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The Consequences of Greed and Corruption in South Sudan - Jon Bilek
The Consequences of Greed and Corruption in South Sudan - Jon Bilek
CGW 4U0
29 Dec 2023
South Sudan is known as one of the least developed countries in the world. With a
population of 12 million as of 2023; 8.2 million are in extreme poverty (ISS Africa), and 7.8
million have had less food than they need (International Rescue Committee). These facts
encompass a larger portion of the population each year, yet the statistic that remains static is the
institutionalized corruption pervading South Sudan. South Sudan has ranked as the second most
corrupt country in 2022, consistent with the lowest 5 rankings since 2013 (Transparency
International). This blatant corruption affects every aspect of South Sudanese life, undermining
and perpetuating humanitarian crises occurring across the nation. This then poses the question:
should South Sudan ensure governmental stability or remodel their systems to combat the
widespread humanitarian issues? By assessing the inaction, greed, and corruption in developing
stability, the necessity to reshape South Sudan’s governmental systems and power structures is
unquestionable. The current governmental systems in South Sudan destroy the lives of their
people, and are completely unsustainable for a country of the 21st century.
The corruption that compounds South Sudan was not born out of a single incident, but
many that have shaped the course of South Sudanese history. South Sudan gained its
independence from Sudan in July of 2011 after 98% of the population voted in favour of
succession. Despite the years of rebellion to form this country, a power struggle between the
president, Salva Kiir, his cabinet, and vice president Riek Machar plunged the country into a
deadly civil war. In 2018, the Agreement on the Resolution of Conflict in the Republic of South
Sudan (ARCSS) was signed. This agreement was aimed to do just that, and employ methods of
stability and power sharing. One of these methods is the formation of the Revitalized
Transitional Government of National Unity (RTGoNU) which was put into action in February of
2020, committed to implementing every facet of the ARCSS (Vhumbunu). The importance of
the formation of this country to the current situation of South Sudan cannot be understated. In
2011, Salva Kiir and his party (the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement) had the power to incite
a war ending the lives of hundreds of thousands, a result attributed solely to the desire for power.
Salva Kiir maintains the title of president, and through the actions himself and other elite has
exemplified, he maintains the powers that incited this unrest initially. Therefore, to create any
progress for humanitarian action, the power a president can have in national affairs must be
heavily restricted. One may think that the implementation of the RTGoNU had a significant
impact on the effectiveness of the government, by allowing for 5 vice presidents and a
parliament of 550 people of diverse parties and opinions. Yet, The World Bank Governance
regressed further since the agreement was signed (The World Bank). What this shows more than
anything else, is the government’s inaction in upholding the responsibilities they agreed to in
2018, which would aim to decentralize power from a single party in the government. A blatant
example of this came with the allocation of responsibility at local scales. After the parties failed
to reach a consensus on the responsibility of states, Kiir arbitrarily decided which states would be
allocated to which party in May of 2020. This had nothing to do with the prevalence of the party
in that area, and was established with no systems in place on how local power would operate
(Vhumbunu). It is these unilateral decisions that destabilize the political structure of South
Sudan. Instead of reaching for long lasting policies and accountability, Salva Kiir continues to
vie for more power in government, regardless of the consequences. It is not just Salva Kiir whose
power goes unchecked, his greed has extended his network of influence to a string of systems
born of greed and loyalty. This is embodied by the financial sector which not only aids the
centralization of power but necessitates it. The government still lacks a single account for their
oil revenue, something that was promised in the peace agreement, allowing funds to be diverted
to the pockets of governmental elites, and powerful military figures. The distribution of power
through the oil industry was also signed in ARCSS, requiring 5% of the revenue made from oil
go to oil producing states. Though it is shown that this revenue scarcely makes it to those places
(Harutyunyan and Maslen). Regardless of the unbridled greed in these decisions, they keep the
country from progressing to the transparency, stability, and human rights enjoyed by developed
countries. As no methods of separating the government from their funds were employed in South
from the auditor general to parliament have been kept out of the public domain to prevent
discussions on the matter of the government’s public finance control (Harutyunyan and Maslen).
