of Montu,
excludes this interpretation. As already remarked, all examples known to me of Montu in tabs from mummy braces lack a
caption naming the god. On account of this, one should note the potential ambiguity of Montu’s traditional iconography
(as seen here) beginning with the Ramessid Period, for his headdress can then also be used in hieracocephalic depictions
of Khonsu; see Werner 1986, 204-216. The distinctive iconography of Khonsu in the tabs that unambiguously feature
him (mummiform, with flail, crook, and human head surmounted by the lunar disk and crescent; see nos. 22-23) seems
however to endorse the identification of the god here as Montu. Even in the case of a tab showing a hieracocephalic
Khonsu (Altenmüller 2000a, no. 63), the iconography is yet markedly dissimilar from Montu’s, for here too the god sports
the lunar disk and crescent atop his head.
386
Embossments from Third Intermediate Period mummy braces
Text. Caption(s): ← Hm-nTr tp(y) n Imn-Ra nsw.t nTr.w | PAy-nDm mAa-xrw (‘The High Priest of Amun-Re
King of the Gods, Pinedjem, justified’).
Remarks. According to Č erný’s notes, this tab and no. 20 are preserved in two intact pairs, with an extra
pair marked “122”. Perhaps match with Daressy 1907, 30, no. 98 = Altenmüller 2000a, no. 22, which names
Pinedjem and is numbered B122. Compare also with Daressy 1907, 23, no. 30 = Altenmüller 2000a, no. 15,
which however slightly differs in its orthography (writing of n).
82 Neither figure is captioned: although Černý did not explicitly mark the surface as damaged in the relative area, it is likely
that captions were originally present and later lost through damage, or perhaps they were originally faintly embossed
(the same applies to the signs sbA and n in the cartouche within the production note). The iconography of the god is that
of Khonsu (including mummiform figure, pendant behind the neck, was-staff with crook and flail in his hands, lunar disk
and crescent upon his head); the same iconography is found in tab no. 23, where a caption gives the god’s name. As for
the officiant, he must be the king (probably Amenemope), as is typically the case in tabs including production notes (see
fn. 76). The object held in the hand of the officiant is lost, but the position of his arms and of his other hand matches the
one observed in tabs depicting the offer of Maat.
83 The former also diverges in its orthography (writing of PAy-nDm). In the case of the latter, the writing of iri.n with single n
is probably the one found in the matching pendant.
84 For this embrace-like action, see e.g. the representation on a relief in the great hypostyle hall at Karnak, where the king is
steadying the god’s image, in Nelson 1981, Pl. 47. The action depicted in this and the next tab (no. 25) is slightly different from
that of laying hands upon the god, which is generally observed in other tabs picturing an ithyphallic god, for here one of the
officiant’s hand is seen emerging to the back of the god, supporting him under his raised arm. Concerning the insignia, these
appear in all the tabs presented in this Catalogue that feature an ithyphallic god (either unnamed or labelled as Amun/
Amun-Re), and consist of a lotiform fan-like element, typically with a shen-ring at its lower end, placed atop a naos (except
for tabs nos. 38-39) and sometimes flanked by lettuce plants (in tabs nos. 24-25, 32, 34-37, 45). These insignia are recurrent
in the representation of Min and other ithyphallic gods, such as here with Amun-Re; see Kuhlmann 1983.
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Remarks. According to Černý’s notes, there are two copies of this tab, marked “42” (as no. 25) and
“90”, as well as another two marked “84” (as no. 13). Match with Daressy 1907, 24, no. 38 = Altenmüller
2000a, no. 18, based on text (including the less frequent orthography of Pinedjem’s name, with m as
phonetic complement and book roll-determinative) and numbering (A38 = B42). Perhaps compare also
with Daressy 1907, 29, no. 83 = Altenmüller 2000a, no. 21, two pairs of braces also showing the same less
common orthography of Pinedjem’s name (though, here, without y). The numbers “90” and “84” show no
match with Daressy’s list A or B.
85 The mr-sign is here inverted, facing the opposite direction with respect to the signs composing Amun-Re’s name, certainly
in order to obviate a problem of space and avoid any overlap with Amun-Re’s headdress’ plumes.
