The Acts of The Apostles The Greek Text With Introduction and Commentary

r
THE ACTS
OF THE APOSTLES
OTHER WORKS BY F. F. BRUCE:
nrn BOOK OF TIIE ACTS (NICNT)

THE LEITER OF PAUL TO THE ROMANS (TNTC)
I & 2 CORINTHIANS (NCB)
THE EPISTLE OF PAUL TO THE GALATIANS (NIGTC)
THE EPISTLES TO THE COLOSSIANS, TO PHILEMON, AND TO TIIE EPHESIANS
(NICNT)
THE EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS (NJCNT)
THE ACTS
OF THE APOSTLES
THE GREEK TEXT WITH
INTRODUCTION AND COMMENTARY
by
F. F. BRUCE
formerly Rylands Professor of Biblical Criticism and Exegesis
University of Manchester
THIRD REVISED AND ENLARGED EDITION
WILLIAM B. EERDMANS PUBLISHING COMPANY

GRAND RAPIDS, MICHIGAN
Copyright © 1990 by Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Company
255 Jefferson Ave. S.E., Grand Rapids, Mich. 49503
First edition by Tyndale Press, London, 1951; second edition 1952
This third edition first published 1990

in the USA by Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Co.,
255 Jefferson Ave. S.E., Grand Rapids, Mich. 49503,
and in Great Britain by APOLLOS (an imprint of Inter-Varsity Press),
38 De Montfort Street, Leicester LEI 7GP, England.
All rights reserved
Printed in the United States of America
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Bruce, F. F. (Frederick Fyvie), 1910-
The Acts of the Apostles: the Greek text with introduction and
commentary I by F. F. Bruce.-3rd rev. and en!. ed.
p. cm.
ISBN 0-8028-0966-9
l. Bible. N.T. Acts-Commentaries. I. Bible. N.T. Acts
Greek. 1990. II. Title.
BS2625.3.B73 1990
226.6'077-dc20 90-35700
CIP
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data

The Acts of the Apostles. - 3rd ed. rev. and en!.
l. Bible. N.T. Acts - Critical studies
I. Bruce, F. F. (Frederick Fyvie) 1910-
226.606
ISBN 0-8028-0966-9
PATRI MATRIQVE DILECTISSIMIS
IN PERPETVVM CORAM DEO VIVENTIBVS
QVI ME VSQVE A PVERO
LITTERARVM SACRARVM STVDIO IMBVERVNT
HVNCLIBRVM
GRATO PIOQVE ANIMO
D.D.D.
FILIVS
CONTENTS
Preface to the Revised Edition XVI
List of Abbreviations xviii
INTRODUCTION
I. AUTHORSHIP OF ACTS
A. EXTERNAL EVIDENCE 1
8. INTERNAL EVIDENCE 3
1. The Author Was the Third Evangelist 3
2. The Author Was a Companion of Paul 3
3. The Author Was Luke the Physician 6
C. THE AUTHOR 7
II. DATE OF ACTS 9
A. EARLY ALLUSIONS 10
B. OTHER INDICATIONS 12
III. CANONICITY OF ACTS 19
IV. PURPOSE AND PLAN OF ACTS 21
A. LUKE'S PRIME PURPOSE 21
B. LUKE THE APOLOGIST 22
C. APOLOGETIC IN RELATION TO THE STATE 23
D. APOLOGETIC IN RELATION TO THE CHURCH 25
Y. LUKE AS A HISTORIAN 27
VI. THE SPEECHES IN ACTS 34
VII. THE SOURCES OF ACTS 40
Vil
THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES
VIII. ACTS AND THE PAULINE EPISTLES 46

A. PAUL'S LETTERS AS ACHECK ON ACTS 46
B. OUTLINE OF EVENTS 47
C. LUKE'S PORTRAYAL OF PAUL 52
IX. THE THEOLOGY OF ACTS 60
X. STYLE AND LANGUAGE OF ACTS 66
XI. THE TEXT OF ACTS 69
A. THE BYZANTINE TEXT 69
B. THE ALEXANDRIAN TEXT 70
C. THE WESTERN TEXT 71
D. THE CAESAREAN TEXT 76
XII. SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY 81
XIII. CHRONOLOGICAL AND GENEALOGICAL TABLES 92
A. LIST OF APPROXIMATE DATES 92
B. ROMAN EMPERORS IN NEW TESTAMENT TIMES 93
C. RULERS OF JUDAEA IN NEW TESTAMENT TIMES 94
D. JEWISH HIGH PRIESTS IN NEW TESTAMENT TIMES 94
E. HEROD THE GREAT AND HIS DESCENDANTS 96
TEXT AND COMMENTARY 97

I. THE BIRTH OF THE CHURCH (1:1-5:42) 97
A. INTRODUCTION (1: 1-26) 97
1. Prologue (1: 1-5) 97
2. The Ascension (1 :6-12) 102
3. In the Upper Room (1:13-14) 105
4. Matthias Replaces Judas Iscariot (1: 15-26) 107
B. THE DAY OF PENTECOST(2:l-47) 113
1. The Descent of the Spirit (2: 1-4) 113
2. The Crowd's Amazement (2:5-13) 115
3. Peter's Address (2:14-36) 119
a. "This is that" (2:14-21) 119
b. The resurrection of Jesus proclaimed (2:22-28) 122
c. Jesus, Lord, and Messiah (2:29-36) 125
4. Call to Repentance (2:37-40) 128
5. The First Christian Church (2:41-47) 131
C. A WORK OF HEALING AND ITS SEQUEL(3:l-4:31) 135
viii
CONTENTS
1. A Cripple Healed in the Temple Precincts (3: 1-10) 135

2. Peter's Address in Solomon's Colonnade (3:11-26) 138
3. Arrest of Peter and John; Increase of the Church (4:1-4) 147
4. Peter and John before the Sanhedrin (4:5-12) 148
5. The Sanhedrin Dismiss Peter and John (4:13-22) 152
6. Peter and John Rejoin Their Associates (4:23-31) 155
D. ALL THINGS IN COMMON (4:32-5:11) 159
1. Progress of the Church; Community of Goods (4:32-35) 159
2. Generosity of Barnabas (4:36-37) 160
3. Deceit and Death of Ananias (5:1-6) 162
4. DeathofSapphira(5:7-ll) 165
E. THE APOSTLES BEFORE THE SANHEDRIN AGAIN (5:12-42) 166
1. Signs and Wonders (5:12-16) 166
2. Imprisonment and Escape of the Apostles (5:17-24) 169
3. The Apostles Examined (5:25-32) 171
4. Gamaliel's Counsel; the Apostles Flogged and
Dismissed (5:33-42) 173
II. PERSECUTION AND EXPANSION (6:1-9:31) 180
A. STEPHEN (6:1-8:la) 180
1. The Appointing of the Seven (6: 1-6) 180
2. Progress Report (6:7) 185
3. Stephen's Activity Arouses Opposition (6:8-10) 185
4. Stephen Charged before the Sanhedrin (6: 11-15) 188
5. The High Priest's Question (7:1) 190
6. Stephen's Reply (7:2-53) 190
a. The patriarchal age (7:2-8) 190
b. Israel in Egypt (7:9-19) 194
c. Moses' early days (7:20-29) 197
d. The call of Moses (7:30-34) 199
e. The wilderness wanderings (7:35-43) 200
f. Tabernacle and temple (7:44-50) 204
g. Personal application (7:51-53) 207
7. The Stoning of Stephen (7:54-8:la) 209
a. Stephen's final witness (7:54-56) 209
b. Death of Stephen (7:57-60) 211
c. Saul's acquiescence (8:la) 214
B. PHILIP (8:lb-40) 214
1. Persecution and Dispersion (8:lb-3) 214
ix
2. Philip in Samaria (8:4-8) 216

3. Simon Magus Believes and Is Baptized (8:9-13) 217
4. Peter and John Visit Samaria (8: 14-17) 220
5. Peter and Simon Magus (8:18-24) 222
6. The Apostles Return to Jerusalem (8:25) 224
7. Philip and the Ethiopian (8:26-40) 224
C. CONVERSION OF SAUL OF TARSUS (9: 1-31) 232
1. Saul's Expedition to Damascus (9:1-2) 232
2. The Light and Voice from Heaven (9:3-7) 234
3. Saul Enters Damascus Sightless (9:8-9) 236
4. Ananias Sent to Saul (9:10-16) 237
5. Ananias Visits Saul (9:17-19a) 238
6. Saul Preaches in Damascus (9: 19b-22) 240
7. Saul Escapes from Damascus (9:23-25) 241
8. Saul in Jerusalem; He Is Sent to Tarsus (9:26-30) 242
9. The Church Enjoys Peace and Prosperity (9:31) 245
III. ACTS OF PETER: THE GENTILES BROUGHT IN
(9:32-12:24) 246
A. PETER IN WESTERN PALESTINE (9:32-43) 246
I. Peter at Lydda: The Healing of Aeneas (9:32-35) 246
2. Peter at Joppa: The Raising of Tabitha (9:36-43) 248
B. THESTORYOFCORNELIUS(l0:1-48) 251
1. Cornelius the Centurion's Vision (10: 1-8) 251
2. Peter's Vision (10:9-16) 254
3. The Messengers from Cornelius Arrive at Joppa (10:17-23a) 256
4. Peter Enters the House of Cornelius (10:23b-33) 257
5. The Good News Preached to Gentiles (10:34-43) 260
6. Gentiles, Receiving the Holy Spirit, Are Baptized (10:44-48) 264
C. PETER'S ACTION ENDORSED BY JERUSALEM (11: 1-18) 266
1. PeterCalledtoAccount(ll:1-3) 266
2. Peter's Defense (11:4-17) 267
3. Peter's Defense Accepted (11:18) 270
D. ANTIOCH BECOMES A CHRISTIAN BASE (11:19-30) 270
I. Gentile Evangclization in Antioch (11: 19-21) 270
2. Barnabas and Saul's Ministry at Antioch (11 :22-26) 272
3. Famine Relief Sent to Judaea (11:27-30) 275
E. HEROD AGRIPPA I AND THE CHURCH (12:1-24) 279
1. Martyrdom of James; Imprisonment of Peter (12:1-4) 279
x
CONTENTS
2. Peter's Escape from Prison (12:5-11) 282

3. Peter Reports His Escape (12:12-17) 285
4. Peter's Escape Discovered (12: 18-19) 287
5. Death of Herod Agrippa I (12:20-23) 288
6. Continued Progress of the Gospel (12:24) 290
IV. CHURCH EXTENSION FROM ANTIOCH AND APOSTOLIC
DECREE AT JERUSALEM (12:25-15:35) 290
A. BARNABASANDSAUL(12:25-13:3) 290
1. The Envoys from Antioch Return (12:25) 290
2. Barnabas and Saul Sent from Antioch for Ministry
Farther Afield (13:1-3) 292
B. CYPRUS (13:4-12) 294
1. The Missionaries Arrive in Cyprus (13:4-5) 294
2. The Incident at Paphos (13:6-12) 296
C. PISIDIAN ANTIOCH (13:13-52) 299
1. Arrival at Pisidian Antioch (13:13-15) 299
2. Paul's Sermon in Pisidian Antioch (13:16-41) 302
a. Exordium (13:16) 302
b. The mighty works of God in Hebrew history (13:17-22) 302
c. History and prophecy fulfilled in Christ (13:23-37) 306
d. Peroration ( 13: 38-41) 311
3. Response to Paul's Sermon (13:42-43) 313
4. Gentile Interest Arouses Jewish Opposition (13:44-52) 313
D. ICONIUM, LYSTRA. DERBE (14:1-28) 317
1. Adventures in lconium (14:1-7) 317
2. Miraculous Healing at Lystra (14:8-13) 320
3. Proclamation of the Living God (14:14-18) 322
4. Persecuted at Lystra, the Missionaries Go On to Derbe and
Then Retrace Their Steps (14:19-23) 324
5. Return to Antioch on the Orontes (14:24-28) 327
E. THE COUNCIL OF JERUSALEM (15:1-35) 329
1. Judaizers Visit Antioch (15:1-2) 332
2. Paul and Barnabas Go Up to Jerusalem (15:3-5) 333
3. The Council Meets (15:6) 335
4. Peter'sSpeech(15:7-11) 335
5. Paul and Barnabas Address the Council (15:12) 338
6. James's Summing Up (15:13-21) 338
7. The Apostolic Letter to the Gentile Christians (15:22-29) 344
XI
8. The Church of Antioch Receives the Apostolic Letter

(15:30-35) 347
v. PAUL, LEAVING ANTIOCH, MOVES TO THE AEGEAN
WORLD (15:3&-19:20) 349
A. RECENTLY PLANTED CHURCHES REVISITED (15:36-16:5) 349
1. Paul Parts Company with Barnabas and Takes Silas as
His Colleague (15:36-41) 349
2. Paul and Silas in South Galatia;
Timothy Joins Them (16:1-4) 351
3. The Churches Grow in Faith and Numbers (16:5) 353
B. PHILIPPI (16:6-40) 353
1. The Missionaries Are Called to Macedonia (16:6-10) 353
2. Troas to Philippi (16:11-12a) 356
3. The Faith of Lydia (16:12b-15) 358
4. The Pythoness (16:16-18) 359
5. Imprisonment of Paul and Silas (16:19-24) 361
6. Earthquake at Midnight; The Jailer's Conversion
(16:25-34) 363
7. Paul and Silas Leave Philippi (16:35-40) 365
C. THESSALONICATOATHENS(l7:1-34) 368
1. Arrival at Thessalonica (17:1-4) 368
2. Trouble in Thessalonica (17:5-9) 370
3. Beroea (17:10-15) 373
4. Paul Waits for His Companions in Athens (17:16-21) 375
5. Paul's Areopagitica (17:22-31) 378
6. The Athenians' Response (17:32-34) 387
D. PAUL AT CORINTH (18:1-17) 389
1. Paul Arrives at Corinth (18: 1-4) 389
2. Paul Spends Eighteen Months in Corinth (18:5-11) 392
3. Paul before Gallio (18:12-17) 394
E. EPHESUS(l8:18-19:20) 397
1. Hasty Visit to Judaea and Syria (18: 18-23) 397
2. Apollos (18:24-28) 401
3. Paul and the Twelve Disciples at Ephesus (19:1-7) 405
4. Paul Leaves the Synagogue for the Lecture Hall
of Tyrannus (19:8-10) 408
5. Conflict with the Magicians (19:11-19) 409
6. Further Progress Report (19:20) 412
XII
CONTENTS
VI. PAUL PLANS TO VISIT ROME VIA JERUSALEM AND

ACHIEVES HIS GOAL BY AN UNEXPECTED WAY
(19:21-28:31) 413
A. HE PLANS TO LEAVE EPHESUS FOR MACEDONIA AND A CHAI A
(19:21-20:6) 413
1. Paul Makes Plans for the Future (19:21-22} 413
2. The Riot at Ephesus (19:23-41) 414
a. Indignation of the silversmiths (19:23-28) 414
b. Demonstration in the theatre (19:29-34) 417
c. The town clerk calms the agitation (19:35-41) 419
3. Paul's Visit to Macedonia and Greece (20:1-6) 422
B. THE JOURNEY TO JERUSALEM (20:7-21:16) 425
1. Paul at Troas (20:7-12) 425
2. From Troas to Miletus (20:13-16) 427
3. Paul's Summons to the Elders of Ephesus (20: 17) 429
4. Paul's Farewell Address to the Ephesian Church (20:18-35) 429
a. Retrospect on his Ephesian ministry (20: 18-21) 429
b. Misgivings about his journey to Jerusalem (20:22-24) 431
c. His charge to the elders (20:25-31) 432
d. Final admonition (20:32-35) 435
5. A Tearful Parting (20:36-38) 437
6. Miletus to Tyre (21: 1-6) 438
7. Tyre to Caesarea (21:7-9) 440
8. Agabus Reappears (21:10-14) 441
9. Arrival at Jerusalem (21: 15-16) 442
C. PAULATJERUSALEM(21:17-23:30) 443
1. Meeting with James and the Elders (21:17-26) 443
2. Riot in the Temple (21 :27-30) 448
3. Paul Rescued by the Romans (21:31-36) 450
4. Paul Obtains Leave to Address the Crowd (21 :37-40) 452
5. Paul's Defense to the People of Jerusalem (22: 1-21) 454
a. His early days (22: 1-5) 454
b. The Damascus road (22:6-11) 456
c. Ananias of Damascus (22: 12-16) 456
d. Paul's vision in the temple (22:17-21) 458
6. Paul Reveals His Roman Citizenship (22:22-29) 459
7. Paul Brought before the Sanhedrin (22:30) 461
8. Paul's Appearance before the Sanhedrin (23: 1-10) 463
a. Interchange with the high priest (23: 1-5) 463
Xlll
b. The resurrection hope (23:6-10) 465

9. The Lord Appears to Paul by Night (23:11) 467
10. Plot against Paul's Life (23: 12-15) 467
11. The Plot Revealed (23:16-22) 468
12. The Tribune Prepares to Send Paul to Caesarea (23:23-25) 470
13. The Tribune's Letter to the Governor (23:26-30) 471
D. PAULATCAESAREA(23:31-26:32) 473
1. Paul Taken to Caesarea (23:31-35) 473
2. Paul Accused before Felix (24:1-9) 475
3. Paul's Defense before Felix (24:10-21) 477
4. Felix Adjourns Proceedings (24:22-23) 482
5. Paul's Interviews with Felix (24:24-26) 482
6. Festus Succeeds Felix; Paul Left in Custody (24:27) 484
7. Festus Visits Jerusalem (25: 1-5) 486
8. Paul Appeals to Caesar (25:6-12) 487
9. Agrippa II and Bernice Visit Festus (25:13-22) 490
10. Paul Brought before Agrippa (25:23-27) 493
11. Paul Accepts Agrippa's Invitation to Speak (26:1) 496
12. Paul's "Apologia Pro Vita Sua" (26:2-23) 496
a. Exordium (26:2-3) 496
b. The resurrection hope (26:4-8) 497
c. Paul's persecuting zeal (26:9-11) 499
d. The heavenly vision (26:12-18) 500
e. Paul's obedience to the vision (26: 19-20) 502
f. Paul's arrest (26:21) 503
g. Peroration (26:22-23) 503
13. Interchange between Festus, Paul, and Agrippa (26:24-29) 505
14. Agreement on Paul's Innocence (26:30-32) 506
E. PAUL'SVOYAGEANDSHIPWRECK(27:l-44) 508
1. Caesarea to Myra (27:1-5) 510
2. They Trans-ship at Myra and Sail to Crete (27:6-8) 513
3. Paul's Advice Rejected (27:9-12) 514
4. They Are Caught by the Wind Euraquilo (27:13-20) 517
5. Paul's Encouragement (27:21-26) 521
6. They Approach Land (27:27-29) 522
7. The Sailors' Attempt to Escape Frustrated (27:30-32) 523
8. The Meal on Board (27:33-38) 524
9. The Shipwreck (27:39-41) 526
10. Safe Ashore! (27:42-44) 528
xiv
CONTENTS
F. WINTER IN MALTA (28:1-10) 530

1. Welcome to Malta! (28:1-6) 530
2. Works of Healing in Malta (28:7-10) 532
G. ROME AT LAST! (28:11-31) 534
1. The Last Lap: "And So We Came to Rome" (28:11-15) 534
2. Paul Handed Over to Be Kept under Guard (28:16) 536
3. Paul and the Roman Jews (28: 17-28) 537
a. First interview (28:17-22) 537
b. Second interview (28:23-28) 539
4. The Gospel Advances without Hindrance in Rome (28:30-31) 541
INDEXES 545
I. GENERAL INDEX 545
II. INDEX OF AUTHORS 556
xv
PREFACE TO THE REVISED EDITION
When this commentary first appeared, in September 1951, it could fairly be claimed
that there was room for a one-volume commentary on the Greek text of Acts,
"neither too technical nor too popular for the requirements of ordinary students."
Since then there has been a continuous stream of commentaries and studies on Acts,
and it was high time for the present volume to be revised after so many years, if it
was to retain any usefulness. I welcome the opportunity to take account of much
scholarly work that has been done more recently, and to incorporate my later (and,
I hope, more mature) thoughts on the exegetical problems of Acts.
Most of this commentary was written during the war years of 1939-45; there
were inevitable delays between its completion and publication. While it was being
prepared, it was not practicable to keep abreast of the important work on Acts then
being done in Germany by Martin Dibelius: it reflected the pre-Dibelius state of
the question. Moreover, in those days I was a student and teacher of classical Greek;
this commentary marked my first academic incursion into the New Testament field,
and was mainly responsible for my transition from classical to biblical teaching.
While the perspective of those earlier years has not been abandoned, new perspec-
tives have come to life alongside it. In particular, the writing of commentaries on
all the contents of the Pauline corpus except the Pastoral Epistles has provided an
indispensable perspective which has greatly illuminated the study of Acts.
Some reviewers of the first edition described it as in some sense a product of
the Humanity School of Aberdeen University. This description I esteemed a high
honor, as I still do. My debt to the writings of Sir William Ramsay is evident
throughout the work, and I am repeatedly amazed by scholars of a later date who
seem unaware of the contributions of peculiar value which he made to certain areas
of New Testament study. My debt to Ramsay's successor in the Aberdeen Chair of
Humanity, Alexander Souter, is more personal: I owe much to what he taught me
in the lecture room during my student days and in conversation and correspondence
afterward. Another personal debt I owe to the late Sir William Calder, a disciple of
Ramsay and himself an Anatolian archaeologist of great distinction. My first teach-
ing post was an assistantship in his department when he was Professor of Greek at
Edinburgh University. When the first edition of this commentary was published,
he was kind enough to express his appreciation of it, and to send me a succession
xvi
PREFACE TO THE REVISED EDITION
of letters in which he dispelled my ignorance on many matters Anatolian. It is not

every student of Acts who has plotted, as he had, the milestones along the frontier
of Asian and Galatic Phrygia. At a more amateur level, 1 have myself in more re-
cent years visited that area and most of the other places which figure in Acts. This
has supplied a further perspective which was not available when the first edition
was being prepared-a valuable perspective, even if not so valuable as an acquain-
tance with Paul's letters, or indeed with the practicalities of modern church life and
evangelism.
I am further indebted to many colleagues with whom, over the years, I have
discussed the problems of Acts and the apostolic age. My final expression of grati-
tude must be to those who have encouraged me to undertake this revision and have
made its publication possible, above all to Mr. William 8. Eerdmans, Jr., a friend
of many years.
April 1990 F. F. B.
XVII
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
AASF Acta Academiae Scientiarum Fennicae

AB Anchor Bible
ABSA Annual of the British School at Athens
Ab. Zar. 'Abodah Zarah (tractate)
Acharn. Acharnians (Aristophanes)
Act. Vercell. Vercelli MS of Acts of Peter (Latin version)
AdScap. To Scapula (Tertullian)
Adumbr. in 1 Pet. Notes on 1 Peter (Clement of Alexandria)
Adv. Marc. Against Marcion (Tertullian)
AGG Abhandlungen der (kdniglichen) Gesellschaft der Wissen-
schaften zu Gottingen
AGSU Arbeiten zur Geschichte des Spiitjudentums und Urchristen-
tums
AJA American Journal ofArchaeology
AJP American Journal of Philology
AJT American Journal of Theology
ALUOS Annual of Leeds University Oriental Society
An. Anabasis (Xenophon)
An Bib Analecta Biblica
Ann. Annals (Tacitus)
ANRW Aufstieg und Niedergang der romischen Welt
ARW Archiv far Religionswissenschaft
Ant. Antiquities (Josephus)
Anth. Pal. Palatine Anthology
Ap. Against Apion (Josephus)
Ap. Trad. Apostolic Tradition (Hippolytus)
Apo!. Apology (Justin; Tertullian)
Aristoph. Aristophanes
AS Anatolian Studies
ASNU Acta Seminarii Neotestamentici Upsaliensis
Ass. Mays. Assumption of Moses
AST/ Annual of the Swedish Theological Institute
XVIII
ASV American Standard Version ( 1901)

ATANT Abhandlungen zur Theologie des Alten und Neuen Testa-
ments
Ath. Pol. Athenian Constitution (Aristotle)
ATR Anglican Theological Review
Att. letters to Atticus (Cicero)
AV Authorized Version (1611) = KJV
b Babylonian Talmud
BA Biblical Archaeologist
BAGD W. Bauer, W. F. Arndt, F. W. Gingrich, and F. W. Danker,
Greek-English Lexicon ofthe New Testament and Other Early
Christian literature (Chicago/Cambridge, 2 1979)
BAR Biblical Archaeology Review
BC The Beginnings of Christianity (F. J. Foakes-Jackson and
K. Lake)
BCH Bulletin de Correspondance Hellenique
BDF F. Blass, A. Debrunner, and R. W. Funk, Greek Grammar of
the New Testament and Other Early Christian Literature
Bell. civ. Civil War (Appian)
Bell. Pun. Punic War (Appian)
BETL Bibliotheca Ephemeridum Theologicarum Lovaniensium
BGBE Beitrage zur Geschichte der biblischen Exegese
BGU Aegyptische Urkunden aus den Museen zu Berlin: Grie-
chische Urkunden, 1-15 (1895-1939)
Bib Biblica
BibOr Biblica et Orientalia
BJ Jewish War (Josephus)
BJRL Bulletin of the John Rylands (University) Library (Man-
chester)
BM/ The Collection of Ancient Greek Inscriptions in the British
Museum
BNTC Black's(= Harper's) New Testament Commentaries
BR Bible Review
BRD The Bearing of Recent Discovery on the Trustworthiness of
the New Testament (Ramsay)
BS Bible Studies (Deissmann)
BZ Biblische Zeitschrift
BZAW Beiheft zur Zeitschrift fur die Alttestamentliche Wissenschaft
BZNW Beiheft zur Zeitschrift fiir die Neutestamentliche Wissen-
schaft
CBCNEB Cambridge Bible Commentary on the New English Bible
CBP Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia (Ramsay)
CBSC Cambridge Bible for Schools and Colleges
c. Cels. Against Celsus (Origen)
xix
CD Book of the Covenant of Damascus (= Zadokite Work)

CDA Composition and Date of Acts (Torrey)
CE The Christian Ecclesia (Hort)
CentB Century Bible
c. Ep. Fund. Against the So-Called Fundamental Letter ofMani (Augustine)
c. Fe/. Dealings with Felix the Manichaean (Augustine)
CGT Cambridge Greek Testament
CJG Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum
CIJ Corpus Inscriptionum Judaicarum
CIL Corpus Jnscriptionum Latinarum
ClarB Clarendon Bible
1 Clem. Letter of Clement of Rome
Clem.Hom. Clementine Homilies
Clem. Recogn. Clementine Recognitions
CNT Commcntaar op het Nieuwe Testament
Comm. in Mt. Commentary on Matthew (Jerome)
ConBib Coniectanea Biblica
Conf Confessions (Augustine)
CP Classical Philology
CPJ Corpus Papyrorum Judaicarum
CR Classical Review
CRB Cahiers de la Revue Biblique
CRE The Church in the Roman Empire to AD 170 (Ramsay)
CR INT Compendia Rerum Iudaicarum ad Novum Testamentum
CTM Concordia Theological Monthly
Cyr. Cyropaedia (Xenophon)
DAC Dictionary of the Apostolic Church (Hastings)
DB Dictionary of the Bible
DCB Dictionary of Christian Biography (Smith and Wace)
DCG Dictionary of Christ and the Gospels (Hastings)
De aqu. The Water Supply of the City of Rome (Fron ti nus)
De praem. et poen. On Rewards and Punishments (Philo)
De praescr. haer. Prescription against Heretics (Tertullian)
De re mil. On Military Affairs (Vegetius)
De vir. ill. On Illustrious Men (Jerome)
Dial. Dialogue with Trypho the Jew (Justin)
Did. Didache ("Teaching of the Twelve Apostles")
Diog. Laert. Diogenes Laertius
Dion. Cor. Dionysius (bishop) of Corinth
DNB Dictionary of National Biography
DPC Documents of the Primitive Church (Torrey)
EB Etudes Bibliques
EEP The Earlier Epistles of Paul (Lake)
EGT The Expositor's Greek Testament (ed. W.R. Nicoll)
xx
LIST OF ABBREYIATIO NS
EHS Europaische Hochschulschriften

EKK Evangelisch-katholischer Kommentar
Enc. Bib. Encyclopaedia Biblica
ENT Erlauterungen zum Neuen Testament
Ep(p). Epistle(s)
Ep. ad Diogn. Epistle to Diognetus
Ep. Barn. Epistle of Barnabas
Ep.Mor. Epistle(s) on Moral Questions (Seneca)
Ep. Po/ye. Polycarp 's Letter to the Philippians
Epig. Epigram(s) (Martial)
EQ Evangelical Quarterly
ERE Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics (Hastings)
E.T. English translation
ETL Ephemerides Theologicae Lovanienses
Euseb. Eusebius
Ev. Th. Evangelische Theologie
EV(V) English Version(s) of the Bible
Exp. The Expositor
ExT Expository Times
FGNTK Forschungen zur Geschichte des neutestamentlichen Kanons
FR LANT Forschungen zur Religion und Literatur des Alten und Neuen
Testaments
FS Festschrift
Geog. Geography (Strabo)
GNB Good News Bible
GNC Good News Commentaries (Harper & Row/Hendrickson)
GNS Good News Studies (M. Glazier)
Haer. Against Heresies (Irenaeus)
HDB Hastings' Dictionary of the Bible
HE Ecclesiastical History (Eusebius)
Hell. Hellenics (Xenophon)
HGAM Historical Geography ofAsia Minor (Ramsay)
Hist. History (Herodotus, Thucydides, Polybius, Livy, etc.)
Hist. Christ. Christian History (Philip of Side)
HNT Handbuch zum Neuen Testament (ed. H. Lietzmann)
Hobart W. K. Hobart, The Medical Language of St. Luke
Hom. Homilies on Acts (Chrysostom)
HSNT Die heilige Schrift des Neuen Testaments
HTR Harvard Theological Review
HTS Harvard Theological Studies
HUCA Hebrew Union College Annual
HUL Home University Library
IB Interpreters Bible
ICC International Critical Commentary
xxi
Id. ldyll(s) (Theocritus)

IDB Interpreters Dictionary of the Bible
!El Israel Exploration Journal
IG Inscriptiones Graecae, 1873-
Ign. Ignatius
IGRR Inscriptiones Graecae ad Res Romanas pertinentes (ed.
R. Cagnat, I-IV, 1911-14)
!LS Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae (ed. H. Dessau)
Inschr. Eph. lnschriften von Ephesos, ed. H. Wankel, etc., I-VIII (Bonn:
Habelt, 1979-84)
INT Introduction to the New Testament
Isthm. Isthmian Odes (Pindar)
j Jerusalem (Palestinian) Talmud
JAC J ahrbuch fur Antikes und Christentum
JAGS Journal of the American Oriental Society
Jastrow M. Jastrow, Dictionary of the Targumim, the Talmud, etc.
(London: Shapiro, Vallentine, 1926)
JBL Journal of Biblical Literature
IE Jewish Encyclopaedia
JEH Journal of Ecclesiastical History
JHS Journal of Hellenic Studies
JJS Journal of Jewish Studies
INES Journal of Near Eastern Studies
Jos. Josephus
JQR Jewish Quarterly Review
JR Journal of Religion
IRS Journal of Roman Studies
JS! Journal for the Study of Judaism
JSNT Journal for the Study of the New Testament
JSOT Sup. Supplement(s) to the Journal for the Study of the Old Testa-
ment
ITC Journal for Theology and Church
ITS Journal of Theological Studies
KD Kerygma und Dogma
KEK Kritisch-Exegetischer Kommentar ( = Meyer Kommentar)
KJV King James Version (1611) = AV
KV Korte Verklaring
LAE Light from the Ancient East (Deissmann)
LC Lake and Cadbury (Commentary on Acts= BC 1.4)
LD Lectio Divina
Leg. ad Gai. Embassy to Caius (Philo)
Legg. Laws (Plato)
LevR Midrash Rabba on Leviticus
LP Luke the Physician (Harnack; Ramsay)
xxii
LSJ Liddell and Scott, Greek-English Lexicon, 9th edition, ed.

H. S. Jones
LXX Septuagint (pre-Christian Greek version of OT)
m Mishnah
Magn. Letter to the Magnesians (Ignatius)
MAU4 Monumenta Asiae Minoris Antiqua
Mand. Mandates (in Shepherd of Hermas)
Mart. Isa. Martyrdom of Isaiah
Mart. Pal. On the Martyrs of Palestine (Eusebius)
Mart. Po/ye. Martyrdom of Polycarp
Mem. Memorabilia of Socrates (Xenophon)
Met. Metamorphoses (Ovid; Apuleius)
MGM W. F. Moulton, A S. Geden, and H. K. Moulton, Concor-
dance to the Greek New Testament (51978)
MHT J. H. Moulton, W. F. Howard, and N. Turner, Grammar of
New Testament Greek, I-IV (1906-76)
Migr.Abr. Migration of Abraham (Philo)
MM J. H. Moulton and G. Milligan, The Vocabulary of the Greek
Testament (1930)
MNTC Moffatt New Testament Commentaries
MPG Migne 's Patrologia Graeca
MPL Migne 's Patrologia Latina
MT Masoretic Text ( of the Hebrew Bible)
Mus. Helv. Museum Helveticum
NA26 E. Nestle and K. Aland, etc., Novum Testamentum Graece,
26th edition (1979)
Nav. Navigium, "The Ship" (Lucian)
NCB New Century Bible
NClarB New Clarendon Bible
New Docs. New Documents Illustrating Early Christianity, ed. G. H. R.
Horsley (Macquarie University, North Ryde, N.S.W., 1976-)
NEB New English Bible (1970)
NF Neue Folge
NGG Nachrichten der (kdniglichen) Gesellschaft der Wissenschaft-
en zu Gdttingen
NH Natural History (Pliny)
NICNT New International Commentary on the New Testament
NIGTC New International Greek Testament Commentary
NIV New International Version (1978)
NovT Novum Testamentum
NovTSup. Supplement(s) to Novum Testamentum
NQ Natura/es Quaestiones (Seneca)
n.s. new series
NT New Testament
xxm
NTD Das Neue Testament Deutsch

NTL New Testament Library
NTS New Testament Studies
NITS New Testament Tools and Studies
O.C. Oedipus at Co/onus (Sophocles)
OCD Oxford Classical Dictionary
Od. Odyssey (Homer)
ODCC Oxford Dictionary of the Christian Church
OGIS Orientis Graeci lnscriptiones Selectae (W. Dittenberger)
Olynth. Olynthiacs (Demosthenes)
Orig. Origen
Or. Sib. Sibylline Oracles
OT Old Testament
p Papyrus
Pan. Panarion (Epiphanius)
Pap. Bibi. Nat. Papyri in the Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris
Par. Paris
P. Coll. Youtie Collectanea Papyrologica ... in Honor of H. C. Youtie, ed.
A. E. Hanson (Bonn, 1976)
PCPS Proceedings of the Cambridge Philological Society
PE Praeparatio Evangelica (Eusebius)
PEQ Palestine Exploration Quarterly
PG Philology of the Gospels (Blass)
PGM Papyri Graecae Magicae, ed. K. Preisendanz (1928-31)
P.Hib. The Hibeh Papyri, ed. Grenfell and Hunt (1906)
P.Lond. Greek Papyri in the British Museum, ed. Kenyon and Bell
(1893-1917)
P.Mich. Michigan Papyri, ed. C. C. Edgar, A. E. R. Boak, and J. G.
Winter (1931-36)
P.Oxy. Oxyrhynchus Papyri (1898-)
P.Vindob. Vienna Papyri
Phil. Philippics (Demosthenes)
phil.-hist. Kl. philologisch-historische Klasse
Praef. preface
Pro tag. Protagoras (Plato)
PSI Pubblicazioni de/la Societa Italiana: Papiri Greci e Latini
(1912- )
Ps. Sol. Psalms of Solomon
P.V. Prometheus Bound (Aeschylus)
Pyth. Pythian Odes (Pindar)
Q Oum ran
lQS Rule (Serek) of the Community from Qumran Cave 1
4QDtq Fragment of Deuteronomy from Qumran Cave 4
40Exa Fragment of Exodus from Qumran Cave 4
xxiv
4QFlor Anthology (Florilegium) of texts from Qumran Cave 4

QD Quaestiones Disputatae
QDAP Quarterly of the Department ofAntiquities of Palestine
Quaest. Conviv. Table Talk (Plutarch)
QuodOmn. Every Good Man is Free (Philo)
Prob. Lib.
RAC Reallexikon fur Antikes und Christentum
RB Revue Biblique
RB en Revue Benedictine
RE Realenzyklopiidie fur dieAltertumswissenschaft, ed. A. F. von
Pauly and G. Wissowa
Ref Refutation ofAll Heresies (Hippolytus)
REG Revue des Etudes Grecques
RGVV Religionsgeschichtliche Versuche und Vorarbeiten
Rhet. Rhetoric (Aristotle)
RHPR Revue d'Histoire et de Philosophie Religieuses
RNT Regensburger Neues Testament
RQ Revue de Qumran
RS Rosh ha-Shanah (tractate)
RSPT Revue des Sciences Philosophiques et Theologiques
RSR Revue des Sciences Religieuses (Strasbourg)
RSV Revised Standard Version ( 1952, 3 1971)
RTR Reformed Theological Review
RV Revised Version (1881-85)
SAB Sitzungsberichte der (koniglichen) preussischen Akademie
der Wissenschaften zu Berlin
Sab. Shabbath (tractate)
saec. century
Sanh. Sanhedrin (tractate)
Sat. Satire (Horace; Juvenal)
SBLDS Society of Biblical Literature Dissertation Series
SBLMS Society of Biblical Literature Monograph Series
SBS Stuttgarter Bibelstudien
SBT Studies in Biblical Theology
Schi.irer E. Schi.irer, History of the Jewish People in the Age of Jesus
Christ(] 973-87)
Scarp. Remedy against Scorpions (Tertullian)
SD Studies and Documents
SDB Supplement au Dictionnaire de la Bible (Paris)
SEA. Svensk Exegetisk A.rsbok
SEG Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum
SIG Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum, ed. W. Dittenberger
SJLA Studies in Judaism in Late Antiquity
SIT Scottish .Journal of Theology
xxv
SMB:SBO Serie Monographique "Benedictina": Section Biblico-

Oecumenique
Smyrn. Letter to the Smyrnaeans (Ignatius)
SNT Schriften des Neuen Testaments
SNTS Studiorum Novi Testamenti Societas
SNTSM SNTS Monograph(s)
SNTU Studien zum Neuen Testament und seiner Umwelt
Som. On Dreams (Philo)
Spec. Leg. On Specific Laws (Philo)
SPEM St. Paul's Ephesian Ministry (Duncan)
SPT St. Paul the Traveller and the Roman Citizen (Ramsay)
ST Studia Theologica
Stob. Flor. Stobaeus, Anthology
Strom. Miscellanies (Clement of Alexandria)
Suet. Suetonius
SUNT Studien der Umwelt des Neuen Testaments
TAPA Transactions of the American Philological Association
Targ. Tar gum
TBC Torch Bible Commentaries
TBenj. Testament of Benjamin
Tlos. Testament of Joseph
TDNT Theological Dictionary of the New Testament (ed. G. Kittel
and G. Friedrich, E.T. by G. W. Bromiley)
Tert. Tertullian
Th. Bl. Theologische Blatter
Theod. Theodotion
THKNT Theologischer Handkommentar zum Neuen Testament
Thuc. Thucydides
TKNT Theologischer Kommentar zum Neuen Testament
TNTC Tyndale New Testament Commentaries
Tos. Tosefta
TQ Theologische Quartalschrift
TR "Received Text"
TS Texts and Studies
TU Texte und Untersuchungen
Tusc. Tusculans (Cicero)
TynB Tyndale Bulletin
TZ Theologische Zeitschrift
UBS 3 The Greek New Testament, United Bible Societies, 3rd edi-
tion, 1975
vc Vtgiliae Christianae
VD Verbum Domini
Vtt. Apoll. Tyan. Life ofApollonius of Tyana (Philostratus)
Vtt. Moys. Life of Moses (Philo)
xxvi
Vit. Philosoph. Lives of Philosophers (Diogenes Laertius)

Vit. Pyth. Life of Pythagoras
v.1. variant reading
VT Vetus Testamentum
WBC Word Biblical Commentaries
WC Westminster Commentaries
WH B. F. Westcott and F. J. A Hort, New Testament in Greek
(1881)
WMANT Wissenschaftliche Monographien zum Alten und Neuen
Testament
WNT Westminster New Testament
WTJ Westminster Theological Journal
WUNT Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament
Xen. Xenophon
Xen. Eph. Xenophon of Ephesus
ZAW Zeitschrift fur die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft
ZBK Zi.ircher Bibelkommentare
ZDMG Zeitschrift der deutschen Morgenliindischen Gesellschaft
ZKG Zeitschrift fur Kirchengeschichte
ZKNT Zahn-Kommentar zum Neuen Testament
ZNW Zeitschrift fur die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft
ZTK Zeitschrift fur Theologie und Kirche
ZWT Zeitschrift fiir wissenschaftliche Theologie
XXVll
INTRODUCTION
I. AUTHORSHIP OF ACTS
A. EXTERNAL EVIDENCE
The earliest surviving statements about the authorship of Acts belong to the last
quarter of the second century.
The so-called Anti-Marcionite Prologue to Luke 1 (of uncertain date, but
possibly belonging to the end of the second century) gives some account of Luke
as the Third Evangelist (seep. 8) and addsxat I\~ µetfama EYQ<l'IJIEV oauto~ Aom~
IIQ<il;EL~ 'NtOotOAWV.
The Muratorian Fragment (of the same general period)2 contains an early
Roman canon of Christian scripture, in which the following account is given of
Luke and Acts:
In the third place (we have) the book of the gospel according to Luke. It was com-
posed by Luke the physician after the ascension of Christ. Paul took Luke along with
him as his legal expert, so to speak (quasi ut iuris studiosum); he wrote in his own
name but in accordance with [Paul's] opinion. He himself never saw the Lord in the
flesh; therefore, as well as he could ascertain (the facts), he began to tell his story from
the nativity of John .... The Acts of all the apostles have been written in one book:
Luke, addressing "the most excellent Theophilus," brings together one by one the
things which took place in his presence, as is made evident by the omission of the
passion of Peter and also of Paul's departure from the city for Spain (lines 2-8, 34-
39).
This section of the Muratorian list was greatly illuminated in 1953 by Arnold
1. The long-standing consensus on these Gospel prologues, represented by D. de Bruyne ("Les

plus anciens prologues latins des Evangiles," RBen 40 [1928), pp. 193-214) and A. von Harnack ("Die
altesten Evangelien-Prologe und die Bildung des Neuen Testaments," SAB, phil.-hist. Kl. [Berlin,
1928), Heft 24), has been shaken by J. Regul, Die antimarcionitischen Evangelienprologe (Freiburg,
1969). Each of these prologues must now be assessed separate! y.
2. See, however, A. C. Sundberg, "Canon Mura tori: A Fourth-Century List," HTR 66 (1973), pp.
1-41; his argument for a fourth-century date, while strong, is (me iudice) unsuccessful; it has been co-
gently answered by E. Ferguson, "Canon Muratori: Date and Provenance," Studia Patristica 18.2 (Kal-
amazoo, MI, 1982), pp. 677-83.
1
nm ACTS OF THE APOSTLES
Ehrhardt in an article entitled "The Gospels in the Muratorian Fragment";3 he put
forth a cogent argument for regarding the Latin text in which this fragment is writ-
ten as its original language (corrupted in transmission, nevertheless). This argu-
ment is bound up with his convincing explanation of the phrase quasi ut iuris studio-
sum:4 as a Roman provincial governor had a legal expert (iuris studiosus) on his
staff who issued documents in his superior's name or in accordance with his opin-
ion, so Paul (it is implied) attached Luke to himself and Luke issued his writings
under his own name but in accordance with Paul's opinion (nomine suo ex opin-
ione). Luke's writings, that is to say, are endowed with apostolic authority although
they do not appear under the apostle's name.
The anti-Marcionite tendency of the Muratorian compiler probably appears
in his statement that Luke began his narrative with the birth of John the Baptist (since
the birth and ministry of John received no mention in Marcion 's Gospel). But when
the compiler goes on to describe Luke's second volume as "the Acts of all the apos-
tles," this is perhaps not so much an anti-Marcionite exaggeration (as though he
meant "of all the apostles, and not of one only, namely Paul") as a warning that no
canonical authority attaches to the later volumes of apostolic "Acts" which began
to appear in the second half of the second century. 5 One of these volumes, the Acts
ofPeter, was especially in his mind, for the two incidents which he says are missing
from Luke's Acts-Paul's departure from Ostia for Spain and Peter's crucifixion-
are recorded in that apocryphal work (Act. Vercell. 1-3; 36-40).
From the end of the second century, too, comes the evidence of Irenaeus,
who explicitly mentions Luke, "the follower of Paul" (ax6A.ou0o~ IlauA.ou ), as the
author of the Third Gospel and Acts; he also attaches Paul's authority to Luke's
writing, for the gospel which Luke records, he says, is "the gospel preached by
Paul" (Haer. 3.1.2; 3:14.1, etc.). Similar testimony is borne by Clement of Alexan-
dria: "Luke," he says, "in the Acts of the Apostles relates that Paul said, 'Men of
Athens, I see that in all things you are very religious ... '" (Strom. 5.12.82.4); and
again, "It may be acknowledged that Luke with his pen wrote the Acts of the Apos-
tles" (Adumbr. in 1 Pet.). 6 There is no need to continue by citing Tertullian, Ori gen,
Eusebius, and Jerome. 7 Suffice it to say that, from the late second century on, the
consentient witness of all who write on the subject is that the author of the two
volumes Ad Theophilum (anonymous as they are in the form in which they have
3. In Ostkirch/iche Studien 2.2 (July 1953), reprinted in The Framework of the New Testament
Stories (Manchester, 1964), pp. 11-36.
4. He is the first student of the list known to me to make sense of this phrase in this context; his
argument implies that attempts to emend the Latin text in the light of a postulated Greek original are
futile (Framework, pp. 16-18).
5. He means that only "in one book" (sub uno lihro, line 35), namely Luke's Acts, is any authori-
tative account of the apostles preserved.
6. In this second extract (from the last extant sentence of Adumbr. in 1 Pet.) Clement adds that
Luke may also be recognized as the translator (into Greek) of "Paul's Letter to the Hebrews" (cf. the
extract from his Hypotyposeis in Euseb. HE 6.14.2).
7. Cf. Tert. Adv. Marc. 4.2, 5; 5.2; Orig. ap. Euseb. HE 6.25.14; Euseb. HE 3.4.6; Jerome, De
vir. ill. 7.
2
AUTHORSHIP OF ACTS
come down to us, and the form in which those writers knew them) was one and the
same person, and that his name was Luke.
B. INTERNAL EVIDENCE
1. The Author Was the Third Evangelist
That the author of Acts is identical with the author of the Third Gospel is the prima
facie implication of the opening words of Acts, where the JtQt~ 1.6yoc; can scarcely
refer to any other work than the Third Gospel. The "Theophilus" addressed in the
opening words of Acts is certainly identical with the "most excellent Theophilus"
for whose instruction the Third Gospel (and indeed the twofold work as a whole)
was composed, according to the prologue Lk. 1: 1-4 (which probably serves as a pro-
logue to the twofold work). The close similarity in style and language between the
two works points to the same conclusion, 8 as does the tone of the two works, with
their catholic outlook, their interest in Gentiles, their sympathetic treatment of
women, and their common apologetic tendency. The end of Luke dovetails into the
beginning of Acts. In both works it is only in Judaea that Jesus appears to his dis-
ciples in resurrection. Occasionally themes found in the non-Lukan Synoptic tradi-
tion are absent from Luke, but are treated more fully in Acts, 9 as though they were
deliberate! y reserved for the second volume. There are other details which strengthen
the general impression of unity of authorship; thus Luke is the only Gospel which
tells of Jesus' appearance before Herod Antipas in the course of his trial (Lk. 23:7-
12) and there is an allusion to this appearance in Acts (4: 27).
2. The Author Was a Companion of Paul

This is a much more controverted proposition; yet there is substantial evidence to
support it.
One relevant and striking piece of evidence is the presence here and there in
Acts of sections in which the usual 3rd pers. (sing. or plur.) of the narrative suddenly
gives way to the 1st pers. plur. 10 There are three of these "we" sections, as they are
commonly called: 16:10-17; 20:5-21:18; 27:1-28:16 (see also pp. 356f., 511).11
8. The only serious twentieth-century denial that Acts was written by the Third Evangelist was
expressed by A. C. Clark, The Acts of the Apostles (Oxford, 1933), pp. 393-408; his arguments were ex-
amined and effectively answered by W. L. Knox, The Acts of the Apostles (Cambridge, 1948), pp. 2-15,
100-109. Clark's case was supported hy A. W. Argyle, "The Greek of Luke and Acts," NTS 20 (1973-
74), pp. 441-45; he was answered in turn hy B. E. Beck, "The Common Authorship of Luke and Acts,"
NTS 23 (1976-77), pp. 346-52. See also J.M. Dawsey, ''The Literary Questions of Style-a Task for
Literary Critics," NTS 35 (1989), pp. 48-66.
9. E.g., the charge of threatening to desttoy the temple, absent from Luke's narrative of the trial
of Jesus (contrast Mk. 14:57-59), appears in the indictment against Stephen in Ac. 6:14.
I 0. See pp. 40f. below.
11. In the Western text of Acts there is another "we" section, the earliest of all, in 11:28, where
the report of Agabus's prophecy in the Antiochene church is given a fuller introduction including the
words "when we were gathered together" (seep. 275).
3
Their most natural explanation is that the author himself was present during those
phases of his story which he records in the 1st pers.-that the "we" of those sections
includes the ''!" of I: 1. 12 If so, they may be regarded as extracts from the personal
memoirs of one of Paul's companions. An examination of them indicates that their
author joined Paul, Silas, and Timothy at Troas on the eve of their mission to Mac-
edonia and Achaia and accompanied them to Philippi. Apparently he did not accom-
pany them when they left Philippi; it is probably more than a coincidence that it is
at Philippi that the second "we" section starts, when Paul, having completed his pro-
gram of evangelism in Macedonia, Achaia, and proconsular A5ia, is about to set sail
for Judaea with representatives from a number of Gentile churches. This "we" sec-
tion continues until Paul and his companions reach Jerusalem. How the author spent
the two years of Paul's ensuing detention at Caesarea we are not told, but at the end
of that period he appears again as Paul's companion on the voyage to Italy. The vivid
and accurate detail in which the sea journey, with storm and shipwreck, is described
in the third "we" section strongly suggests that this is a well-remembered personal
record, in fact as well as in form. It concludes with the safe landing of the passengers
and crew on Malta, the subsequent journey by sea to Puteoli and then by road to
Rome, and Paul's arrival there.
The unobtrusive introduction of these "we" sections into the main narrative
of Acts, by a simple transition from the 3rd pers. to the 1st pers. plur., is best ac-
counted for if this is the author's delicate indication that at certain points in the
course of events he himself joined Paul and other fellow travelers. Another author
incorporating into his history the diary of an eyewitness would probably have
named the writer of so important a contemporary document, in order to enhance
its value in the eyes of his readers. It i,s indeed conceivable that the author of Acts
either incorporated or even composed these "we" sections in such a way as to sug-
gest that he himself was an eyewitness of the events which they narrate, whereas
in fact he was not. If such a device was deliberately adopted to give readers a greater
impression of authority or immediacy than the facts warranted, why then (it might
be asked) was the device restricted to these three sections? l 3
That the style and language of the "we" sections cannot be distinguished from
those of the rest of Acts (or indeed of Luke-Acts) has been convincingly established
by more than one investigator--notably by Avon Harnack in Luke the Physician,
E.T. (London, 1907), pp. 25-120, and J.C. Hawkins in Horae Synopticae (Oxford,
21909), pp. 182-88. To the linguistic evidence must be added the fact that the "we"
sections form an integral part of the whole work. For example, in 8:40 Philip the
evangelist is left at Caesarea; he is next mentioned, still at Caesarea, in a "we" sec-
tion some 20 years later (21 :8), and there he is called "one of the Seven," a desig-
nation which would be unintelligible apart from the narrative of 6:1-6. There is,
12. See H.J. Cadbury," 'We' and 'I' Passages in Luke-Acts," NTS 3 (1956-57), pp. 128-32;
M. Hengcl,Acts and the History of Earliest Christianity, E.T. (l,ondon, 1979), pp. 66f.
13. Sec E. Haenchen," 'We' in Acts and the Itinerary" (1961), E.T. inJTC 1 (1965), pp. 65-99,
for a survey of explanations of the "we" if the account preferred above is not accepted; also J. Wehner!,
Die Wir- Passages der Apostelgeschichte (G6ttingen, 1989).
4
AUTHORSHIP OF ACTS
again, the double mention of the Jerusalem prophet Agabus-once in the general
narrative ( 11 :28) and later in a "we" section (21: 10). 14 It might, of course, be sup-
posed that the author of the whole book so worked over the diary of a companion
of Paul as to leave the impress of his own style on it. But if he worked it over so
thoroughly and made it so integral a part of his history, it is strange that he did not
take the further step of changing the 1st to the 3rd pers. plur. The most natural con-
clusion is that the whole book (as well as the Third Gospel) was written by the
author of the "we" sections, who is therefore identical with the "I" of 1: 1 (and with
the "me" of Lk. 1:3).
This "natural" conclusion is reinforced by the wording of the prologue (Lk.
1:1-4), especially by the words in which the writer speaks of himself as "having
followed all things closely for a considerable time past" (:rcaQ1JXOt..ouerp1.6n avweEv
mimv UX.QL~w~). This probably does not mean that he had conducted research into
the course of events (true as that might be) but rather that he had personally partic-
ipated in events.15 If this is what it means, it almost certainly does not refer to his
participation in events recorded in the Third Gospel (for these he was indebted, as
he says in the prologue, to "those who from the beginning were eyewitnesses and
ministers of the word"), but to his participation in events recorded in Acts over a
considerable period. This participation certainly went back to the point at which
the first "we" section begins (16:10, the missionary party's embarkation at Troas
for Neapolis in Macedonia) and perhaps earlier still, to the planting of Christian-
ity in Antioch on the Orontes.
If this is so, then the author must have been from time to time a companion
of Paul. But some students of Acts have found themselves compelled by its con-
tents and emphases to the conclusion that it could not have been written by a com-
panion of Paul. This conclusion, said by one scholar to be a "substantiated the-
sis,"16 is based largely on the differences between the presentation of Paul's life
and thought in Acts and that in Paul's own writings. How far these differences (on
which see pp. 47, 58 below) rule out the possibility that the author of Acts was a
companion of Paul is a matter of judgment. 17
14. If the Western text of 11 :28 were followed (seen. 11 above), then both references to Agabus
would belong to "we" sections.
15. See H.J. Cadbury, "Commentary on the Preface of Luke," BC 1.2, pp. 501-504, and" 'We'
and 'I' Passages in Luke-Acts," pp. 130-32.
16. G. Liidcmann, Paul, Apostle to the Gentiles: Studies in Chronology, E.T. (London, 1984),
p. 23; for its substantiation he refers (p. 41, n. 84) to W. G. Kiimmel,/NT, E.T. (London, 1966), pp. 102-
105, 127-30. Kiimmcl places special weight on Luke's depiction of Paul as visiting Jerusalem twice be-
tween his conversion and the apostolic council, in contradiction of Gal. 1: 18-2: 10 (he is probably
wrong, however, in identifying the visits of Ac. 15:2 and Gal. 2:1), on his depiction of Peter as winning
approval from his Jerusalem colleagues for table fellowship with believing Gentiles (11: 1-18) whereas,
in Gal. 2:11-14, this course of action is still resisted by the Jerusalem leaders, and on his failure to men-
tion the division of mission fields in Gal. 2:8f. (for which he records instead the formation and issuing
of the apostolic decree, with Paul's participation in its delivery). For these specific reasons, and for his
representation of Paul's theology, Kitmmel concludes that "the author of Acts ... could hardly have
been a companion of Paul on his missionary journeys" (INT, p. 129).
17. See pp. 46-59 below.
5
3. The Author Was Luke the Physician

If the author of Acts was a companion of Paul, which of Paul's many companions
was he? The earliest traditions known to us about the authorship of Luke-Acts, or
of Luke alone, ascribe it to "Luke the physician" --i.e., to the man who is referred
to in Col. 4:14 as "Luke, the beloved physician."
Ifwe look in Acts for clues to the author's identity, we can exclude those per-
sons named in the "we" sections as distinct from the author himself. He was, there-
fore, not Silas/Silvanus, Timothy, Sopater, Aristarchus, Secundus, Gaius (of Derbe ),
Tychicus, or Trophimus. Most of these, moreover, probably embraced the Christian
faith at a later stage in Paul's ministry than that marked by the first "we" section.
If we turn to Paul's letters for a clue to his identity, those to the Galatians,
Thessalonians, Corinthians, and Romans may be put on one side, as none of these
seems to have been written during the period covered by the "we" sections. If,
however, the "captivity letters" are to be dated during the years of Paul's custody
in Rome (Ac. 28:30), the author of Acts could be mentioned in these, for he evi-
dently accompanied Paul to Rome (Ac. 28:14, 16). The provenance of the "captiv-
ity letters" is, however, disputed: some or all of them have been regarded as writ-
ten in Ephesus or Caesarea, not Rome. 18 But if Colossians and its companion letters
were sent from Rome, they were carried to the Lycus valley by Tychicus and One-
simus. Apart from these two, Paul's companions at the time of writing included
three Jewish Christians, Aristarchus, Mark, and Jesus Justus (Col. 4: lOf.), and three
others, presumably Gentile Christians, Epaphras (the evangelist of the Lycus val-
ley), Demas, and Luke (Col. 4: 12-14). Luke, as we have seen, is the person to whom
Christian antiquity unanimously ascribes the authorship of Luke-Acts. So far as the
evidence of these letters goes (cf. also Phlm. 24), he could well have been the "I"
of Ac. 1:1. On the other hand, he is not mentioned-by name at least-as being
with Paul in those letters which were written during periods not covered by the
"we" sections. 19 His name does not figure prominently in the NT. It is arguable
that the tradition identifying him with the Third Evangelist originated as nothing
more than a guess, and that after it was first ventilated one writer followed another
in perpetuating it; but the most likely reason for the unanimity with which he is so
identified is that, when the tradition began, there was good cause to believe that
Luke was the author of the twofold work.
A further argument for the Lukan authorship used to be pressed. Since in Col.
4:14 Luke is designated "the beloved physician" (6 tatQO£ 6 aya:n:T)tO£), some in-
vestigators have sought, and discovered, distinctively medical diction in Luke-
Acts. The classic treatment of this aspect of our subject is W. K. Hobart, The Medi-
18. For an Ephesian origin see, e.g., G. S. Duncan, St. Paul's Ephesian Ministry (London,
1929); for a Caesarean origin see, e.g., B. Reicke, "Caesarea, Rome and the Captivity Epistles," in
Apostolic History and the Gospel, ed. W. W. Gasque and R. P. Martin (Exeter/Grand Rapids, 1970), pp.
277-86.
19. The "Lucius" of Rom. 16:21 is a "kinsman" of Paul (i.e., a fellow Jew) and not a Gentile as
the "Luke" of Col. 4: 14 evidently was. Seep. 8, n. 24 below.
6
AUTHORSHIP OF ACTS
cal Language of St. Luke (Dublin, 1882), a wide-ranging but uncritical compari-
son of the vocabulary and phraseology of Luke-Acts with the language of Greek
medical writers, particularly Hippocrates, Galen, Dioscorides, and Aretaeus.
Hobart's argument appeared to be reinforced by the more judicious studies of Har-
nack, Luke the Physician (1906), E.T. (London, 1907), pp. 175-98, and Zahn, In-
troduction to the New Testament (1906), E.T. (Edinburgh, 1909), III, pp. 146-48,
160-62 (nn. 5-6). But not so much has been heard of this line of argument since
H. J. Cadbury's even more judicious and thorough study, The Style and Literary
Method of Luke (Cambridge, Mass., 1920). There it is argued that the medical ele-
ment in the language of Luke-Acts is not greater than that which one finds in the
writings of any reasonably educated Greek of that time. It is unwise to follow the
example of those who infer from the legal element in Shakespeare's diction that he
must have been a lawyer-and therefore Francis Bacon. J. M. Robertson (The Ba-
conian Heresy [London, 1913), p. 127) showed that by similar arguments it could
be proved that every Elizabethan dramatist was a lawyer. The presence of medical
language in Luke-Acts cannot by itself prove anything about authorship, but if it
could be rendered probable on other grounds that the author was Luke the physi-
cian, then the more striking instances of medical terminology might properly be
used to illustrate, and perhaps even to support, this conclusion. 20
Although in their present form Luke and Acts are anonymous, they may not
have been anonymous originally. What the original title of the twofold work was
cannot be said for certain: the whole work may have been called Luke to Theophilus
and the two volumes respectively "Luke's Acts of Jesus" and "Luke's Acts of the
Apostles" (cf. M. Dibelius, Studies in the Acts of the Apostles, E.T. [London, 1956),
p. 104).2 1 At first Luke and Acts formed a single work in two parts, but after some
decades the first part was incorporated as a unit of the fourfold Gospel collection,
receiving the distinguishing caption xuta Aouxciv, and the second part embarked
on a life of its own (see "Canonicity," pp. 19-21 below). When the two parts were
thus separated, some textual adjustments may have been made at the end of the
first volume and the beginning of the second (see on 1:2, pp. 98f.).
C. THE AUTHOR
Nothing certain is known about Luke beyond what can be learned from the refer-
20. J. R. Harris, commenting on the reading of Ac. 20: 13 presupposed by the Armenian version
of Ephrem's commentary on Acts, "But I Luke and those who were with me ... "(seep. 427 below),
which he took to be the original Western text and also possibly the original text, concluded that Luke's
claim to be recognized as author of Luke and Acts can be affirmed "with an emphasis that has proba-
bly not been laid upon them since their first publication" (The British Friend, April 1913, quoted in an
editorial note in ExT 24 [1912-13), p. 530). In the same passage Harris speaks of the "occasional
excesses" of Ramsay's archaeological and historical criticism and of the "worst extravagances" which
often spoil Hobart's case; some of his readers must have been tempted to say, "Physician, heal thyself."
21. A. Loisy held that Luke the physician composed a valuable and conscientious historical
work which underlies our Luke-Acts, but that our Luke-Acts is the product of ecclesiastical redaction
(Les Actes des Apotres [Paris, 1920], pp. 89-104).
7
ences to him in Paul's letters-and from his own writings, if Paul's friend Luke is
to be identified with the Third Evangelist. The information which can be derived
from these sources has been summed up above. The only NT passage containing
his name which has not so far been mentioned is 2 Tim. 4: 11, which indicates that
he was in Paul's company shortly before the latter's death. From this passage (taken
along with other data) it has been concluded that he was involved in the composi-
tion and issuing of the Pastoral Epistles (cf.A Strobel, "Schreiben des Lukas? Zurn
sprachlichen Problem der Pastoralbriefe," NTS 15 [1968-69), pp. 191-210; S. G.
Wilson, Luke and the Pastoral Epistles [London, 1979]; C. F. D. Moule, "The
Problem of the Pastoral Epistles: A Reappraisal," BJRL 47 [1964-65], pp. 430-52,
and The Birth of the New Testament [London, 31981 ], pp. 281f.), if indeed he did
not design them as a sequel to Luke and Acts (cf. J. D. Quinn, "The Last Volume
of Luke: The Relation of Luke-Acts to the Pastoral Epistles," in Perspectives on
Luke-Acts, ed. C. H. Talbert [Edinburgh, 1978], pp. 62-75, and I and II Timothy
and Titus, AB [Garden City, NY, forthcoming]).22
The name Lucas (Aouxa~) is familiar as an abbreviation of both Lucanus and
Lucius. Several Old Latin MSS of the fifth century give the Evangelist's name as
Lucan us. But Aouxii~ appears in inscriptions as a praenomen in Roman names, and
must therefore also have been used as the equivalent of Lucius. 23 "The real argu-
ment for Lucius as against Lucanus as the formal name of the Evangelist is the
frequency of the former and the rarity of the latter name in the Greek East at this
period" (W. M. Calder, review of A. Deissmann, Licht vom Osten [4 1923], CR 38
[1924 ], p. 30). But the author of Luke-Acts cannot well be identified with either of
the Lucii mentioned elsewhere in the NT (Ac. 13:1, q. v.; Rom. 16:21).24
At a fairly early date we meet a tradition connecting him with Antioch. Ac-
cording to the anti-Marcionite prologue to Luke, "Luke was an Antiochene of Syria,
a physician by profession. He was a disciple of the apostles and later accompanied
Paul until the latter's martyrdom. He served the Lord without distraction, having
neither wife nor children, and at the age of eighty-four he fell asleep in Boeotia,
full of the Holy Spirit."
Luke's Antiochene origin is mentioned also by Eusebius (Aouxa~ be to µev
yrvo~ WV tfuv a:n:' 'AvnoxEia~, HE 3.4.6) and by Jerome ("Lucas medicus An-
tiochensis," De vir. ill. 7; "tertius Lucas medicus, natione Syrus Antiochensis,"
Praef in Comm. in Mt.). It is difficult to say if this tradition rests on a stable basis.
22. A major obstacle in the way of accepting Luke as the author of the Pastorals is that in these
Paul's apostleship is asserted (cf. l Tim. 2:7; 2 Tim. 1:11), whereas Acts is very reticent about it.
23. Cf. W. M. Ramsay, BRD, pp. 370-84; M. M. Hardie, "The Shrine of Men Askaenos at Pisid-
ian Antioch," JHS 32 (1912), pp. 130, 145-49; (G.) A. Deissmann, "Loukios-Loukas," in Harnack-
Ehrung (Leipzig, 1921), pp. 117-20, reproduced (with slight alterations) in LAE, E.T. (London, 2 1927),
pp. 435-38.
24. See H.J. Cadbury, "Lucius of Cyrene," BC 1.5, pp. 489-95; he points out that the identifica-
tion of Luke with the Lucius of Rom. 16:21 was made by Origen (In Rom. 10.39) and more recently by
Deissmann (LAE, pp. 437f.). Cadbury thought the claims of Lucius of Cyrene (Ac. 13:1) for identifica-
tion with Luke were more worthy of consideration; he asks, however, if "the physician" was added in
Col. 4:14 to distinguish this Luke from the other Lucii.
8
DATE OF ACTS
It is unlikely to have arisen from the mention of one Lucius at Antioch in Ac. 13:1,
since this Lucius is plainly stated to have been a Cyrenaean. If the Western text of
Ac. 11 :28 reflects the tradition (which is likely), then the tradition must be not later
than the middle of the second century. 25
Luke certainly shows a special interest in Antioch. For example, the only one
of the seven Hellenistic leaders in the Jerusalem church whose provenance is
specified is "Nicolas, a proselyte of Antioch" (Ac. 6:5). 26 A fuller account is given
of the founding of the church of Antioch than of any other Gentile church (Ac.
l: 19-26). It is the only Gentile church whose leaders ("prophets and teachers") are
listed (13:1). Of these leaders, Barnabas plays a special part in the early narrative
of Acts (4:36f.; 9:27; 11:22-30; 12:25-15:4; 15:12, 22, 25, 36-39) up to the point
where he leaves Antioch with Mark to prosecute his mission in Cyprus. And it is
not an unreasonable conjecture that another of the listed Antiochene leaders,
Manaen (see on 13:1, p. 293), may have been Luke's informant on matters relat-
ing to Herod Antipas (cf. R. Glover," 'Luke the Antiochene' and Acts," NTS 11
[1964-65], pp. 97-106).
It has been suggested, by W. M. Ramsay and others, that another Gentile
Christian of Antioch, Titus (cf. Gal. 2:3), was Luke's brother. 27 There is a certain
attractiveness about this suggestion, which would help to explain the absence from
the record of Acts of one who appears from Paul's letters to have been a very im-
portant member of his entourage. 28 But if there is any substance in this suggestion,
it would rule out the identification of Luke with the unnamed "brother whose praise
in the gospel pervades all the churches" and who was sent by Paul with Titus to
help the Corinthian Christians to complete their collection for the Jerusalem relief
fund (2 Cor. 8:18); 29 the sending of two blood brothers on such a delicate mission
would have been counterproductive.
II. DATE OF ACTS

The terminus a quo for the dating of Acts is the latest event alluded to in the book
itself, the completion of the two years which Paul spent in Rome (28:30f.). Those
two years were probably A.O. 60 and 61. Luke supplies hardly any hint of what hap-
pened at the end of them. When he wrote, he probably knew that Paul's prediction,
25. Seep. 3, n. 11 above and p. 275 below.