This hasn’t stopped at just controlling the information coming out of parliament, as Salva Kiir
has fired four finance ministers, the foreign minister, and defense minister, all in complete
violation of the ARCSS (Wudu et al.). The complete control that Salva Kiir has over government
officials and national policy destroys any hopes for a dismantling of the power structures which
have breached the peace of the nation. The power-hungry systems that Kiir and those loyal to
him have created, intercept any distribution of power inside the government, permitting him and
his cabinet unchecked ability. Preventative actions must be taken to stop the further degradation
of stability perpetuated by the institutionalized greed undermining not just humanitarian issues,
The bureaucratic operation of the government does not simply serve the most loyal or
influential. Institutionalized economic corruption aids South Sudan’s elite, and takes away funds
publicly allocated to solving the country's largest issues, while destroying international relations.
The economic system must be changed to allow for transparent and reliable funds towards those
in dire need. This is evident in the country’s GDP which has decreased by 63% since 2011
malevolent system of wealth distribution to the elite. A UN report in September 2021 revealed
how more than $73 million USD was diverted to expenses for the South Sudanese elite.
participated with aid from the Ministry of Finance and the National Revenue Authority (United
Nations Human Rights Council). This incident only exemplifies a small portion of how South
Sudan manages their funds. These systems are in complete opposition to the judicial and
governmental systems the government is responsible for. These incidents are also a disrespect to
the countries and organizations who pledge their aid, and are destroying South Sudan’s
international relations. The unjust and evident theft of funds which South Sudan participates in is
compounded by the exploitation of their largest export: oil. Oil constitutes about 90% of South
Sudan’s revenue (Ngor), and the country has consistently promised loans of oil to pay for their
own incompetence. In one case, they received a loan from the UAE of US$539 million to be
repaid in oil sales. Instead of the money going into the designated oil revenue account, much of it
was paid into South Sudanese government official’s bank accounts (Harutyunyan and Maslen).
This is not a singular incident, and the redirection of funds aimed to aid financial stability has
occurred so consistently that the US has instilled a policy opposing the financial aid of South
Sudan beyond anything needed for humanitarian aid (Harutyunyan and Maslen). The short-term
gain to the country’s elite that the diversion of funds allows is completely reliant on the ignorant
benevolence of countries and corporations. South Sudan’s governance of funds has proved to be
completely unsustainable, and they are already facing the monetary consequences and inevitable
accountability. These systems were not recent in South Sudan’s history, and since the country's
independence there have been numerous scandals involving embezzlement and corruption of
national wealth. These scandals reveal the crushing weight that national corruption has on the
people, and how critically unsustainable it is. The largest of these scandals was investigated by
The Sentry in 2022 titled “Cash Grab”. Between 2012 and 2015, the government of South Sudan
received lines of credit from the Qatar National Bank and Stanbic bank in Kenya to help
communities import fuel and goods to the war torn people. These letters of credit ensuring goods
were instead given to ghost companies, military officials, and president Salva Kiir's own family.
By 2020, the matter remained unsolved, and none of the perpetrators were investigated for
corruption. $1 Billion USD promised for the people were never given, and the country was
plunged into severe debt (The Sentry). This incident not only formed the institutionalized
corruption which would shape the country for years to come but cemented the South Sudanese to
bear the weight. These systems allow very little money to go to any public resources, to aid the
rampant poverty in South Sudan. Despite estimates of national revenue, the government’s
consistent robbery of money specifically allocated for the people has been a necessary aspect of
their governance since their inception. To have any chance of South Sudan participating in the
positive aspects of globalization, supporting their people, or supporting their own economy, their
Corruption is not simple in its cause and effect, and when it is as institutionalized as it is
in South Sudan, there are many branching effects. Through their national corruption, the
government has perpetuated instability on local scales in various sectors, to centralize more
power to themselves, and eliminate any peoples who threaten them. The systems of
redistribution to the wealthy which South Sudan relies on necessitates humanitarian aid for the
people, as funds are diverted away from the public. Yet even basic humanitarian aid is exploited
to aid the government. As humanitarian aid travels through the country, the only safe roads are
occupied by 139 checkpoints which charge a tax from humanitarian vehicles. These taxes are
vital, and are the largest non-oil revenue for government agents and security forces. Along with
this, the government has continuously and deliberately kept humanitarian forces away from their
military operations and regions largely supportive to rival parties (Harutyunyan and Maslen).