86 For similar representations of anointing gestures on a larger scale, see references in fn. 53. The god’s name is not
indicated: I suggest an identification as Amun(-Re), for the insignia behind him are those accompanying Amun/Amun-Re,
and not Min, in those tabs presented in this Catalogue that clearly label the god. However, outside this corpus the same
insignia are commonly used in association with Min too, hence the query in my suggestion.
87 The god’s name is not indicated: for his suggested identification, see fn. 86. For the scene of laying hands upon the god,
here depicted, which is recurrent in those tabs featuring an ithyphallic god, see the discussion earlier in this article
(especially references in fn. 49).
388
Embossments from Third Intermediate Period mummy braces
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93 An additional note by Černý adds: “lower part of a somewhat similar brace from Makere’s mummy (C. 61088); upper part
illegible”.
94 The bottom register of this and the next tab (no. 33) is slightly unusual, in that it contains a text which is not explicitly
marked as a production note (as is the case in all other tabs showing inscriptions in the bottom register, a space otherwise
reserved for a decorative frieze), i.e., a text not introduced by either iri.n or ir(y) Xr-a. Despite this, it appears that, here
too, the function of this text is that of a production note.
95 Of the insignia, only the naos is preserved, the rest being lost. The representation of the action performed by the
officiant is partly different from that described elsewhere as “laying hands”, for neither of his hands is touching the god:
given the position of his left hand, up high with the palm facing the god’s face, some other ritual may be here depicted.
For instance, scenes associated with the ritual of uncovering the god’s face in later temple reliefs show the officiant’s
arms in a position similar to that of this tab, with the god sometimes represented directly before the king (as here), rather
than still within his shrine (see Beinlich 2008, 139).
96 On the peculiarity of the text in the bottom register of this tab, see fn. 94.
97 The god’s name is not indicated: for his suggested identification, see fn. 86.
390
Embossments from Third Intermediate Period mummy braces
Text. Caption(s): → Hm-nTr tp(y) n Imn-Ra nsw.t nTr.w | PAy-nDm mAa-xrw (‘The High Priest of Amun-Re
King of the Gods, Pinedjem, justified’).
Remarks. Compare with Daressy 1907, 23, no. 30 = Altenmüller 2000a, no. 15, which however slightly
differs in its orthography (writing of n).
98 The god’s name is not indicated: for his suggested identification, see fn. 86.
99 As in all other similar cases discussed in this Catalogue, it is possible that these minor inconsistencies might be due to
inaccuracies in Daressy’s copies, and not actually reflect the real situation (see fn. 65).
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100 The name of the god is lost in lacuna, but the perfect parallel found in the better-preserved tab no. 38 suggests that here
too Amun-Re is depicted.
101 The insignia of Min are different from those associated with other ithyphallic gods in the tabs collected in this Catalogue:
they depict Min’s characteristic conical shrine, with a porch and a horned mast at its front; see Munro 1983.
102 This and the following tab (no. 44) are highly unusual, inasmuch as they bear the image of a god only, without any officiant
in front of him. There is no indication of the god’s name in this tab, but the presence of the insignia found elsewhere
in this corpus in combination with Amun/Amun-Re, along with the similarity between this tab and no. 44 (possibly
preserving part of Amun-Re’s name), suggests that he may be the god here depicted, rather than Min.
392
Embossments from Third Intermediate Period mummy braces
Text. None.103
Remarks. None.
103 It is unclear whether this tab ever bore any caption that was subsequently lost through damage. In his hand-copy, Černý
does not explicitly mark any damage to the surface.
104 The god’s name cannot be read: for his suggested identification, see fn. 86. The officiant’s name cannot be read either,
but the epithet ‘Royal Son’, compared to other occurrences in the corpus collected in this Catalogue, suggests that he
should be the High Priest of Amun.