26. Cf. J. Smith, quoted in the note on 6:5 (p. 184).
27. Ramsay, SPT, p. 390; IP, pp. I 7f.; A. Souter, "A Suggested Relationship between Titus and
Luke," ExT 18 (1906-7), p. 285, and "The Relationship between Titus and Luke," ExT 18, pp. 335f. Cf.
the paraphrase of Ac. 13: 1 published by Zahn and mentioned below (p. 293), in which one Ticius is
listed as "brother" or "foster-brother" (conlactaneus) to Lucius of Cyrene (but this is of minimum rel-
evance to the present question).
28. See C. K. Barrett, "Titus," in Neotestamentica et Semitica: Studies in Honour of M. Black,
ed. E. E. Ellis and M. Wilcox (Edinburgh, 1969), pp. 1-14.
29. Cf. 2 Cor. 12:18. This identification is made by Origen ap. Eusch. HE 6.25.6; Jerome, Ep.
53; Anglican Collect for St. Luke's Day ("whose praise is in the Gospel").
9
that he would never see the Ephesian Christians again after his meeting with their
leaders at Miletus (20:25), had come true; but he gives no indication of the time of
Paul's death-whether at the end of the two years or later.
If dependence of Acts on the Antiquities of Josephus could be proved, this
would give AD. 93 as a terminus a quo for its dating. But such dependence is highly
improbable (see pp. 43f.).
A. EARLY ALLUSIONS
The terminus ante quern for the publication of the book is to be sought in the ear-
liest surviving allusions to it. But the earliest allusions are too doubtful (they may
be parallels, not allusions), and the date of some of the works in which they are
found is sometimes too uncertain, to permit us to say with confidence that they at-
test the existence of Acts before the second century AD.
There may be an allusion to Acts in the Pastoral Epistles (2 Tim. 3: 11; cf. Ac.
13:50-14:20), but this may be an independent reminiscence, and in any case the
date of the Pastoral Epistles is not certain.
Among the Apostolic Fathers, 1 Clem. 2:1 (AD. 96), ~bLov bLbovtE~ ~
11.aµ~avavtE~, recalls Ac. 20:35. but Clement may quote this saying of Jesus from
independent knowledge. With Ep. Barn. 19:8 (c. A.O. 100), xmvrov~aEL~ EV :mimv
tcj} JtAf)aiov aou, xal, aux EQEi~ tl>Lav dvm, cf. Ac. 4:32. Practically the same injunc-
tion is found in Did. 4:8 (c. A.O. 100), auyxmvrov~aEL;; bE mivca tcj) abE11.<j,cj) aau xal,
aux EQEL£ 'ibLa dvm. B. P. W. Stather Hunt (Primitive Gospel Sources [London,
1951], p. 210, n. 1) argues that Acts was not known to the author of Ep. Barn. be-
cause, had he known Ac. 1:3 ("forty days"), he would not have spoken of "the
eighth day" as the day "in which Jesus rose from the dead and, having been
manifested, ascended into heaven'' (15 :9). But this author may have based his state-
ment about "the eighth day" (i.e., the day after the sabbath) on Lk. 24, which gives
the impression that resurrection and ascension took place within the same 24 hours.
With Ignatius, Magn. 5:1 (c. AD. 110), i:xaato£ d~ ,ov 'ibwv toJtov µiUEl
xroQEiv, cf. Ac. 1:25.
With Polycarp, Ep. 1:2 (c. A.D. 120), ov ~YELQEV 6 0Eo£, >.uaa£ ,a£ cob Iva£ wu
{ioou, cf. Ac. 2:24. Polycarp, Ep. 2:1, 0£ EQXEtaL XQLT~~ twvtrov xai vEXQfuv, might
also be compared with Ac. 10:42, but here we have to do with the quotation of a
credal formula on two separate occasions.
With Mart. Polyc. 7:1 (c. A.D. 156), to 0EA.f)µa wu 0wu yEvfo0ro, cf. Ac. 21:14
(but here again we have a stock expression of resignation voiced on two separate
occasions; cf. Mt. 6:10; Mk. 14:36).
Polycarp's contemporary Papias (as quoted by Apollinarius) describes the
death of Judas in terms from which, says E. J. Goodspeed (New Chapters in New
Testament Study [New York, 1937], p. 42), "it is clear that Papias knew the Acts,"
on the ground that his description is based on Ac. 1: 18f. (which is doubtful).
Papias's account of Joseph Barsabbas Justus (ap. Euseb. HE 3.39.9) provides what
Goodspeed called "a strong contact" with Ac. 1:23.
10
DATE OF ACTS
With Hennas, Vision 4.2.4, mmEUOU£ on bt' oubEVO£ Mvn ow0ijvm d µ~ bta.
'WU µEYUA.0\J 'l«ll EVOO!;ou ov6µarni;, cf. Ac. 4: 12.
With Ep. ad Diogn. 3:4 (c. AD. 150), 6 ya.Q ltot~Oa£ 1ov Ol!Qavov xat 1~v yijv
;ml, ltUVTU TU EV amo~, i«J.L ltUOl v ~µTv XOQlJYOOV COV ltQOObE6µE0a, 01JbEVO£ UV
ltQOObEOL't:O '[OlJt(J)V COV 10ii; OLOµ.EVOL\; btb6vm ltUQEXEL am6i;, cf. Ac. 17:24f.
In some recensions of the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs there is a pane-
gyric on Paul (TBenj. 11:2-5), evidently dependent on Acts, which H. St.
J. Thackeray considered "perhaps the earliest evidence for the canonicity of the
Acts and the Pauline Epistles" (The Relation of St. Paul to Contemporary Jewish
Thought [London, 1900], pp. 22f.). The section on which he relies for this conclu-
sion (vv. 2b-5) is, however, a later Christian gloss interpolated into a context which
is itself Christian (M. de Jonge, The Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs: A Study
of their Text, Composition and Origin [Assen, 1953], pp. 34, 122); Thackeray's
grounds for dating it earlier than the middle of the second century A.D. are quite in-
adequate.
Two passages in Justin Martyr's first Apology contain allusions to Acts, if
indeed they should not be called paraphrases of texts in Acts. Ac. 1: 1-9 is sum-
marized in/ Apol. 50.12: "But afterwards, when he rose from the dead and appeared
to them, he taught them to read the prophecies in which all these things had been
foretold as destined to take place. Then they saw him ascending into heaven and
they believed, and receiving power which was sent to them thence they went forth
among the whole human race and taught these things, and were called apostles."
Again, I Apo/. 10.1 seems to be based on Ac. 17:25: "But we have been taught that
God needs no material offering from human beings, seeing that it is he who pro-
vides all things" (amov naQixovi:a ituvrn OQOOVTE£).
The Acts of Paul, composed c. AD. 160 by an orthodox presbyter in the prov-
ince of Asia, is dependent on the Lukan Acts, which in a general way served as a
model also for other apocryphal Acts. Along with these other apocryphal Acts
should perhaps be reckoned an EbioniteActs ofApostles, which H.-J. Schoeps (The-
ologie und Geschichte desJudenchristentums [Ttibingen, 1949], pp. 381-456) dis-
cerned as an important source of material in the pseudo-Clementine Recognitions
and Homilies. 1 Hegesippus's account of the martyrdom of James the Just (ap.
Euseb. HE 2.23.4-18) was probably derived, albeit indirectly (via the Ascents of
James), from some such source; in any case, it contains reminiscences of Luke's
description of the stoning of Stephen in Ac. 7:54-60.
There is a reference to Stephen's prayer for his executioners (Ac. 7:60) in the
letter of the churches of Vienne and Lyon describing the persecution of A.O. 177
(ap. Euseb. HE 5.2.5); elsewhere in the same letter (HE 5.1.26) there is a possible
allusion to the ban on eating blood in the apostolic decree of Ac. 15:29 (seep. 347
below).
While the literary allusions to Acts in the earlier period are doubtful, its circu-
1. Cf. also B. H. Streeter, The Primitive Church (London, 1929), p. 8; B. W. Bacon, Studies in
Matthew (London, 1931), pp. 482-95.
11
lation in the churches from the second half of the second century onward is amply
attested.
B. OTHER INDICATIONS
Commenting on the fact that Acts ends with Paul's spending two years in custody
in Rome, Jerome says, "From this we understand that the book was written in the
same city'' (De vir. ill. 7), 2 probably implying that it was written not long after the
last event which it records. There is, in fact, no clear evidence for the place of com-
position of either Luke or Acts; this must be inferred, if possible, from such indica-
tions, internal or external, as are available. But even if Acts was composed in Rome
(which is quite probable), that does not demand a date of writing immediately or
shortly after the end of the two years of Ac. 28:30.
Several incidental data have been thought to throw some light on the time of
composition.
(1) Luke betrays surprisingly little acquaintance with the Pauline epistles.
When, early in the second century (if not earlier still), 3 these (or at least ten of them)
began to be gathered together in the first corpus Paulinum, 4 they came to be gener-
ally known among the churches, and could hardly be neglected by a writer draw-
ing up a narrative of the historical process which they document and of the activ-
ity of their author. E. J. Goodspeed held that the first collection of Pauline letters
was prompted by the interest in Paul which was revived by the publication of Luke-
Acts (INT [Chicago, 1937), pp. 210-17). This is an attractive position; it might be
better, however, to suppose that it was the first circulation of Luke-Acts among the
churches (the twofold work having already been published for the book market) 5
that caused the revival of interest in Paul which stimulated the collection of his let-
ters.
(2) The ending of Acts, in the view of some readers, is so abrupt as to call for
some explanation, and many have suggested that Luke wrote no more because he
knew no more: no more had happened. One is naturally left wondering what the
immediate sequel to Paul's two years under house arrest was, and what the out-
come of his appeal to Caesar was, if ever it came to a hearing. A few sentences
would have sufficed to provide this information. 6 As it is, after the careful and
2. Jerome thought that Luke, on the other hand, was written "in the parts of Achaia and Boeo-
tia" (Comm. in Mt., praef.); cf. anti-Marcionite prologue to Luke (p. 8 above).
3. Directions for their interchange are given by Paul himself in Col. 4: 16. Clement of Rome
probably had access to a collection of Pauline letters c. A.D. 96; sec his ready reference to 1 Corinthians
in I Clem. 47:1-3.
4. Sec G. Zuntz, The Text of the Epistles (London, 1954), pp. 14-17, 276-83; C. L. Mitton, The
Formation of the Pauline Corpus of letters (London, 1955).
5. Cf. M. Dihelius, Studies in the Acts of the Apostles, E.T. (London, 1956), pp. 103f.
6. Comparison has sometimes been made with the Iliad, which does not go on to complete the
life story of Achilles (as some have supposed it ought to do or once did). The Iliad has as its declared
theme the wrath (µijv,,) of Achilles; it comes to a natural and artistically satisfying end with the purga-
tion of his wrath. So Acts comes to its proper end with the attainment of the author's goal-Paul's ar-
12
DATEOFAcrs
detailed account of events leading up to Paul's appearance before Caesar, we are

left in ignorance of the appearance itself. It has indeed been said that the omission
of this information (if it was available to Luke) creates a situation like that which
we should have if the Third Gospel came to a sudden end on the eve of our Lord's
appearance before Pilate. But the two situations are not really comparable: the trial,
execution, and resurrection of Jesus are essential to the gospel story as Paul's ap-
pearance before Caesar (if it ever took place) is not essential to Luke's second
volume. The story of the early expansion of Christianity has no single natural con-
clusion: Luke chooses to conclude his narrative with Paul's uninhibited preaching
of the gospel in Rome. He has prepared the reader for this from his report of Paul's
plan to see Rome: the remainder of Acts relates the accomplishment of this plan,
in spite of many hindrances; and when it is accomplished at last, Acts comes to its
designed end.7
If this was the end that Luke designed, then no further explanation is neces-
sary for the book's ending as it does-whether that of Harnack (Date of the Acts
and of the Synoptic Gospels, E.T. [London, 1911 ], pp. 93-99) and others, 8 that it
was written before Paul's case came up for hearing; or that of Ramsay (SPT, pp.
309, 35lf.) and Zahn (INT, E.T. [Edinburgh, 1909), III, pp. 56-61), that Luke con-
templated a third volume to follow Acts; 9 or that of J. de Zwaan ("Wa:.; the Book
of Acts a Posthumous Edition?", HTR 17 (1924], pp. 95-153) and H. Lietzmann
(The Founding of the Church Universal, E.T. [London, 1950], p. 78), that Luke
died before he could finish his work. In fact, he finished it, and finished it on a note
of triumph-axw1..m:w~. Paul is preaching the kingdom of God and telling the story
of Jesus at the heart of the empire, without let or hindrance: now let it work!
(3) There is no certain hint in advance of Paul's death. He has been exposed
to the risk of death many times but his life has been preserved until he reaches
Rome. There may be an ominous implication in Agrippa's words, "He might have
been released if he had not appealed to Caesar" (see on 26:32); but this ominous
note has to be read into the text; it is not explicit. More explicit is Paul's prediction
at Miletus to the elders of the Ephesian church, "I know that none of you will ever
see my face again" (20:25; cf. v. 38); but the relevance of this is disputed. If the
letters to the Philippians and to Philemon were sent from Rome, then he hoped that
his appeal would be successful and that he would be able to pay a further visit not
only to Philippi (Phil. 1:27; 2:24) but also to proconsular Asia (Phlm. 22). The ref-
erence to Ephesus in 1 Tim. 1:3 probably has no bearing on the present question:
rival and residence in Rome (cf. Ac. 28: 16-31 with 19:21 ). The death of Achilles is foretold in the Iliad
(20.337; 24.538-40), as Paul's death is forecast in Ac. 20:25.
7. It was absurd for W. M. Ramsay to say, "No one can accept the ending of Acts as the conclu-
sion of a rationally conceived history" (SPT, pp. 35!f.).
8. For this early date see also R. B. Rackham, "The Acts of the Apostles. 2. A Plea for an Early
Date," ITS I (1899-1900), pp. 76-87, and The Acts of the Apostles, WC (London, 1901), pp. I-Iv.
9. The argument that JtQOJTO£ (Ac. I: I) must mean the first of more than two, not the former of
two, cannot be sustained for Hellenistic Gk.; it means the former of two, e.g., in Heb. 8:13; 9:lf., 18, in
reference to the OT covenant and tabernacle as opposed to those of the NT order.
13
if part of the work which Timothy was left to deal with there was the appointing of
in(axonm in accordance with the qualifications of 1 Tim. 3:2-7, that points to a
time earlier than the occasion described in Ac. 20:17-38, for here the church of
Ephesus has a well-established body of l'tQEO~UtEQOL or en(axonot. Paul's predic-
tion that they would never see him again is not necessarily a foreboding but sim-
ply a statement of his expectation, since his intention at that time was to visit Rome
(19:21) and indeed, as we know from Rom. 15:23-29, to go on from Rome to Spain.
Therefore, so far as he knew, he would not visit his Aegean mission field again.
Whether in the event he changed his mind and did revisit Asia is irrelevant in this
connection, although Harnack, believing that he did revisit Asia after his first
Roman captivity, argues that Acts was written before this second visit, since other-
wise Luke would have indicated that Paul's words in 20:25 were falsified by the
event (Date of Acts, p. 103). But more probably Luke knew, when he wrote, that
Paul's words were not falsified by the event, so he reported them without any qual-
ification because Paul, in fact, did not live to see the Ephesians again.
(4) The attitude to the Roman power throughout Acts makes it difficult for
some readers to believe that the Neronian persecution of c. AD. 65 had taken place
when the book was written. The imperial representatives behave with such impar-
tial justice throughout the book that Paul feels confidence in appealing to the
emperor himself. If Luke were writing at a time when Nero had begun to acquire
the reputation that his attack on the Christians of Rome has won for him ever since,
it is felt that the atmosphere at the end of Acts would have been less confidently
optimistic than it is.
But this is to misread the situation. Nero's reputation was such that his ac-
tions were speedily condemned as a deplorable aberration from Roman standards
of justice. Even Tacitus, writing later, for all his hostility to Christians, admits that
Nero's action against them was generally recognized to be a manifestation of one
man's natural malignity rather than an expression of public policy (Ann. 15.44.8).
The favorable judgment passed on Christians (especially on Paul) by other Roman
authorities could not be regarded as annulled by Nero's action. Rather, Nero's judg-
ments had been annulled, and Luke records those other judgments by way of re-
minding readers that Nero's anti-Christian activity was an irresponsible and crim-
inal attack by that now execrated ruler on a movement whose innocence had been
abundantly attested by many worthier representatives of Roman power.
Luke's failure to mention Paul's execution, therefore (whether that was an
incident in the Neronian persecution or not), is no decisive criterion for the dating
of his work. It requires little imaginative effort to read between the lines of Ac.
28:30f. and realize that Paul's arrival in Rome, his gospel witness there for two
years, and the legal procedure involved in the preparations made for his appeal to
be heard must have brought Christianity to the notice of classes in Roman society
on which it had until then made no impression. The same inference can be drawn
from Paul's own words in Phil. 1:12-26, which were probably written toward the
end of the two years. The interest which Christianity aroused in Rome at that time
did not die out, but went on increasing until, in the principate of Domitian (AD. 81-
14
DATE OF ACTS
96), it had penetrated the imperial family itself. 10 At any point in the period from
Nero to Domitian a work giving an intelligible account of the rise and progress of
Christianity, and a reasoned reply to calumnies spread against it among the popu-
lace, was sure of a ready reception on the part of the intelligent "listening" public
of Rome, of whom Theophilus was probably a representative.11 The positive
defense of Christianity was best expressed in the defense speeches of Paul, the
Roman citizen, whose appeal to Caesar was made not only on his own behalf but
in the interests of the Christian community and its faith and witness.12
Luke's narrative as it stands cannot have been intended to serve as evidence
for the defense when Paul's case came up for hearing in the imperial court. 13 A
document compiled for this purpose may have served as a source for Acts, but there
is much in Acts ( and a fortiori in Luke-Acts) that would have been forensically ir-
relevant. Among such forensically irrelevant material would be (on the one hand)
the detailed account of Paul's voyage and shipwreck 14 and (on the other hand) the
pervasive emphasis on the Holy Spirit's dominant role in the expansion of the
gospel, 15 or on the outworking of salvation history.1 6 In the perspective of salva-
tion history, the gospel marks the culmination of a long preparatory process of
divine revelation and overruling, traced as far back as Israel's exodus from Egypt,
as in Paul's synagogue address at Pisidian Antioch (13: 16-41 ), or even farther back,
to God's call of Abraham, as in Stephen's defense before the Sanhedrin (7:2-53).
Would these emphases have been more relevant for the intelligent public that
Luke may have had in view than they would have been for Paul's defense counsel
before Nero? To many members of that public they would have meant little, but
Theophilus and some others like him were probably converts, or near converts, to
the Christian faith. In any case, Luke gives them to understand that the progress of
the Christian faith was no mere product of human planning; it was divinely directed.
This may have made some contribution to Luke's general apologetic purpose, al-
though it would not have been of much use as a plea in a Roman law court.
(5) There is no hint throughout Acts of the Jewish revolt of A.D. 66, or of the
10. This conclusion is reached not only by an uncertain inference from Dio Cassius, Hist.
67.14f., but by indications from early Christian archaeology at Rome; cf. A. Harnack, "Christianity and
Christians at the Court of the Emperors," Princeton Review 1 (1878), p. 269, and Mission and Expan-
sion of Christianity, E.T., II (London, 1908), p. 46. For more cautious assessments of the evidence see
E.T. Merrill, Essays in Early Christian History (London, 1924), pp. 148-73; P. Lampe, Die Stadtro-
mischen Christen in den ersten beiden J ahrhunderten WUNT 2.18 (Ttibingen, 2 l 989), pp. 166-72.
11. Cf. Dibelius, Studies, p. 103.
12. See F. Veltman, "The Defense Speeches of Paul in Acts," in Perspectives on Luke-Acts, ed.
C. H. Talbert (Edinburgh, 1978), pp. 243-56.
13. As held, e.g., by M. V. Aberle, "Excgetischc Studien. 2. Ober den Zweck der Apostel-
geschichte," TQ 37 (1855), pp. 17.1-236; D. Plooij, "The Work of St. Luke," Exp. 8, 8 ( 1914), pp. 511-
23, and "Again: The Work of St. Luke," Exp. 8, 13 (1917), pp. 108-24; J. I. Still, St. Paul on Trial (Lon-
don, 1923); cf. G. S. Duncan. St. Paul's Ephesian Ministry (London, l 929), pp. 96-100.
14. See pp. 508-10.
15. See pp. 21-22. 61.
16. See E. Lohse, "Lukas als Theologe der Heilsgeschichte," Ev. Th. 14 (1954-55), pp. 254-75;
H. Flender, St. Luke: Theologian of Redemptive History, E.T. (London, 1967).
15
fall of Jerusalem, with its temple and polity, four years later. If Luke had written
after AD. 70, it is urged, some indication might have been expected that the Jewish
recalcitrance which he repeatedly records had incurred this condign judgment, that
the "crooked generation" had met with the fate from which Peter on the day of
Pentecost called on his hearers to save themselves (2:40). Such considerations have
led several scholars to date Acts (and Luke-Acts) not later than AD. 70; outstand-
ing among these is J. AT. Robinson, who argues for such a date not only for Acts
(Redating the New Testament [London, 1975], pp. 86-92) but for the whole NT.
But events like the fall of Jerusalem may be reflected in a literary work other-
wise than by way of direct reference. In Luke's eyes, Paul's treatment during his
last visit to Jerusalem and in particular his exclusion from the temple courts (21 :30;
seep. 450 below) betokened the divine abandonment of city and temple, as surely
as the departure of the Shekinah from the first temple in Ezekiel's vision (Ezek.
9:3; 11 :23) was the prelude to its desolation. The destructive events of the summer
of AD. 70 served only to set the seal on what had happened at the pentecostal sea-
son of AD. 57.
(6) Such an indirect allusion to the fall of Jerusalem as may be discerned in
Ac. 21 :30 is a matter of interpretation, of trying to divine the author's intention be-
hind his words. But the date of Acts cannot be studied in isolation from the date of
Luke, and the form in which our Lord's predictions of the destruction of Jerusalem
are reported in Lk. 19:41-44; 21:20-24; 23:28-31 presupposes their fulfilment. It
is, indeed, quite uncritical to assume that every prediction which comes true is a
vaticinium ex eventu, quite apart from the consideration that these were the predic-
tions of the Messiah himself. The prediction of wars and sieges and sacking of cities
is a commonplace of history. 17 It is argued more particularly, however, that Lk.
21:20 ("when you see Jerusalem surrounded by armies") is a recasting of Mk. 13:14
(par. Mt. 24:15), with its reference to the "abomination of desolation." This apoc-
alyptic expression, which would have been unintelligible to Luke's public, was re-
placed by him, in the light of the event, by something more readily understood. It
was no unusual matter of experience for the surrounding of a city by hostile armies
to be followed by its storming and subjugation. C. H. Dodd does not dispute that
Luke differs from the Markan wording, but argues that Luke's version of Jesus'
forecast comes from an independent source and is not colored by the events of AD.
66-70 ("The Fall of Jerusalem and the 'Abomination of Desolation'" [1947], More
New Testament Studies [Manchester, 1968], pp. 69-83). Mark, he thinks, may have
introduced "the abomination of desolation" into the tradition of the desolation of
17. F. Blass (Ev. sec. Lucam [Leipzig, 1897). p. viii) instances Savonarola's prophecies of the
capture of Rome in 1527, which were printed 30 years before the event, and which entered into much
more remarkable detail than any of the predictions recorded in Luke (e.g., "the Roman enemy could
have been foreseen, but not a Lutheran army"). Prophecies of the impending destruction of London by
fire appeared in print for some years before the fire of 1666 (cf. F. Morison, And Pilate Said- [Lon-
don, 1939), pp. 26 lf. ). Metternich in 1851 foretold the circumstances of the rise and fall of the German
Empire of 1871-1918, seven distinct predictions which he made being fulfilled (see The Times Literary
Supplement, 18 April 1929).
16
DATE OF ACTS
Jerusalem "under the stimulus, it may be, of Gaius's attempted sacrilege" of AD.
40 (p. 82). C. C. Torrey (Documents of the Primitive Church [New York, 1941 ],
pp. 20-40) argues similarly: the Lukan form, he thinks, is original (being in perfect
accord with the OT prophetic program of Zech. 14:2, etc.). 18
C. S. C. Williams, believing that Acts is earlier than AD. 70 whereas Luke in
its present form is later than that date, suggested that the "former treatise" to which
Acts is the sequel was "Proto-Luke," i.e., substantially, Q + L ("The Date of Luke-
Acts," ExT64 [1952-53], pp. 283f., and The Acts of the Apostles, BNTC [London,
1957], pp. 13-15). But while Proto-Luke was probably a stage in the formation of
Luke, there is no evidence that it ever had an independent existence or a shape in
which it could have been dedicated to Theophilus.
T. W. Manson suggested that Luke-Acts could belong to the years AD. 66-70
or shortly afterward, when the Judaean authorities (Paul's chief accusers) had
completely discredited themselves in Roman eyes by the revolt against the empire
(Studies in the Gospels and Epistles [Manchester, 1962), pp. 56, 62-67). 19
It is best to date Acts not very long after the completion of Luke, and to place
the publication of both in the period following AD. 70.
(7) Prominence is given in Acts to subjects which were of urgent importance
in the church before AD. 70, but which were of less moment after that date. Such
were the terms of Gentile admission to church fellowship, the coexistence of Jews
and Gentiles in the church, and the food requirements of the apostolic decree. To
these points it is added that both in conception and terminology the theology of
Acts gives an impression of what is imprecisely called "primitiveness." This,
however, could be due to the sources used, and in any case it is an uncertain crite-
rion: Christian theology remained "primitive" in some churches longer than in
others. Moreover, Luke has his own theology and need not be expected to repro-
duce the more developed theology of Paul. "Christ" very soon became practically
a proper name in Gentile usage; in Acts it is still a title. Jesus is referred to, espe-
cially in reports of speeches and prayers, by such designations as n:ai£ 8eou (but
see quotations from Didache and 1 Clement in the note on 4:27 below), 6 ulo£ tau
uv8QUlll:OU (7:56; see note ad Loe.), 6 tbLO£ (20:28; see note ad Loe.). Christians con-
tinue to be known as µa01]tat, a term which does not appear in the Pauline letters.
The word )..a6£ refers to the Jewish nation, except in the oxymoron of 15: 14 (Es
E0vv 1.a6£) and in the Lord's words to Paul in 18:10; it was speedily transferred,
even in NT times, to the church as the new people of God (cf. Rom. 9:25f.; Tit.
2:14; 1 Pet. 2:9f.). Sunday is "the first day of the week" (20:7), as in the Gospel
resurrection narratives and 1 Cor. 16:2; it soon became known in the church as the
Lord's Day (xUQtax~ ~µEQU, dies dominiea), as in Rev. 1:10; Did. 14:1; Dion. Cor.
ap. Euseb. HE 4.23.11, etc.).
But these are instances, in the area of Christian usage, of the wider evidence
18. Blass (PG, p. 46) supposes that both forms go back to Jesus' discourse, Mk. 13: 14 reproduc-
ing part of what he said and Lk. 21:20 another part.
19. Seep. 24 below.
17
that the record of Acts is true to its "dramatic" date, i.e., to the date of the events
and developments which it relates. This is so also in the political, geographical, and
social fields. At the end of the nineteenth century Sir William Ramsay demonstrated
this with special reference to the nomenclature and frontiers of Roman provinces
and regions in Asia Minor and to the titles of officials in these ( cf. SPT, pp. 109-
14; BRD, pp. 35-65); 70 years later A. N. Sherwin-White demonstrated it with
special reference to Roman citizenship and its privileges, e.g., the right to appeal
to Caesar (Roman Society and Roman Law in the New Testament [Oxford, 1963],
pp. 172-81, et passim).
The fact that Acts is true in these and other respects to its dramatic date sug-
gests that its author wrote not very long after the events recorded; there was a con-
stant tendency for such works to reflect the conditions of the time in which their
author lived and wrote, especially if he himself had no firsthand acquaintance with
the events narrated. The most that can be said with reasonable confidence is that
Acts was written not more than 20 years after its last recorded event. The author
had taken part in some of the events recorded, and his memory did not lead him
astray.
(8) Yet another relevant consideration is that of perspective. The author had
taken part in some of the events recorded and had met some of the principal actors;
yet he does not write as one might in the thick of events, while the actors were still
active. It is easier to understand his silence about some of the doctrinal controver-
sies in which Paul was involved with fellow leaders in the church if he can be pic-
tured as looking back on them in the tranquillity of later years, and concluding
(rightly or wrongly) that they no longer had the importance attached to them by the
protagonists. The impression he gives of the relation between Pat1l, Peter, and James
the Just is not the impression received from Paul's letters. But Paul's letters were
written in mediis rebus; by the time Luke wrote all three of them had died, and he
was able to view their lasting achievements in a more satisfactory proportion than
would have been easily attained during their lifetime. 20
If, then, a date in the late 70s or early 80s of the first century (say, in the
principate of Titus or early in that of Domitian) is assigned to Acts, most of the evi-
dence will be satisfied. 21
20. See A Ehrhardt, The Acts of the Apostles: Ten Lectures (Manchester. 1969), pp. 4, 50, 88f.,
et passim.
21. Ramsay maintained this dating, but tried to support it on an insecure foundation: he reck-
oned "the fifteenth year of Tiberius Caesar" (Lk. 3: 1) from A.D 12, "when Tiberius was associated by
Augustus in the Empire," and not from his accession year (A.o 14), and concluded that Luke could have
followed this unusual method of calculation only when a similar situation obtained, or had very recently
obtained~namcly, Titus's association with Vespasian in the imperial rule on July 1. All. 71, eight years
before his accession as sole emperor (SPT, pp. 386f.). But Ramsay's interpretation of Lk. 3: l is quite
improbable.
The main criteria for dating Acts were discussed by E. J. Goodspeed in New Solutions of New
Testament Problems (Chicago, 1927), pp. 65-109, and INT, pp. 191-97; he advocated a date c. AD. 90
(which is unnecessarily late). J.C. O'Neill's arguments for a second-century dating (The Theology of
Acts in its Historical Setting [London. 2 1970], pp. 1-58, because of affinities between Acts and the
18
CANONICITY OF ACTS
III. CANONICITY OF ACTS

Even if the "early allusions" cited on pp. 10-12 above are real allusions to Acts and
not simply parallels, they prove only that the book was known, and possibly in
circulation, in the churches about the beginning of the second century. Canonicity
implies something more-it implies inclusion in a recognized list ( canon) of docu-
ments which are esteemed supremely authoritative in questions of religion, espe-
cially in those affecting faith or morals. Not only acknowledged authority but in-
clusion in the list must be certified before we can speak of a document as canonical
in the strict sense. Moreover, the authority of the document is not to be inferred
from its being included in the canon; it was included in the canon because its right
to be there was established.
By the end of the second century the right of Acts to a place in the canon of
sacred scripture was well established. The Muratorian list (see p. 1 above), which
seems to date from the time when the Roman church began to be Latin-speaking, 1
orovides sufficient evidence of that. If the anti-Marcionite prologue to Luke (see
pp. 1, 8 above) can be dated in the same period, 2 its testimony is to the same ef-
fect, as is the testimony of Irenaeus (cf. Haer. 3.15.1).3
The various volumes of apocryphal Acts which appeared in the second half
of the second century appear to have been composed on the model of the Lukan
Acts in order that some of its canonical authority might rub off on them. 4
Early in the second century two authoritative collections of writings began
to circulate among the churches-the fourfold Gospel and the corpus Paulinum.
But, so far as can be ascertained, these two collections were independent of each
other. If they were to form a canon of Christian scripture, a link had to be found to
combine them. Such a link, in fact, was already in existence: it was the sequel to
the Third Gospel, which had been detached in order to be included with Matthew,
Mark, and John in the fourfold Gospel, but it was destined to become the keystone
of the NT arch. How early it was included in a canonical list along with the four-
fold Gospel and the corpus Paulinum cannot be ascertained. According to Ter-
tullian (De praescriptione haereticorum 38.7), Valentinus (c. A.D. 140) "seems to
use the entire canon" (instrumentum); unfortunately, while this statement is large-
ly confirmed by the evidence of Valentinian literature discovered near Nag Ham-
madi in Egypt about 1945, there is no certain allusion to Acts in this literature. We
Apologists (especially Justin), have failed to carry general conviction. (Cf. J. Knox's thesis mentioned
on p. 20, n. 6.) For the position on authorship and date in 1950 see J. Dupont, t.'tudes sur /es Actes des
Apbtres (Paris, 1967), pp. 17-24; no further evidence on these matters has come to light since then.
1. Perhaps during the pontificate of Victor (c. A.O. 190), the first Latin-speaking bishop of Rome.
2. See E. Haenchcn, The Acts of the Apostles, E.T. (Oxford, 197 l), p. 10, n. 1.
3. Irenaeus argues that the authority of Acts must be acknowledged equally with that of Luke.
Cf. Haa 3.12.1-14.2, where he quotes liberally from Acts, not so much asserting as assuming its
canonicity.
4. See E. Hennecke-W. Schneemelcher-R. M. Wilson, New Testament Apocrypha, E.T., II
(London. 1965), pp. 167-578.
19
arc on surer ground when we turn to Valentinus's contemporary Marcion: he cer-

tainly did not recognize Acts as canonical, although he gave an edited text of the
Gospel of Luke pride of place as Part 1 ("The Gospel") in the canon of Christian
scripture which he promulgated at Rome c. AD.144-Part 2 ("TheApostolikon")
being an edited text of the corpus Paulinum (excluding the Pastorals).
Marcion 's closed canon, which was designed to provide authority for his
sectarian community and teaching (in intention Pauline, but in reality "more Pau-
line than Paul"), 5 was a challenge to catholic churchmen. 6 They were now obliged
to define more precisely the Christian canon, which for them did not replace but
included as its first division the OT writings. Their "Gospel" contained not one
document only (like Marcion 's) but four; their Apostolikon contained not only ten
but thirteen letters of Paul, and not letters of Paul only but of other "apostolic men"
also. And in Acts they found the bond which united "The Gospel" and "The Apos-
tle." They regarded it as constituting not only the sequel to "The Gospel" but also
the introduction or background to "The Apostle." A work which acknowledged the
authority of the original apostles as well as Paul's was unacceptable to Marcion,
but that very acknowledgment enhanced its value in the eyes of catholic church-
men. Such a catholic work as Acts served most suitably as a pivot for a catholic
canon. 7
The importance which was attached to Acts at the end of the seco11d centu-
ry is illustrated by two quotations from Tertullian (De praescriptione haereticorum,
written while he was still a member of the catholic church):
Those who do not accept this hook of scripture cannot belong to the Holy Spirit, for
they are unable to recognize that the Holy Spirit has yet been sent to the disciples.
Neither indeed can they claim to be the church, for they have no .neans of proving at
what time and in what swaddling clothes this body was established (22.11 ).
To those who reject the Acts of the Apostles I may say here, "First you must show
who this Paul of yours was, both what he was before he became an apostle and how
he became an apostle" -since they use him to such a great extent in settling other
questions (23.3).
This last passage is aimed at confuting those, like the Marcionites, who
asserted the unique apostolic authority of Paul but rejected the one volume which
provided independent testimony to his divine commission. The former passage ar-
gues that those who reject Acts cannot claim to have the Holy Spirit, since without
5. "Even in his understanding Paul he misunderstood him" (A. Harnack, History of Dogma,
E.T., I [London, 1905 ], p. 89 [amended translation]).
6. According to J. Knox (Marc ion and the New Testament [Chicago, 1942 ]), another catholic re-
sponse to Marcion's challenge was the twofold work Luke-Acts, at least in the form in which we have
received it, composed c. A.D. 150 to provide a catholic "Gospel-plus-Apostle" compilation. This theory
founders on the extreme improbability of a second-century date for Luke-Acts.
7. The pivotal part played by Acts in the formation of the NT canon is well brought out by Har-
nack in The Origin of the New Testament, E.T. (London, 1925), pp. 44-53, 63-68. See also p. 26 below
on parallels between Peter and Paul.
20
PURPOSE AND PLAN OF ACTS
Acts they have no way of knowing that the Holy Spirit has been sent (a typical ex-
aggeration on Tertullian 's part, for the coming of the Spirit could be inferred with
certainty from many other NT documents). From then until now, however, the place
of Acts in the NT canon has been secure.
IV. PURPOSE AND PLAN OF ACTS
A. LUKE'S PRIME PURPOSE

For Luke's own account of the purpose of his history, we turn to the opening para-
graph of the Third Gospel, which serves as a prologue to the whole of his twofold
work Ad Theophilum:
Since many have undertaken to draw up a narrative of the events which have taken
place among us, a~ they have been handed down to us by those who were from the
beginning eyewitnesses and ministers of the word, I for my part, having followed the
whole course of events accurately for some time back, have decided to write them for
you in order. most excellent Theophilus, so that you may know the secure basis of
the information you have received. 1
Then, after the introductory nativity and childhood narratives, he gives a brief sum-
mary of the activity of John the Baptist, leading up to the main subject of his first
volume: the public ministry, passion, and resurrection of .Jesus. In the first sentence
of Acts, he characterizes the previous volume as presenting an account "of all that
Jesus began both to do and to teach." The verb "began" should not be regarded here
as a redundant auxiliary (in imitation of an Aramaic idiom); rather it is emphatic,
implying that Luke is now about to narrate what Jesus continued to do after his as-
cension-no longer in visible presence but by his Spirit in the apostles and other
followers of The Way. The second volume might then be fittingly entitled "The
Acts of the Risen Christ" or (with J. A. Bengel) "The Acts of the Holy Spirit. " 2
The Holy Spirit, promised by the risen Lord (1 :8). comes on his disciples on
the day of Pentecost, seven weeks after the Easter event (2:1-4), enabling them to
I. See H.J. Cadbury, "Commentary on the Preface of Luke," BC 1.2, pp. 489-510; G. Klein,
"Lukas 1,1-4 als theologisches Prngramm," in Zcit 11nd Gcschichte, ed. E. Dinkier (Tiibingcn. 1%4),
pp. !93-216; A. J.B. Higgins, "The Preface to Luke and the Kcrygma in Acts," in Apo,·ro/ic lfiw,,y
and the Gospel, ed. W.W. Gasque and R. P. Martin (Exeter/Grand Rapids, 1970), pp. 78-lJI; D . .I.
Snecn, "An Exegesis of Luke l:1-4 with Special Regard to Luke's Purpo,,e as a Historian." 1-.'xT 83
(!971-72), pp. 40-43; W C. van llnnik. "Remarks on the Purpose of Luke's Historical Writing (Luke
I: l-4)," in Sparsa Col!ecta, I (Leiden. l lJ73), pp. 6-15; S. Brown, "The Role of the Prologues in Deter-
mining the Purpose of Luke-Acts," in Perspectives on l.uke-Acts, ed. C. II. lalbert (Edinburgh. \ 978),
pp. 99- l 1 l; V. K. Robbins, "Preface in Greco-Roman Biography and Luke-Acts." Society of Bihlirnl
Literature: 1978 Seminar Papers, ed. P. J. Achtemcicr. II (Missoula, MT, \<)78), pp. !93-207; I.. C. A.
Alexander, "Luke's Preface in the Context of Greek Preface-Writing." NovT 28 ( 1986), pp. 48- 74. and
Luke to Theophilus: The Lucan Preface 111 Context (forthcoming).
2. J. A. Hengel. Gnomon Nov, Testamel1fi (London/Edinburgh, 1862), p. 38lJ, ad Ac. I: l ("non
tam apostolorum, quam Spiritus sancti Acta describens'').
21
speak with tongues, to proclaim the good news with convicting effect, and to per-
form signs and wonders in Jesus' name. Throughout Acts the Spirit is the chief agent.
The church, the community of believers in Jesus, is the organ through which he does
his work in the world. In particular, the progress of the gospel from Jerusalem to
Rome, which forms the thread of Luke's narrative from ch. 6 to the end, is directed
by the Spirit; in general, there is nothing in Acts which is unrelated to the Spirit.3
The prime purpose of the twofold work, according to the prologue, is to
supply trustworthy information about the beginnings of Christianity. Theophilus,
to whom the prologue is addressed (cf. Ac. I: I), was probably a member of the
middle class in Roman society in some sections of which an interest had been
kindled in this new faith. It was manifesting itself in some unexpected quarters,
and clearly deserved to be taken more seriously than it had been taken a decade or
two previously. Various accounts of its origin and character were in circulation, and
it was important that a reliable account should be made available to people like
Theophilus who wished to know the truth about its rise and progress.
B. LUKE THE APOLOGIST

Since, however, those who professed this new faith were "everywhere spoken
against" (Ac. 28:22), it seemed desirable to refute some of the current objections
to it. The author of Acts has a right to be called "the first Christian historian"; 4 he
should also be recognized as the first Christian apologist. The great age of Chris-
tian apologetic was the second century, but of the three main types of defense rep-
resented among the second-century Christian apologists Luke provides first-
century prototypes: defense against pagan religion (Christianity is true; paganism
is false), defense against Judaism (Christianity is the fulfilment of true Judaism),
defense against political accusations (Christianity is innocent of any offense against
Roman law).
Defense against paganism finds expression briefly in Barnabas and Paul's
protest to the people of Lystra who were about to pay them divine honors (Ac.
14:15-18) and, at greater length, in Paul's address to the court of the Areopagus at
Athens (17:22-31 ). This form of defense must go back to first principles: the knowl-
edge of the one living and true God must be established before his saving act in the
sending of his Son can be proclaimed. 5
Defense against Judaism is represented by Stephen's speech before the
Sanhedrin in Ac. 7:2-53 and, in another vein, in Paul's successive speeches in his
own defense from his arrest in Jerusalem to his house arrest in Rome (Ac. 21:39-
28:28). Stephen's speech is more polemical than apologetic: he sees the history of
Israel from Moses' time to his own day as a record of apostasy, and deplores the
building of a temple (as opposed to a mobile tabernacle) to be the central sanctu-
3. Sec p. 61 below.
4. The title of one of M. Dibelius's Studies in the Acts of the Apostles; seep. 27, n. 1 below.
5. Cf. 1 Th. l:9f.
22
ary of the nation's life. Paul, on the other hand, venerates the temple; he finds legit-
imate ground for complaint in the fact that he was attacked in its precincts when
he was engaged in a purification ceremony and the presentation of gifts there
(24: 17f. ). Luke seems to share Paul's attitude rather than Stephen's: for him the
temple is the house of God until Paul is dragged out of its inner courts and (by im-
plication) his gospel is expelled from its bounds (seep. 450 below, on 21:30).
Paul insists repeatedly that, in becoming a follower of Jesus, he has not ceased
to be a loyal Jew: it is in Jesus, and above all in his resurrection, that the hope of
Israel (cherished by all loyal Jews) finds it fulfilment. Before the Sanhedrin (Ac.
23:6), before Felix (24:15), before Agrippa (26:7f.), and before the leading Jews
of Rome (28:20) Paul declares his commitment to his nation's resurrection hope,
which he sees as validated by the fact that God has already raised Jesus from the
dead, according to the gospel which he is commissioned to proclaim. 6 The Paul
whom we know from his letters similarly viewed the resurrection of Jesus as the
paradigm of resurrection in general (1 Cor. 15:12f.; cf. 1 Th. 4:14, "with him";
1 Cor. 6:14; 2 Cor. 4:14).
In reproducing this repeated insistence on Paul's part, Luke has probably a
wider audience in view. If Christianity is the proper fulfilment of Israel's historic
faith, if it is indeed the true Judaism, then it is entitled to share in the liberty of as-
sembly and worship which the empire accorded to Judaism. Possibly some of
Luke's readers might be able to influence public policy, or its execution, in this
direction. But the greatest of Israel's prophets had looked forward to the time when
Israel would be a light to the nations,7 and Paul saw his Gentile mission as the re-
alization of this hope (Ac. 13:47). This meant in practice that Christianity became
increasingly a Gentile faith, and it would have been unrealistic to expect the state
to recognize it as a form of the Judaism with which it was familiar. If Christian
gatherings were to be permitted by law (collegia licita), much better that they
should receive this permission in their own right.
C. APOLOGETIC IN RELATION TO THE STATE

As for the defense of Christianity in relation to the state, some scholars have ar-
gued that Acts, or indeed Luke-Acts as a whole, was written to provide the coun-
sel for Paul's defense before Nero with material which would be useful for him
when the appeal came up for hearing. 8 This view, especially in its simplest form,
cannot well be sustained and has not been generally accepted. There is much in
Acts, and still more in Luke-Acts, that would be irrelevant for forensic purposes.
It is conceivable, no doubt, that Luke had at his disposal some document or notes
which played a part at Paul's trial.
6. See F. Veltman, "The Defense Speeches of Paul in Acts," in Perspectives on Luke-Acts, ed.
C. H. Talbert, pp. 243-56.
7. Isa. 42:6; 49:6 (cf. Lk. 2:32).
8. Sec p. 15 with n. 13 above.
23
Yet a political apologetic is discernible throughout Luke-Acts. In the Third

Gospel neither Pontius Pilate nor Herod Antipas finds any substance in the charges
brought against Jesus, and the centurion at the cross declares his belief in his inno-
cence (Lk. 23:14f., 47). The innocence of Christianity in relation to Roman law is
repeatedly emphasized. In Acts, wherever Paul goes in the Roman world, he usu-
ally establishes diplomatic relations with the pagan authorities. The chief magis-
trates of Thessalonica are not excessively impressed by the charge of sedition
brought against him; they content themselves with making Paul's Thessalonian pa-
trons go bail for his good conduct. The magistrates of Philippi have to apologize
humbly for their illegal action in having him beaten and imprisoned. At Ephesus
he is on friendly terms with the Asiarchs, and the town clerk finds no basis for the
popular indignation against him. Though his Jewish opponents try to prejudice the
minds of the authorities against him, they are usually unsuccessful: in Corinth, for
example, the proconsul of Achaia (Gallio) refuses to take up the charge that he is
propagating an illegal religion. So too the procurators of Judaea, Felix and his
successor Festus, conclude that he is innocent of the charges alleged against him
by the chief-priestly leaders of the Sanhedrin.
These last charges were bound to be repeated before Nero, and Paul's replies
to them would be relevant to his defense in the supreme court. The charge of stir-
ring up unrest in the Jewish communities throughout the provinces (Ac. 24:5) would
be even more relevant in the imperial court than it was before Felix; indeed, it was
probably the main plank in the indictment when his prosecutors gave evidence
against him in Rome and would certainly have attracted the death penalty if it could
have been proved. Luke seems to have had this charge very much in mind throughout
his account of Paul's ministry. He does not deny that Paul's presence was the occa-
sion of rioting in one place after another, but defends Paul against the imputation of
responsibility for this rioting: the responsibility, according to Luke, lay with
others-sometimes with property interests which felt themselves threatened by the
gospel but frequently with the leaders of local Jewish communities.
If Paul's appeal to Caesar had been heard (as probably it was) by the time
Acts was written, this apologetic was still necessary: the charge of subversive ac-
tivity which had been pressed against him continued to be pressed against Chris-
tians in general, and Paul's defense was relevant to their situation. Besides, during
and after the Jewish war of AD. 66-73 the point could have been made, and per-
haps was actually made, that Christians were guiltless of any action against the
Roman state, whereas their accusers in Judaea had taken up arms against it. 9
One writer has argued that Luke wrote not simply to commend Christianity
to the favorable consideration of the Roman Empire, but also, and possibly to a
greater degree, to commend the Roman Empire to Christian readers. 10 This thesis
can scarcely be upheld in an unqualified form. But Luke's attitude to the imperial
9. Seep. 17 above for T. W. Manson's use of this argument as a criterion for dating the work.
I 0. P. W. Walaskay, "And so we came to Rome": The Political Pcr.spective of St. Luke, SNTSM
49 (Cambridge. 1983).
24
authorities throughout the provinces is quite positive. After the favorable judgments
pronounced by Gallio and others earlier in the narrative, the reader would be quite
prepared for a favorahle outcome to Paul's appeal to Caesar. When Paul made his
appeal, there was nothing in Nero's record that made an appeal to him exception-
ally hazardous. If Luke wrote a decade or two later, he wrote for people who knew
much more about Nero than was known in A.D. 59 (the probable year of Paul's ap-
peal), toward the end of the enlightened administration of the quinquennium Ner-
onis. If, in the event, the outcome of the appeal was favorable (as Paul seems to ex-
pect in Phil. 1: 19-26, shortly before the verdict was pronounced), then Luke's
picture of Roman justice would be reinforced by what his readers knew. If, on the
other hand, Paul was convicted and executed then (as he was at some point in Nero's
later years), then the implication would be that this was an instance of Nero's de-
viation from true Roman standards---the repeated deviation which resulted, even
before his death, in the puhlic execration of his memory. What Tertullian was later
to call an institutum Neronia11um, 11 a precedent set by Nero, was ipso facto an in-
fringement of the tradition of Roman justice.
D. APOLOGETIC IN RELATION TO THE CHURCH