The permission of these checkpoints and their use to control basic aid is not only out of greed,
but allows complete control to the government to determine survival based on values. By
abusing their power and implementing a monetary incentive to minor figures, the government
ensures that they control any resource in their country and are not directly involved in the
immoral consequence. Despite all of these violent injustices being committed, the government
has not fully implemented every aspect of ARCSS. Many are dedicated to dismantling corrupt
systems which the government relies on, whose inaction directly aids them. For example, the
ARCSS agreed to develop systems to investigate corruption, and methods to combine every
localized militia in the nation into the national army to stop the rampant communal battles. So far
neither have been implemented, and the consequences happen to be exploitable by the
government (Harutyunyan and Maslen). The government has supported certain militias of the
racial majority for the purpose of destroying communities of minorities, and again discouraging
any humanitarian aid from opposition groups or corporations to access the people (ARTE.tv).
This perpetuated intercommunal violence, accounting for 60% of civilian casualties in 2022, and
the displacement of at least 257 thousand people (UN Office for the Coordination of
Humanitarian Affairs). The severe power imbalance between the government and the people that
allows free will to any government action is consistently being exploited. In their perpetuation of
intercommunal violence, an agenda of prejudice against race and political opinion is being fully
established. If the unchecked corruption in the government continues without investigation, these
atrocious policies could be enacted in law and more would have to suffer the consequences. Even
in their legal and police systems, the government’s corruption allows for inconsistent and unjust
actions to be taken. The South Sudan Police Force is guilty of this as they abuse their power to
unpredictably incarcerate protestors, journalists, or any citizen whatsoever. This corruption stems
from the lack of government funding for sometimes months at a time, though the systems these
people must endure are still inhumane. They are consistently held without trials, and as there is
only one court of appeal in the nation which abides by outdated laws, months of imprisonment
can result in violators of human rights walking free (Harutyunyan and Maslen). The reformation
of the legal system was again required in the ARCSS, though has never come about. The
government consistently withholds resources from valuable public services in their country,
escalating instability to allow for absolute power to themselves. The legal system is the epitome
of this: a system which should be just to all rendered underfunded and inconsistent. This is the
state of South Sudan. The Government’s unilateral decision making fueled by greed for influence
and monetary gain leads them to abuse unjust systems and exploit their people to ensure that the
Counter-Argument
Despite the unarguable corruption of the government, and the devastating effects that it
has on their people, some would argue that the course of action is not clear. Reforming any of
these systems in an attempt to decentralize power and end the government’s unjust systems
would challenge the authority of the South Sudan elite. This would counteract the years of peace
that has occurred in South Sudan, and escalate tensions to possibly another civil war. This
argument holds the immediate threat of war more dangerous than the culling already occurring in
South Sudan. The government is supporting the destruction of communities holding racial and
political minorities. Not simply these groups, but anyone not of the elite is openly restricted from
human rights such as education, food, healthcare, security, and justice. The more outside factors
such as droughts, floodings, and refugees start to plague the country, the more deaths to the
populous. This outcome is identical to that of a civil war, yet further allowing these incredibly
immoral systems to operate does nothing to aid the people. Instead, progressive action must be
taken, more political power has to be given to the parliament, and a further separation of military
and government must be enacted. Whether this is initiated by pressure outside or inside the
nation, the human rights of a people can only be assured this way.
Conclusion
The situation inside of South Sudan is nothing less than a nightmare. The people live in
constant fear of not only the unsureness of their survival, but how the government will next
perpetuate it. The lives of innocents are constantly held to a lower degree than the power of those
in the upper echelon, and the purposeful lack of advancement only serves to centralize the power
further. Whether through financial, judicial, or governmental systems, the government constantly
exerts their power to gain every morsel of monetary and influential gain possible, and do
everything in their power to avoid accountability. The development of policies born out of
prejudice and hatred is already forming, and with the absolute power of the government no one
will be able to stop these if they fully form. A country in the 21st century cannot subsist by this.
When their actions cause their people to perish, their industries to fail, and their crops to wither,
what else will they have to gain? Who else’s actions will there be to blame but theirs? Action to
reform every system supporting South Sudan’s perpetual corruption must be taken, before there
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zHRk3juEaIk.
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