105 Above the scene, two of the in origin probably three vertical columns of text (of which, one must have contained the
god’s name, the other two the name of the officiant) cannot be read, as they are covered, as indicated by Č erný’s own
note, by another brace. As for the cartouche, the text that it contained is lost through damage. Perhaps, if this tab is to
be associated with no. 42, the inscriptions might have originally indicated Amun-Re and Menkheperre.
106 The god’s name is lost, but was probably present originally (based on the general patterns identified earlier in this
article): for his suggested identification, see fn. 86. Of the insignia, only part of the naos is visible. The action of the
officiant may be the same found in tab no. 33, for the position of his hands is here the same (see fn. 95). Alternatively, this
might even be a scene of anointing, if the officiant originally held a vessel now disappeared.
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Text. Caption(s): ←↓ ^^NQ (‘SHESHONQ’).107 Production note: → iri.n Hm-nTr tp(y) n Imn-Ra |
(‘Which the High Priest of Amun-Re King of the Gods, Iuput, justified, made’).
Remarks. Compare with a similar item described in Maspero 1889, 573 = Altenmüller 2000a, no. 47,
which however shows no cartouche of Sheshonq and a slightly different orthography for Iuput’s name.
Appendix A
Chronological overview of the kings and High Priests of Amun whose mention is preserved in the
texts of the tabs and pendants collected in the Catalogue.
Only in the case of no. 29 is a mention in lost text included in this overview, as the inscription can
be restored with full certainty from an earlier copy of it. In all other cases, even if the identity of
a personage whose caption is lost can be positively deduced (e.g. Amenemope in nos. 11, 22), the
occurrence is not registered in this Appendix. All epithets occurring in the texts are here reproduced,
with the exception of those in the format ‘beloved of + divine name’, which are primarily used as a
deity’s caption (abbreviations: HPA = High Priest of Amun; HPARKG = High Priest of Amun-Re King
of the Gods; LD = Lord of Diadems; LTL = Lord of the Two Lands; PG = Perfect God). All numbers
indicate tabs, unless they are followed by (P), to indicate pendants.
No mention of kings or High Priests of Amun is recorded in tabs nos. 8, 9, 17, 43, 44, 45, 47.
21st Dynasty:
King Amenemope:
AMENEMOPE: 38, 39.
AMENEMOPE (+ HPA Pinedjem Son of Menkheperre): 10, 23.
PG AMENEMOPE (+ HPA Pinedjem Royal Son of PSUSENNES MERIAMUN): 32, 33.
HPA Menkheperre:
HPA MENKHEPERRE: 18, 19, 26, 27.
HPA Menkheperre Son of PINEDJEM MERIAMUN: 1 (P), 5 (P).
HPA Menkheperre Royal Son of PINEDJEM MERIAMUN: 42.
HPA Smendes (II):
HPA Smendes: 4 (P), 12, 30, 31, 40, 41.
HPA Pinedjem II:108
HPA Pinedjem Son of Menkheperre: 2 (P).
HPA Pinedjem Son of the HPA Menkheperre: 29 (text restored).
HPARKG Pinedjem justified Son of Menkheperre: 24, 25.
HPA Pinedjem Son of Menkheperre (+ AMENEMOPE): 10, 23.
HPA Pinedjem Son of PSUSENNES: 11, 22.
HPA Pinedjem Son of the LTL PSUSENNES MERIAMUN: 28.
HPA Pinedjem Royal Son of PSUSENNES MERIAMUN: 6 (P).
HPA Pinedjem Royal Son of PSUSENNES MERIAMUN (+ PG AMENEMOPE): 32, 33.
107 The top of the tab, including the upper edge of Sheshonq’s cartouche, is lost, so it is impossible to tell whether his
name was preceded by any epithet. In the spelling of his name, the q-sign (here found above, rather than underneath,
the n-sign) has an orientation opposite to that expected, facing left, whilst the officiant in the scene, below Sheshonq’s
cartouche, is in fact facing right.
108 Named, in some items, as son of the High Priest of Amun Menkheperre and, in others, as (nominal) son of king Psusennes
I; see Jansen-Winkeln 2006a, 230.