Perhaps one can see in Acts also an apologetic intention vis-a-vis some sections of
the church. It was not onty ordinary Jews who found cause for offense in Paul's
Gentile mission: many Jewish Christians also appear to have had misgivings about
it. To them Luke replies that the Gentile mission was the will of God, declared in
advance in OT prophecy. Early in Paul's missionary career, when the synagogue
authorities in Pisidian Antioch object to his preaching, he announces that he will
present his message directly to Gentiles, and thus fulfil the Servant of the Lord's
charge to be "a light to the nations" (Ac. 13:47, quoting Isa. 49:6); and in the last
scene in the book, when the leading Jews of Rome show themselves less than
wholehearted in their response to his arguments, he applies to them the Isaianic
oracle about unhearing ears and unseeing eyes (Isa. 6: 10) and adds: "Take knowl-
edge, then, that this salvation of God has been sent to the Gentiles: they will listen"
(Ac. 28:28). It was important for Luke's purpose that this definitive announcement
should be made in Rome, the goal of his narrative. The cause of Gentile evange-
lism was especially dear to his own heart, he himself being, to all appearances, a
Gentile believer. And he takes his leave of his readers with the picture of Paul,
despite his confinement, preaching the gospel at the heart of the Gentile world,
"without let or hindrance" (axw>.utrn£ ).
The extension of the gospel to Gentiles, in fact, is essential to the plan of
Luke-Acts. In the first volume this theme is adumbrated in Jesus' programmatic
sermon in the Nazareth synagogue, with its insistence on the divine favor enjoyed
by the widow of Zarephath and Naaman the Syrian (Lk. 4:25-27). The hostile re-
action of the Nazareth congregation anticipates the hostility shown by Jewish
II. Tert.AdNationcs 1.7.
25
leaders to the Gentile mission in Acts: Jewish rejection of the gospel interacts with
Gentile acceptance of it right on to the last scene in Rome. 12 Yet Luke is not anti-
Jewish; least of all is he anti-Pharisaic. His treatment of the Pharisees is generally
sympathetic. In his eyes Paul the ideal Christian is also the ideal Jew, "believing
everything laid down by the law or written in the prophets" (Ac. 24:14), and pro-
claiming the fulfilment of all in Jesus. 13 The gospel, with its extension to the Gen-
tile world, is for Luke the crown and climax of Israel's faith and life.
For all the prominence which Paul receives in Acts, he is not elevated above
the Jerusalem apostles. If some of Luke's readers were disposed to depreciate Paul
in relation to the Jerusalem apostles, others may have been disposed to dismiss
Peter and his fellow apostles as of minor significance compared with Paul. Luke
establishes the validity of Paul's commission by showing how his authority was
confirmed by the same signs as Peter's; but in doing so he vindicates Peter's com-
mission and authority alongside Paul 's. 14 If Peter heals a lame man (Ac. 3:2-8), so
does Paul (14:8-10). If Peter's shadow has healing power (5:15), so have Paul's
kerchiefs (19:12). If Peter exorcizes demons (5:16), so does Paul (16:18). If Peter
has a victorious encounter with a sorcerer (8:18-24), so has Paul (13:6-11). If the
Holy Spirit enters believers when Peter's hands are laid on them (8: 17), he does
so, too, at the laying on of Paul's hands (19:6). If Peter raises the dead to life (9:36-
41 ), so, apparently, does Paul (20:9-12). If Peter has a miraculous escape from
prison (12:6-11 ), so has Paul (16:25f.).
It was evidently objected to Paul's claim to be a special messenger of Christ
that it was founded on one or more visions, whereas the Twelve had been personal
companions of Jesus during his Palestinian ministry. This objection is explicit later
in the Clementine literature, 15 but it is probably reflected in some defensive pas-
sages in Paul's letters (cf. 2 Cor. 12:1). But Luke implies that, while Paul was com-
missioned in a vision to go and preach to the Gentiles (Ac. 22: 17-21 ), Peter was the
first to evangelize Gentiles, and that as the result of a vision (10:9-16; 11 :5-10; 15:7).
This parallelism between the "Acts of Peter" and the "Acts of Paul" has long
been recognized. It does not follow, as F. C. Baur and others supposed, that the par-
allels were invented by the author in order to minimize the difference between the
two men; 16 rather, the author selected from the record of events accessible to him
those which best subservcd the aim he had in view in composing his work.
12. Cf. Ac. 13:45-50; 14:2-6, 19; 17:5-9, 13; 18:6f., 12-18a; 19:8-10.
13. See S. G. Wilson, Luke and the Law, SNTSM 50 (Cambridge, 1983).
14. Luke-Acts is thus a thoroughly catholic work (see p. 20 above), congenial neither to
Marcionites nor to those (like the Ebionites) who regarded Paul as the "enemy" who sowed tares among
the gospel wheat. (See quotations from Tertullian, p. 20 above.)
15. Cf. Clem. Hom. 17.13, where Simon Magus is probably a disguise for Paul.
16. See F. C. Baur, Uber den Ursprung des Episcopals (Tiibingen, 1838); also M. Schnecken-
burger, Uber den Zweck der Apostelgeschichte (Bern, 1841). Schneckenburger held a much more posi-
tive opinion of the historicity of Acts than hi5 teacher Baur (see Baur's critique of Schneckenburger in
Paul: His Life and \forks, E.T. [London, 21876], pp. 5-13; cf. also A. J. Mattill, "The Purpose of Acts:
Schneckenburger Reconsidered," in Apostolic History and the G°'pel, ed. W. W. Gasque and R. P.
Martin. pp. 108-22). In the mid-twentieth century attempts to revive Baur's assessment were made by
26
LUKE AS A HISTORIAN
This parallelism, indeed, has been fitted into a more far-reaching and detailed
pattern. M. D. Goulder, for example, has argued "(a) that the life of the Church as
a whole, described in the whole book of Acts, is a reliving of the life of Jesus, having
as its climax the 'death and resurrection' of the apostle Paul as a reliving of the
cross and the broken sepulchre; (b) that the life of the Church is divisible into four
main periods, with the apostles, the deacons, Peter and Paul as the protagonists,
and that each of these periods is a reliving of the life of Jesus, culminating in a
thanatos and anastasis for each of them; and (c) that Paul's own mission breaks
down likewise into four sections, each of which has the same pattern." 17
When all reservations are allowed for, it will readily be agreed that Luke had
a more subtle and penetrating mind than most of his commentators have had, and
that there were probably depths to his purpose and plan when composing Acts
which some of them cannot hope to fathom, especially one so typologically color-
blind as the present one. 18
V. LUKE AS A HISTORIAN
Of all the NT writers, Luke is the only one who merits the title "historian." "The
first Christian historian" is Martin Dibelius's designation for him in the title of one
of his Studies in the Acts of the Apostles. 1 Eduard Meyer, the greatest twentieth-
century historian of classical antiquity, considered Luke the one great historian who
joins the last of the genuinely Greek historians, Polybius, to the greatest of Chris-
tian historians, Eusebius. Luke's work, he reckoned, "in spite of its more restricted
content, bears the same character as those of the great historians, of a Polybius, a
Livy, and many others." 2 In the eyes of some theologians, however, Meyer's ex-
pertise was a handicap when it came to assessing Luke's work. Philipp Vielhauer
no doubt spoke for others when he said that Meyer, "who approaches Acts with the
presuppositions of a historian of antiquity and treats it with the greatest confidence,
H.-J. Schoeps. Theologie und Geschichte des Judenchriste111ums (Tiibingen. 1949), and S. G. F. Bran-
don, The Fall of Jerusalem and the Christian Church (London, 1951). Schoeps believed Acts to be as
tendentious in one direction as the Ebionite "Acts of the Apostles," which (he thought) appeared as a
counterblast to it, was in the other. "It is impossible that Paul can have spoken in so un-Pauline a fash-
ion and Peter (cf. 15:10) and James in so Pauline a fashion as the speeches in Ac. would have us
believe" (pp. 445f.); he refers with approval to W. Mundie, "Das Apostelbild der Apostelgeschichte,"
ZA W 27 (1928). pp. 36-54. Brandon (pp. 208-16) argued that the Lukan writings reflect a later phase
than Mark does of the post- 70 situation, that Acts represents a further stage in the ''rehabilitation" of
Paul, and that it contains a "covert polemic" against the Christianity of Alexandria, which he believed
had succeeded Jerusalem "as the citadel of Jewish Christianity and of opposition to Pauline teaching."
17. M. D. Goulder. Type and History in Acts (London, 1964), p. 51.
18. On the subject of this section see also B. S. Easton, The Purpose of Acts (1936) in Early
Christianity: The Purpose of Acts and Other Papers (Greenwich, CT, 1954).
I. Dibelius. Studies in the Acts of the Apostles, E.T. (London, 1956), p. 123.
2. E. Meyer, Ursprung und Anfiinge des Christentums, I (Stuttgart/Berlin, 1921 ), pp. 2f. See
also A. A. T. Ehrhardt, The Framework of the New Testament Stories (Manchester, 1964), pp. 64-102.
27
misunderstands the nature of its accounts and the way in which they are con-
nected."3 To speak thus of another scholar's presuppositions is unwise, for it in-
vites an appropriate retort. Moreover, the presuppositions of a historian of antiq-
uity are not unhelpful when it comes to evaluating the historical quality of a work
like Acts: such a historian knows what to look for.
It is evident from his prologue 4 that Luke set out with the intention of writ-
ing history: so much is implied by his plan "to draw up an orderly account," based
not only on eyewitness testimony but also on his personal involvement in the course
of events "for some time back" (avw8Ev), 5 so that Theophilus (and probably others
like him) might be assured of the trustworthiness of the information about Chris-
tian origins already acquired (Lk. I: 1-4 ). The form of the prologue has features in
common with other Hellenistic prologues (not least with the prologues of scien-
tific treatises), 6 but Luke makes it clear that he proposes to write history.
Quite early in his twofold work, too, he makes it clear that he proposes to
write history in the tradition stemming from Thucydides. Like Thucydides, he
contrasts his method and purpose with those of his predecessors. Like Thucydides,
too, he sets his narrative in context by means of synchronisms. His narrative
begins "in the days of Herod, king of Judaea" (Lk. 1 :5); his account of the birth
of Jesus is dated-problematically, to be sure-by a reference to the census held
"when Quirinius was governor of Syria" (Lk. 2:2); the kerygma proper (begin-
ning with John the Baptist's ministry) is introduced with a list of rulers, civil and
religious, who held office at that time, "in the fifteenth year of Tiberius Caesar"
(Lk. 3:lf.). Similarly Thucydides dates the outbreak of the Peloponnesian War
"in the 48th year of the priestess-ship of Chrysis at Argos, in the ephorate of Aine-
sias at Sparta, when the archonship of Pythodorus at Athens had but two months
to run" (Hist. 2.2).
This does not necessarily imply that Luke knew the writings of Thucydides;
it does imply that he aimed at following the pattern of historiography established
by Thucydides.
Yet it is in Acts rather than in his "former treatise" that Luke is recognizable
as a Hellenistic historian. The literary genre in which the story of Jesus should be
told had already been fixed by Mark, one of his predecessors. Once he has listed
his synchronisms, this is the genre in which Luke tells the gospel story. Yet, even
in the Third Gospel Dibelius discerned a few features which show that Luke wished
to write history rather than just to tell stories; but in spite of the "small corrections"
which he made in the Gospel "in the interests of history, he still cannot be said to
3. P. Vielhauer, "On the 'Paulinism' of Acts," E.T. in Studies in Luke-Acts: Essays . .. in honor
of Paul Schubert, ed. L. E. Keck and J. L. Martyn (Nashville/New York, 1966), p. 50, n. 37.
4. See R. L. Wilken, The Myth of Christian Beginnings (London, 1979), pp. 32f.; also L. C. A.
Alexander, "Luke's Preface in the Context of Greek Preface-Writing," NovT 28 ( 1986), pp. 48-74.
5. On this sense of iivwllfv see H. J. Cadbury, "Commentary on the Preface of Luke," BC 1.2
(London, 1922), pp. 502f.
6. See L. C. A. Alexander, "Luke's Preface in the Context of Greek Preface-Writing," NovT28
(1986), pp. 48-74.
28
LUKE AS A HISTORIAN
have entered the field of 'great' literature. He does so, however, with the Acts of
the Apostles" (Studies, p. 124).
Luke evidently did not know of any who had anticipated him in recording the
history of early Christianity after the death and resurrection of Jesus. In his second
volume he was a pioneer: a new enterprise called for a new style-the style of a his-
torian. Luke is worthy to be called a historian because he combined into a continu-
ous and coherent whole both the traditions which were preserved in the primitive
Christian community and the information which he himself had acquired by inquiry
and actual participation in the course of events, as he endeavored to trace it from
early days. In bringing together this diverse material he had to exercise his judgment
on the interrelation and progress of events; he had to conceive a plan for the whole
work and show how the persons and incidents figuring in his narrative contributed
to the outworking of that plan. That plan must be consistent with historical fact;
otherwise he would gain the reputation of being a writer of historical fiction rather
than a historian. Some scholars today, like Ernst Haenchen, think that even so Luke's
work does show some of the features of historical fiction, when judged by the more
exacting standards of latter-day historiography ,7 but he must be assessed by the his-
toriographical standards of his own day, and these were quite stringent.
Lucian of Samosata, the second-century satirist, wrote a parody of popular
collections of travelers' tales, in which he describes a visit which he paid to the
place of punishment after death. There, he says, "the severest torments were re-
served for those who in this life had been liars and writers of false history; the class
was numerous" (Vera historia 2.31). But he set forth the historian's proper task in
a treatise called How to Write History. Here he criticizes some so-called historians
who are eulogists more than anything else, and others who write like public pros-
ecutors. Yet others, he says, cannot distinguish history from poetry or philosophy.
A historian should get his facts right (he is particularly scathing about one writer
who places Lucian's native city of Samosata between the Euphrates and Tigris, and
not on the west bank of the Euphrates, where it actually stood). Some would-be
historians, again, have no sense of relevance or balance, and fill up their work with
descriptions of scenery or even of feasting. Since Thucydides introduced speeches
at appropriate junctures in his history, his inferior imitators must introduce them at
inappropriate junctures, not because they make any contribution to the work but in
order to seize an opportunity of indulging in a rhetorical exercise.
A historical work, says Lucian, should start with a preface, which leads nat-
urally into the narrative. The true historian will not tell everything that happened:
he knows which are the important events, and records these with due brevity.
Thucydides is the beau-ideal of history writers, producing a work not to provide
momentary pleasure but, as he himself says, to be a xtf]µa E; aid, "a possession for
ever" (Thuc. Hist. 1.22.4 ). Like him, says Lucian, the historian should write, con-
7. E. Haenchen, The Acts oft he Apostles, E.T. (Oxford, 1971 ), pp. 103-10. H. Conzelmann (Acts
of the Apostles, E.T. (Philadelphia, 1987], p. xi) thinks that Acts is best classified as a "historical mono-
graph."
29
sorting with truth and not with flattery, looking to the future hope, not to gratifica-
tion of the flattered (Quomodo historia scribenda sit 63). 8
How does the author of Acts measure up to Lucian's exacting standards? Re-
markably well: he has a clearly conceived theme-the advance of the gospel from
its beginnings in Jerusalem, by way of Syrian Antioch and other cities of the
Graeco-Roman world, until it is established in Rome as its new metropolis from
which it can spread out farther to the whole world. The details in his narrative are
not picked and reproduced at random: they are recorded because they have a bear-
ing on the overall theme of the work. Where he repeats himself, he does not repeat
haphazardly: the repetition of an episode (e.g., the conversion of Paul in Ac. 9:3-
19; 22:3-16; 26:9-18; the conversion of Cornelius in Ac. 10: 1-48; 11 :4-18; 15:7-9;
the apostolic decree in Ac. 15 :20, 29; 21 :25) indicates its importance for the devel-
opment of his theme. The wealth of detail in the narrative of Paul's voyage to Italy
and shipwreck at Malta is designed to bring out the divine overruling which en-
sured that, despite all the obstacles in the way of Paul's achieving his purpose of
seeing Rome, he ultimately did arrive there. 9
Luke develops his theme biographically: he records what might be called the
Acts of Stephen and Philip, the Acts of Peter, and the Acts of Paul. After a series
of pictures of the primitive Jerusalem church (chs. 1-5), he introduces us to the
Hellenists in the church (for it was predominantly they who promoted the advance
of the gospel through the Roman world). Two leaders of the Hellenists receive
special mention: Stephen and Philip. Stephen's so-called defense is a manifesto of
Hellenistic radicalism, calling on the people of God to cut loose from ancient tradi-
tion where it impedes the progress of the divine purpose for the world. When
Stephen is removed from the stage by stoning for his alleged impiety toward the
temple, Philip translates the terms of the manifesto into action by preaching to the
Samaritans and then to an Ethiopian. And there were other Hellenists, unnamed,
who carried the gospel to the pagan Greeks of Antioch on the Orontes.
But even the non-Hellenists in the Jerusalem church (the "Hebrews," as Luke
calls them), or at least the more liberal among them, find themselves committed to
the cause of Gentile evangelization. Peter, their leader, has the distinction of preach-
ing the gospel to the centurion Cornelius and his household at Caesarea and direct-
ing that they should be baptized. Philip and other Hellenists may already have done
this sort of thing, but they were free-lance evangelists; for Peter to act in this way
was to make Gentile evangelization the church's official policy. No wonder that
Peter had to leave Jerusalem soon afterward: such fraternizing with the occupying
forces could not be tolerated. Having broken the ice at Caesarea and championed
the cause of Gentile liberty at the Council of Jerusalem, Peter disappears from
Luke's record and Paul comes into the foreground.
8. See the discussions by A. W. Mosley, "Historical Reporting in the Ancient World," NTS 12
(1965-66), pp. 10-26; M. Grant, The Ancient Historians (London, 1970).
9. Sec H. Chadwick, 'The Circle and the Ellipse" (1955), in History and Thought of the Early
Church (London, 1982), p. 16.
30
LUKE AS A HISTORIAN
Paul, oddly, is never called "the apostle" by Luke: for Luke an apostle in the
special sense must have been a participant in Jesus' Palestinian ministry as well as
a witness to his resurrection. (In Ac. 14:4, 14, Paul and Barnabas together are called
"the apostles" in a more general sense.) But Paul is the outstanding preacher to the
Gentiles. There were other Gentile missions than Paul's, as is evident from his let-
ters; but Luke concentrates on Paul and, perhaps for reasons of tidiness and
economy, brings features of other Gentile missionary work into his record of Paul's
mission. 10 Syrian Antioch, Corinth, and Ephesus are Paul's successive bases: in
Ephesus he decides that Rome must be his next base. Luke knows that the gospel
had reached Rome before Paul's arrival there: he tells how Roman Christians
walked south along the Appian Way to welcome Paul on his approach and escort
him on the remainder of his journey (Ac. 28:15). But when Paul, the "chosen in-
strument," reaches Rome and proclaims the kingdom of God and the story of Jesus
at the heart of the empire, under house arrest though he is, Luke has reached the
goal of his history.
Luke departs from the Thucydidean tradition in his attitude to the supernat-
ural. Yet he is not an uncritical and credulous swallower of the miraculous. It is not
simply that "miracles of healing, and indeed miracles of any kind, have a strong
attraction for him." 11 As in the Gospels and Pauline letters, the "wonders" (tEQata)
which are narrated in Acts are "signs" (al]µE'ia)-signs, that is to say, of the in-
breaking of the kingdom of God (cf. Lk. 11:20); they are "mighty works"
(buv<iµn~), "the powers of the age to come" (cf. Heb. 6:5), manifestations of the
working of God and an integral part of the proclamation of the good news. 12 To re-
ject the supernatural out of hand because it exceeds natural experience, without
consideration of the nature of the evidence, is as unscientific as to accept it uncriti-
cally.
Luke, unlike the other evangelists, sets the gospel story in a context of world
history-referring, e.g., to the Emperors Augustus and Tiberius by name (Lk. 2:1;
3:1). He does this to an appreciably greater degree in his second volume, especially
when the gospel leaves the confines of its Palestinian homeland and moves through
the wide open spaces of the Roman Empire. Even in its Palestinian homeland we
meet Roman governors of J udaea and members of the colorful family of the He rods;
beyond its frontiers we meet governors of other Roman provinces and a variety of
civic officials. Luke's accuracy, as has long been recognized, is especially evident
in his use of the manifold designations for such public persons. The governors of
senatorial provinces are proconsuls (av0u:rmtot), as in Cyprus (Ac. 13:7), Achaia
(18:12), and Asia (19:38). On the other hand, the governors of imperial provinces,
whether the legati pro praetore of major provinces like Syria (Lk. 2:2) or the pre-
fects or procurators of minor provinces like Judaea (Lk. 3: 1; Ac. 23:24; 26:30), re-
10. See C. K. Barrett, "Acts and the Pauline Corpus," ExT88 (1976-77), pp. 2-5.
11. P. Gardner, "The Speeches of St. Paul in Acts," in CambridKe Biblical Essays, ed. H.B.
Swete (Cambridge, 1909), p. 386.
12. See A. Richardson, The Miracle Stories of the Gospels (London, 1941).
31
ceive the title ~yEµwv. 13 Herod Antipas is tetrarch of Galilee (Lk. 3:1; Ac. 13:1),
not king (contrast Lk. 3:19 with Mk. 6:14); if by implication he is included among
~am;I.Ei~ in Ac. 4:26f., that comes in a sample of "testimony" exegesis which Luke
has taken over from one of his sources. Two later members of the Herod family,
however, Agrippa I and II, are properly entitled ~aat;I.Eu~ (Ac. 12: 1; 25: 13), since
both were granted the royal style by Gaius and Claudius.
The chief magistrates of Philippi, a Roman colony, are called praetors
(m:Qatl]yo(, Ac. 16:20), with lictors (Q<l~c'ioiixm, 16:35) as their attendants; those of
Thessalonica are called politarchs (Ac. 17:6), as in other Macedonian cities. The
province of Asia has its Asiarchs (Ac. 19:31 ); the chief municipal officer of Ephe-
sus is the "town clerk" (yQaµµatEu~, 19:35).
When it is remembered that the status of provinces, with the designations of
their governors, varied from time to time, Luke's precision is the more noteworthy:
there were no works available to him for ready reference on such matters as there
are to the modern historian. Luke probably reproduces such data from an accurate
memory, as one who was around and observant at that time and in those places.
Where doubt or difficulty arises, as in the synchronism of the birth of Jesus with
the census held by Quirinius when governor of Syria (Lk. 2:2), it may be reflected
that these events antedated Luke's own day. 14 But his general accuracy is such that
he may well be trusted on points of history even where his statements cannot be
verified, or where they appear to conflict with other authorities, such as Josephus.
Thus, if Josephus mentions an insurgent named Theudas about A.D. 44, it is rash to
assume that Luke's reference to an insurgent Theudas before A.D. 6 is the result of
his mistaken antedating of the historical Theudas by nearly half a century; it is safer
to assume that Luke and Josephus refer to different persons (see below, on Ac.
5:36f.). Luke is regularly true to his dramatic date-i.e., the date of the events
which he records.15
One scholar who contributed greatly to the establishment of Luke's reputa-
tion as an accurate historian was Sir William M. Ramsay, who did valuable pioneer
work in the last two decades of the nineteenth century on the historical geography
of Asia Minor (cf. his HGAM and CBP) and on the identification of roads and the
13. On the Greek equivalents of Roman titles see H. J. Mason, "The Roman Government in
Greek Sources: The Effect of Literary Theory on the Translation of Official Titles," Phoenix 24 (1970),
pp. 150-59.
14. The prima facie sense of Lk. 2:2 is that the census at the time of Jesus' birth took place
during Quirinius's governorship of Syria. But the only known occasion when Quirinius served as /ega-
tus pro praetore in Syria was A.D. 617, too late for Jesus' birth according to other evidence (cf. Lk. 1:5;
3:23). For the proposed rendering "This census was before that held when Quirinius was governor of
Syria," see F. M. Heichelheim in An Economic Survey of Ancient Rome, ed. T. Frank, IV (Baltimore,
1938), pp. 160-62.
15. Acts "must have been written in the first century and with admirable knowledge" (W. M.
Ramsay, Pauline and Other Studies (London, 1906], p. 199). Cf. K. G. Kuhn: "The depiction of Paul's
missionary work in Acts is always in exact agreement with the current situation. Since it is so true to
life, there is no reason to doubt its historicity" (TDNT 6, p. 744, s. v. rrQoatjl.mo,).
32
LUKE AS A HISTORIAN
study of travel conditions in the Roman Empire (cf. his "Roads and Travel [in the
NT]," HDB 5, pp. 375-402).16
In more recent times Luke's accuracy in such areas as the Roman citizen-
ship, the right to appeal to Caesar, judicial procedure, and the tenure of magistra-
cies has been vindicated by A N. Sheiwin-White, who finds that in these matters
Luke's writings reflect the conditions of the middle decades of the first century
AD., not those which obtained as little as a generation later (cf. his Roman Society
and Roman Law in the New Testament [Oxford, 1963], pp. 172-89 et passim).
Another area in which Luke's accuracy has impressed many readers is in his
reproduction of the local color of the widely differing places which figure in his
narrative. He gets the atmosphere right every time. Jerusalem, with its excitable
and intolerant crowds, stands in contrast with the intellectually and religiously
hospitable metropolis of Antioch on the Orantes, where Europe and Asia meet,
where people of varying creeds and nationalities rub shoulders and get their rough
corners worn away: we are not surprised to find the first "mixed" church coming
into being there, with Jews and Gentiles coming together in brotherly tolerance and
fellowship (Ac. 11:19-30). There is Philippi, the Roman colony with its self-
important magistrates and its citizens so very proud of being Romans; and Athens,
with the venerable Areopagus court and the endless discussions in the Agora, with
that unquenchable thirst for the latest news which had incurred the reproach of its
statesmen three and four hundred years earlier. Then there is Ephesus, with its
temple of Great Artemis, one of the seven wonders of the world, and so many of
its citizens depending for their livelihood on the cult of the goddess; with its world-
wide reputation for the cultivation of magic arts and the production of written spells
('Eq,fotu yQciµµutu). It is difficult to believe that all this faithful portrayal of local
color was based on literary sources alone and not rather on personal experience and
reminiscence.
Luke contributes more to the NT than any other writer: in bulk his contribu-
tion exceeds that of Paul. His Gospel is the longest of the NT documents, and Acts
is the second longest. Both works represent the limits of a single roll of papyrus.
Those limits compelled him to select from the material at his disposal whatever
was most suitable for the purpose with which he took the work in hand.
16. An important comment on the information given in Acts on roads and travel is made by
T. R. S. Broughton: "Should the value of speculating upon the exact routes of Saint Paul's journeys be
called into question we may remember that the texts concerning them are our best evidence both for the
ease and for the actual lines of communication in Asia Minor in the first century" ("Three Notes on
Saint Paul's Journeys in Asia Minor," in Quantulacumque: Studies presemed to Kirsopp Lake . .. , ed.
R. P. Casey, S. Lake, and A. K. Lake [London, 1937], p. 138).
Ramsay also maintained a lifelong interest in the social history of that area; cf. his posthu-
mously published The Social Basis of Roman Power in Asia Minor (Aberdeen, 1941 ), prepared for pub-
lication by his former pupil J. G. C. Anderson, who also contributed the entry on Ramsay toDNB 1931-
40 (London, 1949), pp. 727f. See also W. F. Howard, The Romance of New Testament Scholarship
(London, 1949), pp. 138-55; W.W. Gasque, Sir William M. Ramsay: Archaeologist and New Testament
Scholar (Grand Rapids, 1966).
33
That purpose was didactic and religious: he aimed at showing how firm was
the foundation on which the Christian faith rested. But a didactic or religious pur-
pose implies no falling away from the standard expected in ancient historians. His-
tory writing in antiquity had a confessedly didactic quality and purpose. That, by
his own account, is as true of the "scientific" Thucydides as of lesser historians.17
Such a quality and purpose could coexist with the strictest canons of accuracy.
That the knowledge imparted by Luke was not intended to be purely cere-
bral is suggested by the inclusion of sermons and similar speeches in his narrative,
and by the emphasis on the guidance of the Holy Spirit in the apostles' decisions
as in the preachers' journeyings. With his factual account of the beginnings of
Christianity goes a desire to defend it and also to commend it as an acceptable faith
for intelligent, open-minded citizens and subjects of the Roman Empire. 18
VI. THE SPEECHES IN ACTS

Speeches delivered by leading persons in the narrative formed an important ele-
ment in ancient historical writings. A speech in the right context could sum up a
situation, draw lessons from the phase of the history which had just been related,
or prepare the reader for the next phase.
The exemplar in this aspect (as in so many others) of ancient historiography
was Thucydides. It is conventional, and indeed appropriate, to quote his own words,
appearing early in the History of the Peloponnesian War (1.22.1 ):
As to the speeches which were made either before or during the war, it was hard for
me, and for others who reported them to me, to recollect the exact words. I have there-
fore put into the mouth of each speaker the sentiments proper to the occasion, ex-
pressed as I thought he would be likely to express them, while at the same time I en-
deavored, as nearly as I could, to give the general purport of what was actually said
(tij; ~lJ!JJ[ClGtJ; yvroµri; tciiv <lAtj0cii; AEJ(0EVt(l)V ). 1
The speeches in Thucydides were thus not designed as merely rhetorical exercises;
they were intended as positive contributions to the historical record, giving at least
17. Some unfashionable reflections on the common estimate of Thucydides as a "scientific" his-
torian are offered by M. I. Finley, Ancient Histmy: 1-,"vidence and Models (London, 1985).
18. On Luke as a historian see, in addition to works cited above, H.J. Cadbury, The Book ofActs
in History (New York, 1955); C. K. Barrett, Luke the Historian in Recent Study (London, 1961);
E. Pliimacher, Lukas als he/lenistischer Schriftsteller, SUNT 9 (Gottingen, 1972); M. Hengel, Acts and
the History of Earliest Christianity, E.T. (London, 1979), and "Luke the Historian and the Geography
of Palestine in the Acts of the Apostles," E.T. in Between Jesus and Paul (London, 1983), pp. 97-128;
C. J. Herner, The Book of Acts in the Setting of Hellenistic History, WUNT 49 (Tiibingen, 1989).
1. B. Jowell's translation. See A. W. Gomme, "The Speeches in Thucydides," Essays in Greek
History and Literature (Oxford, 1957), pp. 156-89; T. F. Glasson, "The Speeches in Acts and Thucy-
dides," ExT 76 (1964-65), p. 165; P.A. Stadler (ed.), The Speeches in Thucydides (Chapel Hill, NC,
1973); M. I. Finley, Ancient History: Evidence and Models (London, 1985), pp. 13-15; G. H. R. Hors-
ley, "Speeches and Dialogue in Acts," NTS 32 ( 1986), pp. 609-14.
34
THE SPEECHES IN ACTS
a general impression of what was said on the various occasions in question. Lesser
historians of a later date tended to concentrate more on the rhetorical exercise, pay-
ing less attention to historical probability. In retelling OT narratives, e.g., Josephus
puts most improbable speeches into the mouths of his characters. Foakes-Jackson
mentions the elaborate and tasteless speech which he puts into the mouth of
Abraham on the point of offering up lsaac; 2 again, the insipid frigidity of the plea
for Benjamin which he puts into the mouth of Judah provides a painful contrast to
the natural eloquence of Judah's words in Gen. 44:18-34. 3
Polybius, himself a historian in the Thucydidean tradition, contrasts the his-
torian with the tragic poet in this regard:
The tragic poet should thrill and charm his audience for the moment by the verisimil-
itude of the words he puts into his characters' mouths, but it is the task of the historian
to instruct and convince for all time serious students by the truth of the facts and the
speeches he narrates. 4 In the one case, it is the probable that takes precedence, even
if it is untrue, the purpose being to create illusion in spectators; in the other, it is the
truth, the purpose being to confer benefit on learners (Hist. 2.56.10-12).5
The speeches in Acts must not be considered in isolation from those in Luke,
where we have the author's sources, to some extent, available for comparison in
Mark and Matthew. He appears to report with great faithfulness the sayings and
speeches which he found in those sources. After an examination of the version of
the Olivet discourse in Lk. 21:8-36 with the earlier form in Mk. 13:5-37, F. C.
Burkitt concluded that, in spite of changes and differences, it is substantially the
same speech: "what concerns us here is not that Luke has changed so much, but
that he has invented so little."6
But there was this difference in Acts: in Luke the sayings and speeches were
utterances of the Lord and therefore vested with special sanctity, so that they might
not be materially altered; Peter, Paul, and the other early Christians whose words
are reported in Acts were not on a level with him and it is unlikely that Luke had
written sources for any of their speeches. He has been charged with making Peter's
speeches too Pauline, and Paul's speeches, on the other hand, too Petrine (at least
in Paul's one speech to a synagogue congregation).7 But how can it be ascertained
2. F. J. Foakes-Jackson, Josephus and the Jews (London, 1930), pp. 234f., quoting Jos. Ant.
1.228-31.
3. Jos. Ant. 2.140-58. Josephus (or his ghostwriter) would be a good example of those who, ac-
cording to Dionysius of Halicarnassus (De Thuc. 34), "think that it is in such orations that the summit
of a writer's genius lies."
4. Polybius (Hist. 12.25.1-4) criticizes Timaeus for inventing speeches, a practice which, he
says, destroys the property of history: a historian must be true to what a speaker actually said. We may
contrast a serious historian like Tacitus: in Ann. 11.24 he reports a speech by Claudius to the Roman
senate which is preserved in CIL 13.1668, and while the style and expression are Tacitean, the matter
is authentically Claudian.
5. See F. W. Walbank, Polybius (Berkeley, 1972), pp. 43-46.
6. Burkitt, "Luke's Use of Mark," BC 1.2 (London, 1922), p. 115.
7. Compare B. W. Bacon's argument that the synagogue address at Pisidian Antioch is too
Petrine to be Pauline (The Story of St. Paul [London, 1905], p. 103) with P. Gardner's argument that
35
what P<.:ter and Paul were likely to say in the settings in which speeches are ascribed
to them?
C. H. Dodd compared the earlier Petrine and Pauline speeches with other NT
passages which he recognized as witnesses to the original apostolic preaching, and
concluded that in them "we are in fairly direct touch with the primitive tradition of
the Jesus of history"; 8 Peter's speech in the house of Cornelius (Ac. 10:34-43). he
suggested, ··represents the form of kerygma used by the primitive Church in its ear-
liest approaches to a wider preaching." 9
But a new epoch in the study of the speeches in Acts, as in the study of the
book as a whole, wa~ marked by the work of M. Dibelius. Already in 1926 he rec-
ognized the speeches as "inventions of the author. For they are too short to have
been actually given in this form; they are too similar to one another to have come
from different persons; and in their content they occasionally reproduce a later
standpoint (e.g. what Peter and James say about the Law in chap. xv)." 10 But in his
later years he made contributions of such quality as to exercise the profoundest in-
fluence on most subsequent study of the speeches. These include a paper on Paul's
J\reopagus speech (Ac. 17:22-31), communicated in 1939 lo the HeidelbergAka-
demie dcr Wissenschaften (philologisch-historische Klasse), 11 and (most important
of all) a further paper communicated to the same body in 1944 on the speeches in
Acts and ancient historiography.12
Luke. he argued, composed the speeches in his own individual style and was
1·esponsiblc for their structure. The kerygmatic speeches represent the way in which
the gospel was preached at the time Luke was writing, whether to Jews or to Gen-
tiles. He did not deny the historicity of the speeches but regarded this issue as be-
side the point, ~ince Luke was not interested in their historical relevance but in their
stylistic appropriateness. No doubt Luke incorporates into his speeches "older
rormulac of a kerygmatic or liturgical nature, " 13 whose antiquity is indicated by
their primitive christological titles; but the speeches as such are his own work.
Dibclius 's influence on subsequent study may be illustrated by the commen-
taries of H. Conzelmann and E. Haenchen. The situation was summed up thus by
Eduard Schweizer in 1957:
Ever since Martin Dibelius' essay about this subject, it has been more and more widely
Peter's spccct1 on the day of Pentecost is too Pauline to be Pctrine ("The Speeches of St. Paul in Acts."
in Cumhridge !Jihlirnl Essuys, ed. H.B. Swetc [Cambridge. 1909], p. 397).
!,. Dodd. His101y and !he Gospel (London, 1938), p. 73.
lJ. Dodd, The Apostolic Pn:aching and its Developments (London, 2 1944 ). p. 28.
J ll. Clnchicht<! der urchristlichen Literatur (Berlin/Leipzig, 1926 ). E.T. in A Fresh Approach to
the 1Vc1v Testament and Early Christian Literature (London, J 936), p. xv.
11. !'au/us auf dem Areopag (Heidelberg, 1939), E.T. in Studies in the Acts of the Apostles (Lon-
don. l'J:i6) . pp. 26-77.
12. /)i<' Redrn der Apostclieschichte und die antike Geschichtsschreihung (Heidelberg. 1949).
LT in Studies, pr 1:18-85.
13. "Stilk,itischcs zur Apostclgcschichk," in Euchansterion fur II. Gunkel, II (Giittingen.
i 923 ). r 29, E.·r. in Stud in, p. 3.
36
recognized that the speeches are basically compositions by the author ofActs who, to
be sure. utilized different kinds of material for particular passages. This can be sup-
ported by analvsis of the 1peeches which contain the missionary proclamation of the
apostles to Jews and Genlilcs.1 4
The study of the missionary speeches in the first half of Acts was carried
further in 1961 by Ulrich Wilckens. After a detailed analysis of the five Petrine
speeches (Ac. 2: 14-36; 3: 12--26; 4:8-12; 5:29-32; 10:34-43) and the one Pauline
speech ( 13: 16-41 ), he finds that they follow a common plan, but that this plan does
not reflect an earlier kerygmatic tradition (as Dodd and Dibelius had held) but is
entirely Lukan. The missionary speeches to pagans (Ac. 14:15-17; 17:22-31) are
based on a schema attested in Paul's letters ( cf. I Th. 1 :9f. ), but no such schema is
attested for the speeches addressed to Jews. 15 No, because we have no letters
addressed to converts from Judaism, comparable to Paul's letters addressed to con-
verts from paganism. The missionary speeches addressed to Jews in Acts are our
sole means of information about the presentation of the gospel to Jewish audiences,
and if Wilckens 's analysis of these speeches were adequate, a verdict of non liquet
would be the most that could be returned on the question of their relation to the
primitive preaching to Jews.
If the speeches to Jews are constructed on a constant pattern, this may have
been the pattern on which the primitive preaching was regularly constructed. Luke
no doubt recasts it in his own style, hut there is much in the content that is not es-
sentially Lukan. The regular appeal to OT scripture in these speeches is not other-
wi,se characteristic of Luke's narrative. "He, at all events, does not turn aside to tell
us that 'Then was fulfilled that which was spoken of by the prophet.' If Luke does
not use the method of Testimonies on his own account, he is quite clear that it was
the Apostolic method. It was either what they actually said or what they ought to
have said." 16 To this general observation by J. R. Harris may be added a particu-
lar point made by J. Dupont: that Ac. 10:36-38 presupposes a unitive application
of Isa. 52: 7 and 61: I (linked by the common verb EvayyEAitoµm) in a fuller form
of this kerygma, of which Luke here preserves only an abridgment. 17
It may well be that in these earlier speeches, as Wilckens says, IS we miss the
explicit ascription of saving significance to the death of Christ, whereas its saving
significance was proclaimed in the gospel as Paul received it (1 Cor. 15:3). But the
14. E. Schweizer. "Zu den Reden der Apostelgcschichte," TZ 13 (1957), p. I; E.T., "Concern-
ing the Speeches in Acts ... in Stud it's in Luke-Acts, ed. L E. Keck and J. L Martyn (Nashville/New
York. 1966), p. 208.
15. U. Wilckcns, Uie Mis.1io11srede11 der Apostelgeschichte, WUNT 5 (Neukirchen, 1961). See
also E. Pliimacher, "Die Missionsrcden der Apostelgeschichte in ihren Beziehungcn zur hellenistischen
Litcratur." in Lukas a/s flellenistischer Schriftstcl/e,; pp. 32-79; even in the missionary speeches, he
finds, Luke is greatly influenced hy Hellenistic models.
16. J. R. Harris, Testimonies, 11 (Cambridge, 1920), p. 80.
17. J. Dupont, "Les discours missionnaires des Actes des Ap6tres," Etudes sur /es Actes des
Ap6tre.1, LD 45 (Pari,, 1%7), pp. t:l9f.
18. Die Missionsrcden, pp. 18·1, 216.
37
reason for this may lie in the situation of the primitive community. That the
crucified Jesus had been raised to life again was the great new fact of their experi-
ence: the claims of Jesus, disallowed by his judges, had been vindicated by God.
He was indeed Lord and Messiah; let the whole house of Israel acknowledge him
as such. It is because God has exalted him as prince and savior that his death takes
on its saving significance. The crucified and risen one is divinely empowered "to
give repentance to Israel and forgiveness of sins" (Ac. 5:31).
Here is no suppression of the theologia crucis in favor of a theologia
gloriae. 19 No more than Paul will Luke allow his readers to imagine that the church
"militant here on earth" is already the church triumphant: if Paul insists that for
believers on earth the fellowship in Christ's sufferings is now, while participation
in his glory belongs to the future (Rom. 8:17), so Luke is well aware that "through
many tribulations we must enter the kingdom of God" (Ac. 14:22). Twice in the
early speeches Jesus is spoken of as being hanged on a "tree" or "gibbet" (sulov):2°
the echo of Dt. 21 :22f. is not to be missed, even if Luke does not draw out the im-
plications of this language as Paul does in Gal. 3: 13. Friend and foe alike in Israel
must have realized very early that Jesus died the death on which the divine curse
is pronounced by the law: the first preachers must have had some explanation of
this paradoxical fact, even if no such explanation finds expression in Acts.
In addition to missionary speeches, the deliberative, apologetic, and hor-
tatory genres can be identified in Acts. To the deliberative group belong Peter's
speech to his fellow apostles in Ac. 1:16-22, proposing the appointment of a re-
placement for Judas Iscariot, and the speeches at the Council of Jerusalem (Ac.
15:7-21). To the apologetic group belong Stephen's reply to the Sanhedrin, which
indeed is almost as much polemic as apologetic (Ac. 7:2-53), Peter's defense of his
entering and eating in the house of Cornelius (Ac. 11:4-17), and Paul's successive
defenses in the closing chapters of Acts: before the hostile crowd in the temple
court (22: 1-21), before the Sanhedrin (23: 1-6), before Felix (24: 10-21 ), before Fes-
tus (25:8, lOf.), before Agrippa the younger (26:2-23), and before the leading Jews
of Rome (28:17-28). Paul's address to the elders of the Ephesian church (20:18-
35), his only address to Christians in Acts, is the one sample of the hortatory
genre.21
Each of the speeches calls for individual study; features then emerge which
might be overlooked in an overall survey of the speeches in Acts, and generaliza-
tions about the speeches as a whole are seen to be at times superficial. Some of
them have attracted a great volume of articles and monographs, especially
Stephen's speech 22 and Paul 'sAreopagitica. 23 Stephen's speech is not a simple ve-
hicle for Luke's own thoughts: its attitude toward the Jerusalem temple, e.g., is
more thoroughly negative than Luke's. For Stephen the idea of a fixed structure for
19. Pace E. Kasemann, New Testament Questions of Today, E.T. (London, 1969), pp. 21f.
20. Ac. 5:30; 10:39 (cf. Paul in 13:29).
21. Seep. 430 below.
22. Seep. 191 below.
23. See pp. 379-80 below.
38
the worship of God was misguided from the beginning; for Luke the temple is the
house of God throughout his twofold work (cf. Lk. 1:8-23; 24:53; Ac. 3:1, etc.)
until the moment when Paul is ejected from the sacred precincts (Ac. 21 :30). Paul's
speeches in his own defense between his arrest in Jerusalem and imprisonment in
Rome no doubt served Luke's subsidiary purpose of defending Christianity against
slanderous attacks in Rome and elsewhere, and reinforced his presentation of the
church as the true Israel, but they suit Paul's changing circumstances and are well
adapted to the varying audiences addressed.2 4
An examination of some of the speeches in the light of synagogue usage has
underlined the improbability of their being purely Lukan compositions. J. W.
Bowker25 has shown how Paul's synagogue address at Pisidian Antioch exhibits a
"proem homily" form, while James's summing up at the Council of Jerusalem bears
the mark of ayelamme<Jenu response (seep. 340 below). It is unlikely that Luke, from
his own resources, should have been able to construct such forms so recognizably.
The eschatology (if not the christology) of Peter's address in the outer court
of the temple after the healing of the lame man (Ac. 3: 13-26) is acknowledged to
be more primitive than anything else in Acts, and cannot stem from Luke himself. 26
Again, if Luke is reticent about the redemptive efficacy of the death of Christ, this
comes to clear expression in Paul's speech at Miletus (Ac. 20:28), in a passage
which is better regarded as a faithful reproduction of Paul's teaching than an at-
tempt by Luke to achieve verisimilitude by the inclusion of a Pauline tum of
phrase. 27
In short, the speeches in Acts are Thucydidean, but the author used his Thucy-
didean privilege "with considerable restraint." 28 While in various ways their inclu-
sion served the author's purpose in writing his history, the assessment of Foakes-
Jackson (albeit pre-Dibelius in its outlook) remains true:
Whatever these speeches may be, it cannot be disputed that they are wonderfully varied
as to their character, and as a rule admirably suited to the occasion on which they were
delivered. Luke seems to have been able to give us an extraordinarily accurate picture
of the undeveloped theology of the earliest Christians, and to enable us to determine
the character of the most primitive presentation of the gospel. However produced, the
speeches in Acts are masterpieces, and deserve the most careful attention. 29
24. See F. Veltman, "The Defense Speeches of Paul in Acts, .. in Perspectives on Luke-Acts, ed.
C. H. Talbert (Edinburgh, 1978), pp. 243-56: F. F. Bruce, "Paul's Apologetic and the Purpose of Acts,"
BJRL 69 (1986-87), pp. 379-93; also A. A. Trites, "The Importance of Legal Scenes and Language in
the Book of Acts," NovT 16 (1974), pp. 278-84.
25. "Speeches in Acts: A Study in Proem and Yelammedenu Forms," NTS 14 (1967-68), pp. 96-
l I l. Bowker there refers to J. W. Doevc,Jew1sh Hermeneutics in the Synoptic Gospels and Acts (Assen,
1954), pp. 175f., for a demonstration that the composer of the discourse at Pisidian Antioch had "an ex-
cellent command of hermeneutics as practiced in rabbinic Judaism."
26. See pp. 143-44 with references to 0. Bauernfeind and J. A. T. Robinson.
27. H. Conzclmann, The Theology of Saint Luke, E.T. (London, 1960), p. 201; see rather
C. F. D. Moule as quoted on p. 434 below.
28. C. H. Dodd, The Apostolic Preaching and its Developments, pp. l 7f.
29. F. J. Foakcs-Jackson, The Acts of the Apostles, MNTC (London, 1931 ), p. xvi.
39
While they are integral to Luke's work, these speeches retain at the same time in-
dependent and valuable source-material for the life and thought of the primitive
church. 30
VII. THE SOURCES OF ACTS

The attempt to discover the sources of a literary work is hazardous when such
sources have not survived independently; in their absence, Foakes-Jackson's cau-
tionary words are especially relevant: "We should constantly remember that
source-criticism in the New Testament is largely guess-work." 1
There is a major difference in this respect between Acts and the Third Gospel.
One of the principal sources of the latter has survived independently in Mark.
Luke's use of Mark can be traced the more readily because of his tendency to ar-
range his Markan and non-Markan material in alternate blocks. Even in the non-
Markan material a pointer to a further source is provided by those passages of Luke
which are paralleled (sometimes more closely, sometimes less closely) in Matthew.
But no such external help is available for the source criticism of Acts; any conclu-
sions must be based on the internal evidence of the work itself.
One fairly obvious source (or sources) may be discerned in the "we" sections
of Acts-those sections in which the story is told in the first person plural. There
are three of these, and all three are devoted largely to journeys by sea: (1) a voyage
from Troas, in northwest proconsular Asia, to Neapolis, the port of Philippi, to
which the narrator and his companions then make their way by road before he takes
leave of his readers there (Ac. 16: 10-17), (2) a voyage from the port of Philippi to
Caesarea in Palestine, from which the narrator and his companions make their way
by road to Jerusalem, before he again takes his leave (20:5-21:18), (3) a voyage
from Caesarea to Italy, which involves a storm at sea and shipwreck off Malta; from
Malta, when winter is past, the voyage is resumed in another ship as far as Puteoli,
30. In addition to works mentioned above, see also H.J. Cadbury, "The Speeches in Acts," BC
1.5 (London, 1933), pp. 402-27; W. L. Knox, "The Speeches in Acts," Some Hellenistic Elements in
Primitive Christianity (London, 1944), pp. 25-29; E.G. Selwyn, "I Peter and St. Peter's Speeches in
Acts," The First Epistle of St. Peter (London, 1946), pp. 33-36; B. Reicke, "A Synopsis of Early Chris-
tian Preaching," in A. Fridrichsen et al., The Root of the Vine (London/New York, 1953), pp. 128-60;
H. G. Wood, "Didache, Kerygma and Evangelion," in New Testament Essays: Studies in Memory of
T. W Manson, ed. A. J.B. Higgins (Manchester, 1959), pp. 306-14; J. Dupont, "Les discours de Pierre"
(1973), in Nouvelles Etudes sur les Actes des Ap6tres, LD 118 (Paris, 1984), pp. 58-111; W.W. Gasque,
"The Speeches of Acts: Dibelius Reconsidered," in New Dimensions in New Testament Study, ed. R. N.
Longenecker and M. C. Tenney (Grand Rapids, 1974), pp. 232-50; F. F. Bruce, "The Speeches in
Acts-Thirty Years After," in Reconciliation and Hope, ed. R. J. Banks (Exeter, 1974), pp. 53-68;
M. Wilcox, "A Foreword to the Study of the Speeches in Acts," in Christianity, Judaism and Other
Graeco-Roman Cults, ed. J. Ncusner, I (Leiden, 1975), pp. 206-25; G. A. Kennedy, "The Speeches in
Acts," New Testament Interpretation through Rhetorical Criticism (Chapel Hill, NC, 1984), pp. 114-
40; R. J. Dillon, "The Prophecy of Christ and his Witnesses according to the Discourses of Acts," NTS
32 (1986), pp. 544-56.
I. F. J. Foakes-Jackson, The Acts of the Apostles (London, 1931 ), p. vi.
40
nrn SOURCES OF ACTS
from which the narrator and his companions make their way by road to Rome,
where he takes his leave for the last time (27:1-28:16).
The traditional explanation of the "we" sections is that in them the author of
Acts is telling his readers unobtrusively that he was present at the particular scenes
described, that he was a fellow traveler with Paul and others on the journeys thus
recorded. This explanation is supported by the impossibility of detecting any sty-
listic differences between those passages and the rest of the narrative. 2 The author,
it appears, is presenting extracts from his own travel diaries. It could indeed be ar-
gued that the author of Acts has thoroughly worked over someone else's travel di-
aries and accommodated their style to his own. In that case, why did he leave the
pronoun "we" unchanged? Scarcely in order to lend an air of verisimilitude to the
narrative or to give the reader an impression of greater vividness and immediacy;
in that case, why was such sparing use made of this device? 3
The simplest explanation is the most probable; that is, in this instance, the
traditional explanation. It is unacceptable, however, to those whose comparative
study of Acts and the letters of Paul forbids them to think that the author of Acts
could have been one of Paul's fellow travelers, or could even have known him.
Since that is not the conclusion reached in the preparation for this commentary, the
traditional explanation is treated here as quite acceptable. 4
The author may have drawn on other travel documents, over and above the
contents of the "we" sections: an Anatolian itinerary, e.g., may have served as a
skeleton for the account of Barnabas and Paul's mission in Ac. 13:13-14:26.5
A change of source is not difficult to discern between chs. 5 and 6. Chs. 1-
5 relate the steady increase of the Jerusalem church from the first Christian Pente-
cost onward. The increase is not unattended by trouble: twice the church's leaders
fall foul of the chief-priestly establishment, and the tragedy of Ananias and Sap-
phira unmasks the serpent that lurks at the heart of every utopia; yet the general
picture is that of a growing community, united in heart and soul under the direc-
tion of the apostles, who themselves enjoy an especially abundant measure of the
Spirit's guidance. These chapters may confidently be assigned to a Jerusalem
source-whether written or purely oral is not easy to determine. Harnack divided
this material between a "Jerusalem A source" and a "Jerusalem B source," on the
basis of what he held to be duplicate narratives. We have two comings of the Spirit
on the apostles (Ac. 2:4; 4:31), two sermons by Peter (2:14-36; 3:12-26), two ar-
rests of the apostles (4:3; 5: 18), two defenses before the Sanhedrin (4:8-12; 5:29-
32), two estimates of the number of converts (2:41; 4:4 ), two accounts of the com-
2. A. von Harnack, LP, pp. 26-120; cf. J.C. Hawkins, Horae Synopticae (Oxford, 21909), pp.
182-89.
3. See E. Haenchen," 'We' in Acts and the Itinerary" (1961), E.T. inJTC 1 (1965), pp. 65-99.
4. Cf. M. Hengel, Acts and the History of Earliest Christianity, E.T. (London, 1979), p. 66; also
J. H. Ropes, "St. Luke's Preface: aa,p<iA£La and l!UQU1(()Aou0Eiv," JTS 25 (1923-24), pp. 70f.
5. Cf. M. Dibelius, Studies in the Acts of the Apostles (London, 1956), pp. Sf.; G. Ludemann,
Paul, Apostle to the Gentiles: Studies in Chronology, E.T. (London, 1984), pp. 25-28, 140. A similar
skeleton may be discerned behind some other parts of Luke's narrative.
41
munity of goods (2:44f.; 4:32-35). The A source Harnack found in 3: 1-5:16; he re-
garded it as the more primitive of the two. The B source, of inferior authority, he
found in 2:1-47; 5:17-42. 6 But the story in chs. 1-5, as Luke presents it, is a con-
tinuous narrative, and the "duplicates" discerned by Harnack are not real dupli-
cates. The sermon of 3:12-26 arises out of the healing of the cripple at the Gate
Beautiful, which in turn is narrated as an example of the "many wonders and signs"
of 2:43; the flogging to which the apostles are sentenced at the end of their second
hearing before the Sanhedrin (5:40) is the penalty for their ignoring the court order
imposed at the end of their first hearing (4: 18-21); the estimate of 5,000 converts
(4:4) belongs to a later phase of the community's life than the estimate of 3,000
(2:41 ). The account of the community of goods appears a second time in order to
introduce the contrasted incidents of Barnabas (4:36f.) and Ananias (5:1-11).
With the rubric of transition, "Now in these days ... ," 7 Ac. 6 opens abruptly
with the statement that, while the community was increasing, a dispute broke out
within it between the Hebrews and the Hellenists. Nothing that has been previously
said prepares the reader for this revelation of the existence of two groups within
the community; it is assumed that the meaning of the two terms will be evident.
Luke now appears to be following a source in which chief interest is focused on
the Hellenists. The dispute is resolved by the appointment of seven men to super-
vise the distribution of the daily allocation from the common fund and ensure that
no partiality is shown either to the Hebrews or to the Hellenists. But the only two
of these seven listed men (all of whom appear to be Hellenists) who figure in the
later narrative do so not as almoners but as leaders of the Hellenistic mission. The
passage from the appointment of the Seven to the ministry of Stephen and Philip
(6:8-8:40), an account which apparently comes from a Hellenistic source, is
marked by one of a succession of progress reports with which Luke punctuates the
course of his history (6:7).8
Luke then turns to the conversion of Saul of Tarsus, from an unidentifiable
source (9: 1-30), which is then followed (after another progress report) by an ex-
cerpt from what may be called the Acts of Peter (9:32-11: 18). The next section is
introduced (11: 19) by a formula almost identical with that which, in 8:4, inaugu-
rates the story of Philip's mission. There those who were scattered (in the persecu-
tion which followed Stephen's death) "went about preaching the word"; now those
who were scattered "traveled as far as Phoenicia and Cyprus and Antioch." Luke
here reverts to his Hellenistic source (or to one of them) and follows it to the end
of ch. 11, telling how the gospel reached Antioch on the Orontes, where it was
preached on a large scale to Gentiles.
6. Harnack, The Acts of the Apostles, E.T. (London, 1909), pp. 162-202; he traced A and B
further in the book. His arguments arc repeated and expanded by F. J. Foakes-Jackson and K. Lake in
BC 1.2, pp. 121-47; for a critique see W. L. Knox, The Acts of the Apostles (Cambridge, 1948), pp. 19-
23. For a different analysis of Ac. 2-5 see H. W. Beyer, Die Apostelgeschichte, NTD 7 (Tiibingen,
1938), p. 28.
7.Cf. 11:27; 12:1; 19:23.
8. Cf. also 2:47b; 9:31; 12:24; 16:5; 19:20; 28:31.
42
THE SOURCES OF ACTS
The Acts of Peter are resumed in 12: 1, with an abrupt reference to "Herod
the king" (i.e., the elder Agrippa). Then, after a further progress report (12:24) and
a redactional note (12:25) linking what follows to the last mention of the church of
Antioch (11:27-30), the narrative is mainly devoted to Paul's missionary progress
from Antioch to Rome, apart from ch. 15, 9 drawn (it appears) from a Jerusalem
source, 10 describing the so-called Council of Jerusalem and the promulgation of
the apostolic decree, which was designed to regulate and facilitate the coexistence
of Jewish and Gentile Christians in "mixed" churches.
The tracing of sources in the second half of Acts is an even more precarious
exercise than in the first half. A modern historian covering the same ground would
certainly exploit the firsthand information accessible in Paul's letters. It is gener-
ally agreed that the author of Acts did not use them, and probably did not know
them. But a few scholars have drawn the opposite inference from the data. Out-
standing among these was M. S. Enslin, in whose judgment "the letters of Paul ...
appear to have been the principal source used by Luke in reconstructing the activi-
ties of the man who brought to reality the Gentile mission." 11 According to Enslin,
Luke's creative genius developed incidental factual information found here and
there in the letters in accordance with his basic conviction that what should have
been must have been, and in fact actually was so. But arguments for Luke's in-
debtedness to Paul's letters create more problems than they solve, and are far out-
weighed by arguments to the contrary. 12
The same could be said of arguments for Luke's dependence on the Antiqui-
ties of Josephus, the first edition of which was published c. AD. 93. Since there are
so many places where Luke and Josephus refer to the same persons or events, it is
surprising that the only parts of Josephus which Luke is alleged to have used amount
to two or three columns, which he cannot have read carefully. In Acts the case for
dependence on Josephus, defended especially by Max Krenkel,13 rests mainly on
two passages-the reference to Theudas and Judas the Galilaean (in that chrono-
logical order) in 5:36f., and that to the Egyptian agitator in 21:38. Josephus tells of
an insurgent named Theudas in the procuratorship of Cuspius Fadus (c. AD. 44),
but he arose long after Judas (see pp. 175-77 below). It is strange that a discrepancy
should be taken to prove dependence, but it has been pointed out that in Ant. 20.97-
102 Josephus describes the insurrection of Theudas and then goes on to tell how
9. C.H. Buck, Jr., "The Collection for the Saints," HTR 43 (1950), pp. \8f., derives the record
of chs. 13 and 14 from a source which (after the interruption of Ac. 15:1-33) continues from 15:35 to
18:23.
I 0. An account of the Council may also have been preserved in an Antiochene source; cf. Har-
nack, Acts, p. 199. It is widely believed that Ac. 15 represents a composite narrative.
11. M. S. Enslin, Reapproaching Paul (Philadelphia, 1962), p. 27; cf. his" 'Luke' and Paul,"
JAOS 58 ( 1938), pp. 81-91; "Once Again: Luke and Paul," ZNW 61 (1970), pp. 253-71; "Luke, the Lit-
erary Physician," in D. E. Aune (ed.), Studies in New Testament and Early Christian Literature: Essays
in Honor of Allen P. Wikgren, NovT Sup. 35 (Leiden, 1972), pp. 135-43.
12. M. Hengel says categorically (and rightly, me iudice) of Paul's letters that "the auctor ad
Theophilum himself has no knowledge of them" (Acts, p. 38; cf. p. 66). Sec further p. 53 below.
13. M. Krenke I, Josephus und Lucas (Leipzig, 1894).
43
the sons of Judas were executed by Fadus's successor. This very cursory glance at
the text of Josephus (or a confused reminiscence from a public reading of this sec-
tion of the Antiquities) was supposed to account for the order Theudas-Judas.14
Similarly the reference in Ac. 21 :38 to "the Egyptian who recently stirred up a re-
volt and led the 4,000 men of the sicarii out into the wilderness" was said to be due
to Josephus's description in BJ 2.254-63 (=Ant. 20.160- 72) of (1) the sicarii, (2)
the false prophets who led men into the wilderness, (3) the Egyptian who led 30,000
men out of the wilderness (see p. 452 below). There is nothing here to suggest lit-
erary dependence; indeed, in the whole comparison there is no ground for believ-
ing that either Luke or Josephus was acquainted with the other's work. 15 One of
the most important points of contact between the two writers relates to the death
of the elder Agrippa; it is quite plain that here each is independent of the other (see
p. 289 below). The question of dependence was well summed up by Emil Schurer:
"Either Luke had not read Josephus, or he had forgotten all that he had read." 16
Linguistic arguments for Luke's dependence on Josephus are equally uncon-
vincing. Krenke! argued that Luke-Acts has 178 peculiar words in common with
Josephus, which are not in LXX, as against 87 in common with LXX, which are not
in Josephus. 17 W. K. Lowther Clarke, however, showed that reference to Hatch and
Redpath' s Concordance to the LXX (which appeared three years later than Krenke!' s
work) reduces the former figure to about 100, and when allowance is made among
these for nautical terms and terms belonging to the political vocabulary of the Roman
Empire, which two writers of the first century AD. would naturally have in common,
this part of Krenke I's argument is no more convincing than the other. IS
In the attempt to determine Luke's literary sources, it is futile to expect any
help from stylistic differences: Luke tells the whole story, whatever his sources were,
in his own style-or rather styles, for he was master of severai. 19 Where he judges
septuagintal idiom to be suitable, he uses it, in contrast to the classical Greek which
he can equally well write where appropriate. The Aramaisms which have been
spotted in the earlier part of Acts might point to a Palestinian source, but it is no
longer possible to identify Aramaisms-still less to recover the Aramaic wording
behind Luke's Greek-as confidently as C. C. Torrey and others did (seep. 69).
14. Sec P. W. Schmiedel, "Theudas," Enc. Bib., cols. 5049-57.

15. Luke's reference to "Lysanias, tetrarch of Abilene" (Lk. 3:1) was thought due to his mis-
reading of Ant. 19.275, where Claudius bestows on Agrippa I in A.D 41 "Abila, that belonged to Ly-
sanias," or of Ant. 20.138, where Agrippa II receives in A.D. 53 "Lysanias's former tetrarchy of Abila"
(cf. Schmiedcl, "Lysanias," Enc. Bib., cols. 2840-44). The only Lysanias mentioned by Josephus was
killed at Cleopatra's instance in 36 B.C. (Ant. 15.92). But CIG 4521 =OGIS 606 (from the site of ancient
Abila), dated securely between A.O. 14 and 29, attests a younger "Lysanias the tetrarch," undoubtedly
the Lysanias of Lk. 3: 1. See Schurer I, pp. 568f.
16. Schurer, "Lucas und Josephus," ZWT 19 (1876), p. 582; C. J. Herner, The Book of Acts in
the Setting of Hellenistic History, WUNT 49 (Tubingen, 1989), pp. 94-99.
17. M. Krenke!, Josephus und Lucas, pp. 289ff.
18. W. K. L. Clarke, "The Use of the Septuagint in Acts," BC 1.2, pp. 8lf.
19. See M. Hengel, Acts, pp. 6lf., on the caution needed in "separating redaction and tradition"
in Luke's writings.
44
TuE SOURCES OF ACTS
The Acts of Peter are resumed in 12: 1, with an abrupt reference to "Herod
the king" (i.e., the elder Agrippa). Then, after a further progress report (12:24) and
a redactional note (12:25) linking what follows to the last mention of the church of
Antioch (11:27-30), the narrative is mainly devoted to Paul's missionary progress
from Antioch to Rome, apart from ch. 15, 9 drawn (it appears) from a Jerusalem
source, 10 describing the so-called Council of Jerusalem and the promulgation of
the apostolic decree, which was designed to regulate and facilitate the coexistence
of Jewish and Gentile Christians in "mixed" churches.
The tracing of sources in the second half of Acts is an even more precarious
exercise than in the first half. A modern historian covering the same ground would
certainly exploit the firsthand information accessible in Paul's letters. It is gener-
ally agreed that the author of Acts did not use them, and probably did not know
them. But a few scholars have drawn the opposite inference from the data. Out-
standing among these was M. S. Enslin, in whose judgment "the letters of Paul ...
appear to have been the principal source used by Luke in reconstructing the activi-
ties of the man who brought to reality the Gentile mission." 11 According to Enslin,
Luke's creative genius developed incidental factual information found here and
there in the letters in accordance with his basic conviction that what should have
been must have been, and in fact actually was so. But arguments for Luke's in-
debtedness to Paul's letters create more problems than they solve, and are far out-
weighed by arguments to the contrary. 12
The same could be said of arguments for Luke's dependence on the Antiqui-
ties of Josephus, the first edition of which was published c. A.D. 93. Since there are
so many places where Luke and Josephus refer to the same persons or events, it is
surprising that the only parts of Josephus which Luke is alleged to have used amount
to two or three columns, which he cannot have read carefully. In Acts the case for
dependence on Josephus, defended especially by Max Krenke!, 13 rests mainly on
two passages-the reference to Theudas and Judas the Galilaean (in that chrono-
logical order) in 5:36f., and that to the Egyptian agitator in 21:38. Josephus tells of
an insurgent named Theudas in the procuratorship of Cuspius Fadus (c. A.D. 44),
but he arose Jong after Judas (see pp. 175-77 below). It is strange that a discrepancy
should be taken to prove dependence, but it has been pointed out that in Ant. 20.97-
102 Josephus describes the insurrection of Theudas and then goes on to tell how
9. C.H. Buck. Jr., 'The Collection for the Saints," HTR 43 (1950), pp. 18f., derives the record
of chs. 13 and 14 from a source which (after the interruption of Ac. 15:1-33) continues from 15:35 to
18:23.
10. An account of the Council may also have been preserved in an Antiochene source; cf. Har-
nack, Acts, p. 199. It is widely believed that Ac. 15 represents a composite narrative.
11. M. S. Enslin, Reapproaching Paul (Philadelphia, 1962), p. 27; cf. his" 'Luke' and Paul,"
JAGS 58 ( 1938), pp. 81-91; "Once Again: Luke and Paul," ZNW 61 (1970), pp. 253-71; "Luke, the Lit-
erary Physician," in D. E. Aune (ed.), Studies in New Testament and Early Christian Literature: Essays
in Honor of Allen P. Wikgrrn, NovT Sup. 35 (Leiden, 1972). pp. 135-43.
12. M. Hengel says categorically (Jnd rightly, me iudice) of Paul's letters that "the auctor ad
Theophilum himself has no knowledge of them" (Acts, p. 38; cf. p. 66). See further p. 53 below.
13. M. Krenke!, Josephus und Lucas (Leipzig. 1894).
43
the sons of Judas were executed by Fadus's successor. This very cursory glance at
the text of Josephus (or a confused reminiscence from a public reading of this sec-
tion of the Antiquities) was supposed to account for the order Theudas-Judas. 14
Similarly the reference in Ac. 21:38 to "the Egyptian who recently stirred up a re-
volt and led the 4,000 men of the sicarii out into the wilderness" was said to be due
to Josephus's description in BJ 2.254-63 (=Ant. 20.160-72) of (1) the sicarii, (2)
the false prophets who led men into the wilderness, (3) the Egyptian who led 30,000
men out of the wilderness (see p. 452 below). There is nothing here to suggest lit-
erary dependence; indeed, in the whole comparison there is no ground for believ-
ing that either Luke or Josephus was acquainted with the other's work.IS One of
the most important points of contact between the two writers relates to the death
of the elder Agrippa; it is quite plain that here each is independent of the other (see
p. 289 below). The question of dependence was well summed up by Emil Schurer:
"Either Luke had not read Josephus, or he had forgotten all that he had read."16
Linguistic arguments for Luke's dependence on Josephus are equally uncon-
vincing. Krenke! argued that Luke-Acts has 178 peculiar words in common with
Josephus, which are not in LXX, as against 87 in common with LXX, which are not
in Josephus. 17 W. K. Lowther Clarke, however, showed that reference to Hatch and
Redpath' s Concordance to the LXX (which appeared three years later than Krenke!' s
work) reduces the former figure to about 100, and when allowance is made among
these for nautical terms and terms belonging to the political vocabulary of the Roman
Empire, which two writers of the first century AD. would naturally have in common,
this part of Krenkel's argument is no more convincing than the other.18
In the attempt to determine Luke's literary sources, it is futile to expect any
help from stylistic differences: Luke tells the whole story, whatever his sources were,
in his own style-or rather styles, for he was master of several. 19 Where he judges
septuagintal idiom to be suitable, he uses it, in contrast to the classical Greek which
he can equally well write where appropriate. The Aramaisms which have been
spotted in the earlier part of Acts might point to a Palestinian source, but it is no
longer possible to identify Aramaisms-still less to recover the Aramaic wording
behind Luke's Greek-as confidently as C. C. Torrey and others did (seep. 69).
14. Sec P. W. Schmiedel, "Thcudas," Enc. Bib., cols. 5049-57.