394
Embossments from Third Intermediate Period mummy braces
22nd Dynasty:
King Sheshonq I:
LTL HEDJKHEPERRE SETEPENRE LD SHESHONQ MERIAMUN: 46 (P).
SHESHONQ (+ HPARKG Iuput justified): 48.
HPA Iuput:
HPARKG Iuput justified (+ SHESHONQ): 48.
Appendix B
Overview of the deities featured in the tabs collected in the Catalogue, ordered alphabetically.
All epithets occurring in the texts are here reproduced (abbreviations: GLAMAG = The Great, Lady of
Asheru, Mistress of All the Gods; LS = Lord of the Sky; MG = Mistress of the Gods). A number followed
by (I) indicates that an image of a deity is depicted in the scene, but this deity is not named in the text;
a number followed by (T) indicates that a deity is mentioned in the text only, and is not depicted. In
all other cases, it is implied that a deity is both depicted and named.
109 Concerning the entries in this and the next line, Pinedjem is here mentioned without indication of his filiation, which
causes uncertainty as to whether this is Pinedjem I or II. Previous studies have assumed these attestations of Pinedjem’s
name to pertain to Pinedjem II (e.g. Altenmüller 2000a, 77; Jansen-Winkeln 2007a, 223, nos. 73-74), though some with
caution (e.g. Niwin’ski 1988, 52, fn. 129). In some cases, the association of a tab with other items stemming from the same
burial ensemble may help clarify things. This is the case for tab no. 16, stemming from a mummy also accompanied by
a piece of cloth dated to the 48th year of Menkheperre (Daressy 1907, 30, no. 105), which suggests that, by proximity in
time, any associated item mentioning Pinedjem is likelier to refer to one of Menkheperre’s successors, Pinedjem II, rather
than his predecessor, Pinedjem I. But, in other cases, there remains uncertainty. Here, I list all these few problematic
attestations of ‘Pinedjem’ under Pinedjem II, but the reader is warned that this must not necessarily be the case.
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Appendix C
Overview of the actions/situations featured in the scenes of the tabs collected in the Catalogue, with
indication of the deity involved (abbreviations: A = Amun; AR = Amun-Re; K = Khonsu; M = Min; Mo =
Montu; Mu = Mut; P = Ptah; UG = unidentified goddess; UIG = unidentified ithyphallic god) and ordered
by frequency of attestations.
Laying hands upon the deity: 27 (AR?), 28 (AR), 29 (AR), 32 (AR), 33(?)(AR), 34 (AR?), 35 (AR?), 36 (AR),
37 (AR), 38 (AR), 39 (AR), 40 (A), 41 (M), 45 (AR?), 48(?) (AR?).
Offer of Maat: 10 (Mu), 11 (Mu), 13 (Mu), 14 (Mu), 15 (Mu), 18 (Mo), 19 (Mo), 20 (Mo), 21 (Mo), 22(?) (K),
23 (K).
Anointing the brow of the deity: 26 (AR?), 30 (AR), 31 (AR).
Deity alone, without officiant: 43 (UIG), 44 (AR?).
Supporting the deity: 24 (AR), 25 (AR).
Adoration: 16 (P).
Offer of ointment vessels: 12 (Mu).
Unspecified offer: 17 (UG).
Scene absent or lost: 8 (Mu), 9 (Mu), 42 (AR).
396
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Photo credits
Photos © Governatorato SCV, Direzione dei Musei
Images and Rights Oice: Rosanna Di Pinto, Filippo Petrignani
Secretary for Departments: Daniela Valci, Gianfranco Mastrangeli
Photographers: Pietro Zigrossi, Alessandro Bracchetti, Giampaolo Capone, Luigi Giordano, Danilo Pivato, Alessandro
Prinzivalle
Photos R. Hiramoto: pp. 104, 216
Photos N. Crawford: pp. 211, 215
Drawings by L. Di Ninno (kind permission of the author of the essay): p. 511 (ig. 2)
Drawings by L. Sist and I. Melandri (kind permission of the author of the essay): p. 513 (ig. 5)
Drawing by P. del Vesco and E. Taccola (kind permission of the author of the essay): p. 63 (ig. 1)
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