15. Luke's reference to "Lysanias, tetrarch of Abilene" (Lk. 3:1) was thought due to his mis-
reading of Ant. 19.275, where Claudius bestows on Agrippa I in A.D. 41 "Abila, that belonged to Ly-
sanias," or of Ant. 20.138, where Agrippa II receives in A.D. 53 "Lysanias's former tetrarchy of Abila"
(cf. Schmicdel, "Lysanias," Enc. Bib., cols. 2840-44). The only Lysanias mentioned by Josephus was
killed at Cleopatra's instance in 36 B.C. (Ant. 15.92). But C/G 4521 =OGIS 606 (from the site of ancient
Abila), dated securely between A.D. 14 and 29, attests a younger "Lysanias the tetrarch," undoubtedly
the Lysanias of Lk. 3: I. See Schurer I, pp. 568f.
16. Schurer, "Lucas und Josephus," ZWT 19 (1876), p. 582; C. J. Herner, The Book of Acts in
the Setting of Hellenistic History, WUNT 49 (Tubingen, 1989), pp. 94-99.
17. M. Krenke!, Josephus und Lucas, pp. 289ff.
18. W. K. L. Clarke, "The Use of the Septuagint in Acts," BC 1.2, pp. 8lf.
19. See M. Hengel, Acts, pp. 61f., on the caution needed in "separating redaction and tradition"
in Luke's writings.
44
THE SOURCES OF ACTS
No doubt he was indebted to oral as well as written information, but one can
only guess at his informants. The author of the "we" sections met a number of people
whose knowledge of The Way preceded his own, like Mnason, the "early disciple"
in Jerusalem (Ac. 21:16) 20 or Philip and his family in Caesarea (21:8f.). 21 If John
Mark of Jerusalem is identical with the Second Evangelist, then perhaps it was not
only to his Gospel that Luke was indebted for information but also to his spoken re-
collections-is it too hazardous to draw inferences from the presence together (in
Rome?) of Luke the physician and Mark in Col. 4: 10, 14 ?22 Aristarchus is men-
tioned in the same context; it has been reasonably conjectured that he was Luke's
authority for the vividly told narrative of the riot at Ephesus (cf. Ac. 19:29). 23 But
in this whole matter we are dealing with conjecture, whether reasonable or not. 24
Luke was indebted, too, to traditional modes of reproducing some of his
material. Opportunities for "form criticism" are offered in the kerygmatic outlines
of the sermons, in the healing miracles, in the escapes from prison, and in the story
of the voyage and shipwreck in ch. 27. In the healing stories, as in those told in the
Gospels, the main elements are (I) the intractable nature of the disease, (2) the cure,
(3) the effect produced. These are the natural points to emphasize in a healing nar-
rative; all that can be deduced from the similarity between such narratives (Jewish,
Christian, or pagan) is that there was a recognized vocabulary and form for them,
which was generally followed. 25 Richard Reitzenstein traces in various literatures
a similar common framework for stories of escape from prison. 26 There arc three
such stories in Acts (5: 19; 12:6-1 O; 16:25-28), similarities between one and another
of which are pointed out in the commentary (pp. 170, 283, 363f. ). The resemblance
between the "form" used by Luke and that found, e.g., in the Bacchae of Euripides
and in the Acts of Thomas is striking, but proves only that Luke inherited a literary
tradition, and cast these stories in established literary molds. The use of such molds
tells us nothing about the historicity of the narratives. As for the voyage and ship-
wreck narrative of ch. 27, the Homeric reminiscences which it contains (see on
vv. 29, 41) remind us that the Odyssey gives the oldest surviving descriptions of
Mediterranean seafaring. For Greek and Roman literature, Homer set the fashion
20. See W. M. Ramsay, BRD, p. 309, n. 2.

21. See Harnack, LP, pp. 153-57.
22. For Mark as one of Luke's informants see Harnack, LI~ pp. 156-62. But there is no evidence
to support the view occasionally expressed that Mark provided him with a written account of the early
church; cf. F. C. Burkitt's suggestion that Mark "may have lost about a third of its original contents, and
that the work once dealt with the period covered by Acts i-xii" (Christian Beginnings [London. 1924],
p. 83), or that of W. K. L. Clarke. that Mark ended originally at 16:8 and was followed by a now lost
I\Eur£Q()(; 1.oyo, which began with the resurrection appearances ("The Ending of St. Mark,., Theology 29
[1934], pp. 106f.). (Similar suggestions were made earlier by B. Weiss and F. Blass.)
23. So B. Weiss.
24. This is even more true of Luke ·s suspected dependence on John the Zebedaean, for which
see J. V. Bartlet, "The Sources of St. Luke's Gospel," in Oxford Studies in the Synoptic Problem, ed.
W. Sanday (Oxford, 1911), pp. 352f.; G. W. Broomfield, John, Peter and the Fourth Go.1pel (London,
1934), pp. 108-45; J. A Findlay, The Gospel according to St. Luke (London, 1937), p. 14.
25. Cf. 0. Weinreich, Antike Heilungswunder (Berlin, 1909).
26. Die hellenistischen Wundererziihlungen (Leipzig, 1906), pp. 120-22.
45
in which such stories should be told, and Luke follows this fashion. 27 Here again,
the historicity of the narrative is not affected: all that is proved is that Luke was
heir to a long-standing Greek literary tradition.28
VIII. ACTS AND THE PAULINE EPISTLES

A. PAUL'S LETTERS AS A CHECK ON ACTS
If Luke probably did not know, and certainly did not use, the Pauline letters, then
those of them which belong undoubtedly to the period before Paul's Roman im-
prisonment constitute firsthand and independent, if not objective, evidence for the
course of events recorded in that substantial part of Acts which deals with Paul's
ministry. If their evidence cannot be called objective, that is due simply to Paul's
complete personal involvement in all his references to persons and events.
The impetus given to the critical study of the NT by members of the Ti.ibin-
gen school of the mid-nineteenth century proved to be irreversible. 1 The questions
they asked were of fundamental importance, even if some of the answers they gave
were defective. The first of those fundamentally important questions was asked by
F. C. Baur in 1831 when he investigated the character of the "Christ party" and
other parties in the church of Corinth. 2 He concluded that in the apostolic church
there were two sharply opposed tendencies-that represented by Paul, which main-
tained a law-free gospel, and that represented by Peter, which maintained a close
bond between the gospel and the Jewish law. The only contemporary documenta-
tion of this tension was on the one side the Pauline corpus (restricted to the Galati an,
Corinthian, and Roman correspondence) and on the other side the Johannine Apoc-
alypse (dated shortly before A.D. 70). The other NT documents reflected a later, sec-
ond-century, phase in which the antithetic positions of the Petrine and Pauline par-
ties had been modified and reconciled in a more comprehensive synthesis. This
27. See V. K. Robbins, "By Land and by Sea: The We-Passages and Ancient Sea Voyages," in
C:. H. Talbert (ed.), Penpectives on Luke-Act.1 (Edinburgh, 1978), pp. 215-42; he adduces antecedents
from Homer, from the Gk. translation of Hanno 's Voyages, from Caesar's De Bello Gallico, etc. Cf. also
p. 508 below.
28. The one work above all others on this subject is J. Dupont, The Sources of Acts, E.T. (Lon-
don, 1964). See also R. Bultmann, "Zu der Frage nach den Quellen der Apostelgeschichte," in New
Testament Essays: Studies in Memory ofT W Manson, ed. A. J.B. Higgins (Manchester, 1959), pp. 68-
80.
l. Despite the valiant attempt of Johannes Munck, Paulus und die Heilsgeschichte (Aarhus,
1954), E.T. Paul and the Salvation of Mankind (London, 1959), to replace the Tubingen reconstruction
with his own outline of primitive Christianity.
2. F. C. Baur, "Die Christuspartei in der korinthischen Gemeinde," Tubing er Zeitschrift fur The-
o/ogie 5 (1831), pp. 61-206, reprinted in hisAusgewdhlte Werke, ed. K. Scholder, I (Stuttgart, 1963),
pp. 1-146; cf. his Paul: his Life and Works, E.T. (London, 1873-75); The Church History of the First
Three Centuries, E.T. (London, l 878-79). See also H. Harris, The Tu bingen School (Oxford, 1975), and
(for a penetrating comparison between Baur and J.B. Lightfoot) C. K. Barrett, "Quomodo historia con-
scribcnda sit," NTS 28 (1984), pp. 303-20.
46
ACTS AND THE PAULINE EPISTLES
synthesis is clearly presented in Acts: Peter and Paul are made to approach each
other's position, so that the two allegedly irreconcilable protagonists are in essen-
tial agreement. The Paul of Acts was far removed from the historical Paul-the
Paul of the authentic letters.
But this reconstruction of apostolic history was too vulnerable to be sustained
for long. For one thing, it is evident from the document on which the reconstruc-
tion was most confidently based (Galatians) that, as Kirsopp Lake put it, "the figure
of a Judaizing St. Peter is a figment of the Tiibingen critics with no basis in his-
tory. ,,3 Paul's indignation at Peter's withdrawal from table fellowship with Gentile
Christians at Antioch was due precisely to his awareness that Peter's conduct did
not conform with his inner convictions-that it was, in Paul's word, a piece of
im:oxQLOL~, "play-acting" (Gal. 2:11-14). 4
More recently the case for seeing a basic inconsistency between the Paul of
Acts and the Paul of his letters has been stated in different terms: Acts is viewed as
a document of "primitive catholicism" (Friihkatholizismus), a development which
is almost by definition post-apostolic. The primitive catholicism of Acts may indeed
be an early stage of this development, belonging to the last quarter of the first cen-
tury, but still post-apostolic. Already in Acts such features of primitive catholicism
are discerned as the incipient replacement of a charismatic by an institutional min-
istry and of the imminent parousia by an indefinite process of Christian expansion.
The saving events have become an episode of ongoing history and, whereas in the
mind of the historical Paul the fulness of time has already arrived and history has
given way to eschatology, Luke portrays Paul in accordance with his new concep-
tion of salvation history (see pp. 64-66). 5 P. Vielhauer, e.g., sees the deviation of the
Lukan Paul from the historical Paul in his attitude to natural theology (e.g., in his
Areopagus address) and to the Jewish law (in his practice even more than in his
speeches), in his christology (in which Jesus is proclaimed predominantly as the
Davidic ruler promised in OT prophecy), and in his eschatology (which is confined
to the hope of resurrection and the future role of Christ as judge ). 6
B. OUTLINE OF EVENTS
The "external" data about Paul in Acts and the letters (biographical information
and the like) agree well enough, without being forced into a harmonizing confor-
3. K. Lake, The Earlier Epistles of St. Paul (London, 1911 ), p. 116.

4. If it be ~sked why, according to Paul, Peter was so ready to cat with Gentiles before the in-
tervention of James's people, Luke supplies an answer in the Cornelius narrative of Ac. 10:9-11:17.
5. See E. Kasemann, "Ministry and Community in the New Testament" (1949), E.T. in Essays
on New Testament Themes (London, 1964), pp. 89-94, and "Ephesians and Acts," in Studies in Luke-
Acts, ed. L. E. Keck and J. L. Martyn (Nashville/New York, 1966), pp. 288-97. A characteristically ju-
dicious statement of the relation of Acts to Friihkatho/izismus is provided by C. K. Barrett, "The Acts-
of Paul" (pp. 99f.) and "The Acts and the Origins of Christianity" (pp. 114f.), in his New Testament
Essays (London, 1972).
6. P. Vielhauer, "On the 'Paulinism' of Acts" (1950-51), E.T. in Studies in Luke-Acts, ed. Keck
and Martyn, pp. 33-50.
47
mity. There are some "undesigned coincidences" 7 between the two sources: it is
only from the letters, e.g., that we learn that he belonged to the tribe of Benjamin
(Rom. 11: 1; Phil. 3:5), while it is only from Acts that we learn that his Jewish name
was Saul (7:58ff.; 9:lff.; 13:9, etc.). It is not surprising that parents from the tribe
of Benjamin should give their son the name of the most illustrious member of that
tribe in Israel's history (cf. Ac. 13:21). There is no mention of Tarsus as Paul's
birthplace in the letters, although this fact is repeatedly emphasized in Acts (cf.
21 :39); however, most students of the letters would agree that their author was not
a Palestinian Jew. He was indeed a Hellenistic Jew, although he insists that he is
"a Hebrew born of Hebrews" (Phil. 3:6; cf. 2 Cor. 11 :22), which probably implies,
among other things, that his mother tongue was "Hebrew" (i.e., Aramaic, which is
the usual NT meaning of "Hebrew" in a linguistic sense). 8 In Acts this is the lan-
guage in which the risen Lord addresses him on the Damascus road (26:14), and
he himself uses it effectively in a public speech in Jerusalem (21:40; 22:2).
His claim to be a Pharisee is attested in both sources (Phil. 3:5; Ac. 23:6;
26:5). Only in Acts is he said to have been a pupil of Gamaliel, the leading Pharisaic
teacher of his generation (22:3; cf. 5:34), but in Gal. 1:14 he claims to have out-
stripped all his contemporaries in his study of traditional Judaism.
His brief but intense activity as a persecutor of the church is referred to in
quite similar language in Acts (8:3; 9: 1; 22:4f., 19f.; 26:9-11) and in the letters (Gal.
1: 13; 1 Cor. 15:9; Phil. 3:6). The argument that in the letters, unlike Acts, Jerusalem
is not the place where he persecuted the church 9 is difficult to accept. In those early
days where more obviously than in Jerusalem would anyone "persecute the church
of God" (Gal. I: 13; 1 Cor. 15:9)? It was the Judaean churches, according to Paul,
that summed up the news of Paul's missionary activity coming to them from Syria
and Cilicia: "Our former persecutor is now preaching the faith he once tried to de-
stroy" -and it is difficult to exclude the Jerusalem church from those "churches
ofChristinJudaea"(Gal.1:21-23).
As for Paul's conversion, Acts and the letters agree that he both saw the Lord
and heard his voice (e.g., Ac. 9:17; 22:14; 1 Cor. 9:1, 17; 15:8); if the hearing is
more emphasized in Acts and the seeing in the letters, his claim in the letters to have
been called and commissioned to preach the gospel (e.g., Gal. 1:llf., 15f.) implies
a verbal communication. The bright light from heaven (Ac. 9:3; 22:6; 26: 13) is re-
flected in the references to light in 2 Cor. 4:4, 6 (cf. Eph. 5:8, 14). As Paul in Acts
affirms that he was "not disobedient to the heavenly vision" (26: 19), so in Gal. 1: l 6f.
he tells how he began to fulfil his commission to preach the Son of God "among the
Gentiles" (cf. Ac. 9:20) 10 without waiting to "confer with flesh and blood."
7. The phrase is part of the title of J. J. Blunt 's Undesigned Coincidences in the Writings of the
Old and New Testaments (London, 1847). An examination of such coincidences between Acts and the
Pauline letters had been published by W. Paley in Horae Paulinae (London, 1790), which indeed stimu-
lated Blunt to continue this quest and extend it over the rest of the Bible.
8. So everywhere in the NT, apparently, except in Rev. 9:11; 16: 16.
9. So, e.g., E. Haenchen, The Acts of the Apostles, E.T. (Oxford, 1971), pp. 297f.
10. In Acts Paul is the only one to preach Jesus as the Son of God (cf. 2 Cor. 1:19).
48
Acrs AND THE p AULINE EPISTLES
That Paul's conversion and call took place at or near Damascus, as Acts re-
lates, is confirmed in Gal. 1: 17 by his statement that, after his visit to Arabia (un-
recorded in Acts), he "returned to Damascus." That he was forced to leave Damas-
cus by stealth is confirmed in detail in both sources (2 Cor. 11:32f.; Ac. 9:23-25),
although Paul speaks of escaping the unwelcome vigilance of King Aretas 's
ethnarch (which suggests that in Arabia he had attracted the hostile attention of the
Nabataean authorities), whereas Acts ascribes his hurried departure to a plot formed
against him by the Damascene Jews.
Again, in both sources it is from Damascus that Paul pays his first post-
conversion visit to Jerusalem (Gal. 1:18; Ac. 9:23-27; 22:17-21; 26:20). Luke re-
lates that visit in generalizing terms not unlike those in which he has just described
Paul's activity in Damascus (9:19b-22); evidently he had little independent infor-
mation about the details, which Paul states explicitly and with a solemn assevera-
tion of his veracity in Gal. l: 18f. 11 But Luke's account of this visit is unlikely to
be the one which Paul is apparently at pains to refute: 12 neither here nor anywhere
else does Luke imply that Paul received his commission, directly or indirectly, from
the Jerusalem apostles.13
According to Paul, this visit lasted only 15 days and was followed by his de-
parture for "the regions of Syria and Cilicia," where he gave himself to gospel
preaching (Gal. 1:21-23); according to Luke, Paul was taken down to Caesarea for
his own safety by his new friends in Jerusalem and sent off to Tarsus (Ac. 9:28-30).
From Tarsus he was called in due course to Antioch, where Barnabas enlisted his
aid in the increasing work of Gentile evangelization and in ministering to the young
church of that city (Ac. 11 :22-26). It was from Antioch, Paul implies, that he paid
his next visit to Jerusalem, this time with Barnabas (Gal. 2:1). Acts tells of two oc-
casions on which Barnabas and Paul went up together from Antioch to Jerusalem-
the famine-relief visit (11 :30) and the visit to attend the "Council of Jerusalem"
(15:2). 14 It is difficult to identify the private conference which Paul and Barnabas
had with the Jerusalem "pillars," described in Gal. 2: 1-10, with the Council of
11. Paul says emphatically that the only apostles he saw were Cephas (Peter) and "James the
Lord's brother," whereas Luke says in general terms that Barnabas brought him "to the apostles."
12. As 0. Linton argues in "The Third Aspect: A Neglected Point of View," ST 3 (1949), pp. 79-
95. E. R. Goodenough, "The Perspective of Acts," in Studies in Luke-Acts, ed. Keck and Martyn, p. 58,
goes so far as to wonder "if it was someone thinking like the author of Acts whom Paul had in mind
when he wrote to the Galatians: 'Even if we, or an angel from heaven, should preach to you a gospel
contrary to that which we preached to you, let him be accursed' (Gal. 1:8)."
13. In restricting the designation "apostle" to the Twelve, Luke does not depreciate Paul's sta-
tus in relation to theirs: that is simply his usage. (The designation of Paul and Barnabas together as
"apostles" in Ac. 14:4, 14 is otherwise explained.) When it is a matter of substance rather than of no-
menclature, Tertullian rightly insisted on the value of Acts for the objective testimony it provides for
the reality of Paul's apostleship (De praescr. haer. 23). Seep. 20.
14. Some have concluded that Luke took variant reports of one and the same visit as reports of
two separate visits: cf. J. Wellhausen. "Nolen zur Apostelgeschichte,'' NCC, phil.-hist. Kl. (1907), pp.
1-21; E. Schwartz, "Zur Chronologic des Paulus,'' ibid., pp. 263-99; K. Lake, "The Apostolic Council
of Jerusalem," BC 1.5 (London, 1933), pp. 201-204.
49
TuE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES
Jerusalem described in Ac. 15:6-29 (see pp. 335-47); if the attempt is made, on the
other hand, to equate the visit of Gal. 2:1-10 with the famine-relief visit of Ac. 11:30,
the only link-a tenuous one-is Gal. 2: 10, where Paul may mean that "remember-
ing the poor" is something to which he has already given special attention. 15
The autobiographical section of Gal. 1:11-2: 14 (the only piece of sustained au-
tobiography in the Pauline corpus) 16 ends with Paul's rebuke of Peter at Antioch, of
which Luke (characteristically) says nothing at all (there is a possible link between
the corning to Antioch of certain people "from James" in Gal. 2:12 and the coming
to Antioch of certain people "from Judaea" in Ac. 15:1). But when Luke reports the
parting of the ways between Paul and Barnabas in Ac. 15:36-39 it is easier to appre-
ciate the bitterness (:1taQo~uoµ6~) of their dissension if, in addition to the immediate
dispute over John Mark, one bears in mind the more serious factor of Paul's loss of
confidence in Barnabas after the latter's joining in the "play-acting" of Peter and
others at Antioch (Gal. 2:13). The historian might well wish that Barnabas or Peter's
version of the dispute over table fellowship had been preserved as well as Paul's.
Luke's omission of theological controversies like that between Paul and Peter
at Antioch, for reasons associated with the irenic aim of his work (which did not
include the unnecessary fighting of old battles over again) inevitably affects his
portrait of Paul; but it does not spring from a desire to depict Paul as other than he
really was.
Paul makes no direct reference to the apostolic decree of Ac. 15:28f., and
does not appeal to it even when one of the issues specifically covered by it-the
eating of food that has been sacrificed to pagan divinities-is submitted to him for
adjudication (cf. 1 Cor. 8: 1-13; 10: 14-33). 17 But between the lines of his adjudica-
tion one may detect, indirectly, the influence of the decree. If the Peter party had
tried to impose on the Corinthian church the conditions laid down in the decree,
Paul might well prefer to deal with the question on the basis of the first principles
of Christian freedom and Christian charity, instead of appealing to the authority of
Jerusalem. 18 Moreover, in doing so he provided permanently valid guidelines for
15. C. W. Emmet, "The Case for the Tradition,"" BC 1.2 (London, 1922), p. 279, takes Paul's
fo1toubaaa in a pluperfect sense; cf. D. R. Hall, "St. Paul and Famine Relief: A Study in Galatians
2:10," ExT 82 (1970-71), pp. 309-11. See F. F. Bruce, "Chronological Questions in the Acts of the
Apostles," BJRL 68 (1985-86), pp. 293f.
16. See G. Bornkamm, "The Revelation of Christ to Paul on the Damascus Road and Paul's
Doctrine of Justification and Reconciliation," in Reconciliation and Hope, ed. R. J. Banks (Exeter,
1974), pp. 90-103.
17. Paul's silence about the decree in Galatians, where it might have been used to refute the ag-
itators, has been invoked as an argument for dating Galatians before the Council-a dating probable
on other grounds (see F. F. Bruce, The Epistle to the Galatians, NIGTC [Exeter/Grand Rapids, 1982],
pp. 43-56). But Paul might have been unwilling to make any appeal to a Jerusalem decision (even one
which largely supported him) in this particular dispute. See also C. J. Herner, "Acts and Galatians Re-
considered," Themelios n.s. 2 (1976- 77), pp. 81-88; H. Stadelmann, "Die Vorgeschichte des Galater-
briefes: Ein Testfall fiir die Zuverlassigkeit des Paulus und Lukas," Bibel und Gemeinde 2 (1982), pp.
163-65.
18. See C. K. Barrett, "Things Sacrificed to Idols" (!965), in Essays on Paul (London, 1982),
pp. 40-59.
50
dealing with issues of this order. True, in Ac. 16:4 he and Silas are said to have
delivered the terms of the decree to Anatolian churches; but if that verse is textu-
ally secure (see pp. 352f.), it may be reflected that Silas was an emissary of the
Jerusalem church charged with their delivery (at least to the churches of Syria and
Cilicia), whereas Paul was not.
Paul's companions after his parting with Barnabas-Silas (introduced in Ac.
15:22, 40) and Timothy (introduced in Ac. 16:1)-appear in the letters which are
to be dated from this time on, Silas being given by Paul his Latin name Silvanus
(1 Th. 1:1; 2 Th. 1: 1; 2 Cor. 1:19). With them Paul crossed from Asia Minor to Mac-
edonia and Achaia, and the accounts of their movements in the Thessalonian and
Corinthian correspondence can be compared with the relevant sections of Acts. The
general sequence Philippi-Thessalonica-Athens-Corinth-Ephesus-Macedonia-
Achaia, as we have it in Ac. 16: 12-20:2, is confirmed by references in 1 Th. 2:2;
3:1; 1 Cor. 2:1; 16:5-9; 2 Cor. 12:14; 13:1; Rom. 16:1, 23. Detailed correlation is
difficult because Paul's account of his movements is not systematic but occasional,
while even Luke's account is not so complete as might be supposed if it could not
be checked by references in Paul-e.g., Luke omits all mention of Paul's second,
"painful" visit to Corinth (2 Cor. 2:1; cf. 12:14; 13:1). 19 Even so, a reasonably co-
herent outline of Paul's movements during those years can be reconstructed on the
basis of our primary source, Paul's correspondence, and the superb secondary
source which Luke provides in Acts. 20
A further control on Luke's narrative is to be found in Paul's personal note
in Rom. 15:25-29, where (writing apparently from Corinth shortly before he sets
sail for Judaea) he tells the Roman Christians that he must go to Jerusalem and
complete the delivery of the collection, organized in his Gentile mission field for
the mother church,21 before he can pay them his promised visit. This promised
visit, he tells them, will be paid on his way to Spain to launch a new campaign of
pioneer evangelism there. In Ac. 19:21 Paul forms his plan to visit Rome while he
is engaged in his Ephesian ministry: Luke says nothing about Spain because, while
Spain was Paul's missionary goal, Rome is Luke's literary goal. Paul's misgivings
19. Luke has nothing to say of the tension between Paul and the Corinthian church. If the hy-
pothesis of one or more imprisonments of Paul during his time at Ephesus is well founded, Luke says
nothing about it (see A. Deissmann, "Zur ephesinischen Gefangenschaft des Apostels Paulus," in Ana-
tolian Studies presented to Sir WM. Ramsay, ed. W. H. Buckler and W. M. Calder [Manchester, 1923 ],
pp. 121-27; W. Michaelis, Die Gefangenschaft des Paulus in Ephesus (Giltersloh, 1925]; G. S. Duncan,
St. Paul's Ephesian Ministry [London, 1929]).
20. Cf. K. Lake, The Earlier Epistles of St. Paul, pp. 73f., 152. J. Knox (Chapters in a life of
Paul [New York, 1950/London, 1954]) and others have constructed a new chronological framework for
Paul's ministry on the basis of his letters alone. According to Knox, it should not be inferred from Gal.
1:21 that Paul spent all the time between his first and second post-conversion visits to Jerusalem in
Syria and Cilicia: "we are at liberty to suppose that he went not only to Galatia but also to Macedonia,
Greece and Asia," and he goes on to argue that "he actually did so"(" 'Fourteen Years Later': A Note
on the Pauline Chronology," JR 16 ( l 936), p. 345. Cf. G. Liidemann,Pau1, Apostle to the Gentiles: Stu-
dies in Chronology, E.T. (London, 1984). See F. F. Bruce, "Chronological Questions ... ," pp. 290-95.
21. Cf. I Cor. 16:1-4; 2 Cor. 8:1-9:15.
51
about the reception awaiting him in Jerusalem (Rom. 15:31) were well founded, as
the narrative of Ac. 21:17-23:30 makes plain. When he sends the Roman Chris-
tians greetings from "all the churches of Christ" (Rom. 16: 16), this chimes in hap-
pily with the statement in Ac. 20:4 that several men from cities evangelized by Paul
accompanied him on his voyage to Judaea and had come to him (in Corinth) for
that purpose. 22 In the light of Paul's own statements we conclude that these were
delegates of churches which had contributed to the collection.
But as for the collection itself, which played a major part in Paul's mission-
ary policy at this time, Luke's only allusion to it comes in Paul's defense before
Felix: "After some years I came to bring my nation alms and offerings" (Ac. 24: 17).
Many explanations have been offered of Luke's surprising reticence on this sub-
ject. Perhaps it is sufficient to recall that, while all Paul's references to its delivery
are in the future tense, Luke knew in retrospect that the collection failed disastrously
to achieve Paul's purpose for it in Jerusalem, and deemed it wisest to say as little
about it as possible (see pp. 480f.). In the one place where he does mention it, it
need not be thought that he makes Paul perpetrate a suggestio falsi: there are hints
in the letters (and especially in Rom. 15: 15-31) that Paul envisaged the bringing of
the collection to Jerusalem not only as a gift for the mother church but also as a
witness to the whole Jewish nation at the heart of its religious life.
C. LUKE'S PORTRAYAL OF PAUL

It is no exaggeration to say that, from the record of his conversion onward, Paul is
Luke's hero-"hero" in our modern sense of the word, not in the Greek sense of
"demigod" nor yet in the sense of 8Eio£ &v~Q, a man with divine qualities. 23 Even
in Acts, as most manifestly in his letters, Paul is a man "oflike nature" (bµOLmta8~£)
with other human beings (Ac. 14: 15). 24 But, as Luke portrays him, Paul dominates
the situation from the time when he sets out from Antioch for extended mission-
ary work. He is always sure of himself; he always triumphs. But the Paul of the let-
ters does not triumph; he is "led in triumph" by Christ (2 Cor. 2: 14 ). In himself he
is a cheap, fragile earthen vessel, but into that vessel the inestimable treasure of the
gospel has been placed, "to show that the transcendent power belongs to God" and
not to himself or to any of his fellow preachers (2 Cor. 4:7).
Whatever he was in Luke's eyes, Paul was no hero in his own eyes. In his
letters, he is too often the victim of conflicting emotions-"fightings without and
fears within" (2 Cor. 7:5). He acknowledges that he has neither the self-assurance
nor the self-assertiveness of some of his rivals-of those intruders, e.g., who have
22. On the destination of Rom. 16: 1-23 see F. F. Bruce, The Leiter ofPaul to the Romans, TNTC
(Leicester/Grand Rapids, 1985), pp. 253-57.
23. See p. 532 below.
24. Another instance of oµmomiUELa is the farewell scene between Paul and the Ephesian elders
in Ac. 20:37. Here is the passionate affection of which Paul shows himself capable in his letters: when
"they all wept and embraced Paul and kissed him," they treated him as no one would venture to treat a
OEioc; ctV11Q-
52
Acrs AND THE PAULINE EPISTLES
stirred up trouble for him among his converts in Corinth. While those others ex-
ploit his converts, he himself is reluctant to claim his rights among them as their
spiritual father, and some of them despise him for his "weakness" (cf. 2 Cor. IO: 1-
12:13). Paul reveals himself to be a many-sided character. At times indeed he can
assert his authority (cf. 1 Cor. 4:18-21; 5:3-5; 2 Cor. 13:1-4), although the reader
of his letters may suspect that he found it easier to do this in writing than face to
face. The side of Paul shown in Acts is the side that can readily assert authority, the
side which presents him as the charismatic man of power. 25 But his own letters ex-
pose many other aspects of his personality, the most revealing of these being prob-
ably the Paul who can say, "I will all the more gladly boast of my weaknesses, that
the power of Christ may rest upon me. For the sake of Christ, then, I am content
with weaknesses, insults, hardships, persecutions and calamities; for when I am
weak, then I am strong" (2 Cor. 12:9f.).
The Paul to whom witness is borne in the NT outside Acts is first and fore-
most a letter writer. 26 It is his letters that provide us with direct knowledge of the
man himself-knowledge more direct than anything that can be learned from Acts.
A man's companion and friend (as Luke, according to tradition, was to Paul) may
give us a faithful portrait of him, but that portrait shows us the man through the
eyes of another. From a man's letters, especially when they come with the unstudied
spontaneity that marks Paul's "capital" letters, we can see into his heart. In Paul's
letters, it may he said, we recognize his self-portrait. He did not compose his let-
ters in order to serve as a self-portrait, and their evidence is the more valuable for
that. No self-portrait, whether designed or undesigned, can in the nature of the case
be objective, hut a self-portrait provides testimony of a kind that nothing else can
supply.
But Luke says nothing about Paul as a letter writer; he presents him rather as
an effective public speaker. 27 If he had known Paul's letters and wished to make
use of them, they could have given him authoritative and welcome information. It
might be said that Paul's "dear physician., and fellow traveler had no need of the
evidence of the letters, since he had personal knowledge of Paul and his move·
ments. But he was not with Paul during all the phases of his career chronicled in
Acts. Moreover, it is evident from the structure of Acts that Luke did make use of
other written sources, even for some aspects of Paul's ministry. If he had no objec-
tion to using other written sources, there seems to be no reason why he should not
have used Paul's letters, if they were accessible to him. It seems simplest to con-
clude that they were not accessible.
25. See J. Jervell, "Der unbckannte Paulus," in Die paulinischc Litcratur und Theologie, ed.
S. Pedersen (Aarhus/Gottingen, 1980).
26. Cf. C. K. Barrett, "Acts and the Pauline Corpus." ExT88 (1976-77). pp. 2-5.
27. His critics' description of his speech as "of no account" (2 Cor. 10: 10) should not be taken
as an objective assessment, but it is clear that he was no orator as others were. (His speech may well
have been affected by his "thorn in the flesh" of 2 Cor. 12:7.) For Paul's speeches in Acts, which mak"
an important contribution to Luke's portrait of him, see pp. 24-39 abow and the exposition of the in-
dividual speeches below.
53
Why were they not accessible? If Acts was written in the 60s of the first cen-
tury, the reason is clear: there had been no time for the collection of Paul's letters.
But the perspective of Acts belongs probably to a period a decade or more later
than the end of Paul's active career. 28 Even so, there is not much evidence for the
collection of Paul's letters and their wider circulation before the last decade of the
first century. More important is the consideration that, if one of Luke's aims was
the reconciliation of Pauline with non-Pauline (not anti-Pauline) versions of the
gospel, Paul's letters would not have been too helpful for the achievement of this
aim, even if they had been at Luke's disposal.
But on one level there is an impressive list of parallels between the Paul of
Luke's narrative and the Paul of his own letters. The Paul of Acts, like the Paul of
the letters, supports himself by his own labors rather than be financially burden-
some to his friends and converts. 29 That might be regarded as an incidental point
in common between the two portraits, but it was integral to Paul's missionary
policy. At a deeper level of missionary policy, the Paul who asserts in his letters
that the order in which the gospel should be presented is "to the Jew first and also
to the Greek" (Rom. 1: 16) is the Paul who in Acts visits the synagogue first, in one
city after another, apostle to the Gentiles though he is. "It was necessary that the
word of God should be spoken first to you," he tells the unresponsive Jews of Pisid-
ian Antioch (Ac. 13:46); only when they have had an opportunity to accept the mes-
sage does he turn to the Gentiles and present it directly to them. It has indeed been
argued that this going to the synagogue first is probably unhistorical, because the
agreement reached with the leaders of the Jerusalem church was that they should
be responsible for evangelizing Jews while Paul and Barnabas carried on their mis-
sion to the Gentiles (Gal. 2:9). 30 But the line of demarcation envisaged in this agree-
ment cannot have been a clear-cut one, and where would Paul go in the first in-
stance to find a bridgehead for the gospel in the Gentile population of a new city
to which he came if not to the group of Gentile "God-fearers" who attached them-
selves to the local synagogue?3 1
Some readers have argued that Jewish hostility to the gospel is overempha-
sized in Acts: riots are stirred up against Paul in most of the places which he vis-
its, but only in two (Philippi and Ephesus) are they initiated by members of the
local pagan population; elsewhere Jews are responsible. There is, however, one
place in the Pauline writings where, apparently under great provocation, Jewish
opponents of the gospel are denounced unsparingly as those who "displease God
and oppose all human beings by hindering us from speaking to the Gentiles that
they may be saved" (1 Th. 2: 15f.). These stern words could be intelligible against
the background of the Jewish action at Thessalonica described in Ac. 17:5-9, 13;
they come, moreover, in a letter of which Paul was not sole author. But the descrip-
28. Seep. 18 above.

29. Cf. Ac. 18:3: 19:12; 20:34; I Cor. 4:12; 1 Th. 2:9; 2 Th. 3:7f. See pp. 391f., 436 below.
30. So W. Schmithals, Paul and James, E.T., SBT 46 (London, 1965), pp. 46-61.
31. On "God-fearers'" see pp. 252f. below.
54
tion of Jews as those who "oppose all human beings" is too disturbingly close to
current pagan slanders about Jews for us to be totally happy about finding it in a
letter proceeding from Jewish Christians. Textual criticism has nothing to say
against the genuineness of the passage, but structural arguments have been put for-
ward for regarding I Th. 2: 13-16, or at least vv. 15-16, as an interpolation. Ifvv. 15-
16 are a post-Pauline interpolation, then the statement about wrath coming on the
Jews "for good and all" could be a reference to the disaster of A.D. 70.3 2
Much more typical of Paul is his account in Rom. 9:2 of the "great sorrow
and unceasing anguish" which he endures at heart because so many of his Jewish
kinsfolk are unwilling to accept the gospel in which alone, he is persuaded, their
true well-being can be realized. It is the same Paul who in Acts, from Damascus to
Rome, persists in going to the Jews first with the saving message in spite of re-
peated rebuffs.
Paul, as portrayed by Luke, is the most adaptable of men. He makes himself
at home in all sorts of company. It may be said that he has only one subject of con-
versation-the crucified and exalted Lord-but the presentation of that one sub-
ject is always suited to the audience. Whether he addresses Jews or Gentiles,
learned or unlearned, Areopagus or Sanhedrin, synagogue congregation or city
mob, Roman governor or King Agrippa, he chooses the right method of approach
for each. This is the Paul who in I Cor. 9:19-23 speaks of his becoming as a Jew
to Jews, in order to win Jews, or as one outside the law in order to win those who
are outside the law-i.e., Gentiles, who do not live under the Jewish law. "I have
become all things to all," he says, "that I might by all means save some."
The importance of these words should not be minimized, even if it is unwar-
ranted to use them as a blanket apology for inconsistencies of every kind.3 3 Paul's
basic consistency lay in his faithfulness to his commission to preach the gospel; let
that be maintained, and what might appear to be inconsistencies in secondary mat-
ters did not trouble him. His statement of his overriding policy may properly be re-
lated to incidents in Acts where he accommodates himself to Jewish customs more
than the author of the letter to the Galatians might be expected to do. If such ac-
commodation did not compromise the gospel, if, rather, it promoted the work to
which he was called, no further justification was necessary. He was equally toler-
ant of others, increasingly so as time went on. Any compromise of the essential
gospel of divine grace he could not admit, but if the true gospel was preached, he
was prepared to overlook unworthy attitudes in its preachers. During his imprison-
ment in Rome, when he learned that some Christians who did not approve of him
were preaching the gospel more energetically because of his restrictions, hoping
that this would make him feel frustrated and resentful, he welcomed the news of
their activity. "What does the motive matter?" he asked. "Christ is being preached;
that is the important thing, and that fills me with joy" (Phil. 1: l 7f.).
32. See F. F. Bruce, 1 & 2 Thessalonians, WBC (Waco, 1982), pp. 42f., 46-49.
33. See P. Vielhauer,.•"On the 'Paulinism' of Acts," p. 40; G. Bornkamm, "The Missionary Stance
of Paul in 1 Corinthians 9 and in Acts," in Studies in Luke-Acts, ed. Keck and Martyn, pp. 194-207.
55
Paul was prepared to go a long way to live like a Jew when he found himself
in Jewish company. This, of course, came naturally to him: it was the way he had
been brought up. Although he now looked on the Mosaic law as a parenthetic dis-
pensation, interrupting the age of promise inaugurated with Abraham and realized
in Christ (Gal. 3: 16-4:7; Rom. 5:20f.), yet conformity to Jewish food regulations
in Jewish society was a matter of simple courtesy, not to speak of Christian char-
ity. Similarly he would not outrage Jewish sentiment by ignoring the sanctity of
holy days. Those who thought that a man, once emancipated from these restric-
tions, ought not to recognize them in any circumstances failed to reckon with the
fact that the truly emancipated person is not in bondage even to his emancipation.
For himself, Paul had learned to "esteem all days alike" (Rom. 14:5), but he con-
tinued to reckon the passage of time in terms of Jewish festivals: "I will stay in
Ephesus until Pentecost," he tells the Corinthian Christians toward the end of his
Ephesian ministry (1 Cor. 16:8). So also the Paul of Acts, a year or two later, de-
cided, on his last voyage to Judaea, "to sail past Ephesus, ... for he was hastening
to be at Jerusalem, if po~sible, on the day of Pentecost" (Ac. 20: 16).
Why, then, is he so dismayed that his Galatian converts have begun to "ob-
serve days, and months, and seasons, and years" (Gal. 4:10)? Because they were
Gentiles by birth, and they had no reason to adopt the Jewish sacred calendar just
because they had become Christians-least of all to adopt it as a legal obligation.
Once Paul himself had inherited the observance of that sacred calendar as a legal
obligation, but now he had learned to exercise complete freedom regarding its ob-
servance or nonobservance; it was deplorable that Gentile believers who had no
ancestral motivation for observing it should place themselves under the yoke of the
commandments in this or any other way.
It is true that Paul, at a later date, manifested a more relaxed attitude when,
writing to the Roman Christians about their diversity of practice in the observance
of special days, he said, "Let every one be fully convinced in his own mind" (Rom.
14:5). The Roman Christians were not his personal converts and he had not the
same sense of responsibility for their spiritual development as he had for the Gala-
tians. But more than that: the Roman church was a mixed community. Some of the
groups which made it up consisted of Jewish Christians who had been brought up
to observe the sacred calendar and had never ceased to do so. There was no reason
for them to make an abrupt change in their practice, any more than there was for
Gentiles who had never observed the calendar to begin to do so. Let each side go
on without any sense of constraint, and let neither side criticize the other.
It was reported in Jerusalem, according to Luke, that Paul urged Jews in lands
of the dispersion to give up circumcising their sons and maintaining the ancestral
customs. It was probably Jewish Christians that the report had in view. The leaders
of the Jerusalem church did not believe the report, but were disturbed because many
did believe it, and recommended that Paul undertake a certain public action in order
that everyone might know, as they said, "that there is nothing in what they have
been told about you but that you yourselflive in observance of the law" (Ac. 21:24).
Luke himself plainly believed that Paul had no objection to following Jewish
56
Acrs AND THE PAULINE EPISTLES
customs when it was expedient to do so, and this is not at all inconsistent with Paul's
own testimony. The following of the customs was an ethically neutral matter in his
eyes, to be adopted or not in accordance with the interests of the gospel in any sit-
uation. As he saw it, there was a wide difference in principle between doing such
things voluntarily and doing them from a sense of legal obligation.
This should be kept in mind when Luke describes Paul as undertaking a
Nazirite vow (Ac. 18: 18) or as sponsoring others who were about to discharge such
a vow (Ac. 21 :23-26). The latter occasion had a disastrous outcome, and Paul may
not have been as sanguine as James and his colleagues were, when they advised
him to take this course so as to persuade their stricter brethren that he was a per-
fectly observant Jew. Nevertheless, if they thought that Paul's taking this course
would ease a difficult situation for them and enable them to accept the Gentile
churches' gift without giving offense, then he would not refuse their request,
whatever private doubts he entertained about its effectiveness. A Nazirite vow was
a purely voluntary undertaking, with a long tradition of Jewish piety behind it; there
was nothing in it that would compromise the gospel as Paul understood it. 34
It is certain that, in Jerusalem of all places, Paul would conduct himself as a
practicing Jew, if only out of consistency with his regular policy, which was to
"give no offense to Jews or to Greeks or to the church of God" and to "try to please
all in everything I do, not seeking my own advantage, but that of the many, that
they may be saved" (I Cor. I0:32f.). There were not many Greeks in Jerusalem,
but both Jews and the church of God in that city would be scandalized if he failed
to "observe the customs."
If this was Paul's own policy, we should not suppose that he expected other
Jewish Christians to follow a different one. "Was any one circumcised when he
was called?" he asks ( l Cor. 7: 18). "Let him not become uncircumcised" (µ~
EJtLoJtcio0w ). This probably means not merely that he should not have the marks of
circumcision removed, but that he should not think it necessary to live as though
he were not a Jew by birth and upbringing. If Paul had told such a person not to
circumcise his sons, that would have been (for Paul) attaching undue importance
to a rite which "in Christ" was neither here nor there (Gal. 5:6). Provided other
Jewish Christians regarded the traditional practices as no longer divine require-
ments but as voluntary actions which might be undertaken or omitted as expediency
directed, they might freely go on with them. What Paul was concerned about in this
regard was that Jewish and Gentile Christians alike should respect each other's
scruples, or lack of scruples.
But when Gentile Christians were being pressed to add circumcision and
other Jewish observances to their faith in Christ as things which were necessary to
complete their salvation and win the divine approval, then Paul remonstrated with
them vigorously, because the basis of the gospel was being undermined. But even
34. There is no ground at all for the idea that James and his fellow elders pressed this course on
Paul as a subtle means of humiliating him, expressed by S. G. F. Brandon, The Fall of Jerusalem and
the Christian Church (London, 1951 ). pp. l 34f.
57
when remonstrating with his Galatian converts, he makes it plain that, in itself, cir-
cumcision is a matter of indifference: "neither circumcision counts for anything,
nor uncircumcision, but a new creation" (Gal. 6:15). 35 This is what we should ex-
pect from Paul: for him, external and ethically neutral acts or conditions are rela-
tively unimportant; it is when they are given religious significance and viewed as
means of establishing merit in the sight of God that they are to be deplored. If cir-
cumcision be accepted as a matter of law-keeping, then Paul declares solemnly "to
every man who receives circumcision that he is bound to keep the whole law" (Gal.
5:3); 36 let it not be imagined that compliance with one small part of the law will
be acceptable as a token performance of the whole law.
Surely, however, it may be argued, Luke stretches our credulity when he re-
ports that Paul circumcised Timothy, whose home church of Lystra may indeed
have been one of those churches to which the remonstrance of Galatians was
addressed. Did Timothy, by receiving circumcision at Paul's hands (if Luke is to
be believed), become "bound to keep the whole law"? No, he did not, for his cir-
cumcision was neither performed nor accepted as a religious requirement. Paul cir-
cumcised him, says Luke, not to enhance Timothy's status in God's sight but "be-
cause of the Jews that were in those places, for they all knew that his father was a
Greek" (Ac. 16:3). In Jewish law Timothy was a Jew, because he was the son of a
Jewish mother; but he had not been circumcised, presumably because his Greek
father would not allow the rite to be carried out. Paul was anxious to have Timothy
as his junior colleague, but if Timothy had remained uncircumcised he would have
ranked in Jewish eyes as an apostate and Paul would have ranked as a supporter of
apostasy. If Paul was to continue to gain entrance to the synagogue in this or that
place, Timothy's position had to be regularized (seep. 352 below).
No doubt many people would have detected an inconsistency in Paul's pro-
cedure. But the distinction must be made between a higher and a lower consistency .37
If a man of emancipated mind wishes for certain proper purposes to perform a ritual
act which in itself is ethically indifferent (as circumcision now was for Paul), he will
perform it, not by compulsion but of his own free will. If expediency required that
Timothy should be circumcised for his greater usefulness in the gospel ministry,
Paul did not hesitate to circumcise him. In those days there were many (as there are
35. Cf. 1 Cor. 7: 19, "neither circumcision counts for anything nor uncircumcision, but keeping
the commandments of God"; on the difference between this "but" clause and those of Gal. 5:6 and 6: 15
see J. W. Drane, Paul: Ubertine or Legalist? (London. 1975). p. 65.
36. Vielhauer treats this statement as so vital for Paul's thought that he virtually contradicts
Paul's repeated affirmation that circumcision per se is neither here nor there: "circumcision is never a
matter of indifference, but rather is confession and acknowledgment of the saving significance of the
law, is a denial of baptism, and therefore splits the church" ("On the 'Paulinism' of Acts," pp. 40f.). He
does not see, or at least does not say, that this is true only of circumcision imposed or accepted as a legal
obligation.
37. Both in his own day and in later times some people have expected from Paul that "foolish
consistency" which R. W. Emerson described as "the hobgoblin of little minds. adored by little states-
men and philosophers and divines" ("Essay on Self-Reliance,'' Essays, Lectures and Orations (London,
1848], p. 30). See also F. J. Foakcs-Jackson, The rife of St. Paul (London, 1927), p. 15.
58
in our own days) who could not grasp the difference in principle between doing such
things voluntarily and doing them by way of religious obligation, and such people
charged Paul with inconsistency. It appears from Gal. 5:11 that some said that Paul,
for all his insistence on justification by faith, apart from legal works, nevertheless
still preached circumcision in some situations. This could have been a reference to
his circumcision of Timothy, but more probably it reflected the fact that Paul, before
his conversion, had been active in winning proselytes to Judaism from paganism,
and had insisted (unlike some proselytizers of that period) on their being circum-
cised. But, as he pointed out, if he were still following that policy, he would not be
subjected to the persecution that he now experienced.
The Paul whose portrait Luke paints is the real Paul. It is the real Paul viewed
in retrospect by a friend and admirer, whose own religious experience was differ-
ent from Paul's, who expresses a distinctive theological outlook, who writes for
another constituency than that for which Paul wrote his letters. It must be remem-
bered, too, that Luke did not set out to write a life of Paul. He is concerned to por-
tray the Jerusalem church and its leaders as well as the Gentile mission engaged in
by Paul. Even within the Gentile mission, he finds room for other preachers than
Paul.38 He wants to give a balanced picture of the whole Christian movement of
the first generation, at least along the road from Jerusalem to Rome. As Luke con-
templated the mission and expansion of Christianity, he saw that both the progres-
sive Paul and the conservative church of Jerusalem had their God-given parts to
play, and he aimed at doing justice to both. Both Paul and the church of Jerusalem,
not to mention others, contributed to the faith and life of the second Christian
generation, and Luke was more interested in the deeper unity which they shared
than in tensions and conflicts which, however distressing they were at the time,
now appeared to him to be temporary and superficial and best forgotten. We are
thankful for the preservation of Paul's letters, which ensures that they have not been
forgotten; but Luke's interests were different from ours.
A man's own work is his greatest monument, but a juster appreciation of him
can be formed if it is possible to see him as others saw him. Luke provides Paul's
letters with a wider context than that which the letters themselves supply; thanks to
him, we have a fuller understanding of Paul's place in the world of his day and of
the impact which he made on it. In this account of Paul's activity he has made a
great, and indeed unique, contribution to the record of early Christian expansion.
His narrative, indeed, is a sourcebook of very high value for the history of civiliza-
tion. And, with regard to our present subject, it can still be said of Luke's narrative,
with F. C. Burkitt, that "when we come to test it by the Letters of Paul we find it to
be historical, not fabulous: it is a real guide to us, even for the earliest period."39
38. Cf. C. K. Barrett, "Acts and the Pauline Corpus," pp. 4f. Of the several strands of Gentile
Christianity in the first century, Acts, he says, "helps us to recognize at least three" (those stemming
from Stephen and led by Peter in addition to Paul's). See also F. Hahn, Mission in the New Testament,
E.T., SBT 47 (London, 1965), pp. 47-86.
39. Burkitt, Christian Beginnings (London, 1924), p. 144. Cf. F. Hahn, Mission in the New
Testament, p. 85, n. 6.
59
IX. THE THEOLOGY OF ACTS

Among the theologians of the NT Luke does not rank with Paul, John, or the writer
to the Hebrews, but he is a theologian in his own right, bearing witness to the com-
mon faith of the church of his day with emphases which are distinguishable from
those of the other NT writers.
1. The Doctrine of God. God is the creator of the universe (Ac. 4:24; 14:15;
17:24), the sustainer of his creatures (14:17; 17:25b ), the disposer of time and space
( 14: 16; 17:26f. ), and the judge of all (17:31 ). He must not be thought of as inhab-
iting material structures (7:48-50; 17:24b). He manifested his saving power in the
history of Israel (13:17-22) and declared his will and purpose through Moses and
the prophets (2:17-21, 25-28, 34f.; 3:21-25; 4:25f.; 13:33-35, 40f., 47; 15:15-18;
26:22f., 27; 28:25-27), and in due course fulfilled both these lines of revelation by
sending Jesus (3:26; 13:32f.).
2. The Doctrine of Christ. Jesus, the one sent by God, is the expected Mes-
siah of Israel (Ac. 2:26; 3:20; 5:42; 8:5; l 7:3b; 18:5), the son of David (2:30f.;
13:23; cf. Rom. 1:3). He is Lord (Ac. 2:36; 10:36), the Son of God (9:20), the
prophet like Moses (3:22f.; 7:37), the Servant of the Lord (3:13, 26; 4:30; 8:32f.),
and (once) the Son of man (7:52). It is doubtful if we should think of distinct "chris-
tologies" associated with these various titles. Some oscillation between one and
another was as natural in the apostolic age as in later generations, since these titles,
whatever their origin, were all applied now to one and the same historical person. 1
Jesus is also called the holy and righteous one (Ac. 3: 14; cf. 7:52; 22:14), the author
of life (3: 15), leader and savior (5 :31 ). As the Christ, he was destined to suffer (Ac.
3:18; 17:3a; 26:23), a statement dependent on the identification of the Christ with
the suffering Servant (cf. the quotation of Isa. 53:7f. in Ac. 8:32f.). He was rejected
by the leaders of his people and handed over to the Gentiles, by whom he was
crucified (Ac. 2:23f.; 3: 13-15; 13:28)-is the absence of any mention of Gentiles
in 10:39 a tactful omission before an audience consisting of a Roman centurion and
his household? He was buried (Ac. 13:29), but raised from death by God and seen
by his disciples (Ac. 2:32; 3: 15; 10:40f.; 13:30f., etc.), and exalted to God's right
hand (2:34-36; 5:31; 7:55f.). The name of Jesus is sometimes given almost hypo-
static status (3: 16; 4:30; 26:9), like the name of Yahweh in the deuteronomic writ-
ing of the OT (e.g., Dt. 12:5, 11 ), especially when Jesus is represented as still power-
fully at work with and through his witnesses: "there is no other name under heaven
given among men by which we must be saved" (Ac. 4: 12). He is to return (Ac.
3:20) as God's agent in the judgment of the living and the dead (10:42; 17:3 la).
He is the true object of faith, which brings forgiveness and salvation (2:38; 10:43;
13:38f.; 16:31; 19:4). He is a proper recipient of prayer; cf. 7:59, where the dying
1. M. Hengel argues that the crucial phase of christological development coincided with the
first five years after the death and resurrection of Christ: "the multiplicity of christological titles does
does not mean a multiplicity of exclusive 'christologies' but an accumulative glorification of Jesus"
(Betwernlesus and Paul, E.T. [London, 1983], p. 41).
60
TuE TuEOLOGY OF ACTS
Stephen commits his spirit to the "Lord Jesus" in almost the same terms as Jesus
used on the cross when he committed his spirit to God his Father (Lk. 23:46, quot-
ing Ps. 31:5). 2
3. The Doctrine of the Spirit. 3 The Holy Spirit was promised by God in ad-
vance through the prophets (Ac. 2: 16-21 ); hence he is called "the promise of the
Father" (1:4). He was promised afresh by Jesus in resurrection (1:4f., 8; 11:16); he
was received by the the ascended Jesus to pour out on his followers, who received
him accordingly at the first Christian Pentecost (2:4, 33), as also their converts did
when they responded to their witness in repentance, faith, and baptism (2:38f.). He
was imparted not only to believing Jews but also, in due course, to believing Gen-
tiles (10:44-47; 11: 15), purifying both inwardly by faith (15:8f.). He was variously
received at baptism (2:38), at baptism accompanied by the imposition of hands
(l 9:5f.), by the imposition of apostolic hands some time after baptism (8:17), and
before baptism, without warning (10:44; 11: 15). His reception might be evidenced
by speaking in tongues and inspired utterances in praise of God (2:4, 11; 10:46;
19:6). 4 He is the witnessing Spirit, bearing his witness (to the crucified and exalted
Christ) with and through the witness of the apostles (5:32; cf. Jn. 15:26f.). The
Spirit in the church speaks through prophets, foretelling the great famine, e.g., so
that the Christians of Antioch may take timely steps to provide for their brothers
and sisters in Jerusalem (Ac. 11 :28-30). His is the primary authority invoked in the
apostolic decree (Ac. 15:28). He directs the course of missionary activity, select-
ing Barnabas and Saul for a special work (Ac. 13:2) and prescribing the route to
be taken (16:6-10). So completely is the church the organ of his vitality that an at-
tempt to deceive the church is an attempt to deceive the Spirit-in other words, to
deceive God himself (Ac. 5:3f.).5
4. The Church and Its Ordinances. The church (ixxi..riaia), as has just been
said, is the organ of the Spirit in the world. It is he who animates, empowers, and
directs this society of the disciples of Jesus.
At first the church is restricted to Jerusalem: the church of Jerusalem remains
"the church" par excellence (Ac. 5: 11; 18:22, etc.). But after the death of Stephen
2. See C. F. D. Moule, "The Christology of Acts," in Studies in Luke-Acts, ed. L. E. Keck and
J. L. Martyn (Nashville/New York, 1966), pp. 159-85; S.S. Smalley, "The Christology of Acts," ExT
73 (1961-62), pp. 358-62, and "The Christology of Acts again," in Chri.~t and Spirit in the New Testa-
ment, ed. B. Lindars and S.S. Smalley (Cambridge. 1973). pp. 79-93.
3. So thoroughly does the Spirit pervade Acts that Chrysostom called this book "the Gospel of
the Holy Spirit": "the Gospels are a history of what Christ did and said; but the Acts, of what that 'other
Paraclete' said and did" (Hom. I .5). Cf. the title of A. T. Pierson, The Acts of the Holy Spirit (London,
21913), and J. A. Bengel's words quoted on p. 21, n. 2.
4. According to Schuyler Brown, in Luke-Acts "the gift of the Spirit, and the enthusiastic phe-
nomena which accompany it, are restricted to the apostolic age" (The Origins of Christianity [Oxford,
1984], p. 146). This is said to be Luke's attempt to resolve "the conflict between the witness of the Spirit
to the individual and the decisions of apostolic authority," but the argument is unconvincing.
5. See P. Loyd, The Holy Spirit in the Acts (London, 1952); G. W. H. Lampe, "The Holy Spirit
in the Writings of St. Luke," in Studie1· in the Gospels, ed. D. E. Nineham (Oxford, 1955), pp. 159-201;
J. H. E. Hull, The Holy Spirit in the Acts of the Apostles (London, 1967).
61
and the ensuing dispersion it expands "throughout all Judaea and Galilee and
Samaria" (Ac. 9:31 ). Luke does not speak, as Paul does, of "the churches of Christ
in Judaea" (Gal. 1:22; cf. 1 Th. 2: 14) in the plural. But when the gospel is taken to
Antioch on the Orantes and accepted by many of its inhabitants (especially by its
Gentile inhabitants), the church of Antioch (Ac. 11:26; 13:1; 14:27; 15:3) is estab-
lished as a distinct body. When the gospel spread out from Antioch, the "churches"
of Syria and Cilicia came into existence (Ac. 15:41). Later, with the evangelization
of South Galatia, churches were established in Pisidian Antioch, Iconium, Lystra,
and Derbe (Ac. 14:23, x.at' EXXAT]CJiav), as later still in cities west and east of the
Aegean, e.g., Ephesus (20: 17, 28).
The EXXAl]CJLa of a city is also called the :n:>.~eo~ (Ac. 6:5; 15 :30), or is referred
to in terms of its members, the "disciples" (6:1; 9:19, 38; 11:26; 14:22; 18:23, 27;
20:1, etc.), the "believers" (2:44; 4:32), the "brothers" (15:1, 3, 32f., 36, 40; 16:2,
40, etc.).
The condition for membership in the church is faith in Jesus (as Messiah, Lord,
or Son of God); entry into it is marked by baptism (in water) in the name of Jesus.
The church of Jerusalem was formed at Pentecost of those who repented, were bap-
tized, and received the gift of the Holy Spirit (Ac. 2:38, 41). The time relation be-
tween being baptized and receiving the Spirit might vary (seep. 61 above). The Gen-
tile Cornelius and his household would probably not have been baptized had they
not first manifestly received the Spirit (Ac. 10:44). The belated baptism of the twelve
disciples of Ephesus, who previously knew only John's baptism and had not heard
of the Holy Spirit, is recorded as an anomaly (Ac. 19:1-7). In baptism the convert,
invoking the name of the Lord, had his sins washed away (Ac. 22: 16).
The church adhered to the apostolic teaching and fellowship (Ac. 2:42). The
apostolic teaching, as maintained at Jerusalem (with the practice which gave ex-
pression to it), was the norm to which deviations elsewhere were made to conform,
as is shown in the incidents of Apollos (Ac. 18:26) and the twelve disciples of Ephe-
sus (19: 1- 7). 6 The apostolic fellowship was manifested, inter alia, in the breaking
of bread, the united prayers, and (in the primitive church of Jerusalem) the com-
munity of goods. The breaking of bread was probably a fellowship meal in the
course of which the eucharistic or memorial bread might be taken. (It may be ac-
cidental that wine is nowhere mentioned in Acts, whether in this context or in any
other.) In the primitive church of Jerusalem the believers evidently shared such
meals in their homes every day (xa0' ~µEQUV ... x.at' olxov, 2:46); in the church
of Troas, at a later date, they appear to have met for this purpose on the first day of
the week (20:7). There may also be a eucharistic element in the meal aboard the
doomed ship recorded in Ac. 27:33-37 (obviously not in a church context); but it
is in the light of passages outside Acts (notably Lk. 22: 14-19a) that this suggestion
commends itself. No eucharistic doctrine can be inferred from Acts itself.
The administration of the church of Jerusalem was at first in the hands of the
6. See A AT. Ehrhardt, The Framework of the New Testament Stories (Manchester, 1964 ), pp.
94f., 158-60.
62
THE THEOLOGY OF ACTS
apostles (the Twelve), then of apostles and elders (Ac. 15:2-16:4), then of elders
without apostles (11:30; 21:18), James the Just being primus inter pares among
those elders (12:17; 21:18). The seven men with Greek names appointed to super-
vise the distribution of charity from the church's communal fund (6:1-6) do not
seem to have functioned in that capacity after the death of Stephen and the disper-
sal of the Hellenists. Elders are appointed to guide the affairs of Gentile churches-
e.g., in South Galatia (14:23) and Ephesus (20:17). 7 "Elders" (JtQECJ~utEQOL) is
Luke's term for them; in Ac. 20:28 Paul refers to those in the Ephesian church as
"guardians" (bt(oxo:n:m), whose main responsibility is to "be shepherds"
(:n:mµa(vuv) to the "flock" (:n:o(µvwv) of God.
Outside Jerusalem the church comprises Jewish and Gentile believers; the
churches outside Judaea are predominantly Gentile in composition. The "decrees"
issued by the Council of Jerusalem (15:6-16:4; 21:25) were designed for accep-
tance by Gentile believers in order to facilitate regular fellowship (especially table
fellowship) between them and Jewish believers. They are not viewed by Luke as
imposing any limitation on the liberty of Gentile Christians but rather as a token
of their acceptance as full members of the believing fellowship.8
5. The Gentile Mission. Luke is especially interested in the Gentile mission;
naturally so, if he was a Gentile Christian himself. 9
The Gentile mission is part of the divine purpose for the salvation of the
world: it was foretold in prophecy (cf. Ac. 13:47, quoting Isa. 42:6; Ac. 15:16-18,
quoting Am. 9: l lf.) and inaugurated in history under the direct guidance and indeed
compelling pressure of God (Ac. 10: 1-48; cf. Peter's question in 11 :17, "who was
I that I could withstand God?"). The detail in which Luke narrates and repeats the
story of Cornelius (10: 1-48; 11:1-18; cf. 15:7-9) reflects the importance which he
attaches to this breakthrough-not only Gentile evangelization in itself but the
apostles' acceptance of the principle of Gentile evangelization.
The gospel was rightly and necessarily presented to the people of Israel first
(i,µiv :n:Q<iitov, 3:26; 13:46), and in every place some of them believed it; but in most
places the majority refused it, with the result that it was then presented directly to
Gentiles (13:46; 18:6; 19:8-10). Rome provides the setting for the definitive instance
of this recurring pattern (28:28); henceforth, Luke implies, the gospel is for Gentiles.
The Gentile mission was adumbrated in the history of Israel, as was indicated
in Jesus' inaugural preaching at Nazareth by his references to the widow of
Zarephath and Naaman the Syrian (Lk. 4:25-27); it was given effect in the new age
by the ministry of Philip (Ac. 8:26-39), Peter (10:1-11:18), and the unnamed dis-
ciples of Cyprus and Cyrene who first preached to Gentiles in Antioch ( 11: 19-21 ),
and preeminently in the missionary activity of Paul (see pp. 54, 59).
6. Biblical Theology. Luke is a biblical theologian: he sees the worldwide ex-
7. Cf. C. K. Barrett, Church, Ministry und Sucruments in the New Testament (Exeter, 1985), pp.
49-53.
8. See F. J. A. Hort, The Christian Ecclesiu (London, 1897).
9. See S. G. Wilson, The Gentiles and the Gentile Mission in Luke-Acts, SNTSM 23 (Cam-
bridge, 1973).
63
THE Acrs OF THE APOSTLES
tension of the gospel as the fulfillment of God's self-revelation progressively im-

parted in earlier days through mighty work and prophetic word, as recorded in the
Hebrew scriptures. He himself relies on the pre-Christian Greek version of those
scriptures commonly called the Septuagint. His understanding of the ongoing
process and its climax is frequently summed up in the term "salvation history" (Ger.
Heilsgeschichte). 10
God's saving purpose was declared to Abraham: "In your posterity shall all
the families of the earth be blessed" (Ac. 3:25, quoting Gen. 12:3; 22:18; cf. Lk.
1:55). It was not impeded by the migration of Abraham's descendants to Egypt and
their bondage there (Ac. 7:9-22); their departure from Egypt supplied the setting
for an unprecedented manifestation of God's saving power (Ac. 7:30-38; 13:17),
which was further displayed in Israel's ensuing history, especially in the raising of
David to the kingship (13:22). The maintenance of the kingship in David's family
was confirmed to him by a succession of promises, "the sure mercies of David"
(Isa. 55:3), which were fulfilled in the sending of Jesus and in his resurrection and
exaltation to be Lord and Messiah (Lk. l :32f.; Ac. 2:25-36; 13:23, 34-37). The tes-
timony of the prophets, from Moses onward (Ac. 3:22-24), also pointed forward
to the climax of salvation history in the Christ event and the acceptance of the
gospel in the Gentile world (see above, p. 59). Over the whole record of gospel
progress, in fact, might be written Peter's words at the pentecostal fulfillment of
the oracle of Joel 2:28-32, but now with reference to the whole corpus of OT proph-
ecy: "This is what was spoken by the prophet" (Ac. 2: 16). Christ is the one to whom
"all the prophets bear witness" (Ac. 10:43).
7. Soteriology. Salvation (oortl]QLa) is a key word in Acts. It is the blessing
offered by the gospel; it has a variety of aspects, and it is not always said explicitly
what the persons who accept it are saved from. Since salvation includes forgive-
ness of sins (Ac. 2:38; 3: 19; 10:43; 13:38f.; 26: 18; cf. Lk. l :77), it implies (inter
alia) deliverance from the guilt of sin. In Ac. 2:40 Peter's Jewish hearers are urged
to save themselves from "this crooked generation" --the implication being that that
generation had shown its perversity by rejecting Jesus, but that by accepting the
gospel they could save themselves from the nemesis which such perversity must
inevitably incur. The conditions necessary for obtaining salvation are repentance
and faith-a forsaking of old attitudes and an embracing of new attitudes: "repen-
tance to God and faith in our Lord Jesus Christ" (Ac. 20:21 ). Faith in Jesus as Christ
is so essential that "the believers" and ''the saved" are interchangeable terms.
Even when the salvation consists mainly of bodily healing, this faith is nec-
essary: it was so with the cripple in the temple court (Ac. 3: 16) and with the cripple
of Lystra, who had "faith to be made well" (:rr:(on v mu owOf]vm, Ac. 14:9). Whatever
form the salvation takes, it depends exclusively on Jesus: "there is salvation in no
one else" (Ac. 4: 12).
10. Sec E. Lohse, "Lukas als Theo loge der Heilsgcschichtc," Ev. Th. I 4 (1954), pp. 256-75;
H. Flender, St. Luke: Theologian of Redemptive History, E.T. (London/Philadelphia, 1967);
0. Cullmann, Salvation in History, E.T. (London, I 967).
64
THE THEOLOGY OF ACTS
How Jesus has procured this salvation for believers is rarely spelled out in
Acts. According to the prophets, whose words were fulfilled in the gospel, it was
necessary for the Christ to suffer and to rise from the dead (26:23; cf. Lk. 24:46f.);
it is, then, as the crucified and risen Christ that Jesus saves. Passages from the Isai-
anic Servant Songs are sometimes quoted as gospel testimonia (cf. Ac. 3:13), but
even when the passage quoted portrays the Servant's suffering (cf. Ac. 8:32f., quot-
ing Isa. 53:7f.), the words which bring out the vicarious efficacy of that suffering
are not reproduced. Whether such words are deliberately not reproduced-cf. the
absence of"to give his life a ransom for many" (Mk. 10:45) from Lk. 22:25-27 11 -
or the words actually reproduced carry their vicarious context with them by impli-
cation, !2 cannot be affirmed with certainty. The one place where the redemptive
power of the death of Christ finds clearest expression-the reference to "the church
of God, which he has purchased with the blood of his own one" (Ac. 20:28)-
comes, significantly enough, in a speech ascribed to Paul, and should be recog-
nized as an authentic representation of Paul's teaching. 13
8. Eschatology. The end of the age does not appear to be imminent in Acts,
nor yet in Luke. According to Lk. 21:24, after the Jewish War "Jerusalem will be
trodden down by the Gentiles, until the times of the Gentiles are fulfilled" -but
there is no indication how long the times of the Gentiles will last. The disciples are
simply commanded to keep on the alert, so that they may survive the great distress
which precedes the manifestation of the kingdom of God and so "stand before the
Son of man" (Lk. 21 :36).
In Ac. 1: 11 the parousia of Christ will take place as his ascension did (but in
the opposite direction)-visibly, in a cloud. It is foretold in Ac. 3:20f. in terms
which probably survive from a more primitive eschatology than Luke's own. 14
The end of the age will be marked by the resurrection of the just and the un-
just (Ac. 24: 15) and by the judgment of the living and the dead, to be carried out
by Christ as the agent of God (Ac. 10:42; cf. 17:31). But the present age is the age
of the Spirit, the gospel age, and there is no suggestion that it has reached its con-
summation at the end of the book, with Paul's preaching in Rome. If that marks the
conclusion of one phase of gospel expansion, it also marks the beginning of a new
phase. No eschatological note is struck here, as is struck in Rom. 11:13-16, 25-27,
where Paul sees the conversion of Israel, achieved indirectly through his own Gen-
tile apostleship, as the prelude to the parousia. Luke no doubt thinks of the parousia
11. Cf. H. Conzelmann, The Theology of Saint Luke, E.T. (London/New York, 1960), pp. 200f.
Over against J. M. Creed, who denies that there is any theologia crucis in Luke-Acts (The Gospel ac-
cording to St. Luke [London, 1930], p. lxxii), see C. K. Barrett, "Theologia Crucis-in Acts," in The-
ologia Crucis-Signum Crucis: Festschrift fur E. Dinkier, ed. C. Andersen and G. Klein (Tiibingen,
1979), pp. 73-84.
12. Cf. C. H. Dodd, According to the Scriptures (London, 1952), p. 132 et passim, for the
"governing intention" in the NT use of testimonia as being "to exploit whole contexts selected as the
varying expression of certain fundamental and permanent elements in the biblical revelation."
13. Seep. 434 below, with quotation from C. F. D. Moule.
14. See pp. 143-44 below, with references to 0. Bauernfeind and J. A. T. Robinson.
65
as the goal toward which the gospel age is moving, but as he writes, the gospel age
is still going on. 15
X. STYLE AND LANGUAGE OF ACTS

Whatever truth there may be in the late tradition that Luke was a painter, he cer-
tainly was an artist in words. Many would endorse the verdict of E. Renan, that the
Third Gospel "is the most beautiful book there is." 1 We should be immensely
poorer without Luke's description of the herald angels with their Gloria in excel-
sis, the parables of the good Samaritan and the prodigal son, or the story of the Em-
maus road. It is the same artist who in his second volume depicts in vivid and un-
forgettable words the scene where Peter, newly released from prison, stands and
knocks at Mary's door, the earthquake at Philippi, the uproar in the Ephesian
theatre, the riot in Jerusalem from which Paul was opportunely rescued by Roman
soldiers, Paul's appearance before Agrippa, the storm and shipwreck on the voyage
to Italy, and the fire of sticks and the viper at Malta.
Renan also (in less romantic vein) called Luke "the most literary of the
Gospels."2 We may extend this judgment to Acts and call the combined work the
most literary part of the NT. Jerome said that Luke was "the most learned among all
the evangelists, seeing that he was a doctor." 3 Whatever may be thought of Jerome's
estimate of the outstanding erudition of the medical profession, we do indeed find
more truly classical Gk. in Luke's writings than anywhere else in the NT, or in the
whole Gk. Bible, for that matter, although even in Luke's writings a great deal of
Gk. is not classical. The prologue to the twofold work (Lk. 1:1-4) is composed in
idiomatic Gk. with periodic structure; 4 it contrasts strikingly with the markedly He-
braic idiom of the nativity narratives which immediately follow. It would probably
be right to conclude that where Luke's Gk. is idiomatic he is composing freely, and
that where his Gk. is semitizing he is either deliberately imitating the style of the
LXX or following one of his Aramaic sources with considerable fidelity.
In Acts there is good literary Gk. in the Areopagitica of 17:22-31 (of the
parenthesis of v. 21, which immediately precedes it, E. Norden said that there was
"nothing more Attic" in the whole NT).s It is present also in the exordium of Paul's
15. Sec H. Conzelmann, Die Mitte der Zeit: Studien zur Theologie des Lukas (Tiibingcn, 1957);
the German title is inadequately rendered in the E.T., The Theology of Saint Luke. Cf. also J.C. O'Neill,
The Theology uf Acts in its Historical Setting (London, 2 1970); I. H. Marshall. Luke: Historian and
Theologian (Exeter, 1970).
I. Renan, The Gospels, E.T. (London, 1890), p. 148.
2. Ibid., p. 147. Cf. J. H. Moulton 's assessment of him as "the only litterateur among the authors
of N.T. books" (MHT II, p. 7).
3. "Lucas ... qui inter omnes euangelistas eruditissimus fuit, quippe ut mcdicus" (Ep. 20, ad
Damasum).
4. See p. 21 with n. 1.
5. E. Norden, Agnostos Theos (Leipzig, 1913), p. 333: "jedenfalls gibt cs in ihm [sc. im NT]
nichts antl<Ol1EQOV."
66
STYLE AND LANGUAGE OF ACTS
defense before Felix (24: 10) and in his apologia before Agrippa (26:2-23).6 In
general, Luke's idiom may be described as good Hellenistic Gk., rather more liter-
ary than the Gk. of most NT writers (the writer of Hebrews can be bracketed with
him in this regard). The most important classical form which he retains is the op-
tative mood, which was very rare in the Hellenistic vernacular. There are 67 ex-
amples of the opt. in the NT, 38 of which are volitive. 7 Of the 67, Luke has 28-
11 in Luke and 17 in Acts. The only examples of the potential opt. in the NT occur
in Luke-Acts. Once it occurs in an affirmative sentence, in the polite assertion
Eu1;cl(µ11v av (Ac. 26:29), twice in a direct question (Ac. 8:31; 17:18), while the re-
maining examples are in indirect questions (Lk. 1 :62; 6:11; 9:46; 15:26; Ac. 5:24;
10:17). For other uses of the opt. in Acts see 8:20; 17:11, 27; 21:33; 25:16, 20;
27:12, 39.
Other literary forms retained by Luke are the fut. infin. (see on 11 :28; 23:30;
24:15; 26:7; 27:10) and the fut. pie. expressing purpose (see 8:27; 20:22; 22:5;
24:11, 17).
He makes an accurate distinction between tenses (see on 7:26; 15:37; 26:11),
especially in the imper. (contrast 10:15; 18:8; 20:lOwith 7:60; 9:38; 16:28; 23:21).
There is a significant variation between the subjunctive and the indic. in Ac. 5:38f.
and between the opt. and indic. in 21 :33. Althoughµ~ is the usual negative with the
ptc., Luke sometimes uses ou with the ptc. to express direct negation (Ac. 7:5;
26:22; 28:17-19).
Also characteristic of the style of Acts are the use of litotes (e.g., 01))( ao~µov,
21:39; oux 6 TtJXWV, 19:11; 28:2; and especially oux c'>Hyo~, 12:18, etc.), double
prepositions (e.g., ew~ fa(, 17:14), bE xa( in an adversative sense (e.g., 22:28), the
use oftou with infin. to express purpose (e.g., 3:2, 12; 7:19; 10:25; 14:9; 15:20;
20:3; 21:12; 26:18), Attic attraction (e.g., 1:lf.; 7:45; 9:36), and the regular use of
the indefinite pronoun n; (e.g., 3:2; 5:lf.).
Chiastic constructions have been detected in Acts, especially in the central
chapters, e.g., from 12:25 to 21: 16, with 17:26-34 at the place of intersection (D.R.
Miesner),8 or, in a rather different pattern, from 15: 1 to 21:26, with 18:24-28 at the
place of intersection (V. K. Robbins). 9
Luke has a much ampler vocabulary than other NT writers. According to the
data assembled by J. C. Hawkins, lO he uses 732 words which do not appear else-
6. See pp. 497f. below, with notes on VY. 2, 4, 5, 13, 26, and 29. But even in this speech we find
awkward constructions; see on vv. 3, 20. The curious d construction in VY. 22f. seems to be due to
Luke's simply quoting the headings to groups of testimonia from the OT instead of reproducing Paul's
argument (based on these) in detail.
7. Of these 38. 15 are accounted for by the clauseµ~ yivono, used 14 times by Paul and once
by Luke (Lk. 20:16). Of the remaining 23 volitivc optatives, Paul has 15. Jude has two, and Mark, Luke,
Acts (8:20), Hebrews, I Peter, and 2 Peter have one each. Paul has 31 or 32 optatives altogether.
8. D. R. Miesner, "The Missionary Journeys Narrative: Patterns and Implications," in Perspec-
tives on Luke-Acts, ed. C.H. Talbert (Edinburgh, 1978), pp. 199-214.
9. V. K. Robbins, "By Land and by Sea: The We-Passages and Ancient Sea Voyages," ibid.,
p. 235.
10. J.C. Hawkins, Horae Synopticae (Oxford, 2 1909), pp. 15-29, 35-51. 174-97.
67
TI IE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES
where in the NT (261 in Luke only, 413 in Acts only, and 58 common to Luke and
Acts). Of these n2, about 475 are found in LXX. Luke's characteristic words and
phrases are so evenly distributed throughout all parts of Luke-Acts, including the
"we" sections, that they give the strongest support to belief in unity of authorship
for the entire twofold work. I I
The language of Acts contains several anacolutha (e.g., 4:5f.) and involved
,;orn;tructions, especially in the speeches ( e.g., 10:36-38; 26:3). Especially curious
phenomena are a mixture of the gen. abs. with the acc. and infin. (23:30) and on
followed by acc. and infin. (27: 10), notes on which are to be found ad Loe. below.
A. few Latinisms appear: e.g., ixavc'>v )..a~Elv, satis capere (17:9), o.yoQalm
iiyovtm, conuentus aguntur (19:38), otj!rnOE auto(, uideritis ipsi (18:15), possibly
nOE'vaL yc"ivam, poncre genua (7:60; 9:40), and, according to F. Blass, ou µEta
,wUac; i:auta~ ~µEQac;, non post multos hos dies, latvg (1 :5), although C. F. Burney
and C. C. Torrey take this last construction as an Aramaism.
When mention is made of Scmitisms in NT Gk., it is important to distinguish
Hebraisms from Aramaisms (which is not too difficult, since there are substantial dif-
ference~ in idiom and syntax between the two languages). Hebraisms are most likely
lo be due to LXX influence, Aramaisms to Aramaic sources, whether oral or written.
Most of the NT writers were thoroughly familiar with LXX. Its language in-
rtuenced their style much as the language of AV/KJV has influenced the style of
many English writers since 1611. Luke can use this "biblical" idiom as freely as
any other NT writer. E. Pliimacher compares his use of it to other forms of stylis-
tic mimesis ( especially atticism) found in Hellenistic authors, 12 and treats it along
wilh his general archaizing tendencies. 13 One can agree with Pliimacher while rec-
ognizing that Luke shows a sense of fitness in his use of septuagintalisms, for they
arc found most abundantly in those parts of his work which have a Palestinian set-
ting (and also in those speeches which draw heavily on the OT).1 4 The Hebraic or
'.;cptuagintal style is thus more characteristic of the first half of Acts than of the sec-
oml. l:i The most common Hebraism in Luke's style is tyEvEto o{; ("and it came to
pass"), which in Acts is regularly followed by the acc. and infin. Another common
lklm1isrn i~; i':v tiµ with infin. (as in Ac. 2: I). A further Hebraism is auvEt!Eto au)..-
;\.u~Eiv (Ac. 12:3); it is noteworthy that Luke introduces this particular Hebraism
twice in the parable of the vineyard (Lk. 20: 1lf.) where the parallel passages in the
two uther 5ynoptic Gospels (Mk. 12:4f. par. Mt. 21:36) have ordinary Gk. idioms.
Yet another of these septuagintalisms may be seen in a:rroxet!:lE1,c:; ... dmw (7:24),
plur. o.noxQtBEvtE£ d:rrov (4: 19), "he (they) answered and said."
11. 1/orw: Sy11opticae, pp. 182-88; cf. J\. von Harnack, Luke the Physician, E.T. (London,
19()/). pp. J.5120.
12. E. Pliimachcr, l.ukas als hellenistischcr Schrijisteller, SlJNT 9 (Gottingen, 1972), pp. 50-64.
13.1/Jid., pp. 72-78 (among these archaizing tendencies he includes such christological titles as
''i'X~y,\c;, ,w.ic;, b iiyLOt; xai o,xmoc;).
14. 011 the dramatic appropriateness of the scptuagintalisms in Acts sec H. F. D. Sparks, "The
Semitisms of ihe Acts,., .17S n.s. I (1950), pp. 27f.
l.'i. See also W. K. L. Clarke, "The \Jsc of the Septuagint in Acts," BC 1.2, pp. 66-105.
68
THE TEXT OF ACTS
Apart from this LXX influence on Luke's style, we have to reckon with
Aramaisms. These have been detected mainly in Ac. 1:1-5:16; 9:31-11:18, and
parts of chs. 12 and 15-i.e., in those parts where Luke's sources of information
are most likely to have been Aramaic, in their original form at least.1 6 The task of
retroversion into Aram. must be undertaken with the utmost caution, especially be-
cause our knowledge of Palestinian (more particularly, Galilean) Aram. is still very
limited, even after the study of Aram. documents from Qumran and Murabba'at. 17
Few scholars would now emulate the confidence with which C. C. Torrey argued
that most of the first 15 chapters of Acts are, as they now stand in Gk., directly
translated from an Aram. Vorlage. 18 Occasionally Torrey offers some attractive ret-
roversions, which are noted below in the commentary. 19
TI1e medical element in the vocabulary of Luke-Acts has been noticed above
(pp. 6f.); it is now acknowledged to have, at most, illustrative value.2°
XI. THE TEXT OF ACTS

The original text of the NT must be recovered as far as possible by a critical com-
parison of the various types of text current in the early Christian centuries, as these
have been preserved in manuscripts, ancient versions, and quotations in early Chris-
tian writers.
A. THE BYZANTINE TEXT

From the early fourth century on comes evidence for a recension of the NT text
which combines many distinctive features of the chief existing texts and in fact
16. See J. de Zwaan. "The Use of the Greek Language in Acts.'" BC 1.2, pp. 30-65, especially
pp. 44-64.
17. See L. D. Hurst, "The Neglected Role of Semantics in the Search for the Aramaic Words of
Jesus," JSNT, Issue 28 ( 1986 ), pp. 63 80. He emphasizes, inter alia, the importance of more intensive
study of early Palestinian targums. Cf. J. A. Fitzmyer, "Methodology in the Study of the Aramaic Sub-
stratum of the New Testament," in Jesus aux origines de la clzristologie, BETL 40 (Gembloux, 1975),
pp. 73-102; B. D. Chilton, 'Targumic Transmission and Dominica) Tradition.'' in Gospel Perspectives,
I. ed. R. T. France and D. Wenham (Sheffield, 1980), pp. 21-45.
18. The Compositwn and Date of Acts (Cambridge, MA, 1916). More modest estimates arc
those of G. F. Moore, who believes that the first half of Acts "has used, directly or indirectly. Aramaic
sources" (Judaism, I [Cambridge, MA 1927], pp. 187. 189). or B. W. Bacon, according to whom the
whole record from Lk. I :5 to Ac. 12:2',, "with slight exceptions, is Petrine in point of view and Aramaic
in sources and language coloration" (Studies in Matthew [London, 1930]. p. 34).
19. On Semitism, see also M. Black, An Aramaic Approach to the Gospels and Acts (Oxford,
1 1967); M. Wilcox, The Semitisms of Acts (Oxford. 1965); D. F. Payne, "Semitisms in the Book of
Acts.'· in Apostolic History and the Gmpel, ed. W. W. Gasque and R. P. Martin (Exeter/Grand Rapids,
1970), pp. 134-50
20. On style and language sec A. Plummer. The Gospel accordinx to St. Luke, ICC (Edinburgh,
4
1906), pp. xli-lxvii; MHT passim; and especially H.J. Cadbury, The Style and Literary Method of
Luke, I (Cambridge, MA, 1920).
69
represents a revision of these. This revision was evidently carried through under
the direction of Lucian of Antioch (martyred in 312), 1 whence it has been called
the Syrian text (as by Westcott and Hort) or the Antiochian text (as by J. H. Ropes).
Since, however, it was soon carried to Byzantium (Constantinople) and was dif-
fused from there, it is perhaps most convenient to refer to it as the Byzantine text.
During the following centuries this text increasingly superseded other and earlier
forms of text; the great mass of later MSS and versions from the fifth century on
is Byzantine in character. For this reason the Byzantine text is sometimes referred
to as the "majority text." This was, with minor deviations, the text of the first printed
editions of the Gk. NT (from 1516 on), the text which came to be known as the
Textus Receptus, 2 and the text underlying the Reformation versions of Western
Europe in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, including Luther's German NT
(1522), Tyndale's English NT (1526, 2 1534), and the AV/KJV of 1611.
But the circumstances under which this text seems to have originated, the
fact that it is not represented in quotations in writers of the first three centuries A.O.,
and the secondary relation which it appears to bear to other early forms of NT text
suggest that, where it differs from those earlier texts, the earlier are usually to be
preferred. Many references to Byzantine readings are given in the commentary
below, and though they may very occasionally represent the original text better
than the rival readings (see, e.g., on 4: 17; 16: 13), the secondary nature of the peculi-
arly Byzantine readings is usually apparent. The Byzantine text of Acts is exhibited
by the uncials H L P S and by the majority of minuscules, but for the purposes of
the present work it has generally been found sufficient to indicate their readings by
the abbreviation "byz" (without specifying individual MSS).
B. THE ALEXANDRIAN TEXT

The Gk. NT text edited in 1881 by B. F. Westcott and F. J. A. Hort (WH)3 repro-
duces what they called by the question-begging name of the "Neutral" text, be-
cause, in their view, it contains none of the aberrations characteristic of the other
text types. It was most probably, however, a scholarly recension of the text carried
out in Alexandria in the second century, and is therefore appropriately called the
Alexandrian text. Its most important witness is codex B (Vaticanus), after which
the whole text type is conveniently called the~ text (as henceforth in this commen-
1. See J. H. Ropes, The Text of Acts= BC 1.3 (London, 1926), pp. cclxxxi-cclxxxv, for the iden-
tification of this "Antiochian" text as the NT counterpart of the Lucianic recension of the Gk. OT; also
B. M. Metzger, "The Lucianic Recension of the Greek Bible," Chapters in the History of New Testa-
ment Textual Criticism, NITS 4 (Leiden, 1963), pp. 1-41.
2. Strictly speaking, the term textus receptus refers to the text of the second edition printed by
Elzevir (Leiden, 1633), the preface to which assured the reader: "textum ergo habes nunc ab omnibus
receptum." The text of this and earlier printed editions rested on a rather slender manuscript basis. A
good edition of the Byzantine text, as distinct from TR, is The Greek New Testament according to the
Majority Text, ed. Z. C. Hodges and A. W. Farstad (Nashville, TN, 1982).
3. The New Testament in the Original Greek, I (Text), II, Introduction, Appendix (Cambridge
and London: Macmillan, 1881, 1882).
70
THE TEXT OF Acrs
tary ). Codices B and X (Sinaiticus) preserve this text type in a very pure form; it
is also represented, for Acts, by Papyri 45, 50, 56, 57, 58, 74, Codex A (Alexan-
drinus), and the minuscules 33, 81, 1175, 1241, and 1739.
The main criticism of WH as a reproduction of the ~ text is that it follows B
even when the weight of other~ authorities is against it (see, e.g., on 4:1; 27:37,
39). In a number of places the~ text is probably better represented by Nestle's 26th
edition (1979), prepared by K. and B. Aland and others (NA26).4
WH believed that their text was not only a faithful representative of~ but
also as faithful a representative as could be attained of the original first-century
text (this belief is probably reflected in their calling it the "Neutral" text). There is,
however, another candidate for the honor of representing the original text more ac-
curately, and a decision between the claims of the two text types is not easily made.
C. THE "WESTERN" TEXT

This other candidate is known as the "Western" text, because its best-known wit-
nesses belong to the west. Chief among these is the Graeco-Latin Codex D (Bezae ),
containing the four Gospels and Acts, which is commonly thought to have been
written in the fifth century in some part of Western Europe (possibly Sicily). 5 From
D, the index letter of this manuscript, the Western text is conveniently called the o
text. The b text is also attested by the African Latin version, represented in Acts by
the sixth-century Fleury palimpsest h (Codex Floriacensis), 6 and by quotations in
Tertullian, Cyprian, the Latin version of Irenaeus, and Augustine. A similar text,
however, is found in the east, represented in the Gospels by the Curetonian manu-
script of the Old Syriac version, and in Acts by quotations in the Armenian version
of Ephrem's Syriac commentary on that book and in an Armenian catena based
mainly on Ephrem and Chrysostom, 7 and by variant readings in the Harclean Syr-
iac. The Harclean Syriac has frequently been taken to be a revision made in 616
by Thomas of Harke! (Heracleia) of the Philoxenian version of 508. Thomas's re-
vision consisted apparently for the most part in bringing the Philoxenian into line
with the prevalent Byzantine text, 8 but in Acts he also gives a large number of
4. The text of NA26 is substantially the same as that of The Greek New Testament, ed. by
K. Aland and others (United Bible Societies, 3 1975).
5. But see J. N. Birdsall, "The Geographical and Cultural Origin of the Codex Bezae Canta·
brigiensis," in Studien zum Text und zur Ethik des Neuen Testaments, FS zum 80. Geburtstag von
H. Greeven, ed. W. Schrage (Berlin/New York, 1986), pp. 102-14.
6. Cf. A. Dold (ed.), Das iilteste liturgiebuch der lateinischen Kirche = Texte und Arbeiten 26·
28 (Beuron, 1936); the Old Latin text of Acts in this Gallican lectionary of c. AD. 500 is said to be com·
parable to the Gospel text of k, a principal witness to the African Old Latin.
7. Ephrem's commentary and fragments of the Armenian catena are printed on facing pages in
an English translation and introduction by F. C. Conybeare in BC 1.3, pp. 373-453.
8. There are unresolved questions about this: see B. M. Metzger, The Early Versions of the New
Testament (Oxford, 1977), pp. 65· 75. See also G. Zuntz, The Ancestry of the Harklean New Testament
(Oxford, 1945), and "Die Subscriptionen der Syra Harclensis," ZDMG 101 (1951), pp. 174-96, with re·
views of the former by G. D. Kilpatrick and W. D. McHardy in JTS 48 (1947), pp. 92-99.
71
"Western" readings, mainly in marginal notes (hcl.mg), but also in some 95 as-
terisked additions in the body of his text (hcl * *), with the result that, next to D, the
Harclean Syriac is our most important authority for the "Western" text of Acts.
Thomas carried out his revision in the Enaton library near Alexandria, using
as his standards "accurate and approved" Gk. MSS, presumably of Byzantine type,
but the sources of his variant readings are not easily determined. Some of them he
may have taken from earlier Syriac versions, but others he probably found in a Gk.
MS of the "Western" type. This probability is strengthened by the fact that most of
his variants are cast in the same slavishly literal translation-Syriac as he used for
his whole version. 9 The "Western" MS which he evidently used seems to have been
similar in character to a papyrus fragment, No. 1571 in the Michigan collection
(P38), containing Ac. 18:27-19:6, 12-16, first published by H. A Sanders in
1927 . 10 This fragment belongs to the end of the third century or beginning of the
fourth, and its text is decidedly "Western."
Two other papyrus fragments of Acts of comparable date may be mentioned
here because of their "Western" character: P 29 (P.Oxy. 1597), containing part of
26:7f., 20, published in 1919, 11 and P4 8 (Societa Italiana 1165), containing 23: 11-
16, 24-29, published in 1932. 12 The attestation of the "Western" text in Egypt in
the third and fourth centuries, before the age of the great uncials, is noteworthy. 13
The ti text is in general fuller than~- In the Gospels (especially Luke) and
Acts it has marked peculiarities, some of which can be explained as popular ampli-
fications, while others have been thought to have some independent early author-
ity behind them. One of the best-known examples of this "plus" comes in D at the
end of Lk. 6:4, in the course of Jesus' debates about the sabbath: "The same day,
seeing a man working on the sabbath, he said to him, 'Man, if you know what you
are doing, you are blessed; but if you do not know, you are accursed, and a trans-
gressor of the law.' "
The claims of[> to be recognized as a trustworthy witness to the original text
cannot be lightly dismissed. Its manuscript attestation is very ancient, and it can be
traced in versions as apparently independent of each other as the Old Latin and the
Old Syriac, both of which go back to the later decades of the second century. It ap-
pears in patristic citations earlier than~ does. Internal evidence, however, makes
it unlikely that it is a more reliable witness than~- A longer text should not invari-
ably be regarded as later than a shorter text, but those[> readings which are longer
than the corresponding~ readings are generally secondary in character.
Many of these are reverential expansions, such as amplifications of our
9. Thomas's revision seems to have been the NT counterpart of the Syro-Hexaplaric version of
the OT produced by Paul of Tell a, also at Ena ton.
I 0. "A Papyrus Fragment of Acts in the Michigan Collection," HTR 20 (1927), pp. 1-19. See
also A. C. Clark, "The Michigan Fragment of Acts," JTS 29 (1928), pp. 18-28.
11. See Ropes, The Text of Acts= BC 1.3, pp. 235, 237.
12. PSI 1165; see G. Vitelli, Papiri greci e latini 10 (1932), pp. 112-18.
13. See also F. C. Conybearc, "On the Western Text of the Acts as evidenced by Chrysostom,"
AJP 17 (1896), pp. 135-71.
72
THE TEXT OF ACTS
Lord's name (cf. Ac. l :21; 2:38; 7:55; 13:33), added references to the Spirit (cf.
15:7, 29, 32; 19: 1; 20:3), and an increase in phrases like "in the name of the Lord
Jesus Christ" (cf. 6:8; 14: 10; 18:8). Such expansions are characteristic of lection-
aries-manuscripts ( of the Gk. text or of early versions) in which the biblical text
is arranged so as to exhibit the sequence of lessons prescribed for reading in church
on Sundays and special days. When, e.g., some b witnesses read at the end of Ac.
20:32 "to him be the glory for ever. Amen," it is a sure sign that a lesson ended here
and was followed by the brief doxology.
Some of the longer b readings are of the nature of glosses, e.g., "the man
Jesus" for "the man" in Ac. 17:31, or the appended phrase "for the forgiveness of
sins" (cf. 2:38) after the statement in 19:5 that the Ephesian disciples were "bap-
tized into the name of the Lord Jesus" (amplified to "the Lord Jesus Christ" in b ).
Other modifications have the effect of making difficult constructions read more
smoothly (e.g., in 3:16; 4:25) or aim at making the wording more intelligible, e.g.,
modifying the chronology in 13:20 or removing aJLlP<>tEQWV from 19:16 and thus
clearing up the apparent discrepancy with btto. in 19: 14. Had the b text been orig-
inal here, the~ editor would not have gone out of his way to insert an apparently
inconsistent detail.
In the b text of the apostolic decree in Ac. 15:20, 29, an ethical admonition
is added, the negative golden rule, which is generally agreed to be an interpolation
even by those who defend the priority of the b text; but even if it be removed, the
decree in b remains wholly ethical, whereas in~ it is concerned in three out of its
four terms with food regulations. Here we have neither expansion nor abridgment,
but alteration. If it be asked in which direction the alteration was likely to take
place, it is relevant to recall that after A.D. 70 the relation between Jews and Gen-
tiles in the church was no longer the burning question that it had previously been,
and the tendency would be to substitute purely ethical precepts for those food reg-
ulations which had been laid down to facilitate social intercourse between Jewish
and Gentile believers.
Some of the peculiar b readings are attractive; they make an already color-
ful narrative even more colorful. Such are Simon Magus's tears in Ac. 8:24; Cor-
nelius's dispatch of a servant to welcome Peter in 10:25; Peter's missionary activ-
ity on his way back from Caesarea to Jerusalem, 11:2 (to be taken along with the
b account of Paul's journey from Caesarea to Jerusalem in 21:17); the seven steps
of 12: 1O; the jail or's securing the other prisoners before attending to Paul and Silas,
16:30; Paul's inserting the name of Jesus in the scripture lessons in the Corinthian
synagogue, 18:4; his haste to be in Jerusalem in time for a festival, 18:21 (modeled
perhaps on 20: 16); his lecturing hours at Ephesus, 19:9; the Ephesians' running
into the square, 19:28; the delivery of Paul to the stratopedarch at Rome, 28:16.
Some of these added details give an impression of local knowledge, though others
may have been deduced from the narrative. 14
14. A fuller list of characteristic features of ll is given by G. Zuntz, "On the Western Text of the
Acts of the Apostles," Opuscula Se/ecta (Manchester, 1972), pp. 189-215.
73
In 20:4 the {) reading llou~EQLOc,; has been preferred to the ~ reading &Q~afoc;
by some scholars who have not accepted the general priority of the b text. The ma-
jority judgment seems to be that the{) text is secondary, though its priority has been
ably championed, notably by A. C. Clark in 1933 15 and by M.-E. Boismard and
A. Lamouilie in 1984. 16 The priority of~ was championed in 1926 by J. H. Ropes
with arguments which it is still very difficult to refute. 17 A good summing up of
the evidence was presented by F. G. Kenyon in 1939: he gave his verdict against
the priority of b, while admitting that several of its readings contain "instances of
local knowledge which give the impression of authenticity," and concluded that in
Acts "the editor of the{) text (if we do not accept it as original) must have had access
to material of good quality, such as an alternative draft by Luke, or a copy made
by one of Paul's companions who felt himself at liberty to amplify the narrative
from his own knowledge." 18
If b is indeed secondary, some explanation must be offered of the fact that it
is more aramaizing than ~- At the end of the nineteenth century F. H. Chase gave
Syriac influence as an explanation: the Western text had been assimilated in idiom
as well as in reading to the Old Syriac version. 19 Evaluating Chase's work after
half a century and more, C. S. C. Williams expressed the view that his "arguments
have never been refuted but are commonly ignored, except by some writers in the
Bulletin of the Bezan Club." Williams then adduced some particularly impressive
instances of possible Syriac influence, as well as a few instances of Latin influence
(pointing out that even A. C. Clark admitted that the Greek text of D was influ-
enced by the Latin wording of its companion din Ac. 13:28f.; 18:21; 19:29). But
this section of Williams's study concludes: "The evidence of 'Western' papyri
found in Egypt should be enough to warn us, however, against any theory that the
whole of the 'Western' text of Acts was written either in Syriac or in Latin."20
This caveat is relevant to a study of "The Western Text of the Acts of the
Apostles," delivered by G. Zuntz as a lecture in Oxford in 1939 but not published
until 1972, which finds the origin of{) in a targumized Syriac lectionary (made in
Edessa) retranslated into Greek. 21 It is relevant also to C. C. Torrey's thesis (pub-
lished in 1941) that the basis of{) was a translation of the Gospels and Acts from
15. A. C. Clark, The Acts of the Apostles (Oxford, 1933). See review by B. H. Streeter, "The
Primitive Text of the Acts," JTS 34 (1933), pp. 232-41. Clark's magnum opus superseded his earlier and
shorter study, The Primitive Text of the Gospels and Acts (Oxford, 1914).
16. M.-E. Boismard and A. Lamouille, Texte Occidental des Actes des Apotres, I, II (Paris,
1984).
17. The Text of Acts= BC I.3. See review by F. C. Burkitt, JTS 28 (1927), pp. 194-99.
18. F. G. Kenyon, The Western Text in the Gospels and Acts (London, 1939), pp. 26, 31.
19. Chase, The Old Syriac Element in the Text of Codex Bezae (London, 1893), and The Syro-
latin Text of the Gospels (London, 1895). M. Black points out that "many of the alleged 'Syriacisms'
in D ... may be Aramaisms and come from the Aramaic sources and background of the Gospels" (An
Aramaic Approach to the Gospels and Acts !Oxford, 3 1967], p. 33).
20. C. S. C. Williams, Alterations to the Text of the !Synoptic Gospels and Acts (Oxford, 1951),
pp. 80, 82.
21. Zuntz, "On the Western Text ... ," p. 212.
74
THE TEXT OF ACTS
the Greek into an Aramaic "targum," toward the end of the first century. This "tar-
gum," being mistaken for the original Semitic text of these five documents, was
soon retranslated into Greek with constant reference to the existing Greek text.22
One theory which has commended itself to a number of scholars is that both
texts of Acts go back to Luke himself, the~ text being his own revision of b, which
was an earlier draft. This theory was defended in an earlier generation by F. Blass23
and T. Zahn; 24 more recently M.-E. Boismard and A. Lamouille have defended it
afresh with fuller and more detailed evidence. 25
A modestly expressed proposal about the origin of the b text, offered with
some diffidence by J. H. Ropes, is that it represents a revised recension made very
early in the second century, perhaps in connection with an early stage in the for-
mation of the NT canon: "The reviser's aim was to improve the text, not to restore
it, and he lived not far from the time when the New Testament canon in its nucleus
was first definitely assembled. It is tempting to suggest that the 'Western' text was
made when Christian books valued for their antiquity and worth were gathered and
disseminated in a collection which afterwards became the New Testament, and that
the two processes were parts of the same great event, perhaps at Antioch-in other
words, that the 'Western' text was the original 'canonical' text (if the anachronism
can be pardoned) which was later supplanted by a 'pre-canonical' text of superior
age and merit." 26
In a paper read to the Studiorum Novi Testamenti Societas in 1950 P. H.
Menoud divided the theological peculiarities of b into four groups: (a) those re-
flecting anti-Jewish prejudice, 27 (b) those expressing a more universalist outlook
than~. (c) those which laid greater weight than~ on the action of the Spirit, with
reverential amplification of his designation, and (d) reverential amplifications of
the name of Christ. Since the latter, according to Menoud, are not so emphatic as
those found in the Apostolic Fathers, this may indicate a date for b earlier than the
Apostolic Fathers and not, as Ropes suggested, contemporary with them. Menoud
concluded that band~ "must be regarded as two different recensions of a lost primi-
tive text. Consequently the question is not so much to make a choice between them
as to work back, if possible, to the primitive text with the aid of both recensions. "28
This last recommendation is still probably the path of wisdom in the present state
of our knowledge, which docs not encourage us to embrace prematurely this or that
22. C. C. Torrey. "The Origin of the 'Western' Text,"' Documents of the Primitive Church (New
York, 1941), pp. 112-48.
23. Blass, Acta Apostolorum secundum formam quae videtur Romanam (Leipzig, 1896), the
"Roman" recension (represented by I>) being the later in Luke and the earlier in Acts.
24. Zahn, Die Urausgabe der Apostelgeschichte des Lucas, FGNTK 9 (Leipzig, 1919).
25. Seep. 74, n. 16 above.
26. Ropes, The Text of Acts= BC 1.3, p. ccxlv.
27. Cf. E. J. Epp, The Theological Tendency of Codex Bezae Cantabrigiensis in Acts, SNTSM
3 (Cambridge, 1966); C. K. Barrett, "ls there a theological tendency in Codex Bezae'?" in Text and In-
terpretation, ed. E. Best and R. McL. Wilson (Cambridge, 1979), pp. 15-27.
28. Menoud, "The Western Text and the Theology of Acts," Bulletin of SNTS 2 (Cambridge,
1951 ), pp. 19-32; the closing quotation is from p. 20.
75
theory of the origin of the two texts. A reading cannot be rejected on the sole ground
of its exclusive attestation in our b authorities (or, for the matter of that, in our~
authorities). 29
D. THE CAESAREAN TEXT

The "Caesarean" text is a name first given to a group of textual witnesses by B. H.
Streeter in 1924 because it appeared that this was the text used by Origen for his
Gospel citations-more particularly from Mark-after he moved from Alexandria
to Caesarea in 231. 30 Soon afterward, however, K. Lake showed that Origen may
have used a "Caesarean" text of Mark even before he left Egypt.31 The discovery
and study of the Chester Beatty Codex P 45 in 1930/31 and the following years
made it evident that a Gospel text of this type, especially in Mark, was current in
Egypt around the middle of the third century.
The Caesarean text stands somewhere between the Alexandrian and "West-
ern" types: it possibly represents an attempt to correct one of these types in the light
of the other, and may also represent an attempt to present a smoother text than the
existing ones-to do the sort of thing that was later accomplished by the Byzan-
tine text. Moreover, at least two stages have been distinguished in the development
of this type-an earlier stage (sometimes called "pre-Caesarean"), found in P45
29. Cf. M. Black: "it is no longer possible to approach the study of the Gospels and Acts, from
whatever point of view, on the assumptions of the Westcott and Hort hypothesis, with its almost total
rejection of the evidence of D" (Aramaic Approach, p. 32). On the b text see, in addition to works cited
above, J. R. Harris, Codex Bezae: A Study of the So-Called Western Text of the New Testament=TS 2.1
(Cambridge, 1891), and Four Lectures on the Western Text of the New Testament (London, 1894);
B. Weiss, Der Codex D in der Apostelgeschichte = TU N.F. 2.1 (Leipzig, 1897); F. C. Burkitt, "The
Date of Codex Bezae," JTS 3 (1901-2), pp. 501-13; A. J. Wensinck, "The Semitisms of Codex Bezae
and their Relation to the non-Western Text of the Gospel of Saint Luke," Bulletin of the Bezan Club 12
(1937), pp. 11-48; G. D. Kilpatrick, "Western Text and Original Text in the Gospels and Acts," JTS 44
(1943), pp. 24-36; R. C. Stone, The Language of the Latin Text of Codex Bezae (Urbana, IL, 1946);
A. F. J. Klijn, A Survey of the Researches into the Western Text of the Gospels and Acts (Utrecht, 1949),
and A Survey of the Researches into the Western Text of the Gospels and Acts (1949-1969), NovT Sup.
21 (Leiden, 1969); J. D. Yoder, "The Language of the Greek Variants of Codex Bezae," NovT3 (1959),
pp. 241-48, and Concordance to the Distinctive Greek Text of Codex Bezae, NTTS 2 (Leiden, 1961);
B. Fischer, "Ein neuer Zeuge zum westlichen Text der Apostelgeschichte," in Biblical and Patristic
Studies in Memory of R. P. Casey, ed. J. N. Birdsall and R. W. Thomson (Freihurg im Breisgau, 1963),
pp. 33-63 [lat.vet 1(67)]; R. P. C. Hanson, "The Ideology of Codex Bezae in Acts," NTS 14 (1967-68),
pp. 282-86, and "The Provenance of the Interpolator in the 'Western' Text of Acts, and of Acts Itself,"
Studies in Christian Antiquity (Edinburgh, 1985), pp. 27-52; M. Wilcox, "Luke and the Bezan Text of
Acts," in Les Acres des Apotres, ed. J. Kremer (Gemhloux/Leuven, 1979), pp. 447-55; M. Black, "The
Holy Spirit in the Western Text of Acts," in New Testament Textual Criticism, ed. E. J. Epp and G.D.
Fee (Oxford, 1981 ), pp. 159-70; B. Aland, "Entstehung, Charakter und Herkunft des sogennanten west-
lichen Textes untersucht an der Apostelgeschichte," ETL 62 (1986), pp. 5-65.
30. B. H. Streeter, The Four Gospels [London, 1924 ], pp. 77-110, 598f. In his earlier writings
Origen used a~ type of text for Mark. The "Caesarean" type of Markan text was recognized also in e
and W, in families 1 and 13 (see p. 78 below), and in 28, 565, 700, and the Old Georgian version.
31. K. Lake, R. P. Blake, and S. New, "The Caesarean Text of the Gospel of Mark," HTR 21
(1928), pp. 207-404.
76
THE TEXT OF ACTS
and some of Origen's citations, and a later one, found in a few manuscripts (includ-
ing the Koridethi codex 8) and versions, and in citations in Origen's later works
and in Eusebius (bishop of Caesarea). 32 One of the latest writers to show the
Caesarean text type in his Gospel citations is Cyril of Jerusalem (c. 350); both stages
are represented among them (the earlier in Mark, the later probably in John). 33
Since the "Caesarean" text has been identified almost exclusively in the
Gospels, its place in the textual history of Acts is doubtful. According to Sir Frederic
Kenyon, P45 in Acts "agrees more with the Neutral group, X AB C, than with the
Westem."3 4 But in 1937 R. V. G. Tasker concluded that in ActsP4 5 exhibits "a dis-
tinctive 'non-Western' text, probably older than the texts of the Great Uncials and
of D, and presenting the same kind of characteristics as that known as the Caesarean
text of the Gospels, and that possibly it is the text used by Origen." 35
The text printed in the first edition of this commentary was that of WH; in
the present edition it has been modified so as to approach more closely to the new
Nestle-Aland text (not that the latter text should be accorded the status of a new
textus receptus). The following are the symbols occurring most frequently in the
textual notes: 36
PAPYRI
a P8 (Berlin 8683), saec. iv, Ac. 4:31-37; 5:2-9; 6:1-6, 8-15 @or Caesarean)3 7
a p29 (Oxyrhynchus 1597), saec. iii/iv, Ac. 26:7f., 20 (Ii)
a P3 3 (Wessely 190), saec. vi/vii, Ac. 15:22-24, 27-32@)
a P3 8 (Michigan 1571), saec. iii/iv, Ac. 18:27-19:6, 12-16 (b)
a P4 1 (Wessely 237), saec. xii/xiii, Gk./copsa Ac. 17:28-22:17, partim (b)
ea P4 5 (Chester Beatty), saec. iii, Ac. 4:27-17:17 partim@or Caesarean)
a P48 (Societa Italiana 1165), saec. iii, Ac. 23:11-16, 24-29 (Ii)
a pSO (Yale 1543), saec. iv/v, Ac. 8:26-32; 10:26-31 @)
ea P5 3 (Michigan 6652), saec. iii, Mt. 26:29-40; Ac. 9:33-38, 40-10:1 (mixed)
a P5 6 (Vienna 19918), saec. v/vi, Ac. 1: 1, 4-5, 7, 10-11 @)
a P5 7 (Vienna 26020), saec. iv/v, Ac. 4:36-5:2, 8-10 @)
32. See B. M. Metzger, "The Caesarean Text of the Gospels," Chapters in the History of New
Testament Textual Criticism, pp. 42- 72; The Text of the New Testament (Oxford, 1964), pp. 214f.
33. See J. H. Greenlee, The Gospel Text of Cyril ofJerusalem, SD 17 (Copenhagen, 1955).
34. F. G. Kenyon, The Text of the Greek Bible (London, 21949), pp. l 90f. As the Alexandrian
text has been called~ and the 'Western' text b (after Band D respectively), Kenyon proposed to call the
Byzantine text a (after A, whose Gospel text is Byzantine) and the Caesarean text y (ibid., p. 197).
35. Tasker, "The Nature of the Text of the Chester-Beatty Papyrus in the Acts," JTS 38 ( 1937),
pp. 383-94.
36. The letters e a c pr printed before the sigla indicate that the MS in question contains in
whole or in part the Gospels (e), Acts (a), the Catholic Epistles (c), the Pauline Epistles and Hebrews
(p), and the Apocalypse (r).
37. ?8, according to C. S. C. Williams (Alterations, pp. 87f.), "approximates rather to the
'Caesarean' model, oscillating between the B type and the D type of text, though nearer to the former
and without supporting the extravagances of the latter."
77
a P58 (Vienna 17973, 26133, 35831), saec. vi/vii, Ac. 7:6-10, 13-18 (13), from
same MS as P 33 .
ac P 74 (Cologny/Geneva, Bodmer XVIII), saec. vii, Ac. 1:1-11, 13-15, 18-19, 22-
25; 2:2-4, 6-3:26; 4:2-6, 8-27, 29-27:25, 27-28:31 (mainly~)
a P 91 (Macquarie Univ., North Ryde, N.S.W.), saec. ii/iii, Ac. 2:30-37, 4638
UNCIALS
c pa c r ~ 01 (Sinaiticus, London), saec. iv(~)
eacpr A 02 (Alcxandrinus, London), saec. v (13 in Acts, byz in Gospels)
eacpr B 03 (Vatican us, Rome), saec. iv (~)
eacpr C 04 (Ephraemi, Paris), saec. v (13 in Acts, mixed in Gospels)
ca (c) D 05 (Bezae, Cambridge), saec. v/vi, Gk./ Lat. (o)
a E 07 (Laudianus, Oxford), saec. vi/vii, Gk./Lat. (byz)3 9
a HO 14 (Mutinensis, Modena), saec. ix (byz)
acp LOI9 (Angelicus, Rome), saec. ix (byz)
acpr P 025 (Porphyrianus, Leningrad), saec. ix (byz)
acp sap 049 (Laurensis, Athos), saec. ix/x (byz)
e W 032 (Freer Gospels, Washington), saec. iv/v (mainly byz, but o in Mk. 1: 1-
5:30, Caesarean in Mk. 5:31-16:20, ~ in Lk. 1:1-8:12 and Jn. 5:12-21:25,
mixed in Jn. 1:1-5:11).
e l'1037 (Sangallensis, St. Gallen), saec. ix, Gk./Lat. (13 in Mark, otherwise byz)
e e 038 (Koridethianus, Tbilisi), saec. ix (Caesarean in Mark, otherwise byz)
eacp q, 044 (Laurensis, Athos), saec. viii (~/o in Mark, otherwise mainly byz)
a 066 (Leningrad), saec. v, Ac. 28:8-17
a 0175 (Laurentianus, Florence), saec. v, Ac. 6:7-15
N.B.: ~* A* B* C* D* etc. First hand in X ABC D etc.
xa Xb xca xcb xcc Xd Correctors of X
Avid Apparent reading of A
A corr Corrector of A
B2 B3 Second and third hands in B
MINUSCULES
The great majority of minuscules exhibit a mainly Byzantine text. The following are in
some degree exceptions:
e family 1 (i.e., I 118 131 209), saec. xii-xiv, similar toe in Mark
e family 13 (i.e., 13 69 124 230 346 543 788 826 828 983 1689 1709, the "Fer-
rar group"), saec. xi-xv, also shows a "Caesarean" text in Mark
e 28 (Paris), saec. xi, shows "Caesarean" affinities in Mark
38. On p'li see New Don. 2 ( l 977), p. 140; 3 (1978), p. 113.

39. In E/e. according to K. Lake and S. New, "the Latin has a European text, close to 'gigas' ...
and to the quotations of Lucifer, but the Greek is based on a Byzantine text, and its Western readings
are translations from the Latin beside it. They cannot, therefore, be used as authority for a Greek West-
ern text, parallel to or confirming D. It is essentially a Latin MS with a 'conformed' Greek text added
to it-Latino-Greek, not Graeco-Latin" (The Text of the New Testament [London, 6 1933], p. 20).
78
THE TEXT OF ACTS
eacp 33 ("the queen of the cursives," Paris), saec. ix/x @, influenced by byz)
a 36 (Oxford), saec. xii (l'l)
pacr 69 (Leicester), saec. xv (l'l, but "Caesarean" in Mark, and hence reckoned to
faro. 13)
a 81 (London), saec. xi@)
acpr 88 (Naples), saec. xii (l'l)
acpr 181 (Rome), saec. xi (l'l)
acp 383 (Oxford), saec. xiii (l'l)
ape 429 (Wolfenbi.ittel), saec. xiv/xv (l'l)
eapc 431 (Strasbourg), saec. xii (l'l)
ape 614 (Milan), saec. xiii (l'l)
acp 915 (Escorial), saec. xiii (l'l)
eacp 1149 (Chalcis), saec. xiii (l'l)
acp 1175 (Patmos), saec. xi@, with some l'l readings)
eacp 1241 (Sinai), saec. xii/xiii@/byz)
acp 1518 (Constantinople), saec. xv (l'l)
acpr 1611 (Athens), saec. xii (l'l)
ape 1739 (Athos), saec. x (l'l)
acp 1898 (Athens), saec. x (l'l)
eacp 2147 (Leningrad), saec. xii (l'l)
acp 2298 (Paris), saec. xi/xii (l'l)
VERSIONS
Latin
lat vet Old Latin (pre-Vulgate), saec. ii-iv
ea d (Latin part of D)
a e Latin part of E
ea c pr g Codex Gigas Holmiensis, saec. xiii (Old Latin only in Acts and Revelation)
acr h Codex Floriacensis, saec. vi (l'l, African Latin)
(e) a (c pr) I Codex Legionensis, saec. vii (Old Latin)
m Speculum ps.-Augustini, saec. ix
acr p Codex Perpinianus, saec. xiii (Old Latin only in Ac. 1:1-13:5 and 28:16-31,
otherwise mainly Vulgate)
r Lectionary (Schlettstadt), saec. vii/viii
a s Codex Bobiensis, saec. v/vi
t Liber comicus (Paris, orig. Toledo), lectionary, saec. xi
vg Vulgate (published A.D. 384-386)
Syriac
e syrcur Curetonian codex of Old Syriac (syrvet), saec. v
e syrsin Sinaitic codex of Old Syriac, saec. iv
pesh Peshitta (translated c. A.D. 411)
hcl Harclean version
hcl * * asterisked additions in Harclean version
hclmg b readings in margins of Harclean version
79
hclmg.gr. Gk. marginal readings in Harclean version

Egyptian (Coptic)
copsa Sahidic version (Upper Egyptian), going back to saec. iii (?)
copb 0 Bohairic version (Lower Egyptian), from saec. iv
copakh Akhmimic version, from sacc. iv
copfa Fayyumic version, from saec. iv
Other Versions
arm Armenian, saec. v, (?) revision of older "Caesarean" type
eth Ethiopic, saec. iv-vii
bohaem vet Old Czech, saec. xiv (from lat vet)
cod. tepl(ensis) A copy of the German NT (translated from lat vet), saec. xiv
PATRISTIC CITATIONS
Amb Ambrose of Milan (Lat.), saec. iv
Ambst "Ambrosiaster" (Lat.), saec. iv
A th lat Latin version of Athanasius of Alexandria (Gk., saec. iv), saec. iv
Aug Augustine of Hippo (Lat.), saec. iv-v
Chrys Chrysostom of Byzantium (Gk.), saec. iv-v
Clem.Alex Clement of Alexandria (Gk.), saec. ii-iii
Cypr Cyprian of Carthage (Lat.), saec. iii
Did Didymus of Alexandria (Gk.), saec. iv
Eph Ephrem Syrus (Syriac), saec. iv
Epiph Epiphanius of Salamis, Cyprus (Gk.), saec. iv-v
Fulg Fulgentius of Ruspe (Lat.), saec. v-vi
Greg.Illib Gregory of Elvira (Lat.), saec. iv
Hier Jerome (Lat.), saec. iv-v
Hil Hilary of Poitiers (Lat.), saec. iv
Ircn Irenaeus of Lyon (Gk.), saec. ii
Irenlat Latin version of Irenaeus, saec. iv
Lucif Lucifer of Cagliari (Lat.), saec. iv
Orig Origen of Alexandria and Caesarea (Gk.), saec. iii
Tert Tertullian of Carthage (Lat.), saec. ii-iii40
40. Further on the text of Acts see K. and S. Lake, "The Acts of the Apostles," JBL 53 (1934),
pp. 34-45; F. G. Kenyon, "Some Notes on the Chester Beatty Gospels and Acts," in Quantulacumque:
Studies presented to K. Lake, ed. R. P. Casey, S. Lake, and A. K. Lake (London, 1937), pp. 145-48;
K. W. Clark, Eight American Praxapostoloi (Chicago/Cambridge, 1941); M. Dibelius, "The Text of
Acts" ( 1941 ), Studies in the Acts of the Apostles (London, 1956), pp. 84-92; W. D. McHardy, "James of
Edessa's Citations from the Philoxenian Text of the Book of Acts," ITS 43 (1942), pp. 168-73, "The
Philoxenian Text of the Acts in the Cambridge Syriac MS Add. 2053," 11S 45 (1944), p. 175, and "The
Text of Acts in James of Edessa's Citations and in the Cambridge Add. MS 1700," ITS 50 (1949), pp.
I 75f.; !.. Cerfaux, "Citations scripturaires ct tradition textuellc dans le livre des Actes," in Aux sources
de la tradition chretienne: Melanges offerts a M. Gogue/ (Paris, 1950), pp. 43-51; M. M. Parvis and
A. P. Wikgren (eds.), New Testament Manuscript Studies (Chicago, 1950); E. Haenchen, "Schriftzitate
und Tcxti.iberliefcrung in dcr Apostelgeschichte," ZTK 51 (1954), pp. 153-67, and "Zurn Text der Apos-
telgeschichte," ZTK 54 (1957). pp. 22-55; G.D. Kilpatrick, "An Eclectic Study of the Text in Acts," in
80
SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY
XII. SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY
1. EDITIONS AND COMMENTARIES (ACTS)
Alexander, J. A, A Commentary on the Acts of the Apostles ([1857] London: Ban-

ner of Truth, 1965)
Alford, H. "The Acts of the Apostles," The Greek Testament, II (London: Riving-
tons/Cambridge: Deighton Bell, 6 1871), pp. 1-310
Andrews, H. T., The Acts of the Apostles, WNT (London: Melrose, 1908)
Arrington, F. L., The Acts of the Apostles (Peabody, MA: Hendrickson, 1988)
Barrett, C. K., The Acts of the Apostles, ICC (Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, forthcoming)
Bartchy, S. S., Acts, WBC 37 (Dallas, TX: Word Books, forthcoming)
Bartlet, J. V., The Acts, CentB (Edinburgh: Jack, 1902)
Bauernfeind, 0., Die Apostelgeschichte, THKNT 5 (Leipzig: Deichert, 1939)
Bengel, J. A, Gnomon Novi Testamenti ([1742] London/Edinburgh: Williams &
Norgate, 3 1862), pp. 388- 489 ("Annotationes ad Acta Apostolorum")
Beyer, H. W., Die Apostelgeschichte, HNT 7 (Tiibingen: Mohr, 1938)
_ _ ,Die Apostelgeschichte, NTD 5 (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1933,
9 1959)
Blass, F., Acta Apostolorum sive Lucae ad Theophilum liber alter: editio philolo-
gica (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1895)
_ _ ,Acta Apostolorum sive Lucae ad Theophilum liber alter: secundum formam
quae videtur Romanam (Leipzig: Teubner, 1896)
Blunt, A W. F., The Acts of the Apostles, ClarB (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1923)
Boismard, M.-E., and Lamouille, A, Texte Occidental des Actes des Apotres, I, II
(Paris: Editions Recherche sur Jes Civilisations, 1984)
Browne, L. E., The Acts of the Apostles, Indian Church Commentaries (London:
SPCK, 1925)
Bruce, F. F., The Book of the Acts, NICNT (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 2 1988)
Burnside, W. F., The Acts of the Apostles, CGT (Cambridge: University Press,
1916)
Camerlynck, A, and van dcr Heeren, A, Commentarius in Acta Apostolorum
(Bruges: Beyaert, 7 1923)
Biblical and Patristic Studies in Memory of R. P Casey, pp. 64- 77; A. F. J. Klijn, "In Search of the
Original Text of Acts," in Studies in Luke-Acts, ed. L. E. Keck and J. L. Martyn (Nashville/New York,
1966), pp. 103-10; E. Haenchen and P. Weigand!, "The Original Text of Acts?" NTS 14 (1967-68), pp.
469-81; M. Black, "Notes on the Longer and the Shorter Text of Acts," in On Language, Culture and
Religion: In Honor of Eugene A. Nida, ed. M. Black and W. A. Smalley (The Hague/Paris, 1974), pp.
119-31); E. J. Epp and G.D. Fee (eds.), New Testament Textual Criticism: lt.1 Significance for Exege-
sis (Oxford, 1981); G.D. Kilpatrick, "The Two Texts of Acts," in Studien zum Text und zur Ethik des
Neuen Testaments: Festschrift zum /10. Geburtstag van H. Greeven, ed. W. Schrage= BZNW 47 (Ber-
lin, 1986), pp. 188-95; J. N. Birdsall, "The Georgian Version of the Acts of the Apostles," in Text and
Testimony: Essays in Honour of A. F J. KliJn, ed. T. Baarda et al. (Kampen. 1988), pp. 39-45.
81
THE ACTS OF THE APOSJLES
Clark, A C., The Acts of the Apostles: A Critical Edition (Oxford: Clarendon Press,
1933)
Conzelmann, H., Die Apostelgeschichte, HNT 7 (Tiibingen: Mohr, 1963, 21972);
E.T.,Acts of the Apostles, Hermeneia (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1987)
Delebecque, E., Les Actes des Apotres: texte traduit et annote (Paris: Les Belles
Lettres, 1982)
Dupont, J., Les Actes des Apotres, Bible de Jerusalem (Paris: du Cerf, 21954)
Findlay, J. A., The Acts of the Apostles (London: SCM, 21936)
Foakes-J ackson, F. J., The Acts ofthe Apostles, MNTC (London: Hodder & Stough-
ton, 1931)
Gasque, W.W., The Acts of the Apostles, NIGTC (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, forth-
coming)
Gloag, P. J., A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Acts of the Apostles
(Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1870; repr. Minneapolis: Klock & Klock, 1979)
Grosheide, F. W., De Handelingen der Apostelen, I, II, CNT 5 (Amsterdam: van
Bottenburg, 1942, 1948)
Hackett, H. B., A Commentary on the Acts of the Apostles (Philadelphia: American
Baptist Publication Society, 1882)
Haenchen, E., The Acts of the Apostles, E.T. from KEK 5, 14 1965 (Oxford: Black-
well, 1971)
Hanson, R. P. C., The Acts of the Apostles, NClarB (Oxford: Clarendon, 1967)
Hilgenfeld, A, Acta Apostolorum graece et latine secundum antiquissimos testes
(Berlin: Reimer, 1899)
Holtzmann, H.J., Die Apostelgeschichte, Hand-Kommentar zum Neuen Testament
I. 2 (Tiibingen: Mohr, 31901)
Jacquier, E., Les Actes des Apotres, EB (Paris: Lecoffre, 21926)
Kelly, W., An Exposition of the Acts of the Apostles (London: Hammond, 3 1952)
Knopf, R., Die Apostelgeschichte, SNT III (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht,
3 1917)
Knowling, R. J., "The Acts of the Apostles," Expositor's Greek Testament, ed.
W. R. Nicoll, II (London: Hodder & Stoughton, 1900), pp. 1-554 (reprinted
Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1951)
Kradel, G. A.,Acts, Augsburg Commentary on the New Testament (Minneapolis:
Augsburg, 1986)
Lake, K., and Cadbury, H. J., The Acts of the Apostles: English Translation and
Commentary =BC 1.4 (London: Macmillan, 1933)
Loisy, A, Les Actes des Apotres (Paris: E. Nourry, 1920)
Longenecker, R. N., "The Acts of the Apostles: Introduction, Text and Exposition,"
The Expositor's Bible Commentary, ed. F. E. Gaebelein, IX (Grand Rapids,
MI: Zondervan, 1981)
Ludemann, G., Early Christianity according to the Traditions in Acts: A Commen-
tary, E.T. (London: SCM, 1989)
Lumby, J. R., The Acts of the Apostles, CBSC (Cambridge: University Press, 1882)
82
SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY
MacGregor, G. H. C., "The Acts of the Apostles," IB IX (New York/Nashville:

Abingdon-Cokesbury, 1954), pp. 3-352.
Marshall, I. H., The Acts of the Apostles, TNTC (Leicester: Inter-Varsity Press/
Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1980)
Meyer, H. A. W., Critical and Exegetical Handbook to the Acts of the Apostles, I,
II, E.T. from KEK 3, 4 1870 (Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1877)
Munck, J., The Acts of the Apostles, AB 31 (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1967)
Mussner, F., Apostelgeschichte, Die Neue Echter Bibel (Wtirzburg: Echter Verlag,
1984)
Neil, W., The Acts of the Apostles, NCB (London: Oliphants, 1973)
Packer, J. W., The Acts of the Apostles, CBCNEB (Cambridge: University Press, 1966)
Page, T. E., The Acts of the Apostles: The Greek Text . .. with Explanatory Notes
(London: Macmillan, 1886)
Pesch, R., Die Apostelgeschichte, I, II, EKK 5 (Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchner/
Zurich: Benziger, 1986)
Preuschen, E., Die Apostelgeschichte, HNT 4.1 (Ttibingen: Mohr, 1913)
Rackham, R. B., TheActsoftheApostles, WC(London: Methuen, 1901)
Rendall, F., The Acts of the Apostles in Greek and English with Notes (London/New
York: Macmillan, 1897)
Roloff, J., Die Apostelgeschichte, NTD 5 (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht,
1981)
Ropes, J. H., The Text of Acts= BC 1.3 (London: Macmillan, 1926)
Schille, G., DieApostelgeschichte des Lukas, THKNT 5 (Berlin: Evangelische Ver-
lagsanstal t, 1983)
Schlatter, A., Die Apostelgeschichte, ENT 4 (Stuttgart: Calwer Verlag, 1948)
Schmithals, W., Die Apostelgeschichte des Lukas, ZBK 3.2 (Zurich: Theologischer
Verlag, 1982)
Schneider, G., DieApostelgeschichte, I, II, TKNT5 (Freiburg/Basel/Wien: Herder,
1980, 1982)
Stahlin, G., Die Apostelgeschichte, NTD 5 (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht,
1962)
Steinmann, A., Die Apostelgeschichte ubersetzt und erkliirt, HSNT (Bonn: Han-
stein, 4 1934)
Strack, H. L., and Billerbeck, P., Kommentar zum Neuen Testament aus Talmud und
Midrasch, II (Munich: Beck, 2 1956), pp. 588-773
Walker, T., The Acts of the Apostles ([1910] Chicago: Moody Press, 1965)
Wallace, R., and Williams, W.,Acts of the Apostles (Bristol: Bristol Classical Press,
forthcoming)
Weiser, A., Die Apostelgeschichte, I, II, Okumenischer Taschenbuch-Kommentar
zum Neuen Testament 5.1, 2 (Giitersloh: Mohn/Wiirzburg: Echter Verlag,
1980, 1985)
Weiss, B., Die Apostelgeschichte: Textkritische Untersuchungen und Textherstel-
lung = TU 9.3/4 (Leipzig: Hinrichs, 1893)
83
Wendt, H. H., Die Apostelgeschichte, KEK 3 (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ru-

precht, 91913)
Wikenhauser, A, Die Apostelgeschichte ubersetzt und erklart, RNT 5 (Regens-
burg: Pustet, 3 1956)
Williams, C. S. C., 1he Acts of the Apostles, Black's/Harper's New Testament
Commentaries (London: A & C. Blacl(/New York: Harper, 1957, 21969)
Williams, D. 1.,Acts, GNC (San Francisco: Harper & Row, 1985)
Williams, R. R., The Acts of the Apostles, TBC (London: SCM, 1953)
Wilson, J. M., The Acts of the Apostles: Translated from the Codex Bezae, with an
Introduction on its Lucan Origin and Importance (London: SPCK, 1923)
Wordsworth, C., "The Acts of the Apostles," The New Testament of our Lord and
Saviour Jesus Christ in the Original Greek: with Introductions and Notes
(London: Rivingtons, 1877)
Zahn, T., Die Apostelgeschichte des Lucas, I, II, ZKNT (Leipzig: Deichert, 31922,
3.41927)
_ _ , Die Urausgabe der Apostelgeschichte des Lukas, FGNTK 9 (Leipzig: Dei-
chert, 1916)
de Zwaan, J., De Handelingen der Apostelen, Het Nieuwe Testament (Groningen:
Wolters, 2 1932)
2. OTHER WORKS
Abrahams, I., Studies in Pharisaism and the Gospels, I, II (Cambridge University

Press, 1917)
Achtemeier, P. J., The Quest for Unity in the New Testament Church: A Study in
Paul and Acts (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1987)
Barker, C. J., The Acts ofthe Apostles: A Study in lnte1pretation (London: Epworth,
1969)
Barrett, C. K., Luke the Historian in Recent Study (London: Epworth, 1961)
_ _ , The Signs of an Apostle (London: Epworth, 1971)
_ _ , New Testament Essays (London: SPCK, 1972)
_ _ , Freedom and Obligation (London: SPCK, 1985)
_ _ , Church, Ministry, and Sacraments in the New Testament (Exeter: Paternos-
ter, 1985)
Baur, F. C., Paul: His Life and Works, E.T., I, II (London/Edinburgh: Williams &
Norgate, 1875, 1876)
_ _ , The Church History of the First Three Centuries, E.T., I, II (London/Edin-
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88
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Gehalt der Kunst des Lukas, I, II, ATANT 14, 15 (Zurich: Zwingli Verlag,
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_ _ , St. Paul the Traveller and the Roman Citizen (London: Hodder & Stough-
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_ _, Pauline and Other Studies (London: Hodder & Stoughton, 1906)
_ _ , The Cities of St. Paul (London: Hodder & Stoughton, 1907)
_ _ , Luke the Physician and Other Studies in the History of Religion (London:
Hodder & Stoughton, 1908)
_ _ , Pictures of the Apostolic Church: Its life and Teaching (London: Hodder
& Stoughton, 1910)
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Stoughton, 2 1914)
_ _ , The Bearing of Recent Discovery on the Trustworthiness of the New Testa-
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_ _ , Twelve New Testament Studies, SBT 34 (London: SCM, 1962)
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_ _, Paul, the Law and the Jewish People (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1983)
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_ _ , Aus fruhchristlicher Zeit (Tiibingen: Mohr, 1950)
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don: Longmans, Green, 1958)
_ _ , Verus Israel (Paris: Boccard, 1948, 2 1964), E.T. (Oxford: University Press,
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4 1880)
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(Halle: Waisenhau6, 1891)
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_ _ , Paul before theAreopagus and Other New Testament Studies (London: Tyn-
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(Gi.itersloh: Mohn, 1975)
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(Missoula, MT: Scholars Press, 1974)
Talbert, C. H. (ed.), Perspectives on Luke-Acts (Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1978)
Tannehill, R. C., The Narrative Unity of Luke-Acts: A Literary Interpretation, l, II
(Philadelphia: Fortress, 1986- )
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, Documents of the Primitive Church (New York: Harper, 1941)
Trocme, E., Le "livre des Actes" et l'Histoire (Paris: Presses Universitaires de
France, 1957)
Tyson, J. B. (ed.), Luke-Acts and the Jewish People (Minneapolis: Augsburg, 1988)
van Unnik, W. C., Tarsus or Jerusalem: The City of Paul's Youth, E.T. (London:
Epworth, 1962)
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Press, 1983)
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91
Wellhausen, J., KritischeAnalyse der Apostelgeschichte, AGG N.F. 15 (1914) (Ber-

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_ _ , Noten zur Apostelgeschichte, NGG, phil.-hist. Kl. (1907), pp. 1-21.
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Aschendorff, 1921)
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Vluyn: Neukirchner Verlag, 21963)
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ford: Blackwell, 1951)
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dix on Codex Bezae (London: Macmillan, 1912)
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(Cambridge: University Press, 1973)
_ _ , Luke and the Law, SNTSM 50 (Cambridge: University Press, 1983)
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(Leiden: Brill, 1961)
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gated, I, II, E.T. (London/Edinburgh: Williams & Norgate, 1875, 1876) (See
also Overbeck, above.)
XIII. CHRONOLOGICAL AND GENEALOGICAL TABLES

A. LIST OF APPROXIMATE DATES
Ministry of John the Baptist Autumn 27-Autumn 28
Baptism of Jesus (Mk. 1:9-11 par.) Spring 28
Early Judaean ministry of Jesus (Jn. 2:13-4:3) Summer28
Galilaean ministry of Jesus (Mk. 1:14-9:50 par.) Autumn 28-Autumn 29
Jesus in Judaea and Peraca (Mk. 10:1 par.) Autumn 29-Spring 30
Crucifixion, Resurrection, Ascension, Pentecost April-May 30
Conversion of Saul of Tarsus (Ac. 9:1-22; Gal. 1: 15-17) c. 33
Paul's first post-conversion visit to Jerusalem (Ac. 9:26-30; Gal. 1:18-20) c. 35
Death of James the son of Zebedee; Peter's imprisonment and escape
(Ac. 12:1-17) c. 43
Death of Herod Agrippa I (Ac. 12:20-23) March 44
Famine in Judaea (Ac. 11 :28) 45-48
Barnabas and Paul visit Jerusalem (Ac. 11:30; Gal. 2:1) c. 46
Barnabas and Paul evangelize Cyprus and South Galatia (Ac. 13:4-14:26) c. 47-48
Letter to the Galatians c.48
Apostolic Council at Jerusalem (Ac. 15:6-29) c. 49
Paul, Silas, and Timothy take the gospel to Macedonia (Ac. 16:9-17:14;
1 Th. 1:2-2:2) c. 49-50
92
CHRONOLOGICAL AND GENEALOGICAL TABLES
Paul in Corinth (Ac. 18:1-18; 1 Cor. 2:1-5) Autumn SO-Spring 52

Letters to the Thessalonians late 50
Gallio becomes proconsul of Achaia (Ac. 18:12) c. May 51
Paul's hasty visit to Judaea and Syria (Ac. 18:22) Spring-Summer 52
Paul in Ephesus (Ac. 19: 1-20: l) Autumn 52-Summer 55
Murder of Junius Silanus, proconsul of Asia (Tac. Ann. 13.1-3) late 54
Paul sends Timothy and Erastus to Macedonia (Ac. 19:22) early 55
First Letter to the Corinthians (cf. 1 Cor. 16:8) Spring 55
Paul's sorrowful visit to Corinth (2 Cor. 2:1; 13:2) Summer 55
Titus's reconciling mission in Corinth (2 Cor. 2: 13; 7:5-16) Summer/Autumn 55
Paul in Troas (2 Cor. 2: 12) Autumn 55
Paul in Macedonia and Illyricum (Ac. 20:lf.; Rom. 15:19) Winter 55-Autumn 56
Second Letter to the Corinthians 56
Paul in Achaia (Corinth) (Ac. 20:2f.; Rom. 15:25-28; 16:23) Winter 56-57
Letter to the Romans early 57
Paul's arrival and arrest in Jerusalem (Ac. 21 :15-33) May 57
Paul detained at Caesarea (Ac. 23:23-26:32) 57-59
Paul sets sail for Italy (Ac. 27: lf.) September 59
Paul in Malta (Ac. 28:1-10) Winter 59-60
Paul arrives in Rome (Ac. 28:14-16) February/March 60
Letters to Colossians, Philemon, Ephesians c. 60
Letter to the Philippians c. 61
End of Paul's Roman detention (Ac. 28:30) late 61 or early 62
Death of James the Just in Jerusalem (Jos. Ant. 20.200) 62
Great fire of Rome July 64
Neronian persecution of Roman Christians; death of Peter and Paul ? 65
Outbreak of Jewish War (Jos. BJ 2.409-32) September 66
Destruction of Jerusalem (Jos. BJ 6.250-408) August-September 70
In the absence of exact chronological indications, many of these dates are only approxi-
mate, and for some of them a margin of two or three years must be allowed. See (among
other treatments of the subject) G. B. Caird, "Chronology of the New Testament," IDB I
(New York/Nashville, 1962), especially pp. 603-607; R. Jewett, Dating Paul's Life (Lon-
don, 1979); G. Ludemann, Paul, Apostle to the Gentiles: Studies in Chronology, E.T. (Lon-
don, 1984); N. Hyldahl, Die paulinische Chronologie, Acta Theologica Danica 19 (Leiden,
1986); F. F. Bruce, "Chronological Questions in the Acts of the Apostles," BJRL 68 (1985-
86), pp. 273-95.
B. ROMAN EMPERORS IN NEW TESTAMENT TIMES

Augustus (Lk. 2: 1) 27 B.C.-A.D. 14
Tiberius (Lk. 3: I) A.O. 14-37
Gaius (Caligula) 37-41
Claudius (Ac. 11 :28; 18:2) 41-54
Nero ("Caesar" in Ac. 25:1 If., 21; 26:32; 27:24) 54-68
Galba 68-69
Otho 69
Vitelli us 69
93
Vespasian 69-79
Titus 79-81
Domitian 81-96
Nerva 96-98
Trajan 98-117
C. RULERS OF JUDAEA IN NEW TESTAMENT TIMES

Herod the Great, king (Mt. 2:1-21; Lk. 1:5) 37-4 B.C.
Archelaus, ethnarch (Mt. 2:22) 4 B.C.-AD. 6
Prefects
Coponius (Jos. BJ 2.117; Ant. 18.2) c. A.D. 6-9
M. Ambivius (Jos. Ant. 18.31) c. 9-12
Annius Rufus (Jos. Ant. 18.32f.) c. 12-15
Valerius Gratus (Jos. Ant. 18.33-35, 177) 15-26
Pontius Pilatus (Tac. Ann. 15.44.4; Philo, Leg. ad Gai. 299-305;
Jos. BJ 2.169-77; Ant. 18.35, 55-59, 62-64, 87-89, 177; Mk.
15:1-15 par.; Lk. 13:1; Jn. 18:29-19:38; Ac. 4:27) 18-37
Marcellus (Jos. Ant. 18.89) 37
Marullus (Jos. Ant. 18.237) 37-41
King
Herod Agrippa I (Jos. BJ 2.181-219; Ant. 18.228-19.361; Ac. 12: 1-23) 41-44
Procurators
Cuspius Fadus (Jos. BJ 2.220; Ant. l 9.363f.; 20.2-13) 44-c. 45
Tiberius Julius Alexander (Jos. BJ 2.220; Ant. 20.100-102 c. 45-48
Ventidius Cumanus (Jos. BJ 2.223-246; Ant. 20.103-36) 48-52
M. Antonius Felix(? Tib. Claudius Felix) (Jos. BJ 2.247-70;
Ant. 20.137-81; Tac. Ann 12.54; Hist. 5.9; Ac. 23:24-24:27) 52-59
Porcius Festus (Jos. BJ 271f.; Ant. 20.182-97; Ac. 24:27-26:32) 59-62
Lucceius Albinus (Jos. BJ 2.272-77; Ant. 20.197, 202-209, 215) 62-65
Gessius Floros (Jos. BJ 2.277-558; Ant. 20.215, 252-57; Tac. Hist. 5.10) 65-66
0. JEWISH HIGH PRIESTS IN NEW TESTAMENT TIMES

Appointed by Herod the Great (37-4 B.C.)
Hananel 37-36 B.C.
Aristobulus lil (last of the Hasmonaeans) 36 B.C.
Hananel (restored) c. 36-30 B.C.
Jesus son of Phiabi c. 30-23 B.C.
Simon son of Boethus c. 23-5 B.C.
Matthias son of Theophilus C. 5-4 B.C.
(Simon son of Ellem, deputy high priest 5 B.C)
Joazar son of Boethus 4 B.C.
Appointed by Archelaus, ethnarch of Judaea (4 B.C.-A.D. 6)
Eleazar son of Boethus c. 4-3 B.C.
Jesus son of See c. 3 B.C.-A.D. 6
94
CHRONOLOGICAL AND GENEALOGICAL TABLES
Joazar son of Boethus (reappointed) A.D.6
Appointed by Quirinius, legate of Syria (A.D. 6-9)

Annas (Ananus I) son of Seth (Lk. 3:2; Jn. 18:13-24; Ac. 4:6) 6-15
Appointed by Valerius Gratus, prefect of Judaea (15-26)
Ishmael son of Phiabi 15-16
Eleazar son of Annas 16-17
Simon son of Kamith 17-18
Joseph Caiaphas, son-in-law of Annas (Mt. 26:3, 57; Lk. 3:2;
Jn. 11:49; 18: l3f., 24, 28; Ac. 4:6) 18-36
Appointed by L. Vitellius, legate of Syria (35-39)
Jonathan son of Annas 36-37
Theophilus son of Annas 37-41
Appointed by Herod Agrippa I, king of the Jews (41-44)
Simon Kantheras son of Boethus 41-42
Matthias son of Annas 42-43
Elioenai son of Kantheras 43-44
Appointed by Herod, king ofChalcis (44-48)
Joseph son of Kami(th) 44-47
Ananias son ofNedebaeus (Ac. 23:2; 24:1) 47-58
Appointed by Herod Agrippa II (50-100)
Ishmael son of Phiabi II c. 58-60
Joseph Kabi son of Simon c. 60-61
Ananus II son of Annas c. 61-62
Jesus son of Damnaeus c. 62-63
Jesus son of Gamaliel c. 63-65
Matthias son of Theophilus son of Annas c. 65-68
Appointed by the people during the war
Phanni (Phinehas) son of Samuel 68-70
95
E. HEROD THE GREAT AND HIS DESCENDANTS 1

HEROD THE GREAT (d. 4 B c.)
(Mt. 2:lff.; Lk. 1:5)
married
Doris Mariamme Mariam me Malthacc

----. Cleopatra
granddaughter of I
daughter of Simon the Philip,
Antipater Hyrcanus JI high priest tetrarch
(d. 4B.C) I of lturaea
Herod (Philip) (Lk. 3:1)
(Mk. 6:17) married Salome
married
Herodias ·--y---
(Mk. 6:17ff.) Archelaus Herod
I (Mt. 2:22) Antipas
Salome ethnarch (Mk. 6:14;
of Judaea Lk. 23:7,
---, etc.)
Aristobulus Alexander Salampsio Cyprus tetrarch
(d. 7 ll.C) (d. 7 B.c) of Galilee
married married
Glaphyra Herodias
Olympias
Herod Herodias Aristobulus Herod

Agrippa I married k. of
(d. A.D. 44) (1) Herod Philip Ch ale is
(Ac. 12:1) (2) Herod Antipas (d. 48)
-,-----,
Herod Mariamne Bernice Drusilla Drusus
Agrippa II (Ac. 2.'i:31) (Ac. 24:24)
(d. c. AD. JOO) married married
(Ac. 2.'i:13) (I) Herod of ( 1) Aziz us k.
Chalcis of Emcsa
(2) Polemon (2) Felix
k. of Pontus
Agrippa
(d. 79)
Alexander Tigrancs IV
I k. of
Tigranes V Armenia
k. of (d. 36)
Armenia
I
Alexander
k. of Cilicia
I
C. Julius Agrippa
1. More detailed presentation of the Herod family may be found on endpapers in the Loeb edi-
tion of Josephus, JI, in A.H. M. Jones, The Herod.1· of Judaea (Oxford, 1938), in A. Schalit, Konig
Herod.es (Berlin, 1968), and in Schiirer I (p. 614).
96
Text and Commentary
ACTSl
I. THE BIRTH OF THE CHURCH (1:1-5:42)

A. INTRODUCTION (1:1-26)
1. Prologue (1: 1-5)

w
I Tov µEv JtQWtov ')...oyov EJtOLTJO(l!.lTJV JtEQL ruivtwv, 0EOcj>LAE, wv ~Q;ato 6
'lrJooii£ JtOLEiv tE xal bLOOOXELV 2 U'.X.QL ~£ ~IJEQU£ EvtELA<lµEVO£ toi:£ futoot6Am£
bu'L JtvEuµato£ ayiou o~ i;EAE!;ato avE')...~µcj>STJ· 3 ol£ xul itUQEotTJOEV foutov
toovtu µmi to ltU0ELV U'lltOV EV JtOHOL£ tE,tµTJQLOL£, fa' ~µEQOOV tEOOEQ<lXOvtU
OITTUVOµEVO£ UutOL£ xul ')...eywv ta JtEQL tfJ£ ~UOLJ..ELU£ toii 0EOU. 4 xal
OUVUAL~OµEVO£ JtUQ~YYELAEV U'llt0L£ (llt() 'IEQOOOAUµwv µ~ )CWQL~E00m, ana
JtEQLµevn v t~v EJtayyE')...(uv toii ltUtQO£ ~v ~xoooute µou- son 'IwaVVTJ£ µiv
e~aJttLoEv uoon, uµEi:£ bE iv JtvEuµan ~alttwe~oweE ayicp 01i µEta Jtona£
tuUtu£ ~µEQU£.
1: 1 These five verses provide a connection between the two parts of Luke's
history, and partly summarize the closing scenes of the Gospel. The prologue to
the Gospel (Lk. 1:1-4) is really the prologue to the twofold work Luke-Acts. See
L. C. A Alexander, "Luke's Preface in the Context of Greek Preface-Writing,"
NovT28 (1986), pp. 28-74; cf. pp. 21, 28 above.
Tov µiv ltQWtOV ')...oyov El'tOLTJO<iµTJV] I.e., the Third Gospel. µev is anacoluthic;
the following be is not expressed. It should not be inferred from the use of ltQWtO£
rather than the comparative JtQOtEQO£ that Luke intended his Gospel to be the first
of three treatises. Just as in common English "first" is loosely used for "former"
even when only two things are in question, so in Hellenistic Gk. itQotEQO£ was large-
ly superseded by JtQWtO£. Cf. ltQfut6£ µou ~v, Jn. 1:15; eµE JtQciJtov i,µrov µEµLOTJXEV,
Jn. 15: 18. Luke never uses JtQOtEQO£, and it is rare in the vernacular papyri. ')...oyo£
is used for a division of a work which covered more than one papyrus roll. Acts is
97
thus the second division of the work Lucas ad Theophilum. Luke and Acts covered
one papyrus roll each, and since they are the two longest books in the NT (Luke is
longer than Acts), it is clear that Luke made the fullest possible use of his space.
Cf. Philo, Quad Omn. Prob. Lib. 1 (6 µiv :rtQOtEQO£ 11.6yo; ~v, <li 8E6&m, :rtEQL
toii ... ); Xen. An. 2.1 (Ev tcj'l eµ:rtQoa8Ev 11.6ycµ ); Artemidorus, Oneirocrit. 2, proem.
(Ev µEv tfi :rtQO tU'U'tl]£ ~L~A.(!l, KaaCTLE M<isLµE, ... EJtoLl]CT<lµl]V tOV 11.6yov ... EV OE
tamn tfi ~ L~A.(!l t~V Ocj>EL11.oµEVT]V faatQWL v a:rtobwaw ).
<li 8E6cj>t11.E] Theophilus is addressed as i!.QUtLatE 8E6cj>L11.E in Lk. 1:3. The title
XQ<itLatos properly belongs to the equestrian rank (Lat. egregius), but is also used
in a more general sense (Lat. optimus). Elsewhere in Acts it indicates an official
position (cf. 23:26; 24:3; 26:25, in reference to the procurator of Judaea). See New
Docs. 3 (1978), § 2 (= POxy. 3313).
It is unnecessary to suppose, with several writers from Origen onward, that
Theophilus ("dear to God") is here a symbolical name, either of the "Christian
reader" in general or of the particular person addressed. B. H. Streeter, e.g., sup-
posed that Theophilus might have been T. Flavius Clemens, cousin of Domitian and
at one time heir to the imperial throne (The Four Gospels, pp. 534-39). Theophilus
occurs as a personal name from the third century B.C. onward (cf. MM), and the cus-
tom of dedicating books to distinguished persons was common at the time.
An interesting parallel to the twofold address to Theophilus (Lk. 1:3; Ac. 1: 1)
is the twofold address by Josephus to his patron Epaphroditus-to whom the An-
tiquities were also dedicated (Vita 430; Ant. 1.8)-at the beginning of both parts
of his work Against Apion. In particular, XQUtLatE avbQcilv 'E:rtacj>Q6bm (Ap. 1.1)
should be compared with XQUtLatE 8E6cj>L11.E (Lk. 1:3), and bLa µiv toii :rtQOtEQOU
~L~11.(ou, nµLwtatE µm 'E:rtacj>Q6bm (Ap. 2.1) with tov µiv :rtQciltov 11.6yov EJtoLT]a<iµl]v
... <li 8Eocj>L11.E (Ac. 1:1). (Cf. also the concluding dedication inAp. 2.296.) This af-
fords additional indication, if such were needed, that in Luke and Acts we are deal-
ing, not with two works, but with two parts of one work.
ijQsato] As the Gospel records what Jesus began to do and teach (cf. Lk. 3:23,
ctQXOµEvo;), so Acts records what he continued to do and teach, by his Spirit in the
apostles, after he was "taken up." Cf. Heb. 2:3 (aQx~v 11.a~ouaa 11.a11.Eia0m bLa toii
xuQ(ou); also Mk. 1:1, if the ctQX~ toii EuayyEHou 'llJaoii XQtatou is to be taken as
the course of events from the baptism of John to the announcement of Jesus' res-
urrection. Luke presents one continuous story of Jesus, telling how he worked first
on earth and then from heaven. ijQsato is emphatic here, and should not be regarded
merely as a semitizing auxiliary (see on 2:4).
:rtOLEiv tE xal blbamm v] Luke, like the other canonical Gospels, comprises
narrative and discourse, the good news about Jesus and the good news proclaimed
by Jesus.
n
1:2 UXQL ~£ ~µEQas] Attic attraction for UXQL tfJS ~µEQUS EV (so also Mt.
24:38). Cf. v. 22.
UXQL ~£ ~µEQ<lS EvtELA.<lµEVO£ tois a:rtoatOA.OL£ bu't :rtVEUµarns ayiou OU£
EsEA.Esato UVE11.~µcp0TJ] The text of D (UXQL ~£ ~µEQU£ (lVEA.tjµcp8l] EvtELA.<lµEVO£ toi£
(l:rt0ITTOA.Ol£ OLU :rtVEUµato; ay LOU OU£ Et;EA.Esato xal EXEA.EUCTE Xl]QUCTCTEL V to
98
1:1-5 PROLOGUE
Euayy1J.. LOv) is evidently conflate; the original b text is probably represented by Aug.
c. Fe!. 1.4 and c. Ep. Fund. 9: in die quo apostolos elegit per spiritum sanctum et
praecepit praedicare euangelium. This would represent h fl ~µiw tou£ a1tocn6)..0"£
E!;EAE!;ato flux :JtVEllµUt0£ ay(ou ,eal EXEAEOOE XT]QUOOELV to EOOYYEALOV, which A. C.
Clark prints as the original text. The omission of av£)..~µcp0T] is noteworthy, because
the b text of Lk. 24:51 omits ,eal avEcj,EQEto EL£ tov ouQUv6v, a clause bracketed by
WH as a "Western noninterpolation" (i.e., an interpolation in the~ text). It has been
argued that this clause was added to Lk. 24:51 and avE)..~µcpEIT] to Ac. 1:2 when the
two parts of Lucas ad Theophilum were separated and began to circulate indepen-
dently. (See also G. Bouwman, "Der Anfang der Apostelgeschichte und der 'West-
liche' Text," in Text and Testimony, ed. T. Baarda et al. [Kampen, 1988], pp. 46-
55 .) But the ~ text here, though awkward (chiefly because of the unnatural
separation of OU£ E!;EAE!;ato from toi:£ a1tocn6)..m£), gives good sense: "until the day
on which he was taken up, having given commandment through the Holy Spirit to
the apostles whom he had chosen." For the commandment cf. Lk. 24:49. With
avE)..~µcpEIT] cf. av<i)..T]µ'lj!t£, Lk. 9:51. With E!;EAE!;ato cf. EXAE!;<iµEvo£, Lk. 6:13; the
same verb is used of the choosing of the disciples in Jn. 6:70; 15:16, 19.
tot£ a1tocn6)..m£] The apostles, twelve in number, were selected by Jesus from
the larger body of his disciples (Lk. 6: 13). Apart from Ac. 14:4, 14, where Paul and
Barnabas are called a1t6cno)..0L (see ad loc.), the term in Luke-Acts, when used of
followers of Jesus, is restricted to the Twelve-not simply because Jesus "sent
them" (a1tE<nELAEV autou£, Lk. 9:2), for these words are used also of the sending of
the Seventy (Lk. 10: 1), who nevertheless are not called a1t6cno)..m. If behind
a1t6cno)..0£ in this sense lies Heb. salua/:t or salfaJ:t, then the principle holds good:
"selu/:t6 sel 'iiqiim ~m6J6, "a man's 'apostle' is as himself' (mBer. 5.5, etc.)-i.e.,
the authority of those commissioned is that of the one who has commissioned them.
Thus "the acts of the apostles" are for Luke the acts of the ascended Christ; they
have their place among the events which herald the passing away of the old age
and the inauguration of the new.
See (inter alia) K. H. Rengstorf, TDNT 1, pp. 407-47 (s. v. a1t6cno)..0£);
E. Kasemann, "Die Legitimitat des Apostels," ZNW 41 (1942), pp. 33-71; A Fri-
drichsen, The Apostle and his Message (Uppsala, 1947); H. von Campenhausen,
"Der urchristliche Apostelbegriff," ST 1 (1948-49), pp. 96-130; E. Lohse, "Ur-
sprung und Pragung des christlichen Apostolats," TZ 9 (1953), pp. 259-75;
G. Klein, Die zwolf Apostel (Gottingen, 1961); R. Schnackenburg, "Apostles
before and during Paul's Time," in Apostolic History and the Gospel, ed. W.W.
Gasque and R. P. Martin (Exeter/Grand Rapids, 1970), pp. 287-303; C. K. Barrett,
The Signs of an Apostle (London, 1970), and "ShaliaJ:t and Apostle," in Donum
Gentilicium, ed. C. K. Barrett, E. Bammel, and W. D. Davies (Oxford, 1978), pp.
88-102; W. Schmithals, The Office of Apostle in the Early Church, E.T. (London,
1971); F. Hahn, "Der Apostolat im Urchristentum," KD 20 (1974), pp. 54-77; J. H.
Schutz, Paul and the Anatomy of Apostolic Authority (Cambridge, 1975);
K. Haacker, "Verwendung und Vermeidung des Apostelbegriffs im Lukanischen
Werk," NovT30 (1988), pp. 9-38 ..
99
THE ACTS OF THE APOSTI ,ES
l :3 JtaQEITTTJCTEv fomc)v ~wvrn] From the Gospels and I Cor. 15 :5-7 nine or
ten such appearances may be collcctccl, some in Judaea and some in Galilee. In Lk.
(24: 13-51) two appearances oniy arc recorded, both of them in Judaea on Easter
Day. Here it is implied that there were others in the course of the following days.
:rcaOEiv 1 Used thus absolutely of our Lord's passion in 3: 18; 17:3; 26:23
(rrallrJt6£).
tE,q,tTJQLOL~ J Aristotle defines tExµ~gwv as avayxai:ov Ol]µ,Eiov, "a compelling
sign" (Rhet. 1.2. l 6 ).
bLa trnoEgaxovrn ~µEgwv I Not continuously (in which case the acc. without a
prep. would have been used), but at intervals. This reference to "forty days" under-
lies the relative position of Easter Day and Ascension Day in the church calendar.
om:av6µEVO£ I The only NT occurrence of this verb, a new present formation
on the model of the aor. pass. Cll<jlfll]V in its intrans. sense "appear." It is found in
LXX (3 Kms, 8:8; 'fob. 12: 19 BA, and, as a variant fororrta~w, Num. 14:14), Poi-
mandres, and the vernacular papyri from second century RC onward.
Hywv Ta m:gl. t~£ ~amAEta£ toil Ornu] Continuing the teaching he had given
them before his death. We should understand ~am>..da not in a territorial sense but
in the sense of kingship, royal rule, sovereignty. From the earliest times in Israel,
melr/s ("king") was a title of God (cf Ex. 15:18). His sovereignty is universal (Ps.
103 [ LXX l 02]: 19), but on earth was especially manifested in the nation of Israel,
whose king, "Yahweh's anointed:· was his vicegerent. With the fall of Israel's
monarchy and independence, there arose a new conception of the kingdom of God
as an order to he established after the collapse of current world dominion; it is in the
light of this later conception (especially as foretold in Dan. 2:44; 7:14, 22, 27, etc.)
that NT refen:nces to the kingdom of God arc to be understood. In the NT this king-
dom is represented as having "drawn near'' or "arrived'' in the ministry of Jesus (Mk.
l: 15; Lk. J 0:9; 11 :20). So in Ac. fl: 12; 28:23, 31 (cf. 20:25) the kingdom of God is
closely associated with ''the story of Jesus'' (ra JtEQI, -wv 'll]ooii). In narrating the
r:vcnt1: of !fr, ministry, crucifixion, resurrection, and exaltation the apostles and
others proclaimed the same good news of the kingdom of God as had been an-
nounced earlier by Jesus, now amplified and illuminated hy his passion and triumph.
It is probably implied that the teaching given by the risen Lord during the forty days
was designed to make clear to the disciples the bearing of his crncifixion and resur-
rection on the message of the kingdom. "The kingdom of God is conceived as com-
ing in the events of the life, death, and resurrection of Jesus, and to proclaim these
facts, in their proper setting, is to preach the Gospel of the Kingdom of God" (C.H.
Dodd, The Apostolic Preachin!{ and its Developments (London, 2 1944 J, p. 24).
The similar phrase~ ~am).da t<ov ougav6iv, peculiar to Matthew, reflects the
reverential Aram. use of .~muyya ('"the heavens'') for 'e lahii ("God''); cf. Dan. 4:26,
"the heavens rule," with 4:25, "the Most High rules." The kingdom of heaven is
identical with the kingdom of God. With the drawing near of the kingdom, the age
to come has invaded the present age, and those who now receive the kingdom by
faith belong spiritually to the coming age and share its life (resurrection life) even
while temporally they still belong to I his age.
100
1:1-5 PROLOGUE
1:4 01JVUA.L~oµEvo~] If this is the pres. ptc. pass. of auva1,.(~w in its regular
sense, the meaning is "being gathered together with (them)," but the singular is
awkward, and we should expect the perfect tense, not the present. More probably
it is derived from /i1,.a~ and means lit. "eating salt with" (so syrhcl mipnallaM, more
generally "eating with" (so latvg conuescens, syrpesh ['ekal 'amhun lai},ma, "eating
bread with them''] coph 0 ). Cf. 10:41; Lk. 24:43. It has often been treated as a spell-
ing variant of uuvauA.L~oµEvo£ ("lodging with," "spending the night with"), which
indeed is the reading of many minn (including 614) and patristic citations. So Aug.
c. F el. 1.4 (with some lat vet and latvg.codd support) renders it by quomodo conuer-
satus est (cf. d conuiuens); Ephrem Syrus also understood it thus.
foro 'IEQoao1,.ur,wv µ~ XWQttwOm J Cf. Lk. 24:49. As elsewhere in the NT, we
find in Luke-Acts both 'IEQouaa1,.~µ (the transliteration of the Hebrew word) and
'lEQOG01,.uµa (the hellenized neut. plur. formation). It is difficult to draw any certain
conclusion from the distribution of the two forms. If the former suggests a Jewish
and the latter a Gentile atmosphere, the (probably redactional) use of 'IEQoa61,.uµa
here would be an exception. The hellenized formation represents an attempt to give
the place name a Gk. etymology, from LEQO~, "sacred" (so that 'IEQoa61,.uµa should
have a rough breathing, pace WH, in contrast to 'IEQOuaa1,.~µ), and To1,.uµm, the
Solymi, a nation of Asia Minor, with which the fancy of some Gentile historians
connected the Jews (cf. Jos. Ap. l. l 73f.; Tac. Hist. 5.2; Juv. Sat. 6.544).
See J. V. Bartlet, "The Twofold Use of 'Jerusalem' in the Lukan Writings,"
ExT 13 (1901-2), pp. 157f.; A. Harnack, The Acts of the Apostles, E.T. (London,
1909), pp. 76-81; J. Jeremias, "IEPOYLAAHM/IEPO~:OAYMA," ZNW 65
(1974), pp. 273-76; .I. K. Elliott, "Jerusalem in Acts and the Gospels," NTS 23
( I 976-77), pp. 462-69; I. de la Potterie, "Les deux noms de Jerusalem dans Jes Actes
des Ap6tres," Bih 63 (1982), pp. 153-87; D. D. Sylva, "Ierousalem and Hiero-
solyma in Luke-Acts," ZNW 74 (1983), pp. 207-21. According to MGM,
'IEQoa61,.uµa occurs 4 times in Luke and 25 times in Acts (7 times in Acts 1-15, 18
times in Acts 16---28), while 'i£Qouaa1,.~µ occurs 27 times in Luke and 39 times in
Acts (27 times in Acts 1-15, 12 times in Ac. 16---28).
t~v ilrrayyE1,.(uv J I.e., the Holy Spirit; cf. Lk. 24:49; also Eph. 1: 13 (with Jn.
14:16-f., 26; 15:26; 16:7-15).
toii rratQ6~] Subjective gen. (it is the Father who has promised); in 2:33, t~v
... ErrayyEAtav wi.i rrvEuµato~ 10i.i ayiou, the gen. is either objective (it is the Spirit
who is promised) or gen. of definition (the promise is the Spirit, as here).
~v ~xouaatE µou] Reversion from indirect to direct speech; cf. Lk. 5:14. For
the opposite construction, a transition from direct to indirect speech, cf. Ac. 23:23f.
1:5 Otl 'lwetVVl]~ µEV E~arrtWEV uliatl, i,µEic; liE EV JtVEUµatl ~am:wO~awOE
ay(CJl] Cf. the words of John himself, Lk. 3:16 (with Mk. 1:8; Mt. 3:11); xal rruQ( is
omitted here, as in Mk. 1:8. The Lord's words here are quoted by Peter in 11:16
(cf. also 19:4). According to Aug. Ep. 365.3, some Latin codices had baptizabitis
or incipietis baptizare; Ropes thinks it likely "that the active voice was an attempt
of purely Latin origin to find here the commission to baptize which both Luke and
Acts lack" (BC 1.3, p. 4).
101
Ev rrvEuµan JEV instrumental; this variation from the simple instrumental da-
tive ubatL appears also in Lk. 3: 16. Cf. ubatL ... JtVEUµatL, Mk. 1:8; EV ubatL ... iv
rrvEuµan, Mt. 3: 11.
ou µEta rroUa.c; rnmac; ~µEQac;] About ten days, as events proved. The con-
struction is not a native Greek one: F. Blass treats it as a Latinism; C. F. Burney
and C. C. Torrey, with less probability, as an Aramaism.
2. The Ascension (1 :6-12)

6 at µEV ouv auvd.06vi:Ec; ~QWTWV amov AEYOVTEc;, KUQLE, EL EV tiµ XQOVqJ tofn:qi
arroxa0LITTO.VELc; t~V ~UOLAELUV tiµ 'laQU~A; 7ELJtEV bE JtQoc; autouc;, Oux i,µ<iiv
EITTLV yv<iivm XQOVouc; ~ XULQOUc; ouc; 6 Jtat~Q E0Eto EV tfi tbig. E~ua(g., 8 aUa
)..~µtjlw8E {ruvaµtv EJtEASovtoc; TOU ay(ou JtVEuµatoc; E<j>' uµiic;, xal fowSE µou
µ<iQtUQEc; EV TE 'IEQOUOUA~µ xal EV Jta.an tfi 'Iouba(g. xal mµaQdg. XUL iiwc;
EOXO.TOU tijc; yijc;. 9 XUL tafn:a dmov ~AEJtOVTWV am<iiv EJt~Q0T], XUL VEq>EAT]
UJtEAU~EV amov (lj(() t<iiv oq,Sa)..µ<iiv am<iiv. IOXUL we; (ttEvltovtEc; ~aav de; tOV
OlJQUVOV JtOQEUOµEVOU amou, XUL tbou <'ivbQEc; buo JtUQELITT~XELOUV amoic; EV
fo0~0WL AEUXaic;, I I o'i XUL drrav, "AvbQEc; f'aALAULOL, ,:( EITT~XUTE [Eµ ]~AEJtOV-
TEc; de; tOV 01JQUV6v; oin:oc; 6 'h1aoiic; o<lVUAl]µq,0Elc; aq>' uµ<iiv Etc; tov OlJQUVOV
omwc; EAEUOEtm ov TQOJtOV E8Eaaaa8E amov JtOQEUOµEVOV Etc; tOV OUQUVOV.
12TotE UJtEITTQE\jlav de; 'IEQouaa)..~µ &rro OQouc; i:ou xa1..ouµt\vou 'E1..m<iivoc;, o
EITTL v Eyyuc; 'IEQOUOUA ~µ aa~~O.tOU EXOV M6v.
1:6 With v. 6 the bEUTEQoc; 1..6yoc; properly begins. The paragraph describes
the disciples' last meeting with their Master on the Mount of Olives, when he was
finally taken from their sight. In the b text this is Luke's only account of the ascen-
sion of Jesus; some have held that it was so in his original text (see on v. 2).
Ot µEV oilv] A favorite formula in Acts for opening a new section of the nar-
rative, connecting it with the preceding section. Cf. v. 18; 2:41; 5:41; 8:4, 25; 9:31;
11:19; 12:5; 13:4; 15:3, 30; 16:5. TranslateµEv ouv by "so, then."
~Qmtwv aui:ov )..t\yovtEc;] The ptc. is pleonastic; this use is a characteristic sep-
tuagintalism.
XUQLE J A common form of address to Jesus during his ministry. As a title of
respect or courtesy it may be rendered "Sir"; on the lips of his disciples it proba-
bly represents "Rabbi." After his resurrection it is given to him as a designation of
unique supremacy; see on 2:21, 36; 10:36.
Ei J Introducing a direct question, as in 7: 1; 19:2; 21 :37; 22:25.
&rroxa0Lai:<ivELc; t~v ~am1..dav t 'IaQa~1..;] This hope of an earthly and
national kingdom (cf. Mk. 10:35-37; Lk. 1:68-75) was recast after Pentecost as the
proclamation of the spiritual kingdom of God, to be entered through repentance
and faith in Christ (see on v. 3; 8: 12; 20:25; 28:23, 31 ). With &rroxa0Lai:civw com-
pare futoxai:<iai:amc;, 3: 21.
1:7 oux uµ<iiv Emt v yv<iivm] "It does not belong to you to know," i.e., "it is
not your concern." The b text may have been oubdc; buvatm yv<iivm, "no one can
know" (see Zahn, Urausgabe). Cf. Mk. 13:32 (with Mt. 24:36), which has (signif-
icantly) no parallel in Lk. 21 :29-36.
102
[ :6-12 THE ASCENSION
XQOVouc; ~ XULQOU<;] If there is a distinction between the two, the XQOVOL would
refer to the interval before the consummation of the kingdom, the mtQOi to the
critical events accompanying its establishment. But probably here, "as in other
cases of paronomasia, the combination has become stereotyped and the original
distinction between the words was forgotten" (LC, p. 8). Cf. 1 Th. 5:1; Tit. l:2f.
See J. Barr, Biblical Words for Time, SBT 33 (London, 1962).
oi'x; 6 Jtm:~Q E0Eto EV tti tbig. e!;oooig.] "which the Father has placed in his own
jurisdiction" or "which the Father has appointed by (instrumental ev) his own
authority." The latter rendering is perhaps to be preferred in the light of 17:26. (Cf.
Mk. 13:32, Etµ~ 6 itat~Q.)
1:8 A~µ'lj)E00E l'luvaµLv] Cf. Lk. 24:49, EOO<; O\J EVl'IOOT)<J0E £1; U'lj)Ou<; l'luvaµtv.
The l'luvaµt<; is that supernatural power, imparted by the Holy Spirit, through which
mighty works (l'luvaµEL<;) were wrought and the preaching made effective.
fowet\ µou µUQtUQE<;] Cf. Isa. 43:10; 44:8, and Lk. 24:48, uµei<; µa(YtUQE<;
tomoov. The idea of witness is prominent in the preaching throughout Acts; cf. v. 22;
2:32; 3:15; 5:32; 10:39, 41, 43; 13:31; 15:8; 22:15, 20; 23:11; 26:16. The "succes-
sion" in which Luke is interested is not that of ecclesiastical authority or of or-
thodox tradition but of apostolic testimony to Christ, first in Jerusalem to the Jewish
leaders and then.from Jerusalem to the Gentile world and ultimately to Rome (see
G. W. H. Lampe, St. Luke and the Church ofJerusalem [London, 1969], p. 27).
Em<; fo,:atou tf]<; yf]c;] In Ps.Sol. 8:16 rut' fo,:6.toutf]<; yf]<; means "from Rome";
this sense may be in the writer's mind here, since the book ends with Paul's arrival
in Rome, but the expression in a wider sense is common in LXX ( cf. Isa. 49:6, cited
in Ac. 13:47; also Ps. 2:8, ta JtEQata tf]<; yf]c;, cited in 13:331'1). The whole verse, in-
cluding the promise of the Spirit, the gift of power, the call to witness, and the geo-
graphical instructions, forms a summary of the narrative of Acts; chs. 1-7 are set
in Jerusalem (cf. Lk. 24:47, U()l;~EVOL aito 'IE()oooal~µ), chs. 8 and 9 in Judaea,
Samaria, and even Damascus (for the variety of meanings of 'Ioul'laia in Luke-Acts
see on 10:37), while chs. 10--28 take the reader step by step from Caesarea to Rome.
While the nearer area of the commission is fulfilled by Peter and his colleagues,
its more extended phase is fulfilled by Paul.
1:9 ~AEJtovtoov amfuv X AC 81 byz I autfuv ~AEJtovtoov BI om b.
£Jt~Q0TJ, ,cai, vE<pEATJ uJtEAU~Ev autov xtA] In the primitive preaching the resur-
rection and ascension of Jesus represent one continuous movement and together
constitute his exaltation. It is not implied that his enthronement at God's right hand
(see on 2:34) was deferred for 40 days after his triumph over death. The fortieth
day was not the first occasion when he disappeared from his companions' sight
after his resurrection ( cf. Lk. 24:31 ). Nor is it suggested that the intervals between
his resurrection appearances were spent in some earth-bound state. These appear-
ances, in which he condescended to his disciples' temporal conditions of life, were
visitations from that eternal order to which his "body of glory" now belonged. What
happened on the fortieth day was that this series of intermittent visitations came to
an end, with a scene which brought home to the disciples the heavenly glory of
their risen Lord.
103
The reference to the cloud is reminiscent of the language used of his parousia
(e.g., Mk. 13:46 par. Lk. 21:27; Mk. 14:62) and of the conclusion of the transfigu-
ration narrative (Mk. 9:7 par. Lk. 9:34f. ). We may well be intended to think of the
cloud veiling the Shekinah: "Jesus is enveloped in the cloud of the divine presence"
(AM. Ramsey, "What was the Ascension?" SNTS Bulletin 2 [1951], p. 49). Cf.
W. Michaelis, "Zur Oberlieferung der Himmelsfahrtsgeschichte," ThBl 4 (1925),
cols. 101-9; P. Benoit, "L'ascension," RB 56 (1949), pp. 161-203, E.T. in Jesus and
the Gospel, I (New York, 1973), pp. 209-53; G. Kretschmar, "Himmelfahrt und
Pfingsten," ZKG 66 (1954-55), pp. 209-53; B. M. Metzger, "The Ascension of
Jesus Christ," in Historical and Literary Studies (Leiden/Grand Rapids, 1968), pp.
77-87; G. Lohfink, Die Himmelfahrtlesu: Untersuchungen zu denHimmelsfahrts-
und Erhohungstexten bei Lukas, SANT 26 (Munich, 1971); F. Hahn, "Die Him-
melfahrtJesu: Ein Gespriich mit Gerhard Lohfink," Bib55 (1974), pp. 418-46; P.H.
Menoud, "Observations on the Ascension in Luke-Acts" (1954), in Jesus Christ
and the Faith (Pittsburgh, 1978), pp. 107-20; C. F. D. Maule, "The Ascension-
Acts i.9" (1956-57), in Essays in New Testament Interpretation (Cambridge, 1982),
pp. 54-63.
1: 10 et.TEv(1;ovtE£ ~aav] The periphrastic use of dµ( with the present ptc. is
very common in Luke-Acts. Of 86 NT examples given in MHT II, pp. 451f., 28
are from Luke and 24 from Acts. The construction (for which see G. Bjorck, HN
M!JAEKQN: Die periphrastischen Konstruktionen im Griechischen [Uppsala,
1940]) occurs in classical Gk. (e.g., Thuc. Hist. 4.54; Aristoph. Acharn. 484, etc.),
so there is no need to explain it as due to the similar Aram. idiom, though this in-
fluence might account for some instances (e.g., 22:19f.). The verb a.TEvt1;w is a
favorite with Luke, who is responsible for 12 out of its 14 NT occurrences; it "is
used by the medical writers to denote a peculiar fixed look" (Hobart, p. 76).
xal tbou] Cf. 16: 1; 27:24; Lk. 7: 12; 24:4. The pleonastic xa( may indicate the
simultaneity of the two events: "then, behold." The expression is a septuagintal-
ism, representing Heb. wehinneh (cf. Aram. wehii), usually introducing an apodo-
sis. The <'ivl>QE£ buo liere may be identical with those of Lk. 24:4, two being an ap-
propriate number for witnesses.
fo0tjarnt J Dat. pl. of the rare word fo0T]at£, for which MM cite a papyrus
document of A.D. 159/160. It is found also in Lk. 24:4, except for P75 X B D, which
have the common Ea0ftn (so here in b).
A.Euxai~] For white as the hue of angels' garb cf. Mt. 28:3; Jn. 20:12. In Lk.
24:4 the "two men" who announce Jesus' resurrection are clad ev fo0ftn
ctITTQUJttOUOTI, "in dazzling raiment."
1:11 o'i xai,J xa( emphasizes the relative pronoun.
outW£ ... ov TQOJtov J He was "taken up" in a cloud (v. 9) and in glory (1 Tim.
3:16); the Son of man is pictured as coming in the clouds (Mk. 13:26; 14:62; Rev.
1:7, after Dan. 7:13) and in great glory (Mk. 13:26; Mt. 25:31, etc.).
1:12 am'> OQOU£ wii xa)-.ouµhou 'E)-.miiJvo£] The common noun e)-.auov,
"oliveyard" (Lat. oliuetum, whence "Olivet"), occurs at least 30 times in papyri be-
tween the first and third centuries AD. Cf. Jos. Ant. 7.202, bu1 Toii 'E>.mwvo£ OQOU£.
104
1: 13-14 IN THE UPPER ROOM
The nominative is possibly to be read in Lk. 19:29; 21:37 (and Mk. 11:1, ifT6 be
read, with B, instead oftwv), rather than the gen. pl. 0U1..aia, as printed in WH,
NA26, etc. (l1..mwv). It is otherwise referred to as to OQO£ twv l1..mwv ( e.g., Lk. 19:37;
22:39). The suffix -wv denotes a place where persons or things are to be found: so
aµJtEA.wv ("vineyard"), the place of aµn:EA.ot ("vines"), vvµcpwv ("bride-chamber"),
the place of the vuµcj>to£ ("bridegroom") and vuµcj>T) ("bride"). Olivet lies to the east
of Jerusalem, on the other side of the Kidron ravine.
oa~~atou iixov M6v] Lit. "having a sabbath day's journey," i.e., between it-
self and the city. A sabbath day's journey (here only in the NT) was 2,000 cubits
or six furlongs (mabta), rather less than one km. The calculation was based on Ex.
16:29 interpreted by Num. 35:5. The Heb. term is f'!~um hassabbtif ("the limit of
the sabbath"); the relevant regulations are dealt with in the Mishnah tractatesShab-
bath and 'Erubin. Josephus reckons the distance from Jerusalem to Olivet as six
stadia (BJ 5.70) or five stadia (Ant. 20.169). Bethany (Lk. 24:50) lies on the east-
ern slope of Olivet, about 15 stadia from the city, according to Jn. 11: 18.
3. In the Upper Room (1:13-14)

13 Kal OtE ELO~A.Sov, EL£ to Un:EQCJ)OV UVE~T)OUV oil ~oav XataµEVovtE£, 0 tE
IlEtQO£ xa1 'Ioi<ivvl)~ xai, 'I<ixw~O£ xa1 'Av{>Qfo£, cf>tA.LitJto~ xai, 0wµii£, BaQ-
801..oµaio£ XUL Ma88aio£, 'Iaxw~O£ 'A1..cpa(ou xal Ltµwv 6 ~T)A.Wt~£ xal 'louOO£
'Iaxw~ou. 14 oin:oL JtavtE£ ~oav JtQOOXUQtEQOUvtE£ 6µo8uµabov tfi JtQOOEUJCfi
ouv yuvm;lv xal MaQLaµ tfi µT)tQL toU 'll)OOU xal ouv toi£ abEA.cj>OL£ autou.
1:13 un:EQ<µov] A word found only in Acts in the NT (cf. 9:37, 39: 20:8).
Zahn and others suggest, with some plausibility, that this was the room where the
Last Supper was held (called anav<iymov in Mk. 14: 15; Lk. 22:12). The upper room
of large dwelling houses was generally used as a dining room, or sublet to poorer
people. (The house where the Last Supper was held has been identified, in the fancy
of some writers, with the house of Mary the mother of John Mark; cf. 12: 12.)
~oav xataµEvovtE£] For the construction see on anv(~ovtE£ ~oav, v. 10.
o tE fIEtQO£ xi:1..] Cf. the list in Lk. 6:14-16; also those in Mk. 3:16-19; Mt.
10:2-4. The first nine names occur in all four lists, in somewhat varying order (but
Peter, Philip, and James the son of Alphaeus arc always first, fifth, and ninth re-
spectively). Simon Zelotes, who comes tenth in Luke and Acts, is the same as Simon
the Cananaean, who comes eleventh in Mark and Matthew. It seems, then, that
'Iouba£ 'la1((1)~ou of Luke and Acts ("Judas not Iscariot" of Jn. 14:22) should be
identified with Thaddaeus of Mark and Matthew (Thaddaeus representing Thad-
dai, a Heb./Aram. simplification of Gk. 0E6boto£, 0E6bwQo£, or the like). Of the
eleven listed here, only Peter and the two sons of Zebedee (John and James) are
mentioned again in Acts.
'I<ixw~o£ 'N..cpa(ou] 'AA.cpaio£ is Aram. ljalphai. There is no good ground for
identifying this name with K1..wJt<i£ of Jn. 19:25 (according to Hegesippus ap.
Euseb. HE 3.11 Clopas was the brother of Joseph the carpenter), or for supposing
105
that this James was in any way related to Jesus (for his brother James see on v. 14;
12:17).
}:(µwv 6 1;l]A.Wt~£] The word "zealot" need not have a partisan sense (see
21:20; 22:3). The party of the Zealots championed Jewish political independence,
which they maintained should be won by force. Their name was derived from the
descriptions of Phinehas in Num. 25:13 (E!;~lwaEv t(JJ 8ECJJ m'rtoii), of Elijah in 3
Kms. 19: 10, 14 (!;l]Aii>v E1;~1..wxa t(JJ XUQL<µ :n:avtOXQUtOQL ), and of Mattathias in
1 Mace. 2:26 (E1;~1..waEv t(JJ voµcµ ). They perpetuated the "fourth philosophy" which,
according to Jos. Ant. 18.9, 23, was inaugurated by Judas of Gamala, who revolted
against the Romans in AD. 6 (see on 5:37). They preserved the spirit of his revolt,
and nursed the flames of rebellion which burst out in AD. 66. The name "Zealots"
may not be attested for the party before AD. 66 (Jos. BJ 2.651), but they derived
their spiritual lineage from Judas and some of their leaders belonged to his family.
The Aram. equivalent is qan 'ii.nii. or qannii.yii., which appears in the hellenized form
Kavavaio£ ("Cananaean") in Mk. 3:19; Mt. 10:4. Cf. Jos. BJ 2.117f.; 4.161, 231,
377; 7.268-70. See M. Hengel, The Zealots, E.T. (Edinburgh, 1989).
'lou&a£ 'Iaxw~ou J"Judas (son) of James." In Jn. 14:22, in place of"Judas not
Iscariot," syrcur reads "Judas Thomas" (Judas the twin), in keeping with the Thomas
traditions of Syriac Christianity. His father cannot be identified with any other
James in the NT.
1:14 oµo8uµaMv] "with one mind." A favorite adverb of Luke, who uses it
ten times (all in Acts). The only other NT occurrence is in Rom. 15:6.
i:fi :n:Qoarnxfi] The article may indicate the appointed service of prayer. See
P. T. O'Brien, "Prayer in Luke-Acts," TynB 24 (1973), pp. 111-27; A. A. Trites,
"The Prayer-Motif in Luke-Acts," in Perspectives on Luke-Acts, ed. C. H. Talbert
(Edinburgh, 1978), pp. 215-42.
auv yuvm;l v] Including no doubt those who accompanied Jesus from Galilee
and were present at the cross and at the tomb (Lk. 8:2; 23:55-24: 10). &has auv ta1£
yuvm;lv xal ,:exvOL£, "with their wives and children," playing down the indepen-
dent status of the women.
xal J "including," "and in particular."
MaQu'tµ i:fi µl]i:Ql i:ou 'll]aou] This is the last recorded appearance of our Lord's
mother in the NT. It is noteworthy that she is found in prayer with his disciples.
MaQL<iµ is the OT name Miriam (Heb. miryiim); it also appears in the hellenized
forms MUQia (cf. 12:12), MaQtaµµl], or Magu:iµvl].
i:o1£ abdcj>o1£ m'rtoii] Cf. 1 Cor. 9:5 for evidence that "the brothers of the
Lord" constituted a recognizable group among the leaders in the early church. Their
precise relation to him has for long been a vexed question, but the onus probandi
lies on those who take a&E1..cj>oi in another than its usual sense. In Mk. 6:3 (par. Mt.
13:55) they are named as James, Joses ( or Joseph), Simon, and Judas. They did not
follow Jesus before his death ( cf. Jn. 7:5) but were evidently convinced by his res-
urrection: in resurrection "he appeared to James" (1 Cor. 15:7). For James cf. 12:17;
15:13; 21:18.
In the fourth century Epiphanius (Pan. 78) argued that these brothers were
106
I :15-26 MATIHIAS REPLACES JUDAS ISCARIOT
sons of Joseph by a (hypothetical) former wife. This view had been held by others
before him (cf. Protev. Jae. 9:2), but others, such as Tertullian (Adv. Marc. 4.19;
De carne Christi 7), had understood the word in its natural sense of uterine brothers,
the sons of Joseph and Mary. This latter interpretation was championed about A.D.
380 by Helvidius, a Roman Christian, who attacked the prevalent teaching that vir-
ginity was superior to matrimony. Jerome wrote a treatise in reply (Adv. Helvidium
de perpetua virginitate b. Mariae), in which he propounded a new view, that the
"brothers" were Jesus' cousins, sons of Alphaeus by "Mary of Clopas" whom he
inferred (probably wrongly) from Jn. 19:25 to be the Virgin's sister. Of the sons of
this other Mary two are named: James the less and Joses (Mk. 15:40), James "the
less" (6 µtXQ6£) being so called probably in contrast to the prominence of "James
the Lord's brother" (as he is called in Gal. 1: 19).
See J. B. Lightfoot, "The Brethren of the Lord," in his Galatians (London,
1865), pp. 252-91; J. B. Mayor, The Epistle of St. James (London, 21897), pp. v-
xxxvi; T. Zahn, "Bruder und Vettern Jesu," FGNTK 6 (Leipzig, 1900), pp. 225-
363; J. Chapman, "The Brethren of the Lord," JTS 7 (1905-6), pp. 412-33; R. E.
Brown and others, Mary in the New Testament (London, 1978), pp. 65- 72, 270-78.
Those who were gathered in the upper room, then, comprised the original
witnesses, including "those who came up with him from Galilee to Jerusalem"
(13:31). Although a special responsibility for witness rested on the apostles (vv. 8,
22), the circle of original witnesses was much larger.
4. Matthias Replaces Judas Iscariot (I :15-26)

15 Kal EV TUL£ ~µEQUL£ tfflTtaL£ avaITT<l£ 11ETQO£ EV µfo(J) TO.JV ab1).qiciJv d:rrEV (~v
tE OX,A.0£ ovoµcinov e:rri TO auto W£ El«ltOV Etxom), 16 'AvbQE£ abEA.q>OL, EbEL
JtAT)QW0~VUL T~V YQUq>~V ~V JtQOEi:rrEV to JtVEiiµa to aytov bta at6µatO£ ~aui,[i
JtEQL 'Iouba toii YEVOµEVOlJ obTjyou to I£ CJlJAAaBoiiat v 'IT)CJOUV, 17 OTL
xatT)Qt0µT)µEVO£ ~v EV ~µIv ,ml EAUX,EV tov XA~QOV t~£ bwxov(a£ tautT)£. 1s -
Oin:0£ µEv oi'iv Ext~omo x.wgiov EX µw0oii T~£ Mtxia£, xal JtQTJV~£ yev6µevo£
EAUXT)CJEV µfoo£, ml E1;EX,U0TJ :rrcivrn ta (JJtA.ayx.va amoii. 19 xal yvwatov EYEVETO
:rram toi£ xatmxoiim v 'IEgouoaltjµ, WITTE XATJ0~vm TO x.wgiov EXEivo tft
btaA.EXtCJ) amciJv 'Axelbaµax., tout' fott V, Xwg(ov AYµato£. -20 nyga:rrtm yag
Ev BiBACJl 1j!alµwv
1EVTJ0~t(l) ~ fJ[UlJAL£ amoii EQT)µO£
xal µ~ fotw 6 xatmxwv Ev mhft,
T~v Emaxo:rr~v amoii A.aBhw EtEQO£.

21 OEI oi'iv TWV (JlJVEA.06vrwv ~µIv avbgwv EV :rravrl XQOVCJ) CJ) ELCJ~A0EV ml
E1;~l0ev Eq>' ~µii£ 6 XUQLO£ 'ITJCJOU£, 22 aQ1;aµevo£ a:rro toii Ba:rrtioµato£ 'Iwavvou
EW£ t~£ ~µEQU£ ~£ <lVEAtjµqi0TJ aq>' ~µwv, µagrnga T~£ avaatUCJEW£ amoii CJUV
~µIv yevfo0m i:va wmwv. 23 xai EITTT)aav bfo, 'lwa~qi tov xa1..ouµevov BaQ-
aaBBiiv, 0£ ErrEXA~0TJ 'Ioiim:0£, xal Ma00iav. 24 xai JtQOCJEu!;aµevm Elrrav, LU
XUQLE, mgbwyvciJata mivrwv, avabEL1;ov ov E;EAE;W, EX TOUTWV TWV buo Eva,
25 Aaj3EIV tov t6rrov T~£ btaXOVLU£ ta UTT)£ xal arrocn:oA~£, aqi' ~£ 3tUQEl3TJ 'Iouba£
107
JtOQEu0fJvm EL£ tov to:Jtov tov 'illwv. 26 xal ebwxav XA.~QOU£ m1toi£, xal EJtWEV
6 XAlJQO£ EJtt Ma00(av, xal auyxatE'ljll]<jlta0T] µ£ta tciiv evbExa ci:1tomoiwv.
1:15 Kai ev mi£ ~µEQm£ rnutm£] This or a similar phrase marks the begin-
ning of a new division of the story in the first half of Acts (cf. 6: l; 11 :27). It indi-
cates a more definite break than µEv ouv (sec on v. 6). (Cf. the similar function of
xm' EXEivovtovwovovorthelikein 12:l; 19:23.)
civama£ fIE'tQO£] It is remarkable that Peter takes the lead, evidently with the
consent of his associates, so soon after his failure on the betrayal night (Lk. 22:54-
62). The fact that he was the first of the apostles to whom the risen Lord appeared
( 1 Cor. 15 :5; Lk. 24:34) goes far to explain this. Cf. also Lk. 22:32. See F. F. Bruce,
Men and Movements in the Primitive Church (Exeter, 1979), pp. 18, 22f.
twv cibEA.(jlwv] There are both Jewish and Gentile parallels to the use of aldqio(
to denote members of the same religious community-Jewish in the OT (and cf.
2:29; 7:2; 13: 15; 22:1, 5; 28: 17) and Gentile in papyri from the second century B.C.
onward.[) has µa0l]twv here, perhaps to avoid confusion with the abEA.<jlo( of v. 14.
ovoµatwv] "persons," as in Rev. 3:4; 11: 13; Num. 1: 18, 20; 26:53, 55. See
New Docs. 2 (1977), § 113.3.
bet to amo] "altogether." In LXX the phrase often renders Heb. ya!Ja4,
ya!Jdii.w ("in the same place," "at the same time," "with one accord"); in the NT
and Apostolic Fathers it seems to have acquired a semitcchnical sense not unlike
tv EXXA.l]atq., "in church fellowship," "in full assembly," referring possibly to meet-
ings of the whole church and not just household gatherings (cf. 2: 1, 47; 1 Cor. 11: 18,
20; 14:23; Ep. Barn. 4:10). See MHT, p. 473. For a Qumran equivalent see on 2:47.
W£ EXatov dxom J Luke habitually modifies numbers by W£ or wad (cf. 2:41;
4:4; 5:7, 36; 10:3; 13:18, 20; 19:7, 34; Lk. 3:23, etc.). According to Paul, there were
by this time over 500 believers (1 Cor. 15:6); the majority probably remained in
Galilee. It is unnecessary to see any significance in 120 being 10 times the full
number of apostles or the sum of all whole numbers from 1 to 15 inclusive (see on
27:37 for another "triangular" number).
1:16 iivl>QE£ abEA.<jio(J This use of iivb(IE£ (cf. iivb(IE£ raiiiaim, v. 11) is a
classical Greek idiom. The word is otiose, and does not necessarily exclude women.
The expression in the vocative ("brethren") seems to have belonged to synagogue
phraseology among Jewish Hellenists (cf. 13: 15). F. H. Chase (Credibility, p. 123)
refers to 4 Mace. 8: 19 as the only example of iiv6QE£ cibdqio( he could find outside
Acts, where it is frequent.
El)EL JtA.l]Q!JJ8fJvm t~v yQa(jl~v] "The scripture had to be fulfilled," the implica-
tion being that it was fulfilled in the fate of Judas. 6 has l>Ei, as if it still had to be
fulfilled (by the election of Matthias). That certain things had to happen because
the scriptures foretelling them had to be fulfilled is emphasized in all four Gospels,
especially in relation to the passion and resurrection of Jesus (see, e.g., Mk. 14:49;
Lk. 24:26, 44-47).
~v JtQOELJtEV '[() JtVEiiµa '[() ayLOv faa moµatQ£ ~auib] Cf. 4:25; 28:25; Mk.
12:36, etc., for the Holy Spirit as the inspirer of OT utterances. The psalmist (v. 20)
108
l: 15-26 MATIHIAS REPLACES JUDAS ISCARIOT
is his mouthpiece. It is not surprising therefore to find OT quotations applied in the

NT to circumstances not envisaged by the original writers.
nEQL 'louba xi:1.. J It was Judas 's apostasy, not his death, that created the va-
cancy which had to be filled; there is no suggestion of such a vacancy after the
death of James the son of Zebedee ( 12:2), for his lot remains secure to him in the
resurrection age (nahyyEvw(a, Mt. 19:28).
1:17 naxEv Tov x1..iJQov] Both 1..axEiv and XATJQO£ originally imply appor-
tioning and receiving by lot, but this sense has disappeared; translate "he received
his portion." See H.-J. Klauck, Judas-ein lunger des Herrn, QD 111 (Freiburg,
1987).
1: 18 WH mark off vv. 18f. by dashes as a parenthesis, rightly. It is not part
of Peter's speech, but an explanatory insertion by Luke. It gives the impression of
relating events which took place several years, or even decades, previously, not a
bare seven weeks before. If the story was "known to all the inhabitants of
Jerusalem" (v. 19), there was no need for Peter to rehearse it to his companions,
but one can understand why Luke should insert it for the benefit of his readers. The
expression Tfl btaHxtq.i amo>v suits Luke better than Peter. There arc well-known
differences in this account of Judas's death from that in Mt. 27:3-10, especially in
respect of the purchase of the field, the explanation of its name, and the manner of
Judas's death.
oirro£ µEV oiiv EXT~amo XWQiov J In Mt. 27:7 it is the chief priests who bought
the potter's field with the money which Judas threw back at them. A harmonistic
explanation (favored, e.g., by E. Jacquier) is that, considering the money as legally
belonging to Judas, they bought the field in his name.
ex µta0oii TTJ£ abLx(a£] The gen. is either objective ("the reward he received
for his unrighteousness") or a semitic adjectival gen. ("his unrighteous reward").
For the former cf. ~ XOJ..UOL£ TT]£ abLXLU£ amoii, Ezek. 14:4; EL£ XOJ..UOL v abLXLU£,
Ezek. 44: 12; µta0o£ al'lLXLU£, 2 Pet. 2:13, 15; for the latter cf. o[xovoµo£ TT]£ abLXLU£,
Lk. 16:8; µaµwvfi£ TTJ£ al'ltxia£, Lk. 16:9; XQLT~£ TTJ£ al'ltx(a£, Lk. 18:6. The reference
is probably to the money paid to Judas for betraying Jesus (Mk. 14: 11; Lk. 22:5)-
30 shekels (tctradrachms), according to Mt. 26:18 (after Zech. ll:12f.).
3tQTJ~£ YEVOµEVO£] Lit. "having become prone," i.e., falling flat or headlong.
In latvet the phrase is variously rendered: pronus factus (de p); in faciem prostra-
tus (g Ambr). These are replaced in latvg by suspensus, a harmonization with Mt.
27:5. Aug. (c. Fe!. l.4) combines the hanging and the falling: collum sibi alligauit
et deiectus in faciem diruptus est medius-the most obvious way of reconciling
the two accounts.
But JtQT]V~£ has been taken here in the sense "swelling up," as if connected
with JtQ~Ow or niµ:rtQT]µL (cf. 28:6). So apparently it was taken in syrvet, to judge
from its witnesses, the secondary Armenian and Georgian versions, and from a
comment of Ephrem (see BC 1.3, p. 391 ). Cf. Wisd. 4:19, Q~l;EL amou£ acj>wvou£
3tQTJVEi£, where 31:QTJVEI,£ is rendered injlatos in latvg_ A tradition that Judas did actu-
ally swell up to monstrous proportions was current in early times; Papias was cited
as an authority for this (Exeg. 4, preserved by Apollinarius of Laodicea; see J.B.
109
Lightfoot, Apostolic Fathers [one-vol. edn., London, 1891 ], pp. 523f., 534f. ). This
tradition may have arisen from a desire to assimilate his fate to that of other trai-
tors (like the nephew of AJ:tiqar), of heretics (like Arius), and of tyrants (like An-
tiochus Epiphanes). See F. C. Conybeare, "Papias and the Acts of the Apostles,"
CR 9 ( 1895), p. 258; F. H. Chase, "On fIPHNHz. f'ENOMENOL in Acts I 18," ITS
13 (1912), pp. 278-85, 415.
EAUiU]CTl'V] From 1,.aaxw, crack, burst; an accompanying noise is implied ( cf.
crepuit latvg).
E~EXUGlJ mivra ta an:1,.ayxva autou J Cf. Amasa in 2 Kms. (MT 2 Sam.) 20:10,
E~EXUOl] ~ XOLALU amoii El£ T~V yf]v.
1: 19 tfi bLaAEXT<Jl amciiv] Aramaic, which had long since replaced Hebrew
as the vernacular of Jews in Palestine and farther east.
0
AX£1,.baµax] Aram. f;aqal demii. The Gk. rough breathing represents the ini-
tial laryngeal, as in 'AA<jmiou (v. 13). The final -x represents nothing in the Aram.
pronunciation, but was an orthographical device to transliterate the final X (' aleph).
Cf. LLQC!X as a transliteration of Sira, in the name of the author of Ecclesiasticus.
G. Dalman (Grammatik des judisch-paliistinischen Aramiiisch (Leipzig, 1894],
p. 202) calls -x the sign of an indeclinable. A Klostermann ingeniously but unnec-
essarily suggested that the original form was f;aqal dema/5, "field of sleep," i.e., a
cemetery (Gk. xmµl]t~QLOV from xmµ{1w ). Cf. Mt. 27:7, according to which the field
was used for the burial of strangers. In Matthew the explanation of the name a.ygo£
a'iµato£ is that it was purchased with blood-money.
Sec J. H. Bernard, "The Death of Judas," Exp. 6, 9 (1904), pp. 422-30; P. Be-
noit, "The Death of Judas" ( 1953), E.T. in Jesus and the Gospel, I (London, 1973),
pp. 189-207; B. Lindars, New Testament Apologetic (London, 1961 ), pp. 102f.,
116-22; M. Wilcox, "The Judas-Tradition in Acts i.15-26," NTS 19 (1972-73), pp.
438-52; J. Dupont, "Le douzieme Ap6trc (Actes 1:15-26): Apropos d'une expli-
cation recente," in The New Testament Age: Essays in Honor ofBoReicke, ed. W. C.
Weinrich (Macon, GA, 1984 ), pp. 139-45; H. Sahl in, "Der Tod des Judas Iskariot
nach Ag l,15ff.," AST! 12 (1983), pp. 148-52.
1:20 yioyQamm yag] It is not necessarily implied that the primary reference
of the two passages quoted is to Judas. Insofar, however, as the character of Judas
corresponded to the descriptions in Pss. 69 and 109, these passages could be ap-
plied to him. The titles of both these psalms ascribe them to David. As the things
said of David or of the righteous sufferer in the psalms were interpreted by Chris-
tians with reference to Jesus, so the enemies of David or of the righteous sufferer
could be seen as foreshadowing the enemies of Jesus. The basic principles of Chris-
tian interpretation of the OT go back to Jesus himself, who read his own mission
in the scriptures and taught his disciples accordingly. Probably at an early date col-
lections were made for ready reference of testimonia or OT passages fulfilled in
the gospel narrative; cf. J. R. Harris, Testimonies, I (Cambridge, 1916), II (Cam-
bridge, 1920); C. H. Dodd, According to the Scriptures (London, 1952). See on
26:23.
110
1: 15-26 MATIHIAS REPLACES JUDAS ISCARIOT
yEvtJ0~tw ... EV am:fi] From Ps. 69:25 (LXX 68:26 ). The wording of the quo-
tation is slightly different from that preserved in our LXX copies:
yEV1]8i]tw ~ btaui.t~ amwv ~QT)µWJ.IEVl],

xal EV to~ OXT)Vwµamv amwv µ~ fotw 6 xatmxwv.
faauA.L£] In property returns and similar documents among Egyp. papyri this
word has the meaning "homestead." See New Docs. 3 (1978), § 45.
t~v tmaxo:,r~v am:oii )...a~Etw EtEQO£] From Ps. 109 [LXX 108]:8; where this
quotation has imper. )...a~Etw most LXX copies have opt. )...a~OL.
EJtLoxo:,r~v J Lit. "overseership," not in a technical sense. The meaning here
("responsibility") is much the same as that of l'llaxovia in vv. 17 and 25, and of
UJtOITTOA.~ in V. 25.
For other traces of a collection of testimonia about Judas cf. Mt. 27:9f.; Jn.
13:18; 17:12 ('iva ~ YQU<jl~ :ltA.l]QWSfi).
1:21 Ev Jtavti xQ6vcµ cf>] EV is omitted before cf>, being understood from its
earlier occurrence before the antecedent.
darjA.0Ev xai E1;rjA.0Ev] For the idiom cf. 9:28; it is a semitism common in the
OT (e.g., Dt. 31:2; 2 Sam. [LXX 2 Kms.] 3:25; Ps. 121 [LXX 120]:8, etc.).
iq>' ~µa£] "over us," "at our head," indicating the Lord's relation to his dis-
ciples.
XUQLO£ 'ltjooii£] b characteristically adds XQLITTO£: such amplifications of our
Lord's name are evidence of the secondary nature of the b text. Cf. 3:13; 4:33; 8: 16;
11:20; 15:11; 16:31; 19:5; 21:13, and see furtheron 2:38; 7:55; 13:33.
1:22 UQ;<lµEVO£] Though formally agreeing with 'Ir1ooii£, this use of the ptc.
is really adverbial. Cf. 10:37; 11 :4; Mt. 20:8; Lk. 23:5; 24:27, 47; Jn. 8:9.
a:,ro tou ~am(oµat0£ 'Iw<ivvou J Not merely from the period after John's im-
prisonment (Mk. 1: 14-20) but from the time of his ministry (cf. Jn. 1 :35, 43 for the
call of the first disciples at this earlier stage; also Jn. 15:27, cm' UQX'ii£).
~£] Attic attraction, fodv Tl (cf. v. 2).
µ<iQtuQa t'ij£ avaai:<iaEw£] Note the emphasis on personal witness ( especially
with regard to the resurrection of Jesus) as an essential apostolic qualification (cf.
1 Cor. 9: 1; 15 :8f. ). The range of experience here required corresponds to the scope
of the apostolic message (cf. 10:36-41; 13:24-31).
1:23 Eatl]aav] b has Eatl]OEV, as though Peter nominated the two.
'lwo~<jl x,:)...] To be distinguished from Judas Barsabbas ( 15 :22) and from Jesus
Justus (Col. 4:11). According to Euseb. (HE 3.39.9) and Philip of Side (Hist.
Christ.), Papias told on the authority of Philip's daughters (see on 21 :9) how this
man, when challenged by unbelievers, drank serpent's venom in the Lord's name,
with no harmful consequences (cf. Mk. 16: 18).
BaQoa~~av] A patronymic in form: Aram. Bar-Sabha, simplified from bar-
sabbefii, "son of the sabbath" (i.e., born on the sabbath). The variant spelling BUQ-
oa~av (Ca[) might reflect Bar-Siipii, "son of the elder." b has BaQva~iiv, by confu-
sion with Joseph surnamed Barnabas (4:36).
'Ioiiato£] It was common for Jews to acquire a Gentile name, frequently bear-
111
ing some resemblance to their Jewish name (sec on 17:5). E. Nestle, "Three Proper
Names in the New Testament," ExT 10 (1898-99), p. 527, citesLevR 32.5 (on Lev.
24:10) for evidence that Justus functioned as an alternative name for Joseph (this
involves a highly probable emendation of lystys to yws[ws).
Ma88fav] A contracted form from Mattithiah (Mattathias ), "gift of
Yah(weh)."
l :24 n:goaEu1;<iµevm Eln:av] The aor. ptc. is simultaneous (cf. the reverse
construction n:goa11u);m:o ... dn:wv in Mk. 14:39.
XUQLE] The prayer is addressed to Jesus (sec below on E1;EAE1;w ).
xagbLoyvwota] Cf. 15 :8, 6 xagowyvwotl]£ 0EO£ ("God, the knower of hearts").
The word is found only in Christian writers, beginning with Luke.
E!;EAE!;w] The same verb is used in v. 2 of Jesus' choosing of the original apos-
tles; it is appropriate that he should be the subject here as there.
1:25 bwxovta£ ... xal, a,tooto1.fi£ l Hendiadys: "apostolic ministry."
JtUQE~l]] "transgressed," "defected." Since Judas had defected, the number of
disciples had to be restored to 12, which was significantly correlated with the num-
ber of the tribes of Israel (Lk. 22:28-30). See J. Dupont, "Le logion des douze trcines
(Mt. 19, 28; Le 22, 28-30)," Bib 45 (1964), pp. 355-92.
JtOQEUOfjvm EL£ tov 'iowv tonov] "to go where he belonged," a euphemistic
phrase; 'ibw£ is emphatic. Cf. l::xaoto£ EL£ tov 'fbwv tonov µiUEL xwgElv, lgn. Magn.
5:1); EL£ tov Oq>ELAOµEVOV autOL£ tO:JtOV, Polyc. Ep. 9:2; EL£ tOV Oq>ELAOµEVOV tO:JtOV
tfi£ bo!;l]£, 1 Clem. 5:4, the first referring to both bliss and woe, the second and third
to bliss.
1:26 iiowxav x1.~QOU£ m1toi£] "they cast lots for them" (x1.fiQO£ has its full
sense of "lot" here; contrast v. 17). One might have expected ii~a1.ov rather than
EOwxav, but this does not mean that the sense is "they gave their votes" (cf. LC ad
Zoe.). The procedure of casting lots after nomination (xt.~QWCJL£ EX ngoxgftwv) is
similar to that introduced by Solon for the election of Athenian magistrates (Aris-
totle, Ath. Pol. 8). In the OT the casting of lots was a recognized way of ascertain-
ing the divine will (cf. Prov. 16:33). For the employment of Urim and Thummim
for this purpose cf. LXX 1 Kms. 14:41 (MT 1 Sam. 14:41 is defective). There is
no record of the disciples' resorting to this procedure after Pentecost.
£VOE.ta <inooto1'wv lo has ocubExa ( omitting UJtomo1'wv). Aug. has the conflate
text deputatus est cum undecim apostolis duodecimus (c. Fe!. 1.4). Like most of
the apostles whom he now joined, Matthias receives no further mention in the NT.
See P. H. Menoud, "Additions to the Group of the Twelve Disciples accord-
ing to the Book of Acts" (1957), E.T. in Jesus Christ and the Faith (Pittsburgh,
1978), pp. 133-48; K. H. Rengstorf, "The Election of Matthias," in Current Issues
in New Testament Interpretation, ed. W. Klassen and G. F. Snyder (New York,
1962), pp. 178-92.
112
ACTS2
B. THE DAY OF PENTECOST (2: 1-47)

1. The Descent of the Spirit (2: 1-4)
1 Kal EV tEQOµEVTJ£ :n:vofJ£ ~LULU£
XUL EJtA~QWCTEV OAOV tOV olxov OU ~CTUV xa0~µEvOL, 3 XUL coq,0T]CTUV um:o 1£ [)L-
UµEQLtoµevm y)..waom WCTEL JtUQO£, XUL EXct0LCTEV Eq>' EVU EXUITTOV um:wv, 4 xal
EJtA~CT8T]CTUV JtctvtE£ :n:veuµutO£ ay(ou, XUL ~Q!;avto AUAELV EtEQUL£ YAWCTCTUL£
xa8W£ to JtVEiiµu eb(bou futoq,8iyyw8m um:oi:£.
2:1 Kal Ev t<p auµn:AT]Qofo0m] EV t<p with the infin. is a favorite Lukan con-
struction, especially when used to discharge the function of a time clause (cf. 3:26;
4:30; 8:6; 9:3; 11:15; 19:1). It occurs 32 times in Luke (as against three in Matthew
and two in Mark). Such phrases, according to F. Krapp, Der substantivierte Infin-
itiv (Heidelberg, 1892), are characteristic of historical writers from second centu-
ry B.C. to first century AD. For ev tcj) ouµn:AT]Qoiio8m cf. Lk. 9:51. b has xat eyheto
EV tat~ ~µEQUL~ txei vm~ toii ouµ:n:ATJQOiia8m xtA (for thdyEveto construction see on
4:5 and forev mi~ ~µiQm£ exeivm£ see on 1:15).
t~v ~µEQUV tfJ£ :n:EvtT]XoatfJ£] The construction is compressed; ouµ:n:ATJQOfo0m
is used in LXX to express the completion of a period. Actually it was the seven
weeks since passover that had been fulfilled. But the Heb. name of the festival,
sii!Ju '61 ("weeks"), includes the seven weeks. The Gk. name, :n:EvtT]XOat~ (sc.
~µEQU), "fiftieth (day)," first found in Tob. 2:1 and 2 Mace. 12:32, is based on the
direction of Lev. 23: 15f., that "seven full weeks" of "fifty days" should be counted
from the "morrow after the sabbath" on which the firstfruits of barley harvest were
presented to God, and then the firstfruits of wheat harvest were to be presented.
The day of Pentecost was therefore known also as "the day of the firstfruits" (Num.
28:26). Cf. Ex. 23:16a; 34:22a; Dt. 16:10. The "morrow after the sabbath" was
variously interpreted in NT times: the Sadducees and Boeth_usians took the sabbath
to be the weekly sabbath, and their reckoning prevailed in the temple calendar
(whence the Christian Pentecost always falls on a Sunday), while the Pharisees
took this "sabbath" to be the "holy convocation" which inaugurated the week of
unleavened bread, and this reckoning (for which they appealed to Josh. 5:11, "the
113
morrow after the passover") prevailed after AD. 70 and remains normative in the
Jewish calendar to this day.
At a later date the day of Pentecost was regarded as the anniversary of the
giving of the law on Sinai; this dating may have originated in Jewish nonconformity
(cf. Jub. 1: 1 with 6: 17), and is first attested for rabbinical Judaism by Jose ben
~Ialafta, c. AD. 150 (Seder 'Olam R. 5), and Eleazar ben Pedath, c. 270 (bPes. 68b ).
See B. Noack, "The Day of Pentecost in Jubilees, Qumran, and Acts," AST/ 1
(1962), pp. 73-95; also G. Kretschmar, "Himmelfahrt und Pfingsten," ZNW 66
(1954-55), pp. 209-53; J. D. G. Dunn,Jesus and theSpirit(London, 1975), pp. 135-
56; I. H. Marshall, "The Significance of Pentecost," SJT 30 (1977), pp. 347-69;
A. T. Lincoln, "Theology and History in the Interpretation of Luke's Pentecost,"
ExT96 (1984-85), pp. 204-209.
Eitito auto) See on 1:15. The place may have been the "upper room" of 1: 13;
it is not specified.
2:2 itvofJi;;] For wind as an emblem of the Spirit of God cf. Ezek. 37:9; Jn.
3:8; the figures of wind and fire (cf. v. 3 below) are combined in the Baptist's words
about the coming baptism with the Spirit in Lk. 3:16f.
EltA~QWOEV] Ephrem Syrus says the house was filled with fragrance (cf. Isa.
6:4).
,:ov olxov oii ~aavxa0~µevoL] Whileolxoi;; can be used of the temple (cf. 7:47;
Isa. 6:4, and frequently in LXX) as well as of a private house, the clause "where
they were sitting" seems to rule out the temple here.
2:3 w<j>OT]aav] Intrans., "appeared" (cf. 13 :31 ).
OLU!.t£QL~oµevm] "distributed among them" rather than "cloven" (AV).
y1..waam wad JtUQoi;;] F. H. Chase (Credibility, pp. 34f.) anc others suggest
that this appearance was caused by the rays of the rising sun shining on them
through the colonnade at the eastern side of the temple. But the outer court, or even
Solomon's portico (cf. 3:11), would scarcely be called a "house." The metaphor
y1..waam may be suggested by the y1..waam of v. 4. But a mystical experience is
probably indicated. Fire along with wind is associated with the promised baptism
of the Spirit in Lk. 3:16 (par. Mt. 3:11); in John's proclamation both are symbols
of judgment, the wind blowing the chaff away and the fire consuming it.
ixa0Lmv] The subject is probably y1..waaa (the sing. y1..waaa being under-
stood distributively from y1..woom ), less probably itiiQ. One of the tongues of fire
lighted on each disciple. So, when the Spirit descended on our Lord in the form of
a dove, Eµ£LVEV Elt' amov (Jn. 1 :32).
2:4 EltA~o0T]aav itavi:Ei;; :rcvEuµai:oi;; ay[ou] For such an instantaneous filling
of the Spirit resulting in inspired utterance cf. 4:8, 31; 13:9; Lk. 1:41, 67. The ear-
liest OT precedent is Num. 11 :25.
~Ql;avi:o] Possibly an example of the redundant auxiliary, used (like Aram.
stire') to form a periphrastic variant of the simple verb (see on 11 :4, 15; 18:26; 24:2;
27:35).
1..a1..Eiv EtEQUL£ y1..woomi;;] The phenomenon called glossolalia has appeared in
many forms. Here the "other tongues" with which the disciples spoke were intelligible
114
2:5-13 THE CROWD'S AMAZEMENT
languages or dialects, recognized as such by those who were accustomed to speak

them, even if they were unintelligible to others. Most of the hearers would be famil-
iar with Gk. or Aram., even if some of them spoke other vernaculars. The disciples,
suddenly delivered from the peculiarities of their Galilaean speech, praised God and
rehearsed his mighty works in such a way that each hearer recognized with surprise
his own language or dialect. No such surprise is expressed when Peter addresses the
multitude (vv. 14-36), though it may be inferred that in this address he continued to
speak without those Galilaean peculiarities which might otherwise have hindered
people from other parts from understanding him. The glossolalia cultivated in the
church of Corinth, to judge from Paul's references to it (1 Cor. 14:2-23), had a dif-
ferent character: whereas the effect of the pentecostal glossolalia in Jerusalem was
better understanding on the part of the hearers, the Corinthian glossolalia was unin-
telligible (except to the speaker) without an interpreter. Whatever form glossolalia
takes, it appears to result from stimulation of "Broca 's area," the center for articulate
speech in the third frontal convolution of the dominant cerebral hemisphere.
See J. G. Davies, "Pentecost and Glossolalia," JTS, n.s. 3 (1952), pp. 228-
31; J.P. M. Sweet, "A Sign for Unbelievers: Paul's Attitude to Glossolalia," NTS
13 (1966-67), pp. 240-57; K. Haacker, ''Das Pfingstwunder als Exegetisches Prob-
lem," in Verborum Veritas, ed. 0. Bocher and K. Haacker (Wuppertal, 1970), pp.
125-31; W. J. Samarin, Tongues of Men and of Angels (New York, 1972); A J.M.
Wedderburn, "Romans 8:26--Towards a Theology of Glossolalia," SJT28 (1975),
pp. 369-77.
aJtoljl9Eyyw9m] A weighty or oracular utterance; e.g., in LXX it is used of
prophesying in 1 Chr. 25:1; of soothsaying in Mic. 5:12.
2. The Crowd's Amazement (2:5-13)

5 'Hoav bE EV 'IEQO\JOUA.~µ X<ltolXOUVTE£ 'Ioubaiot, UVbQE£ ElJA.U~E~ aJtO Jtavt~
rnvo~ t<ilv {mo tov ouQav6v· q£voµivri£ bE tfJ£ qiwvfJ£ tamri£ ouvijA.9Ev to
JtA.ij0o£ xal, OUVE;(U0TJ, ott ~xouoEv Ei£ EX<lotO£ tfl tbiq. btaA.EKt<J> lalouvrwv
amwv· 7 f;tatavto bE xal, Wauµa~ov A.EYOVTE£, ovx ibou Jt<lVTE£ omo( ELOl Voi
lalouvtE£ raltlaim; 8 xai JtW£ ~µEi£ axouoµtv EMOTO£ tfi tbtq. btaA.EXt<J> ~µwv
n
EV £YEVV~9l'lµEv; 9 IlaQ00l Ml Mijbot xal, 'EA.aµi:tm, )(UL oi XUTOLXOUVTE£ t~V
MwoJtotaµiav, 'loubaiav tE xal, KaJtJtaooxiav, 116vtov xal, t~v 'Ao(av,
10¢Quy(av TE Ml Ilaµqiuliav, A'tyumov xal, ta µEQT] TT)£ At~1JT]£ tfJ£ xata
KuQ~vriv, xa't o[ lmbriµouvtE£ 'Pwµaiot, 11 'Ioubaioi TE xal JtQOO~A.utot,
KQT)TE£ xa't "AQa~E£, <ixoooµEv A.UA.OUVTWV amwv TUL£ ~µETEQUL£ YA.WOOUL£ ta
µEyaA.Eia TOU ernu. 12 E;LITTUVTO bE JtUVTE£ xa1 bl l'IJtOQOUVTO, UA.A.0£ JtQO£ UA.A.OV
A.EyOvtE£, Ti SEA.El TOUTO £L vm; 13 ELEQOl l'iE l'ita;(AE\JU~OVTE£ EA.EyOV Otl rAEUXO'IJ<_;
µEµEITTWµEVOl ELOLV.
2:5 ~oav ... MtotxouVTE£] For the construction see on l :10.
EV 'IEQouoal~µ] xc B D byz I EL£ 'IEQOUoal~µ X*AI 175. Cf. 9:21.
'loubaiot] om X. Blass, Ropes, and Lake support the omission, despite its
weak attestation; but in any case the reference is to visiting Jews and proselytes
who were present for the festival.
115
Eut..aPEi£] om Aug. (c. Fe!. 1.5; c. Ep. Fund. 10). In the NT EUAaP~£ is used
only of Jews (cf. 8:2; 22: 12; Lk. 2:25). Like the substantive EUA<iPEta (Heb. 5:7;
12:28) and the verb EUA.apfoµm (Heb. 11 :7), the adjective in its religious sense de-
notes "that mingled fear and love which combined constitute the piety of man
toward God" (R. C. Trench, Synonyms of the New Testament,§ 48).
ano navtO£ E0vov£ tfuv uno tov OUQavov] I.e., from every land where there
were Jews. But the language reminds one of the later tradition that the voice of God
at Sinai went forth in 70 tongues, so that "every people received the law in its own
language" (Tan~uma 26c; cf. R. Yol)anan, d. 279, in bShah. 88b).
2:6 q,mv~£] This is more likely to have been the inspired utterances of v. 4
than the ~XO£ of v. 2. For qiuiv~ as the subject ofy(voµm cf. 7:31; 10:13; 19:34; Lk.
1:44; 3:22; 9:35f.
ovv~A.8Ev to nA.~80£] Wherever the disciples were when the Spirit came upon
them, the most appropriate setting for this concourse would be the temple precincts.
Herc nA.~80£ has a nontechnical sense, "populace"; for another sense cf. 4:32.
tfi tb(q. btaA.Extq>] For btciA.£xtO£ cf. 1: 19. The present phrase has the same
sense as tat£ ~µEtEQaL£ yAwoom£ in v. 11. Our distinction between "languages" and
"dialects" is irrelevant here.
2:7 011x toou] ~ DE 81 I ouxl ibou BI 011x. illou P74 AC 1P byz. For aspira-
tion before ibEiv cf. Phil. 2:23, aip(bm. The occasional aspiration of this verb is found
in usually accurate MSS. The phrase oux tllou is used in LXX in rhetorical ques-
tions, and "in time became the recognized equivalent for the classical d.Q' ou;"
(H. St. J. Thackeray, Grammar of the Old Testament in Greek, l, pp. 125f.).
raAtA.aiot] On the peculiarities of Galilaean speech cf. Lk. 22:59 (par. Mk.
14:70; Mt. 26:73). It was distinguished by its confusion or loss of laryngeals and
aspirates. Sec A. Neubauer, "The Dialects of Palestine in the Time of Christ," in
Studia Biblica 1 (Oxford, 1885), p. 51; G. Dalman, Grammatik des jiidisch-
paliistinischen Aramiiisch (Leipzig, 1894), pp. 33-40, 42-51; F. Rosenthal, Die
aramiiistische F orschung (Leiden, 1939), p. l 0811.
2:8 tfi ill(q. btaA.ExtC)J ~µfuv] "our very own speech." For the collocation of
't6LO£ and the gen. of the personal pronoun cf. Tit. 1:12; 2 Pet. 3:16. lt is attested in
papyri as early as the Ptolemaic period.
2:9 TiciQ8ot x.al M~bOL x.al 'Et..aµitm x.al o[ x.atmx.oiivtE£ t~v Mwmt0taµ(av
x.tA] Attempts have been made to establish a literary or traditional relation between
this catalogue and the Rudimenta of Paulus Alexandrinus, an astrological treatise
( 4th cent. AD.) which apportions the nations of the world among the twelve signs
of the zodiac; the conclusion is drawn that Luke's catalogue is another way of say-
ing "the whole world" (cf., e.g., S. Weinstock, "The Geographical Catalogue in
Acts II, 9-11," IRS 38 [1948], pp. 43-46; J. A. Brinkman, "The Literary Background
of the 'Catalogue of the nations' (Acts 2:9-11)," CBQ 25 [1963), pp. 418-27). A
detailed comparison of the catalogues of Luke and Paulus shows that the similar-
ity between them is less than has often been asserted. A link between the two is far
from being established (if it were, one would have to suppose that Paulus repro-
duces an earlier catalogue, on which Luke was also directly or indirectly depen-
116
2:5-13 THE' CROWD'S AMAZEMI NT
dent). See B. M. Metzger, "Ancient Astrological Geography and Acts 2:9-11," in

New Testament Studies: Philological, Versional, and Patristic (Leiden, 1980), pp.
46-56.
Among the "Parthians, Medes, Elamites, and residents in Mesopotamia" lived
descendants of the ten tribes ( frequently miscalled the "lost" tribes) and of members
of the two tribes who did not return from exile. Artaxerxes III of Persia planted Jews
in Hyrcania on the Caspian (c. 340 B.C.). Jewish settlements cast of the Euphrates
amounted to a population of tens, if not hundreds, of thousands. Their vernacular
was Aramaic. Sec Jos. Ant. 11.133; 15.14; 18.310-79; also BJ 1.3, 6, where the first
edition of BJ is said to have been composed for the benefit of the Jews in Babylonia
and neighboring regions. "Parthians and Mcdes" are mentioned in 1 Enoch 56:5 as
leaders in an end-time attack on the land of Israel. See Schurer, III, pp. 5-10.
'Iouba(av I It is strange to find Judaea listed in a catalogue of Jews of the dis-
persion. A difficulty has also been felt in the absence of the article before 'Iouba(av
(since the word is properly an adjective): "anarthrous 'Joul\a(av ... is certainly cor-
rupt" (BDF § 261, n. 4); contrast C. J. Herner, according to whom it is "freely used"
(The Book ofActs in the Setting ofHellenistic Hist01y, WUNT 49 [Tu bingen, 1989].
p. 223, n. 7). Here 'Ioul\aiav n xat flaµqiu).(av may come under the regimen of t~v
before the preceding Mwonomµ(nv (cf. Mt. 4:25, c'mo tfJ£ raALAf1LU£ xut
Llexarco).ew£ xat 'IEQoao).uµwv xai 'Iouba(a£ ... ; also Lk. 5: 17). Jerome ( on Isa.
11 :6ff.) substitutes Syria for Judaea in quoting this passage; Tcrtullian (Adv. lud.
7) and Augustine (c. Fe!. 1.5; c. Ep. Fund. 10) substitute Armenia; Chrysostom
(Hom. on Acts, 4) substitutes India (so, later, R. Bentley). Among modern emen-
dations F. C. Burkitt's roQl\uu(av (Enc. Bib. col. 4992) revives a reading found in
some Arab. MSS of the NT, Akrad, "Kurds" (cf. E. F. F. Bishop, "Professor Burkitt
and the Geographical Catalogue," JRS 42 [1952], pp. 84f.). For other emt:ndations
see B. M. Metzger, "Ancient Astrological Geography ... ," p. 56; it is difficult to
dissent from his conclusion that "probably the least unsatisfactory solution to an
admittedly difficult problem is to accept the reading attested by the overwhelming
weight of witnesses."
Kannaboxiav, fl6vwv xai t~v 'Aaiav, <liQuy(av tE xai flaµqiu).iav] All these
were territories in Asia Minor, which was full of Jewish settlements (as may he
gathered from Ac. 13-20), and had been so since the time of Antiochus III (Jos.
Ant. 12.149). 'Ioul\aim xa0' EXO.ITTlJV rco).Lv dai naµrr).lJOEis 'Auias tE xnt LUQLa£.
says Philo (Leg. ad Cai. 245). Cf. I 5:21, where Syria and Asia Minor arc chiefly
in question. From Pontus Jews crossed the Black Sea to ( 'rimca and the neighbor-
ing coast, where Jewish inscriptions have been found.
2:10 A'iyrnrrov] Jews had lived continuously in Egypt from the time of
Psammetichus II (c. 590 B.C.), receiving fresh accessions from time to time, espe-
cially after the foundation of Alexandria (331 B.C.), in which by A.D. 38 two out of
its five wards arc said to have heen Jewish in population (Philo, In Flaccum 55).
Philo estimates the Jewish residents in all Egypt at that time to have amounted to
a million (oux a:rwbEoum µuQLa.l\rnv exatov, In Flaccum 43); this is a rhetorical rather
than a statistical figure, but they were certainly very numerous.
117
KuQ~Vl]V] For the Jews of Cyrene cf. 6:9; 11 :20; 13: 1, and Simon of Cyrene
in the passion narrative (Lk. 23:26 par.); also 1 Mace. 15:23; 2 Mace. 2:23; Jos. BJ
7.437-46; Ant. 14.114-18; 16.160, 169f.; Vita 424. Ptolemy I (323-285 B.c.) settled
Jews in Cyrenaica, to ensure its loyalty (Jos. Ap. 2.44).
oi embl]µouvtE£ 'PmµaiOL] "the visitors from Rome." It is open to anyone to
surmise that some of these returned from Jerusalem to form the nucleus of the
Roman church, of the origin of which we have no historical record. By the begin-
ning of the Christian era the Jewish population of Rome is estimated to have been
between 40,000 and 60,000 (H. J. Leon, The Jews ofAncient Rome [Philadelphia,
1960], pp. 135f.).
JtQOO~A. mm] In LXX JtQOO~A.mo; represents Heb. ger, a sojourner in the land
of Israel, a "stranger within the gates"; cf. Attic µetotxo;, a resident alien, to whom
certain rights and privileges were accorded by law. Both ger and JCQOO~lmo; were
later employed to denote those Gentiles who undertook to keep the law of Moses
and were incorporated into the Jewish religious community. This incorporation was
marked by a threefold ceremony: circumcision (for male converts), baptism in
water (for ritual purification), and the offering of a sacrifice (while the Jerusalem
temple stood). For proselyte baptism see H. H. Rowley, "Jewish Proselyte Baptism
and the Baptism of John" ( 1940), in From Moses to Qumran (London, 1963), pp.
211-35; T. F. Torrance, "Proselyte Baptism," NTS 1 (1954-55), pp. 150-54; T. M.
Taylor, "The Beginnings of Jewish Proselyte Baptism," NTS 2 (1955-56), pp. 193-
98; K. Pusey, "Jewish Proselyte Baptism," ExT 95 (1983-84), pp. 141-45;
Schurer III, pp. l 73f.; K. G. Kuhn, TDNT 6, pp. 738f. (s. v. JtQoo~)..mo;).
Because of the circumcision requirement for men, they seem to have been
considerably outnumbered by women proselytes (cf. Leon, The Jews of Ancient
Rome, p. 256). Many men were content with that looser attachment to the syn-
agogue implied in the nontechnical term ''God-fearers" (see on 10:2; cf. 13:16;
17:17, etc.). In general, proselytes enjoyed religious equality with native Jews but
occasionally a difference of wording was prescribed for them in prayers where the
ancestors of Israel were mentioned; e.g., at the presentation of firstfruits "the pros-
elyte may bring them but he may not make the avowal [Dt. 26:3] since he cannot
say, 'which the Lord swore to our fathers to give us.' But if his mother was an
Israelite he may bring them and make the avowal. And when he prays in private he
should say, 'O God of the fathers of Israel'; and when he prays in the synagogue
he should say, 'O God of your fathers.' But if his mother was an Israelite he may
say, 'O God of our fathers'" (mBikkurim 1.4).
2:11 KQ~tE;]ForJcwsinCretecf.Tit. l:10-14;Jos.BJ2.103;Ant.17.327.
Josephus's second wife was a Cretan Jewess (Vita 427).
"AQa~e;] Arabia in Graeco-Roman usage at this time generally means the
kingdom of the Nabataean Arabs, now at the height of its power under Aretas IV
(9 B.C.-A.D. 40). It lay between the Red Sea and the Euphrates, Petra being its capi-
tal. It was annexed by the Roman Empire in AD. 106. See on 9:23f.
Whether the catalogue was derived by Luke from some literary source or not,
it represents well enough the range of the Jewish dispersion at this time. See further
118
2:14-21 "Tu!S IS THAT"
M. Grant, The Jews in the Roman World (London, 1973); E. M. Smallwood, The
Jews under Roman Rule (Leiden, 1977); Schurer III, pp. 1-86.
A.UA.01Jvt(J)V ta µqaA.E ta tOU emu] = µeya)., lJVOvt(l)V tOV 0EOV' "magnifying God"
(as in 10:46). The religious authorities in Judaea sanctioned the use of any language
in the recital of the Shema' ("Hear, 0 Israel, ... "), the Shemoneh 'Efreh (the Eigh-
teen Benedictions), the blessing over food, and a few other prayers (mSotah 7.1);
see Schi.irer II, pp. 454-63. So the praise of God in a variety of tongues and dialects
was a common sound in Jerusalem during the great festivals, when so many pil-
grims from the dispersion were present. Now, to their surprise, these pilgrims hear
those words of praise uttered in their own languages, by Galilaeans of all people!
The reversal of the curse of Babel may well be in the writer's mind.
2:12 i;im:avto] As in v. 7: lit. "stood outside themselves," i.e., "were be-
side themselves" (with amazement). Cf. 10:45, i;im:T)aav, in a similar context.
bLT):J'toQOlivto] Luke is the only NTwriterto use the compound bLrutOQEW. Else-
where (5:24; 10: 17; Lk. 9:7) he uses the active voice.
ti 0EA.El touto dvm;] "What does this mean?" Cf. 17:20, tiva0EA.El tauta dvm.
2:13 bta):A.EU<i~ovte;] The only NT occurrence of this word. Cf. 17:32 for
the only NT occurrence of the simple verb x).,mi~w (see New Docs. 2 (1977], § 81).
i:).,eyov] Imperf. tense, here indicating the repeated remarks of a number of
people.
on] on recitantis, introducing direct speech.
y).,euxou;] The only NT occurrence of y).,Euxo;, which is found first in Aris-
totle: "sweet wine" (unfermented or only partially fermented). Cf. Elihu's words
in Job 32:18f. (LXX): OA.EXEl yciQ µe to n:veuµa tii£ yam:QO£' ~ be yam:~Q µou 00031:EQ
aaxoi; YA.E1JXOU<; ~E(l)V bEbEµevo;. The vintage of the current year had not yet come,
but there were means of keeping wine sweet all the year round. Cf. Cato's recipe
(De re rustica 120): "mustum si uoles totum annum habere, in amphoram mustum
indito, et corticem oppicato, demittito in piscinam, post tricesimum diem eximito;
totum annum mustum erit" ("if you wish to have sweet wine for the whole year,
put sweet wine into a jar, seal it with a cork, submerge it in a pool of water, take it
out after the thirtieth day; it will remain sweet for the whole year").
In 1 Cor. 14:23 Paul points out that glossolalia may be mistaken for madness.
3. Peter's Address (2:14-36)

a. "This is that" (2: 14-21)
14 Lta0di; be 6 I1£tQO~ auv toii; hbexa in:ijQEV t~v q,wv~v amou xa i
ci:rmj>0ey!;ato amoli;, 'AvbQEi; 'loubalm xai OL xatOLXOUvtEi; 'IEQOlJaa).,~µ
n:civtei;, touto uµlv yvwatov Eat(l) xai EVWtiaaa0E ta Q~µatci µou. 15 OU yet() mi;
llµEL£ i,n;o).,aµj3avEtE o&m µe01JouaL v, EITTL Vyo.Q WQU tQLtT) tii£ ~µEQU£, 16 ana
touto Eatl v to ELQTJµE VOV bta tOU 31:QO<p~tolJ 'Iw~).,,
17 Kai Eatm EV tat£ eoxatmi; ~µEQUL£, A.EYEL O 0e6i;,
EX):EW cin:o toU 31:VEUµato; µou E'1:L miaav aciQxa,
xa i '1:QO<pTJ'tEUaoum v o l ulo i i,µ&v xa i al 0uyatEQE£ uµ&v,
119
xal oi VEUVLOXOL uµwv OQUOEL£ chj,ovtm,

xal oi JtQEO~utEQOL uµwv EVUJtVLOL£ EVUJtVtaaetjaovtm·
18 XU l YE EJ't Ltoui;; bouA.oui;; µou XU LEJ't Lta.i;; bouA.ai;; µou
EV tali; ~µ£QUl£ EXELVUl£ EX):EOl ano to'U JtVEuµat6i;; µou,
xul JtQOq>l]tEuaoumv.
19 Kal bwaw tEQU'tU EV t<j> O'IJQUV(J) avw
XU l Ol]µtla EJ't l tiji;; yiji;; xatw,
alµa xal nug xal atµ(ba xanvofr
20 0 ~A.LO£ µE'taITTQUq>tjOEtUl di; O'XO't0£
xal ~ OEA.tjVT) di; alµa
nglv £A.8Elv ~µEQUV xug(ou t~v µryciA.l]V xal Emq,avfj.
21 Kal EITTUl niii;; oi;; av EJtl'XUA.EOl]tUl to ovoµa XUQLOU awetjaEtm.
The contents of this speech certainly suit the time and circumstances of its
delivery. It consists of an introduction, setting the phenomena of that Pentecost in
the light of prophecy (vv. 14-21 ), an account of Jesus' ministry, death, and resur-
rection, accompanied by scriptural proofs (vv. 22-28), the announcement of Jesus'
exaltation, with further scriptural proofs (vv. 29-36), followed (after a brief inter-
ruption) by a call to repentance (vv. 38-40). Substantially the same pattern can be
traced in the kerygmatic speeches of 3:12-26; 5:30-32; 10:36-43; 13: 16-41.
2:14 auv toli;; evbExa] While all the disciples received the gift of the Spirit
(mivtE£, vv. 1 and 4), it is the Twelve (including Matthias) who now present them-
selves to the crowd as the leading witnesses, Peter (more suo) acting as their spokes-
man (see on 1: 15).
EJtijQEV t~V q,wv~v amou xul amq,8Eysato amoli;;] A common LXX locution,
reflecting Heb. idiom. While enijQEV t~v q,wvtjv can be paralleled from classical Gk.
(e.g., Demosthenes, De corona 291, en<igai;; t~v q,wvtjv), as it stands here it is a
characteristic semitizing pleonasm.
anEq,8tysato] Cf. anoq,8tyywem, v. 4: probably here, as there, the word im-
plies inspired utterance (BAGD render it here "declare to someone with enthusi-
asm").
avbgEi;; 'IoubaiOL] "Fellow Jews"; cf. avbQE£ 'IOQUT)A.Ltm, v. 22; avbQE£
abEA.q>Ol, v. 29. See on 1: 16.
evwt(aaal:lE] "listen." The only NT occurrence of Evwti1;oµm, which is
derived from ol'ii;; ("ear") and is frequent in LXX in the sense "give ear" (rendering
Heb. he 'ezfn, from 'ozen, "ear").
2:15 wga tQLtl]] I.e., reckoning from sunrise, and therefore about 9 a.m.
Jews did not eat until the fourth hour (on the sabbath, according to Jos. Vita 279,
they dined at the sixth hour).
2: 16 to'iit6 EatL v to ELQl]µevov bui tou JtQOq>tjtou] Summing up the subject
matter of the NT in relation to the OT. As in 1: 16 (bLa. m6µatoi;; ~au(b ), bL<i indi-
cates that the Holy Spirit was the real speaker, the prophet but his mouthpiece.
'lwtjA] om D Iren 131 Hi! AugP1 Greg.Illib. It may be a "Western noninterpola-
tion." For the anonymity with which other quotations from the Minor Prophets arc
introduced cf. 7:42; 13:40; 15:15.
120
2: 14-21 "THIS IS THAT"
2:17 The prophecy of God's outpouring of his Spirit in Joel 2:28-32 (3:1-
5 Heb.) is said to be fulfilled m the events that have just been witnessed. The con-
text in Joel includes a call to repentance, to be followed by forgiveness (cf. v. 38
below) and by the coming of the day of the Lord, the commencement of the new
age (sec on 3: 19-21 below). For Luke the descent of the Spirit heralds the dawn of
the new age.
xal ECJTm ... EX;(EW] A Hebraism (cf. v. 21 ), rendered "And it shall come to
pass that ... " in the older English versions. Sec on 4:5 for Luke's own treatment
of this idiom.
Ev ta~ fox.ataL£ ~µiQm£, "-EYEL o 0Eo£] These words replace LXX µua tafua,
xai. With the outpouring of the Spirit, the "last days" have come. Cf. Isa. 2:2, on
ECJTm Ev ta~ fox.atm£ ~µEQUL£ x:r)... The clause )..EyEL o0EO£ is synonymous with the
commoner AEYEL XUQLO£ (see E. E. Ellis. ''AEyEL XUQLO£ Quotations in the New Testa-
ment," in Prophecy and Hermeneutic (Tiibingen/Grand Rapids, 1978], pp. 182-87).
anotoii nvniµmos µou] Partitive use ofano, as in v. 18; cf. Num. 11:17. This
use is common in Mod. Gk. Cf. EX in v. 30.
Eltt niiaav aaQxa J Looking forward (in Luke's perspective) to the Gentile
mission. Cf. the extension of the quotation in Lk. 3:4-6 (contrast Mk. 1:3) to in-
clude Isa. 40:5, XUL <>'lj!EtUL :n:iiaa CTctQ!; to CTWt~QLOV toii 0EOU.
xai ot vrnv(axm ... xa1. ot JtQEaf:\lrtEQOL] These two classes appear in reverse
order in MT and LXX; those on whom the Spirit first fell at Pentecost were all young.
OQUCTEL£ o'lj!ovtm] Cf. the successive OQaµuta recorded in the narrative of Acts
(9: 10, 12; 10:3. 17, 19; 11:5; 16:9[.; 18:9).
Evunvim~ evunvLaa0~aovtm] For this use of the verb with the dat. of the corre-
sponding noun cf. v. 30; 4:17; 5:28; 23:14. Some LXX copies have the acc., the
more literal rendering of the Heb. text.
2: 18 xui JtQoqn]tEuaoumv] Not in extant copies of LXX, and omitted by 6,
probably to harmonize with L.XX.
2: 19 livw ... CTl]µEia ... xfrrrn J These three words do not appear in LXX:
iivw and xatw are rhetorical additions, and CTT]µ£ia is probably introduced to balance
tEQata, anticipating the tEQuta xu1. CTl]µEiu of vv. 22, 43, et passim.
alµa xui. l'tUQ xal chµ(ou xu:n:vou) om b, perhaps as not being relevant to the
circumstances of Pentecost. But Peter's hearers may have associated the phenom-
ena described in vv. ! 9f. with those which attended the darkness at noon on Good
Friday.
2:20 o ~ALO£ µEtaCJTQa.cp~aEtm EL£ axoto£ xal ~ CTEA~Vl] Et£ alµa] Cf. Lk.
23:44f., axoto£ EyEvno ... , tou ~)..(ou ixhnovto£, on which see G. R. Driver, "Two
Problems in the New Testament," JTS, n.s. 16 (1965), pp. 331-37 (he ascribes the
darkness on Good Friday to a !Jamsin wind). See also C. J. Humphreys and W. G.
Waddington, "Dating the Crucifixion," Nature 306 (1983), pp. 743-46 (they at-
tribute the blood-red appearance of the moon to a lunar eclipse on April 3, AD. 33).
Joel's language here has influenced the description of the advent of the dies irae
in Rev. 6:12, o ~ALO£ EYEVEto µEAU£ <O£ aa:>1.X.0£ tQL;(LVO£, xai ~ CTEA~Vl] OAT] EyEVEto
W£ alµa.
121
EJtL<j>avf]] "splendid,"" glorious." MT has norii ("terrible"), for which the LXX
translators evidently read nir 'eh ("conspicuous").
2:21 xai emm ... awfltjaETm] See on v. 17.
XUQtou] I.e., Yahweh, as in v. 20 ("the day of Yahweh"). But the practical ap-
plication here, as in Rom. JO: 13 (where the same text is quoted), is to Jesus (see
on v. 36). For other applications to Jesus as Lord of OT references to Yahweh cf.
Isa. 45:23 in Phil. 2:lOf. (and in Rom. 14:11); Ps. 34 (LXX 33):8 in 1 Pet. 2:3; Isa.
8:13 in 1 Pet. 3:15.
b. The resurrection of Jesus proclaimed (2:22-28)

22 "AvOQE<; 'IaQUl]A.ltaL, axouaatE toi1£ A.OYOU£ tolltoU£. 'Il]OO'UV TOV Na-
sWQalov, civt>Qa UJtObEbEL yµEVOV UJt() toii flrn'ii EL£ uµac; [>uv<iµwt xal TEQUOL ,ml
Ol]µELOL£ olc; EJtOll]OEV bL' am:ou 6 l:lEO<; EV µEmJJ uµciJv, xal:lwc; am:ol o'ibatE,
2Jtomov tfl <l>QwµEvn ~ou1..fl xal JtQoyvwan toii Srnu iixootov bu1 XELQ<><;
av6µwv JtQOOJttj!;avtE<; UVELA.UTE, 24 OV 6 0EO£ UVEITTT]OEV A.uaac; tac; chbi:vac; TOU
eav<itou, xa06TL OU')( ~v buvatov XQUTEL00UL am:ov UJt' at'n:ofr 25 ~aulb yaQ A.EyEL
de; at'n:6v,
11QOOQWµl]v tov XUQLOV Evwm6v µou bLa Jtavt6c;,
OTL EX bE!;LCJ.JV µou EITTL v 'iva µ~ aaA.EUflciJ.
26 faa tomo l]Ucj>Q<iVfll] µou ~ XUQMa xai ~ya1..1..L<iaato ~ y1..waa..EL\j)EL£ t~v \j)uxtjv µou de; ~bl]v,
ou[>i; bwaEL£ TOV OOLOV aou ibELV bwq,0oQ<lV.
28 EYVWQLOU£ µOL Move; swfic;,
JtA.l]QWOEL£ µE EUcj>QOO'IJVl]£ µEta toii JtQOOWJtOU aou.
2:22 avliQE<; 'laQUT]A.itm] See on v. 14.

'll]OOUVTOV NasWQaiov] This title is found in 6:14; 22:8; 26:9; Lk. 18:37; Mt.
26:71; Jn. 18:5, 7; 19:19; cf. also 'll]OOU XQLITTOU toii NasWQULOU, 3:6; 4:10. While
other derivations have been suggested, NusrnQaloc; as applied to Jesus is best ex-
plained as meaning "of Nazareth"(= Heb. no~ri, with metathesized vowel), syn-
onymous with NasUQTJVO£, Mk. 1:24 (par. Lk. 4:34); 10:47; 14:67 (where it corre-
sponds to Nas!JlQULO£ of Mt. 26:71); 16:6; also Lk. 24:19. Thus 'll]OOUV TOV
NasWQULOV here= 'll]OOUV TOV NasUQl]VOV (Mk. 16:6) = 'Il]OOUV TOV (lJt() NasaQES
(Ac. 10:38). The derivation from Nazareth "is linguistically and materially unas-
sailable" (H. H. Schacder, TDNT 4, p. 879, s. v. NasUQl]VO<;, NasrnQaioc;). Mt. 2:23,
OJt!Jl<; JtA.l]Q!Jl0fJ TO Ql]0Ev bLa TUJV JtQOcj>l]TUlV OTL NasWQUio<; XA.l]f}tjOETUL, suggests a
wordplay on Heb. ne~er ("branch," Isa. 11: 1), Jess probably (in view of the differ-
ence in the second radical) on niizir ("separated," "Nazirite"; cf. Judg. 13:5, 7). See
G. F. Moore, "Nazarene and Nazareth," BC 1.1, pp. 426-32; W. 0. E. Oesterley,
"Nazarene and Nazareth," ExT 52 (1940-41), pp. 410-12; W. F. Albright, "The
Names 'Nazareth' and 'Nazoracan,"' JBL 65 (1946), pp. 397-401; M. Black,An
Aramaic Approach to the Gospels and Acts (Oxford, 3 196 7), pp. 197-200. For the
plural NasWQULOL applied to Christians sec on 24:5.
UJtobEbELyµEvov] "appointed," "designated"; cf. JtQOXEXELQWµEvov, 3:20;
122
2:22-28 TuE RESURRECTION OF JESUS PROCLAIMED
WQtoµkvo~, 10:32 (also iv avbQl <fl WQtOEV, 17:31 ). [) has bEbmuµaoµivov ("approved"),
whence Irenlat and latvg adprobatum, but Tert. destinatum reflects a,i:o[)E[)Etyµevov.
am:i] Denoting the agent ( classical uno ); cf. 4:36; 15:4, 33; 20:9.
uµa~ J ~µa~ D.
[)uvaµwt xa1 tEQaOt xa1 OTJµELOL£] Our Lord's miracles were signs of the new
age, "the powers of the age to come" (Heb. 6:5), showing that in him the divine
kingdom had broken into the world and was actively at work (Lk. 11 :20). They are
called "mighty works" (t,uvaµEt£) because they were manifestations of the divine
power which resided in him. For tEQata and OTJµEia cf. vv. 19 and 43 (tEQa; is in-
variably accompanied by OTJµEiov in the NT). Here and in the briefer allusion in
10:38 we have the only explicit NT reference outside the Gospels to our Lord's
miracles. For the witness of the miracles cf. Jn. 3:2; 7:31; 14: 10; 15:24.
2:23 tofn:ov] Resumes and emphasizes by its position the preceding acc.
(cf. 4:10; 7:35).
tfi WQtoµevn ~ou11.fi] Cf. 3: 18; 4:28; 17:3; 26:23; Lk. 22:22; 24:26, 46, etc.,
for the predestined character of the death of Christ. The "predestined counsel" of
God was revealed and recorded in prophetic scripture.
JtQoyvwon] Cf. JtQoqvwoµi\vou, 1 Pet. 1:20, in the same connection.
iixoornv] = JtaQciootov, "handed over"; it occurs similarly in Jos. Ant. 6.316;
14.355; 18.369. The reference may be to Jesus' being "handed over" by the will of
God to his enemies (cf. Rom. 8:32), or to his being handed over by the Jewish
authorities to the Romans. The latter is at any rate in view in the words that follow.
A parallel has been recognized in the handing over of Jesus son of Ananias by the
Jerusalem magistrates to the Roman governor in AD. 62 (Jos. BJ 6.303; cf.
G. Vermes, Jesus and the World of Judaism [London, 1983], pp. viiif.).
[)u1 )'.ELQO~] Reflecting Heb./Aram. beya<}. (probably a septuagintalism here).
Cf. 17:25; 19: 11; 21 :11; 24:7; 28:17 for prepositional phrases with X,ELQ.
avoµwv] I.e., the Romans, who may be avoµot in the sense of being Gentiles,
outside the jurisdiction of the law (voµo~) of Moses (cf. 1 Cor. 9:21, where Paul con-
ducts himself ml; avoµm; w; avoµo;). If, however, iivoµo; has the more general
sense of "lawless," "wicked" (cf. Lk. 22:37), one may compare the rabbinical use
of rsii'im for the Romans, e.g. malel.fu! hiirsii'im, "the Roman Empire" (bBer. 61 b),
lit. "kingdom of the wicked." Cf. Mk. 14:41, "the Son of man is delivered into the
hands of sinners" (JtUQab(ootm ... EL~ ta~ X.ELQU£ tO}V aµaQtWA.OlV). Either interpreta-
tion would be more appropriate to a Jewish speaker than to a Gentile historian.
JtQOOJt~~avtE~] "having fastened up" (to the cross); otaUQOW became the
stereotyped term ( cf. v. 36).
avd1.atE] "you destroyed"; cf. v. 36; 3: 13; 4:10; 5:30; 7:52 for the insistence
that the moral responsibility for the death of Jesus rested with the Jerusalemites,
especially with the chief priests and their associates.
2:24 ovo0Eo;avEotTJOEv]Cf.3:15;4:10;5:30; 10:40; 13:30; 1 Pet.1:21,
etc. The contrast between God's exaltation of Jesus and his enemies' humiliation
of him is repeatedly pointed in Acts. Cf. 1 Pet. 1: 11, tad; XQtotov na0~µata xa1
ta£ µEta tafn:a M~~, as the burden of OT prophecy. Whereas Luke commonly uses
123
avtotljµt of God's raising Jesus from the dead, Paul prefers EYELQW (cf. Rom. 4:24;
1 Cor. 6:14; 2 Cor. 4:14; Gal. 1: 1, etc.).
1..uaai; t<l£ Olblva~ toii Sav<itolJ] For 1..uaai; t<l£ OlbLVU£ cf. Job 39:2 (OlbtVU£ bE
amwv EA.llOU£). Fort(l£ OlbLVU£ toii Savatou cf. OlbLVE£ SavatolJ, Ps. 18:4 (LXX 17:5)
and 116 (LXX 114):3; OlbtVE£ 9-bou, Ps. 18:5 (LXX 17:6). Polycarp (Ep. 1.2, 1..foa£
t<l£ Olblva£ toii 9-bou) echoes the present passage. LXX sometimes translates Heb.
J;.e/Jel, "cord," "bond," by OlbL£, as though it were ~1e'2el, "pang" ( e.g., in the three
passages from the Psalms quoted above). "The abyss can no more hold the Re-
deemer than a pregnant woman can hold the child in her body" (G. Bertram, TDNT
9, p. 673, S.V. OlbLV).
2:25 EL£ aut6v] "with regard to him." For this sense of EL£ cf. EL£ ta i::tmµa,
2 Cor. 9:16; EL£ fomov ... EL£ tov EtEQOV, Gal. 6:4; EL£ XQL<JlOV ,ml EL£ t~V
EXXA.T)Otav, Eph. 5:32; and the similar sense of JtQO£ in Heb. 1:7, itQO£ ... tou£
ayyE1..0U£, "concerning the angels."
itQOOQWµT)v xt1..] The quotation is from Ps. 16 (LXX 15):8-11. The argument
is that the words of the psalm cannot refer to David (to whom it is ascribed in MT
and LXX), since his soul did go to Hades and his body did undergo corruption;
they must therefore have been uttered by prophetic inspiration, with reference to
the promised Son of David (cf. 2 Sam. [LXX 2 Kms.] 7:12), in whose name they
were spoken. These words, it is argued, were fulfilled in Jesus of Nazareth, and in
no other; therefore Jesus must be the expected Messiah of David's line. (Cf. Paul's
argument from this psalm in 13:34-37, and the similar treatment of Ps. 110:1 in vv.
34-36 below.)
Despite the fact that his Davidic descent is not emphasized in the teaching of
Jesus himself, it is not surprising that his identity and authority were early interpreted
in terms of a "Son of David" christology. The expectation of the Davidic Messiah
was cherished by pious groups in Israel half a century before Jesus' birth (cf. Ps. Sol.
17:23-51) and burned brightly in the circle into which Jesus was born (Lk. 1:32f.,
69). The "Son of David" christology plays little part in Paul's teaching, but he knows
of it from pre-Pauline confessional language (Rom. 1 :3) and testimonia (Rom.
15:12). It seems to have been a matter of general knowledge among Jesus' early fol-
lowers that his lineage could actually be traced back to David; if this was accepted,
the growth of a primitive "Son of David" christology was inevitable.
itQOOQWµT]v] With loss of temporal augment, as in LXX. In Hellenistic Gk.
itQOOQwµm (middle voice) is used without the idea of foreseeing; if the prefix has
any force of its own, it anticipates Evwm6v µou. LXX uses the compound verb here
to render Heb. siwwifi, "I have set." Contrast the active JtQO'Cbwv in v. 31 with the
full force of foreseeing.
2:26 µou~xaQbia] X B/~xaQMaµou xcACD81 byz(theprevalentLXX
reading).
~yaA.A.Laaato ~ y1..waaa µou] LXX substitutes ~ y1..waaa µou for MT k!!Jo<)f,
"my glory" (the Heb. word may originally have been k!f!e<)i,. "my liver," in paral-
lelism with libbi, "my heart"). To "my glory rejoices" the Midrash on the Psalms
adds "over King Messiah, who shall rise up out of me" (i.e., from David).
124
2:29-36 JESUS: LORD AND MESSIAH
bt' EAJttf>L] So LXX for Heb. liil}efal}, "securely," "in confidence."

2:27 OTL oux Eyxata1.EL'ljJEL£ T~V 1j!UX~V µou El£ {il'll]V] "because thou wilt not
abandon my soul (life) to Hades" (EL£ {ibT]v represents Heb. lise'ol, "to Sheol,"
though the Gk. phrase by itself might equally well mean "in Hades"). Hades, as in
classical Gk., is the abode of the souls of all the dead. Originally it means not the
netherworld itself, but the god of the netherworld; hence the classical use of the
gen. "Atoou after EL£ and EV (cf. Ps. 15:10 LXX A, de; "ALbou), instead of the acc.
and dat. respectively, which we find in Hellenistic Gk. (cf. Lk. 16:23, EV tcjl {ibn).
Fodyxata1.tbtw see New Docs. 1 (1976), § 80.
oube &oaEL£ ... tbE'[v litwp0ogciv] This clause, the second half of Ps. 16 (LXX
15): 10, is quoted again in 13:35 in the course of a similar argument. For btliwµt
with infin., cf. 10:40; 14:3. LXX liLacj,SoQ<i ("corruption," "destruction") renders
Heb. sal}af ("the Pit"), which stands in synonymous parallelism with se'ol.
rov om6v aou] In LXX oaw£ and iiyLO£ are usually employed to render Heb.
l}iisf4 and qii46s respectively; whereas qii<f,6!; means primarily "set apart," l}iisi4
means primarily one who has experienced the l}ese<f, ("plighted love," "covenant
mercy") of God and enjoys a covenant relation with him (cf. Ps. 50 [LXX 49]:5,
where ~asf4ai, "my saints," "my faithful ones," LXX oawt, are those "who made
a covenant with me by sacrifice"). God binds himself by this covenant bond, so he
also can be called l}iisf4 (RSV "kind") in Ps. 145: 17 (LXX oaLo£, Ps. 144: 17). Apart
from LXX quotations, however, it is difficult to draw a distinction in the NT be-
tween iiyw£ and oaLO£. See also on 13:34f.
2:28 EYVWQLOU£] The remainder of the quotation from LXX presents no
marked deviations from MT and plays no part in Peter's exposition.
c. Jesus: Lord and Messiah (2:29-36)

29 'Avb()E£ aliE1.cj,OL, E;OV dneiv µeta 1tUQQT]OLU£ 1tQO£ 'IJl!U£ 1tEQL toii 1tatQlUQXOU
tauib, on xai ETE1.EUTTJOEV xai Etctcj,T] xai to µvfJµa amoii fon v EV ~µiv i'iXQt tfJ£
~µEQU£ TUUTT]£' 301tQOcj,~TTJ£ oov unagxwv, XUL dliW£ OTL OQX<jl wµoaEv autcjl O
0EO£ EX XUQ1tOii Tfi£ oacj,VO£ amoii xaS(am E1tL TOV 0Q6vov amoii, 311tQO"tliwv
i1.a1. TJOEV nEQ i tfJ; avamaaew; toii XQLatoii ott ourE iyxarddcj,ST] EL£ {ibT]V
OUTE ~ OCtQs autoii ELliEV litacp0oQUV. 32 toiitov TOV 'IT]OOUV UVEITTTJOEV O 0EO£,
ou naVTE£ ~µelc; foµev µ<iQTUQE£. 33 tfi liE;L~ oov roii Srnii u1j!w0dc; r~v re inay-
yeHav toii 1tVE1Jµaro; toii ay(ou ).a~wv 1tUQ(l toii ;tUTQOc; E;EXEEV toiito o uµei;
XUL ~1.E1tETE xai UXO'IJETE. 34 OU YCtQ tau iii UVE~T] de; rouc; OUQUV01Jc;, 1.EyEL lie
UUTO£,
Elmv xvgwc; tcjl XUQL<Jl µou
Ka0ou EX liE;L<iiv µou
35 EW£ av 0& TOU£ EX0Q01J£ aou unon:61iLOV t&v noli&v aou.
36 aacj,a1.ciic; oov YLVWOXETW 1tU£ olXO£ 'Iaga~). OTL xal X'IJQLOV amov XUL XQLITTOV
en:otT]OEV 6 0e6;, toiitov rov 'IT]aoiiv ov 'IJl!EL£ EITTUUQ<llaatE.
2:29 avbgEc; abd.cpo(J See on 1: 16.

E;ov] sc. EatL v (E;6v Eattv = li;eatt v). This is not an instance of the classical
acc. absolute (a construction which had by now been replaced by the gen. abs.).
125
Cf. ii 01JX r;ov av0QW:n:<jl AUA~Oat, 2 Cor. 12:4; also E~V ~v, Mt. 12:4; ~v E;ov, Esth.
4:12.
:n:ai:QtciQxou] "head of a family" or (as here) "founder of a dynasty";
:n:ai:gtciQXlJ£ seems to have been coined for LXX, as the equivalent of Heb. ro's
hii'ii!Jot_, "head of fathers' (houses)." In the NT the designation is otherwise re-
stricted to Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, and the twelve sons of Jacob (cf. 7:8f.; Heb. 7:4).
1:6 µv~µa aurnu] David's tomb was situated on the slope of Ophel near the
Pool of Siloam. It is mentioned as a landmark in Neh. 3:16 (the site having evi-
dently been remembered from preexilic times). It was entered and robbed by John
Hyrcanus during the siege of Jerusalem in 135/134 B.C.; over a century later Herod,
having been thwarted (by divine action, it was believed) in an attempt to follow
Hyrcanus's example, made atonement for his impiety by building a monument of
white marble at its entrance (Jos. BJ 1.61; Ant. 7.393; 13.249; 16.179-83). Like
David, Jesus had died and been buried, but even if his tomb could be pointed out,
there was no need to do so because, unlike David, he had been raised from the tomb.
2:30 OQX<Jl wµooEv xtA) An allusion to Ps. 132 (LXX 131):11:
wµoarv XUQLO~ lC!) i\.aulb a)#)£LUV, xal OUµ~ a0£t~CT£l am~v·
ex xagirou ·~~ xot1,.(a~ aou e~aoµm eirl ,ov 0g6vov aou.
For the construction OQX<Jl wµooEv see on v. 17 and 4:17. LXX (following Heb.)
emphasizes wµooEV by adding a1,.~0Etav ("truth"), but here it is emphasized by the
addition of OQX<Jl ("with an oath").
Ex XUQ:n:ou] Partitive use of Ex (cf. similar use of a:n:6, v. 17). The phrase EX
XUQ:n:oii is treated as a noun and made the object ofx.a0(om, "God had sworn to him
with an oath to set one of his descendants (lit. of the fruit of his loins) on his throne"
(if, less probably, x.a0(om is intransitive, then the meaning is: "God had sworn ...
that one of his descendants should sit on his throne"). The unusual construction
gave rise to various expansions; e.g., D has EX x.ag:n:oii ,:~~ x.aQb(a~ amou xai:a ociQx.a
ava01:~om tov Xgt01:ov x.at x.a0(om x,:1,. (xag<'ita£ may be a corruption of an origi-
nal b reading xmHa~, an assimilation to LXX from Luke's 6ocpuo£). A similar ex-
pansion in byz is represented by AV ("that of the fruit of his loins, according to the
flesh, he would raise up Christ to sit on his throne"). For xai:a ocigxa (<'\ byz) cf.
Rom. 1:3; 9:5, also with reference to Christ's earthly lineage.
2:31 :n:QO"i<'iwv] The prefix with the active has temporal force: "having fore-
seen" (see on :n:gooQWµl]v, v. 25).
2:32 wmov tov 'll]aoiiv] Emphatic position; cf. vv. 22f., 36; 4:10, etc.
avEITTlJOEv 6 0E6~J As in v. 24, avEITTlJOEv refers to the resurrection of Jesus.
For another sense see on 3:22, 26.
oi'i] Neut., "of which fact," rather than masc., "whose." The former suits the
emphasis of the sentence better; cf. 1 :22, µ<iQ"ClJQU 1:~£ ava01:aOEOl£ amoii. Cf. 3: 15.
2:33 tfl OE;t<;i] "by the right hand": instrumental dat.; cf. 5:31; Ps. 118 (LXX
117): 16, <'iE);Lct xvQ(ov ii'lj)woh µE. It is natural to read the expression in the light of
the emphasized Ex <'iE);uuv µou, quoted in v. 34 ( cf. EV <'iE;t<;i, Heb. 1 :3; 12:2), but it
probably does not refer to Jesus' session at the right hand of God.
126
2:29-36 JESUS: LORD AND MESSIAH
t~V tE h:ayyd.iav tOU JtVEllJ.L<ltO~ tOU ayiou A,(l~(JJV Jt<lQ<l tou Jt<ltQO~] Cf. 1:4.
For the Son's mediation in the giving of the Spirit to his people by the Father, cf.
Jn. 14:16, 26; 16:7.
tofrr:o] Some forms of b (Irenlat syrhcl) have tofrr:o to bci>Qov, which gives the
proper sense oftoiito. C. C. Torrey would render, "has poured it out, as you have
both seen and heard," taking o to represent Aram. di, which might also mean "as."
The story of Jesus' humiliation needed no proof, since all Jerusalem knew of
his condemnation and execution; his resurrection and exaltation are here proved
from prophetic scripture, as they are later to be confirmed by Jesus' enduring ac-
tivity (3:6; 4: 10, etc.) and by the witness of his Spirit in his followers (4:20; 5 :32,
etc.).
2:34 ou yaQ ruxulb avE~TJ] "For it was not David that ascended"; he, there-
fore, cannot be the person to whom the oracle of Ps. llO (LXX 109):1 ("sit at my
right hand") is addressed. While the emphasis of this clause is not such as explic-
itly to deny that the soul of David was in heaven at the time of Peter's speaking,
the wording would have been different had the speaker (or writer) believed, as some
theologians were to teach in later days, that David and the other saints of pre-
Christian times were transferred from Hades to heaven at the time of Christ's resur-
rection or ascension. Cf. J. Calvin, Institutes 2.16.8-12; J. Pearson, On the Creed,
art. 5. (Eph. 4:8, with its application of Ps. 68 [LXX 67]: 19 to Christ, has no bear-
ing on such a transference.)
ElrrEv X'UQLO~ t<j> X'UQL<Jl µou] Ps. 110 (LXX 109): 1. The first (anarthrous, ac-
cording to l'< * B* D) X'UQLO~ represents Heb. Yahweh, while the second represents
Heb. 'a<f,6n. The identity of the two X'UQLOL is thus kept distinct. Our Lord's appeal
to this psalm to show that the Messiah is David's lord (Mk. 12:35-37 par. Mt. 22:41-
45; Lk. 20:41-44) indicates that in his time the messianic reference was generally
accepted. Cf. its use in 1 Cor. 15:25; Heb. 1:13 (and the consequential application
of its fourth verse in Heb. 5:6ff.). The present argument is similar to that based
above on Ps. 16 (LXX 15):10: since the words cannot apply to David, they must
apply to the Davidic Messiah; Jesus did in fact ascend to heaven, and so satisfies
the terms of the oracle. Then, when once he has been proved to be the Messiah (as
in vv. 25-32), all messianic prophecies can be applied to him.
xci0ou ix l>E~Lci>v µou] (With thematic xcieou cf. xci0n, 23:3.) This oracle (which
probably had its original life-setting in the enthronement ceremony for a Davidic
king) is the foundation of the credal affirmation that Christ is seated at the right
hand of God (i.e., in the place of supreme dignity and authority). Cf. Rom. 8:34;
Col. 3:1; Eph. 1:20; Heb. 1:3, etc.; 1 Pet. 3:22; Rev. 3:21, and also Jesus' reply to
the high priest's question, "Are you the Christ?" (Mk. 14:61f. par.), in which the
language of Ps. 110: 1 is combined with that of Dan. 7: 13f., where "one like a son
of man" is carried by the clouds of heaven to the presence of the Ancient of Days,
to receive universal dominion from him. See D. M. Hay, Glory at the Right Hand:
Psalm l/0 in Early Christianity (Nashville/New York, 1973); M. Gourges, A la
Droite de Dieu, I (Paris, 1978).
2:35 EU>~ liv 0ci> toiK; EX0Qo~ aou xt"-] This reference to Messiah's enemies
127
is not expounded here; indeed, the only NT text where it does receive an explicit
interpretation is 1 Cor. 15:24-26, where the enemies are identified with hostile
principalities and powers, including (finally) death.
2:36 ampaA.w;] Cf. Lk. I :4 (ampa.AELav); see New Docs. 3 (1978), § 1.
mi; ohm; 'laga~A] The only NT instance of this expression (cf. Ezek. 37: 11);
it occurs in Jewish prayers, e.g. in the Qaddish (b<"~ayye difsol bet Yisrii 'el, "during
the life of all the house of Israel").
,ml xugwv au16v xal XQLITTov E:JtOLlJOEv 6 0E6£] The foundation truth on which
the church was built. The first Christian sermon culminates in the first Christian
creed (cf. xugw; 'Iriaou;, Rom. 10:9; l Cor. 12:3; XUQLO£ 'Irioou; XQLITTO£, Phil.
2: 11 ). Cf. also Xgimo; xUQLO£, Lk. 2: 11; ~am A.cu; amwv Xgtmo; XUQLO£, of the
messianic age, Ps. Sol. 17:36. Peter's argument is that the scriptures quoted, in the
light of Jesus' well-attested resurrection, prove him to be the Messiah, while Ps.
110:1 vindicates his right to the title XUQLO£. But the title XUQLO£ as henceforth ap-
plied to Jesus has a higher value than the strict exegesis of Ps. 110:1 would imply;
it is not inferior in dignity to the ineffable name of God. It is the ovoµa 16 U:JtEQ miv
ovoµa that God has conferred on him (Phil. 2:9); it depends for its significance on
his resurrection and exaltation. To confess with one's mouth that Jesus is xugw; is
the logical accompaniment to believing in one's heart that God raised him from the
dead (Rom. 10:9). The Aram. equivalent of XUQLO£ was mar, which found its way
into the church's liturgy in primitive times in the invocation maranii-thii, "Our Lord,
come!" (cf. 1 Cor. 16:22; Did. 10:6); the Aram. equivalent ofXQtITTO£ ("anointed")
was mesfl}il (emphatic state), hellenized as Mwaia£ (cf. Jn. 1:41; 4:25). Jesus'
messiahship was inaugurated at his baptism (cf. 4:27; 10:38, EX.QLOEV) but confirmed
by his resurrection. See A E. Harvey, Jesus and the Constraints of History (Lon-
don, 1982), pp. 137, 139, 151.
1omov 16v 'Irioouv ov uµEi£ emaugwom:E] Note the emphasis on wmov 16v
'Irioouv, as in v. 32, and on the contrast between men's treatment of him and God's.
The clause ov UµEL£ emaugwoa'tE, forming the peroration of the address, is
addressed to the people of Jt:rusalcm rather than to the visitors from many parts;
presumably the chief-priestly accusers of Jesus are viewed as having acted on be-
half of their fellow Jerusalemites (see on lixbO"Cov, v. 23; cf. also 3:13; 4:10; 5:30;
7:52; 13:27f.). Such a peroration was well calculated to create a sense of guilt in
the hearers and to provoke their repentant outcry.
On the testimony of this address to the preaching of the early Christian com-
munity see R. F. Zehnle, Peter's Pentecost Discourse (Nashville/New York, 1971).
4. Call to Repentance (2:37-40)

3 7 'AxouoaV"CE£ bE XU'tEVUYlJOUV 't~V xagb (av' dn:6v "CE 3tQOS "COV IlE'tQOV XU L"COUS
AOL:JtOUS (l:JtOITTOAOU£, T( :n:ot~OWµEV, aVl'iQE£ al'iEA.<J>o(; 38 lIE'tQO£ l'iE 3tQO£ U'IJ"COU£,
Mnavo~OITTE, <jll]OLV, xal ~a:n:no0~'t(l) EXUITTOS uµwv EV 't<j> ov6µan 'll]OOU
XQLO"COU Eis i':i<j!EOLV 't(l)V aµaQ'tLWV uµwv, xal A~µ'lJE00E 't~V bWQEO.V "COU ay(ou
31:VEUµm:os· 39 'UµLV ycig EO"CLV ~ rn:ayyEA.(a XUL "COLS "CEXVOL£ uµwv xal :n:aoi v "COL£
ELS µaxga.v, oaotx; av :JtQOCJXUAEOT)'tat XUQLOS 6 0EO£ ~µwv. 40 E"CEQOLS "CE A.oyois
128
2:37-40 CALL TO REPENTANCE
JtA.ELOOL v btEµUQtUQUto, ,ml JtUQEX<lA.EL autoU£ 1..Eywv, llO!hjtE aJto tft£ yEVEii£
tft£ CTXOA.LU£ tU'UtT]£.
2: 37 XatEvuyT)aav t~v xa(lbiav] Cf. Ps. 109 (LXX 108): 16, xatavEvuyµEvov
tfl xaQbic,:t. The phrase is used here of that conviction of guilt which leads to repen-
tance. Contrast OLEJtQLovto, 5:33; 7:54.
dmiv tE] According to BDF # 443 (3), tE indicates a rather close connection
between clauses: "and so they said."
1..mnou£] om D gig.
ti Jtot~awµEv] Deliberate subjunctive: "What are we to do?" D has the fut.
indic. tt oiiv nm~aoµEv (which may be a merely orthographic variant); after <'ivOQE£
abdq,o( D syrhcl.mg (representing b) add imobEi!;atE ~µiv.
2:38 ITEtQO£ bi JtQO£ m'rtou£] B has no verb of saying (understanding dnEv
from dnav in v. 37); X AC D 81 have q>T)aiv after µEtavo~aatE, while byz has Eq>TJ.
µEtavo~aatE] The call to repentance had been sounded by John the Baptist
(Lk. 3:8) and Jesus (Mk. 1:15; Lk. 5:32). In Acts it is an essential element in an-
nouncing the good news (cf. 3:19; 8:22; 17:30; 20:21; 26:20). Repentance
(µEtavma, etymologically "change of mind") involves a turning with contrition
from sin to God; the repentant sinner is in the proper condition to receive the divine
forgiveness. In LXX µEtavoEw almost always represents Heb. niil},am in the Niph'al
conjugation, lit. "comfort oneself." See further on 3:19 and (with reference to the
minimal place of repentance as such in Paul's gospel) 20:21.
~UJttta0~tw] Baptism in water as a sign of repentance and remission of sins
was not an innovation; John the Baptist came XTJQUaawv ~rumaµu µEtavoiu£ EL£
aqiwtv aµ<l(>ttwv (Mk. 1:4 par. Lk. 3:3). The main difference between John's bap-
tism (for which cf. 18:25; 19:3f.) and that received at Pentecost was that the latter
was associated with the name of Jesus and the gift of the Spirit. John had foretold
how the one who was mightier than himself would baptize people with the Spirit
(Mk. 1:7f. par. Lk. 3:16; cf. I :5 above); the promised baptism or outpouring of the
Spirit had now been accomplished by Jesus (E!;E)'.EEV tofuo, v. 33). But the admin-
istration of baptism in water was not discontinued; it acquired a new and fuller sig-
nificance.
EV t<µ 6v6µatL 'IT)aou XQtatoii] So also 10:48. There is probably a slight dif-
ference in force between this phrase and EL£ to ovoµu toii xuQiou 'h1aoii (8: 16; 19:5,
q. v. ). Here EV is to be understood instrumentally: the name of Jesus is an attendant
circumstance of the baptism. According to 22: 16 the person baptized called at his
baptism on the name of Jesus ( cf. v. 21 above), probably by way of confessing faith
in him; the baptizer also pronounced the name of Jesus over the person baptized
(cf. Jas. 2:7), so that the baptism was doubly associated with "the name of Jesus
Christ" (the l'.>ftµu with which the washing of water is accompanied in Eph. 5:26).
For EV X A 81 byz read EJtL (Ent t<µ 6v6µati n VO£ means "on the authority of some-
one"; cf. Lk. 24:47).
To 'IT)aou XQLatoii the honorific XUQ(ou is prefixed by b, as in 5:42; 10:48;
for similar amplification see on 1:21; 7:55; 13:33. As regularly in Acts, XQtat6£
129
should be regarded as a title, not simply as part of our Lord's personal name; a
translation such as "Jesus the Messiah" or "Jesus as Messiah" would bring this out.
EL£ alj)EOL v tOJV aµUQtLWV uµwv l To be taken with µnavo~OatE as well as with
~ruttta0r]tw (cf. 3:19; 5:31; Lk. 24:47).
6WQEUV] "free gift," used of the Holy Spirit in 8:20; 10:45; 11:17. Cf. Jn. 4:10,
where the 6WQEa t0ii emu, the "living water," is the Holy Spirit (as in Jn. 7:37-39).
The sequence of the component elements in Christian initiation varies in Acts
from one occasion to another. Peter's hearers on the day of Pentecost repent, are
baptized, and receive the Spirit (vv. 38, 41); the Samaritans evangelized by Philip
believe and are baptized "into the name of the Lord Jesus," but do not receive the
Spirit until apostolic hands are laid on them (8: 12, 14-17); Cornelius and his house-
hold receive the Spirit while they are still paying appreciative heed to Peter's mes-
sage and are consequently baptized (10:44-48); the disciples at Ephesus who know
no baptism but John's and have not heard of the Holy Spirit receive him as soon as
they are baptized "into the name of the Lord Jesus" (19:1-6). See also 9:l 7f.; 22:16.
On baptism see H. G. Marsh, The Origin and Significance of New Testament
Baptism (Manchester, 1941); W. F. Flemington, The New Testament Doctrine of
Baptism (London, 1948); 0. Cullmann, Baptism in the New Testament, E.T., SBT
1 (London, 1950); G. W. H. Lampe, The Seal of the Spirit (London, 1951); G. R.
Beasley-Murray, Baptism in the New Testament (London, 1962); K. Barth, Church
Dogmatics, IV.4, E.T. (Edinburgh, 1969); J. K. Howard, New Testament Baptism
(London, 1970); J. D. G. Dunn, Baptism in the Holy Spirit, SBT 2.15 (London,
1970).
2:39 uµlv ... uµwv] ~µlv ... ~µwv D (the converging itacistic pronuncia-
tion ofu and lJ in Hellenistic Gk. Jed to frequent confusion in copying between uµEl£
and the inclusive ~µE~ = "we and you").
xai. to~ tEXVOL£ uµwv] The promise of the covenant of grace is not only to the
generation that first receives it but also to generations yet to come; cf. the prom-
ises to Noah (Gen. 9:9); to Abraham (Gen. 13:15; 17:7-9; Gal. 3:16); to David
(2 Sam. [LXX 2 Kms.] 7:19; Pss. 18 [LXX 17]:50; 89 [LXX 88]:34-37; 132 [LXX
131]:llf.).
xal miat v to L£ EL£ µaXQc:iv xt).,] The promise is not on! y to those distant in time
but also to those remote in place, even-as was soon to appear-to Gentiles. There
is an allusion to two OT texts: Isa. 57: 19 (dQ~VlJV bt' ELQ~VlJV tol£ µaXQaV xal tO~
iyyi,£ ofotv) and Joel 2:32, following the words quoted in vv. 17-21 above (xal
EuayyEA.tt6µEvm, ou£ XUQLO£ rtQOOXEXA.l]tm ). Note the conjunction of men and
women's calling on the Lord with his calling them.
2:40 btEµaQtUQato] "testified by argument"; cf. 8:25; 10:42; 18:5; 20:21,
23, 24; 23:11; 28:23; Lk. 16:28. The Lukan writings account for ten out of the 15
NT occurrences of btaµaQtUQoµm. Cf. Demosthenes, Callicles 4, btEµaQtUQato,
"formally protested."
aw8fJtE <irto tfJ£ yEvEii£ tfJ£ axoA.Lii£ tautlJ£] For the epithet cf. Dt. 32:5; Ps. 77
(MT 78):8 (also Phil. 2: 15). In the OT the generation of Israelites that came out of
Egypt is stigmatized as an especially "evil generation" (Dt. 1:35) because it re-
130
2:41-47 THE FIRST CHRISTIAN CHURCH
belled against Yahweh in spite of having witnessed his mighty acts at the Exodus
(Num. 14:4-35). Similar language is used in the NT of the generation that witnessed
Jesus' ministry and refused to accept his message of the kingdom of God (cf. Mk.
8:12, 38; Lk. 11:29-32, 50f.; 17:25; also Heb. 3:10, quoting Ps. 95 [LXX 94]:10).
By this refusal that generation had rendered itself liable to judgment; but a fresh
opportunity was now made available to embrace the good news and thus escape
the otherwise inevitable judgment. In aw0ijtE there is an echo of aw0~aetm, quoted
from Joel 2:32 in v. 21 above. In both the Joel oracle and the present context the
word applies to a "remnant" which will be delivered from the catastrophe destined
to overtake the mass of the people. In spite of the reference to future generations
the eschatological note of John's preaching (Lk. 3:7-9) and that of Jesus (Lk. 21:29-
32) has not been lost.
The application to the generation that witnessed the saving events-a "faith-
less and perverse generation" (Lk. 9:41), a "wicked and adulterous generation"
(Mt. 16:4)-of language first used of the wilderness generation is not unparalleled
in Jewish literature; in the Qumran texts the generation that repudiated the Teacher
of Righteousness is equated with that earlier generation (CD 3.7-12).
On the call to repentance and salvation see E. Lovestam, "Der Rettungsap-
pell in Ag 2,40," AST/ 12 (1983), pp. 84-92.
5. The First Christian Church (2 :41-47)

41 Oi µEv oiiv aJtobE;ciµEVOL tOV ">..6yov autoii €~wtt(a0riaav, xal JtQOOEtE0T)aav
EV tfi ~µEQ(.l EXELVTI 'IJuxal wad tQLO)(LA.LUL. 42~aav bE JtQOOXCIQtEQO'UvtE£ tfi
btbaxfl t&v a.ltoat6Awv xal tfl xot vwvi<;t, tfl xAaaEL toii liQtou xal ta~ ltQoa-
rnxai;. 43 'Ey(vEtO bE Jtcian 'IJUXfl q,6~o;, ltOAACL bE tEQata xal OT)µEia bLCL t&v
UltOITTOAWV EyLVEtO. 44ltUvtE£ bi: oi ltLITTEtJaavtE£ ~aav EJtl to auto xal EL)(OV
a.ltavta XOL vci, 45 xal ta xt~µata xal ta; 1Jlt<lQ;EL£ Eltt3tQaaxov xal bLEµEQLtov
auta MOL v xa06tt av tL~ XQELav El )(EV· 46 xa0' ~µeQaV tE ltQOOXaQtEQO'UvtE~
6µo0uµabov tv t<jl iEQ<Jl, x">..wvte; tE xat' oixov liQtov, µEtEAci~avov tQOq>ij; tv
a.yaHuiaEL xal aq>EAOtT)tL xaQbia;, 47al voiivtE£ tov 0Eov xal El(OvtE£ XUQL v
ltQD; oAov tov Aa6v. 6 bE XUQLO~ ltQOOEtt0EL to~ a(!ltoµivou; xa0' ~µeQav fal
to auto.
2:41 oi µEv oiiv] Commencing a new paragraph: "So then, those (who wel-
comed his word were baptized)." See on 1:6.
'IJuxa'tJ "persons," as frequently in LXX, rendering Heb. nepes (cf. v. 43;
3:23; 7: 14; 27:37); cf. the similar use of 6v6µata in 1:15. -
2:42 ~aav bE JtQOOXClQtEQoiivtE~] For the construction see on 1: 10; cf. ~aav
JtQOOXaQtEQO'UvtE£, 1: 14.
tfi btbaxfi twv Moat6">..wv] b adds iv 'IEQouaaA~µ. For the authority of apos-
tolic teaching cf. 1 Cor. 12:28; 14:37; Eph. 2:20; 3:5. The apostles' teaching was
authoritative because it was delivered as "the teaching of the Lord through the
twelve apostles" (as the title of the Didache puts it).
tfl xot vwvt<;i] For the practical force of the noun xoL vwv(a cf. its use in Rom.
15:26; Heb. 13:16. Here it refers not only to the community of goods mentioned
131
THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLRS
in vv. 44f. below: the "breaking of the bread and the prayers" were also expres-
sions 01 lhe "fellowship."
c;~ xt..aoEt tou agtou] This phrase is found elsewhere in the NT only in Lk.
24:35; but cf. v. 46; 20:7, 11; 27:35; Mk. 14:22 par. Mt. 26:26 and Lk. 22:19; Lk.
24:30: l Cor. lO: 16; JI :24 for xt..a<u i'igtov. Heb. piiras and Aram. p"ras ("break")
were used absolutely in the special sense of breaking bread at the beginning of a
meal and saying grace while doing so ( cf. M. Jastrow's Dictionary, s. v. ). The Lord's
Supper is probably intended: while this was celebrated in the course of a fellow-
ship meal, the emphasis on the act of breaking the bread suggests that this "circum-
stance wholly trivial in itself' was "the significant clement of the celebration ....
Hut it could only be significant when il was a 'signum,' viz. of Christ's being broken
in deal h" (R. Otto, The Kingdom of God and the Son ofMan, E.T. [London, 219431,
p. 315).
mis ngoon,xais] "in the prayers" (another expression of the xotvwvia). The
disciples' own meetings for prayer arc primarily in view, but participation in the
.Jewish services of public prayer is not excluded ( cf. 3: I).
Luk,: gives an ideal picture of the Spirit-endowed community of the new age
( cf. the insertion of "the last days" at the beginning of the Joel quotation in v. 17).
2:43 cyLvno f>E :rdwn 1J!uxfl qiopo~l Cf. 5:5, ll. The imperf. implies that the
rear which fell on all who heard Peter's words was no momentary panic, but an en-
during sense or awe inspired by the consciousness that God was at work in their
midst, so that they were witnes~;cs of the final drama, and indeed participants in it.
,Egm:a xat urJµti:a] The collocation of these two words is common in LXX
and NT (see on v. 22; cf. also v. 19; 4:30; 5: 12; 6:8; 7:36; 14:3; 15: 12) and is found
also in pagan writers. A sample of these "wonders and signs'" follows in 3: 1-10.
The "wonders'" of the apostolic age, like those performed by Jesus during his min-
istry, were "signs" of the new thing that God was doing in the earth (cf. Lk. 11 :?O).
Ota l(OV UJi:OITTOA.WV EYLVE10 J B D 81 byz late g P. p7 4 x Ac IJ1 al latvg copb 0
add EV 'lfgouoat..~µ- «j)opoc; TE ~v µiyac; EJtl :rtavrac;' syrPCSh adds EV 'JEgouoaA.~µ only.
2:44 fo't 10 nmo] Sec on 1: 15 for the special sense of this phrase: "together
in fellowship." They may have formed themselves into a synagogue (Heb. k"neset,
Aram. k~11i.!';ta) within the wider Jewish community, the "synagogue of the
Nazai,:ncs·· ( cf. .'i: l I; 6:9; 24:5).
rtxov fomvrn xm va J Further details of this community of goods are given in
4:32-3'.i. Similar wording to Luke's is used by Iamblichus of the Pythagoreans: xoLva
y11(1 JH'iot Jtt1.vm ( Vit. Pyth. 30.168). See H.-J. Klauck, "Gtitergemeinschaft in der
kla~siken Antike, ()um ran und im Ncuen Testament," RQ 11 ( 1982), pp. 4 7- 79.
2:tl5 XU!. la xi:~µarn xa't la~ u:n:<iQ!;ELc;] D imports the construction of 4:34,
x.ui boot xT~µm:a dxov ~ UJtllQt;Hc;. If a distinction is to be made between xt~µma
and unag!;Hc;. they probably refer to real and personal property respectively. See
on 5: l.
{JtLJ(QUUXOV X<ll l'>LEµEQtsov amu] Imperf., indicating a regular practice (cf.
,LVii'.). b adds xu(l' ~llEQUV, from v. 46; cf. also 6: I, i:v ,fl btaxov(~ tfl xaOllµfQtvfl.
132
2:41-47 THE FIRST CHRISTIAN CHURCH
xa8&u av TL£ XQEiav dxrv] Iterative av with imperf., as in 4:35 (same word-
ing) and 1 Cor. 12:2 (w£ liv ~yrnOE).
2:46 xaO' ~µEgav] These words apply to the whole sentence as far as 3tQO£
OAOV tov A.UOV (v. 47).
EV tiµ LEQ<j>] Cf. Lk. 24:53. Their favorite meeting place in the temple pre-
cincts was Solomon's colonnade (5:12; cf. 3:11).
XAWVtf£ tE xat' oixov agtov] This could not conveniently be done in the
temple precincts, so it took place "by households" (a rendering supported in the
papyri). Cf. 20:20, xat' o'ixou£. From the earliest days the disciples in Jerusalem
appear to have met in household groups (see on 12: 12). The "breaking bread" (see
on v. 42) seems to have been a daily occurrence. Cf. 1 Cor. 10: l 6b.
a.<j>d.6tl]tl xagl'>ia£] Prohabl) "generosity." This is the only NT occurrence of
a.<j>EA.Otl]£, for which cf. Vettius Valens, Anthol. 240.15, {m' a.(j>E1..6tl]tO£ xal
a.blmx~CJEW£ 1tgol'>El'>oµivo£, "betrayed by simplicity and lack of practical capacity"
(on the vocabulary of Val ens see E. K. Simpson, "Vettius Valens and the New Testa-
ment," EQ 2 [ 1930], pp. 389-400). Cf. ct3tA.OtTJ\; xagl'>ta\; in the same sense in Eph.
6:5; Col. 3:22: l Chr. 29:17; Wisd. 1:1.
2:47 EXOVtE£ xagt v 3tQO£ OA.ov tov 1..a6v] "enjoying all the people's favor"
(cf. 5: 13). The more observant Jewish Christians of Jerusalem appear to have been
held in general respect for long; cf. Hegesippus's account of James the Just, quoted
in Euseb. HE 2.23.4 7 (also Jos. Ant. 20.200f.). The alternative rendering, "having
good will towards all the people," is defended by F. P. Cheetham, "Acts ii.47: e:x:ov-
tE£ xagtv 1tQO\; oAov tov 1..a6v," ExT74 (1962-63), pp. 214-15; T. D. Andersen, "The
Meaning of EXONTEL XAPIN IlPOL in Acts 2:47," NTS 34 (1988), pp. 604-10.
As regularly in LXX and NT, 1..a6£ is used of the people of Israel. For 1..a6v D has
x6aµov, which F. Nestle thought was due to a confusion between Aram. 'iilemii,
"the world," and' ammd, "the people" ("Some Observations on the Codex Bezae,"
Exp., ser. 5, 2 [ 1895 J, p. 235; cf. M. Wilcox, The Semitisms ofActs [Oxford, 1965],
p. 2). C. C. Torrey, however, points out that in popular Arnm. kule 'iilemii, "all the
world," is used like Fr. tout le monde in the sense of "everybody" (Documents of
the Primitive Church [New York, 1941 ], p. 145).
6 l>E xugto~ 1tgoaniJlH xtA J The Lord himself reserves the prerogative of
adding new members to his community; it is for his people to welcome those whom
he has received (Rom. 15 :7).
toll\; aqi~oµivou\;] The force of the pres. ptc. here is probably iterative: they
were added to the community as they were saved. But toll£ aqitoµivoU<; might al-
most be rendered •'the remnant," in view of the force of the verb in v. 40 (q. v. ). The
"remnant" of the old Israel formed the nucleus of the new.
brl t() Ulrt:()] D adds EV tji EXXA.TJGL<;l, probably a gloss explaining fal to am6
(sec on v. 44; 1: 15). For a critique of C. C. Torrey's argument that Luke has mis-
translated Aram. la~1dii, which here should mean "exceedingly" (CDA, pp. lOf.), see
M. Black, Aramaic Approach, p. IO (he points out a Heb. parallel to the present con-
struction in IQS 5.7, hehe'iis"piim /Cyal}a<},, "when they are gathered together" or
"when they join the communiiy"). See also M. Wilcox, Semitisms, pp. 93-100.
133
On the summary of vv. 42-47, as on the similar summaries of 4:32-35 and

5:12-16, see P. Benoit, "Remarques sur Jes 'sommaires' de Actes 2.42 a5," inAu.x
Sources de la Tradition Chretienne: Melanges offerts a M. Goguel (Paris, 1950),
pp. 1-10.
134
ACTS3
C. A WORKOFHEALINGANDITS SEQUEL(3:1-4:31)
1.A Cripple Healed in the Temple Precincts (3:1-10)
1 IlETQoi; bE xal 'Iw<ivvl')i; avE~m vov di; To LEQOV E:rtL T~v WQO.V Tiji; :rtQOOEuxfli;
T~v EVCtTl'JV, 2 xal ni; av~Q x.w,.,oi; EX xot1,.(ai; µl')TQO£ amo'ii u:rtetQX.WV E~ao,;a!;tTo,
ov hL0ouv xa0' ~µEQO.V :rtQoi; T~v 0UQav to'ii iEQO'ii t~v uyoµEVl'JV 'QQa(av to'ii
ahtiv EAET)µoouVTJV :rtaQa Toov do:rtOQEUOµEvwv di; TO LEQOV, 30£ tbwv IlEtQOV
xal 'lwetVVlJV µEUovtai; dothm di; To iEQOV ~QWta EUT)µoouvl')v 1,.a~Eiv.
4 UTEVLOU£ be fIEtQO£ Et£ autov OUV tq") 'IWetVV1] £l:rtEV, B,.i'lj,OV di; ~µai;. 5 Obe
E:rtEiX,EV amoii; 1tQOOboxwv Tl :rtaQ' amoov A.U~Eiv. 6 dmv bE IlETQ~. 'AQyUQLOV
xal X.QUo(ov oux. u:rtetQX.EL µm, obE ex.w toflt6 om blbwµt· Ev Ttj") 6v6µan 'llJoo'ii
XQLO"tO'U TO'U Na!;WQULOU :rtEQL:rtCtTEl. 7 )((ll, maoai; amov Tiji; bE!;tai; X.ELQO£
~YELQEV am6v· :rtUQUX,Qijµa bE E<J"tEQEW0l'JOUV ai ~Ct0El£ amoii xal ta mpubQa,
8 )((ll, E!;aU6µtvoi; EO"tl'J xal :rtEQLE:rt<ltEL, )((ll, ELOijH}Ev ouv amoii; di; to LEQOV
:rtEQl:rtUTOOV XUL UA.A.6µEV0£ xal at V(J)V tOV 0£6v. 9 )((ll, Elbev :rtai; 6 A.UC>£ amov
:rtEQL:rtato'iivta xal a[voiivta tov 0EOV, IOE:rtEy(vwoxov bE amov OTl ouroi; ~v 6
1tQO£ T~V EA.ET)µoO'UVlJV xa9itµEvoi; E:rtL Tfi 'QQUL<;L Ilu1,.n TO'U LEQOU, xal
E:rtA.~00lJOUV 0aµ~oui; XUL EX<J"tCtOEOl£ E:rtL Tql ouµ~E~l'JXOTl Uut(!).
Even if the incident which follows (with its sequel) was derived from another
source than the narrative of ch. 2, Luke arranges his material so as to make the heal-
ing of the cripple follow naturally from what has gone before. He has referred to
the "many wonders and signs" which were performed through the apostles (2:43);
now he proceeds to record one instance of these.
3: 1 mTQO£ bE xal 'Iwavvl')i;] The leaders of the Twelve. John can be no other
than the son of Zebedee. Peter and John, together with John's brother James (see
12:2), had formed an inner circle admitted to special association with the Lord, e.g.
at the healing of Jairus's daughter (Mk. 5:37 par.), on the Mount of Transfiguration
(Mk. 9:2 par.), and in Gethsemane (Mk. 14:33 par.). Peter and John are found to-
gether again in Ac. 8: 14. When John appears in Acts, he is but a lay figure along-
side Peter. See also Lk. 22:8; Gal. 2:9.
avE~mvov] For ava~a(vw of going up to the temple cf. Lk. 18:10; Jn. 7:4;
LXX 4 Kms. (MT2 K.) 19:14; 20:5, 8; 23:2. In OT times going to the temple mount
135
from the original Jerusalem on the eastern hill was a literal ascent, but the expres-
sion probably became stereotyped. MM quote papyrus parallels for civu~u( vw in
the sense of going up to a temple. Here the imperf. implies that the two apostles
were on their way when the incident occurred.
EL£ to tEQOV] ieg6v is used of the entire edifice; vu6£ (cf. Lk. 1:9, 21, 22;
23:45) of the actual sanctuary, the holy house, to which priests alone had access.
On the more precise sense of d~ to ieg6v here see on v. 2.
exl t~v WQUV ti]£ '1:QOGEUXTJ£ t~v ev<itl]V] The stated times for prayer were (1)
at daybreak, the time of the morning sacrifice, (2) at the ninth hour (about 3 p.m.),
the time of the evening oblation (these two services constituted the tiimuj, the daily
burnt offering), (3) at sunset ( cf. Schurer II, p. 303, n. 40). Josephus (Ant. 14.65)
speaks of the sacrificial services as taking place bl£ ti]£ ~µ£QU£, ngw't TE xul JtEQL t~v
ev<itl]V wgav. D adds to t'\etA.L v6v before EJtL t~v wguv, indicating that it was the hour
of the evening oblation. Cf. Ex. 29:38-42; mTamid; also Ber. 1.1-4; 4: 1.
3:2 X,WA.0£ EX XOLA.LU£ µT]tQO~ am:oii] Cf. cino XOLA.LU£ µT]tQO£ µou, Judg. 16: 17;
EX XOLA.LU£ µT]tQO£ µou, Ps. 22:10 (LXX 21:11), and similar OT phrases. In Luke-
Acts xoLA.Lu always means "womb," as also in Mt. 19: 12; Jn. 3:4; Gal. 1:15. Else-
where in the NT it is used of the digestive organs. The note of the duration of the
malady is characteristic of Luke (cf. 9:33; 14:8; Lk. 13:11), but does not of itself
indicate medical authorship; similar notes are given in Mk. 5:25; 9:21; Jn. 5:5; 9:1.
unagxwv] If we press the full meaning of this verb, it indicates that the man
was already lame when the incident took place, but since this is obvious in any
case, UJtUQX,wv here is simply equivalent to wv.
hWouv] Classical hL0wav. The ending -ouv is borrowed from the conjuga-
tion of verbs in -EW (cf. 4:35). The 3rd plur. act. ("they laid") is here used imper-
sonally for the 3rd sing. pass. ("he was laid"), a usage common in Heb. and Aram.,
but unusual in Gk. apart from A.EyouoL, qiua(, "they say."
'1:QO£ t~v 8UQUV toii iegoii t~v 1..eyoµEVTJV 'Qgu(uv] The proper identification
of this gate is a matter of some dispute; it is usually identified with the Nicanor
Gate (as it is called in mMiddof 2.3), leading from the outer court into the "court
of the women," and also with the gate of Corinthian bronze described by Josephus
(BJ 5.201) as "far surpassing in value those which were plated with silver and set
in gold." See G. Schrenk, TDNT 3, p. 236 (s. v. ieg6v); M. Hengel, Between Jesus
and Paul, pp. 102-104. A confusion in the Latin tradition between Gk. wgu(u (trans-
literated horea) and aurea ("golden") gave rise to the designation "Golden Gate"
for the gate in the east wall of the temple enclosure.
toii aheiv] This use ohoii with infin. to express purpose is classical enough,
but it is more frequent in the NT than in classical writers, especially in Luke and
Paul; see on toii '1:EQL'1:UtEiv, v. 12.
nuga t&v donogeuoriivwv EL£ to iEQ6v J If the Beautiful Gate is to be iden-
tified with the Nicanor Gate, EL£ to LEQOV here must mean "into the inner pre-
cincts." The outer court had been enclosed by Herod, and was not equal in sacred-
ness to the rest of the temple complex. Gentiles might enter it, but they were
strictly debarred from penetrating beyond it (see on 21 :28). Hence this outer area
136
3: 1-10 A CRIPPLE HEALED IN THE TEMPLE PRECINCTS
of the temple mount came to be known as the court of the Gentiles. From it Jewish
worshippers went up to enter the inner courts through one of the "gates of the
sanctuary." The Beautiful Gate probably led into the court of the women, beyond
which Jewish women might not go (Jewish men went farther, into the court of
Israel).
3:3 ~QWta EA.El]µoauVl]V 1..aj3Eiv] The imperfect ~QWta suggests a beggar's
reiterated appeal. For the infin. 1..aj3Eiv after ~Q<t}ta cf. TJT~aato EUQEiv, 7:46; also
altci>v 1..aj3Eiv, Aristophanes, Plutus 240.
3:4 atEviaa£] See on 1: 10. D has Eµl31..li'ljla£, but adds atEviaa£ toi£
o<j>8a1..µots amoii in v. 3, has atlivwov for ~A.E'ljlov in v. 4, and continues (v. 5): 6 bE
atEviaas am:ots ltQoaboxci>v tL 1..aj3Eiv rraQ' am:ciiv-obviously a corrupt text, fol-
lowed as it is by drrEv bE 6 mtQOS at the beginning of v. 6.
3:5 EltELX,EV] SC. TOV voiiv orwus o<j>8a1..µous. Cf. 1 Tim. 4: 16; Job 30:26; Sir.
34:2; 2 Mace. 9:25.
3:6 oux. urr<iQx.u µot] {mcigx.w can be taken in its full sense here, of what one
has in store: "I do not possess."
iv t<jl ov6µatL] I.e., "by the authority," "with the power."
ltEQLltcitEL] ACE \JI byz lat syr copboh preface EYELQE (EYELQm) xa't (om X B
D copsah). Cf. Mk. 2:9; Jn. 5:8. The power by which Jesus had cured paralytics was
to be made evident in the healing of this man.
3:7 EITTEQEW0l]aav]praeffotci0l] xa't D h (repre. b). otEQE6w "was, in medi-
cal language, applied to the bones in particular" (Hobart, p. 35; he quotes Hip-
pocrates and Galen in confirmation).
~aGELS] Hobart (pp. 34f.) quotes examples of~ams ("step," then "foot") from
Hippocrates and Galen, and says, "The words employed to describe the seat of the
lameness tend to show that the writer was acquainted with medical phraseology,
and had investigated the nature of the disease under which the man suffered." The
associations of the word, however, are literary rather than professional; it seems to
have been poetic in origin. Cf. Wisd. 13:18 (to µl]bE ~a.GEL X.Q~a0m bvva.µEvov);
Plato, Timaeus 92a (8E01i ~aaELS urrotL0Evtos rr1..Eiovs tots µaHov li<j>QOGL v).
mj>vbQ<i] Classical a<j>vgci. The form used here can be paralleled from Hesy-
chius and P.Flor. 391.53, 56. The word is used properly of the projecting ankle
bones, then of the ankles themselves. Hobart quotes Galen for its use. It is not a
distinctively medical word, though its collocation with ~CWEL£ may suggest medi-
cal finesse. On this verse and the following Harnack says, "That which the physi-
cian obseives during the months of the ordinary gradual cure of a lame man is here
compressed into a moment" (LP, p. 191 ). The form in which healing narratives are
cast in the Gospels (and indeed in may other texts, literary and nonliterary) is re-
produced here. See J. Mun ck, Acts, pp. 25f.
3:8 ltEQLrnatEL] add x.mQ6µEvos D, probably by error for x.aiQWv xa't
ayaA.A.LWµEVO£ ( cf. h: g[audensj et exultans).
an6µEvos] Cf. Isa. 35:6, t6tE a1..Eitm ws £1..acj>QOS x.w1..6s.
3: 10 irrqi vwaxov] Em yL vwaxw implies, in a context like this, taking cogni-
zance of a specific fact; it has "directive" force; cf. J. A. Robinson, St. Paul's Epistle
137
to the Ephesians (London, 1904), pp. 248-54; also, more generally, F. F. Bruce,
Colossians, Philemon, Ephesians, NICNT (Grand Rapids, 1984), p. 46, n. 30.
6 JtQOS t~v EAEl)µoauvlJV xa0iJµEvoi:;] "he who used to sit for alms"; the ptc.
has imperfect force here.
i:n:itqi auµ~E~lJXOtL) i:n:i t<p YEYEVlJµEVCJl D. See New Docs. 1 (1976), § 20.
2. Peter's Address in Solomon's Colonnade (3:11-26)

II KQutOiivtoi:; OE autoii tOV fletQOV xal tOV 'Iw<iVVlJV UlJVEO(.}UµEV mii:; 6 i..ao;
:n:Qo; atrtoui:; e:n:l tfl ITTO~ tfl XUA.O'UJ1EVTI LOA.oµwvtoi:; EX0a~OL. 12 iowv OE 6
fIEtQOi:; a:n:EXQLVato :n:Qoi:; tov i..a6v, 'AvbQE£ 'laQUlJA.Eitm, ti 0auµ<i1;EtE i:n:l
tOut(Jl, ~ ~µiv tL UtEVL1;Et£ coi:; ibii;i [)uv<iµEL ~ EOOE~ELi;I :n:E3tOLTJXOOL v toii 3tEQL-
3tutELV atrt6v; 130 0Eoi:; ·~aaµ xal 'Iaaax xal 'Im«ii~. 6 0Eoi:; twv :n:atEQWV
~µwv, io6l;aaEV tov :n:aifu atrtoii 'llJUO'UV, ov uµeii:; µEV 3tUQEOWXutE xal
~QVT}aaa0E xuta 3tQ6aw:n:ov fILi..<itou, XQLVavto; EXEivou ci:n:oi..uELv· t4i,µEi; OE
tov ciytov xal oixmov ~QviJaaa0E, xal fltiJaaa0E avOQU q,ovfo XUQta0f]vm i,µiv,
lstOV OE UQXTJYOV tf]i:; !;wf]i:; a:n:EXtELVatE, ov 6 0Eoi:; ~YELQEV EX VEXQWV, o~ ~µEis
µ<iQtuQES EUµEV. 16 xal tfl :n:iatEL tof, 6v6µuto; atrtoii toiitov ov 0EWQEitE xal
o'tfutE EITTEQEWUEV to ovoµa autoii, xal ~ :n:(atti:; ~ OL' autoii EOWXEV aut<jl t~V
OA.OXA.lJQLUV tUutl)V ci:n:EVUvtL :n:<ivtwv i,µwv. 17 xal viiv, UOEA.qJOL, oloa Otl xata
ayvmav E3tQ<ll;atE, (l)U:n:EQ XUL oi UQXOvtEi:; i,µwv· 18 6 OE 0EO£ a 3tQOXatTJYYELA.EV
Ola at6µato; :n:<ivtwv t(J)V 3tQOqJl)tOJV :n:a0EiV tOV XQLITTOV atrtoii E3tA.TJQWUEV
oiitwi:;. 19µEtUVOTJUutE oiiv xal E:n:LITTQE'ljlUtE 3tQOS to El;aA.ELljl~vm i,µwv tai:;
aµaQtLUS, 20 o:n:wi:; av EA.0WOL v XULQOL civmj,ul;Ewi:; ci:n:o 3tQOUW3t0l! toii XlJQlOlJ xal
ci:n:oatdi..n tOV 3tQOXEXELQLUµEVOV i,µIv XQLITTOV 'll)UO'UV, 21 ov 0£1 OUQUVOV µEV
btl;aa0m UXQL XQOVWV a:n:oxataat<iaEwi:; :n:<ivtwv cl>v EA.UATJUEV 6 0Eoi:; OLU
at6µatoi:; tWV ay(wv ci:n:' aiciivos autoii 3tQOqJl)tOJV. 22 Mwiiaf]i:; µEv Ei:n:Ev Otl
fIQOqJT}tl)V i,µi v UVUITTTJUEL XUQLOS 6 0EO£ EX tciiv ciodq,ciiv i,µciiv coi:; iµi· atrtoii
cixouaw0E xuta :n:<ivta oaa av AUA.TJUTI 3t(.)0£ i,µai:;. 23 EITTUL OE :n:aaa 'ljllJX~ ijni:;
av µ~ cixouan toii 3tQOqJT}tOlJ EXELVOlJ il;oAE0QEl!0TJUEtUL EX toii AUO'U. 24XUL
:n:<ivtEi:; OE oi 3tQOq,f]tm ci:n:o Toµou~A XUL tciiv xa0El;f]i:; OUOL EA<lAlJUUV xal
xmiJyyEL1..av tai:; ~flEQUS taiita;. 25 i,µEi; EITTE oi viol tciiv JtQOljllJtciiv xal tfJS
bta0iJxTJi:; ~i:; 6 0Eoi:; btt0Eto :n:QC>i:; toui:; :n:attQUi:; uµG.Jv, 1..iywv :n:QC>i:; 'Aj3Qa<iµ, Kal
EV t0 U3tEQµutL UOlJ EUAOYTJ0TJUovtm :n:aam ai 3tutQlUL tf]s yf]i:;. 26 i,µiv 3tQOJtOV
civaatiJaas 6 0EO£ tOV :n:aioa autoii ci:n:EITTELAEV atrtov EUA.oyoiivta uµai:; EV t0
ci:n:OITTQEqJEL v EXUITTOV a:n:o tciiv 3tOVlJQLOlV uµG.Jv.
3:11 XQutoiivtoi:; OE atrtoii tov fletQov xal tov 'Iw<ivvl)v auvibQaµEv :n:ai:; 6
i..aoi:; 3tQOS autoui:; E3tL tfl ITTO~ t'fi XUAOlJflEVTI To1.oµwvtoi:; exeaµ~OL] D has
EXJtOQEooµivou bE toii ITEtQOlJ xal 'Iw<ivvou auvE!;rnoQEUEto XQUtG.Jv amoui:;· oi OE
0aµ~l)0EvtEi:; EITTlJUUV EV t'fi ato~ ~ xa1..ouµivl) To1..oµwvtoi:;. Without regarding this
as the original text, we may take it as a true account of what actually happened.[)
frequently makes explicit what is implicit in ~. as though the readers could not be
trusted to draw the correct inference for themselves. The apostles and the healed
man, after worshipping in the court of Israel, returned and came down (perhaps
through the Beautiful Gate again) into the outer court, and made their way through
it to its eastern side, the man still praising God aloud for what had happened to him.
138
3:11-26 PETER'S ADDRESS IN SOLOMON'S COLONNADE
The populace gathered to watch them as they approached Solomon's colonnade,

which ran along the entire east side of the outer court. Solomon's colonnade, in
which Jesus had walked at the Dedication festival in the preceding December (Jn.
10:23), was to become the regular public meeting place of the Jerusalem church
(5:12). Cf. Jos. Ant. 20.211; BJ 5.185 for the tradition that it went back to Solomon
himself.
The breach of concord in D, tfi ato(l ~ xa),,ouµi\vri, is of a kind regularly found
in the Apocalypse (e.g., Rev. 3:12, tfJ£ xaLVlJ£ 'IEgouoa),,~µ, ~ xata~aivouoa); the
influence of a Semitic substratum has been surmised in both instances.
3:12 <ivl>QE£ 'IOQUT)Attm] So 2:22; cf. 2:14 and see on 1:11.
atEvttEtE] See on 1: 10.
EUOE~Et',1] For this, the reading of the Gk. MSS, i~ouot(,l is read by lath p2
vg.codd syrpesh arm Chrys al. Irenlat omits fJ EUOE~Ei<,:t. This is the only NT occur-
rence of EUOE~ELa outside the Pastorals and 2 Peter. See New Docs. 1 (1976), § 27.
W£ ... :rtEJtOLl]x6m v] For W£ with ptc. meaning "as though" cf. 23:15, 20;
27:30.
tou JtEQLJtatEiv am6v] Cf. toii aitEiv, v. 2. This use oftou with infin. to ex-
press purpose or result is characteristic of Luke-Acts. Cf. 9: 15; 10:25; 14: 18; 15:20;
20:3, 27; 27:1; Lk. 17:1; 21:22. Paul is the only other NT writer who makes any
marked use of this construction. See BDF § 400.
3: 13 6 0EO£ '~Qaaµ XUl 'Ioaax XUl 'laxw~, 6 0EO£ t<i:iv JtatEQ(J}V ~µwv] This
formula, going back to Ex. 3:6, where God introduces himself to Moses as 6 0EO£
tou JtatQO£ oou, 0Eo£ '~Qaaµ xat 0EO£ 'Ioaax xat 0EO£ 'Iaxw~, occurs frequently in
various forms; cf. 7:32; Mk. 12:26 par. Lk. 20:37, and Mt. 22:32. p7 4 ~ C (om 6
AD bis) al repeat 6 0E6£ before both 'loaax and 'Iaxw~ in conformity with LXX.
In this fuller form the phrase appears in the opening formula of the Eighteen Bene-
dictions.
il>6~aoEv tov Jtail>a amou] An allusion to Isa. 52: 13, tbou ou~oEL 6 Jtai£ µou
,mi u'ljlm~oEtm xat l>o~ao~oEtm mp6l>Qa. Cf. also Wisd. 2:13 (where it is said of
the righteous man Jtail>a xuQ(ou fomov ovoµatEL) and 2 Bar. 70:9 ("my servant
Messiah"). At a later date (but perhaps preserving an earlier exegetical tradition)
the Targum of Jonathan adds "Messiah" as epexegetic of"my servant" in Isa. 42: 1;
52: 13-i.e., at the beginning of what are nowadays called the first and fourth Ser-
vant Songs. Since both Isa. 42: 1-4 and Isa. 52: 13-53: 12 begin with "Behold my
servant" (Yahweh being the speaker), it was natural that each passage should be
interpreted in the light of the other.
To the Son of David Christology of 2:25-36 is now added a Servant Chris-
tology (vv. 13-18, 26). If Jesus laid no weight on his Davidic descent, it is other-
wise with the Isaianic Servant of Yahweh. The voice from heaven at his baptism
identified him with the Servant: 6 <iyUJtT)tO£, Ev oot Euboxrioa (Mk. 1: 11 par. Lk.
3:22) echoes Isa. 42:1, o EXAEXtO£ µou, ov Eul>oxrioEv ~ 'IJUX~ µou, as does the word
EXA.EAfYµEVO£ in Luke's version of the voice at the transfiguration (Lk. 9:35). (For
Ps. 2:7, which the heavenly voice on both occasions combined with Isa. 42:1, see
on 13:33.) It would not be surprising, then, if Jesus understood his mission in terms
139
of the Servant's calling according to Isa. 42: 1-4; 52: 13-53: 12. This is not so much
a question of verbal allusions to those scriptures (in Lk. 22:37 he applies to him-
self the words xai µua civ6µwv iD..oyio0T] from Isa. 53: 12, and the phrase "for many"
in Mk. 10:45; 14:24 echoes the "many" of Isa. 53: l lf.), as of the spirit in which he
accepted and fulfilled his vocation. When he submitted to his captors with the
words, "Let the scriptures be fulfilled" (Mk. 14:49), the prime candidate for inclu-
sion in those scriptures is the fourth Servant Song; when he asked, "How is it writ-
ten of the Son of man, that he should suffer many things and be treated with con-
tempt?" (Mk. 9:12), it might be answered, "How indeed, unless the Son of man be
the Servant of Yahweh?" See further on 8:35. For other NT references cf. Mt. 8:17;
12:18-21; Jn. 12:38; Rom. 4:25; 10:16; Heb. 9:28; 1 Pet. 2:22-25. Fonal~ asap-
plied to Jesus cf. v. 26; 4:27, 30. See W. Zimmerli and J. Jeremias, TDNT 5, pp.
654- 717 (s. v. nai~ 0rnii).
After 'IT]oouv, 6 characteristically adds Xgurrov (see on 1:21).
uµtl~] As in 2:36 the Jerusalemites (or a cross-section of them) are directly
charged with repudiating Jesus (cf. 4:10; 5:30; 7:52; 13:28).
xata ngoawnov] This prepositional phrase is probably a semitism here,
though it is not unknown in classical Greek ( cf. Xen. Cyr. 6.3.35, t~v xata ng6ownov
t~£ civttU£ ~<i1..ayyo£ t<i!;t v, "the post in front of the opposing phalanx").
IIL1..<itov l Pontius Pilate, prefect of Judaea, A.D. 26-37. The fullest account of
his career in Judaea is given by Josephus in Ant. 18.55-89. Whether intentionally
or not, he consistently offended Jewish public opinion, and his rule was marked by
several savage acts of bloodshed ( cf. Lk. 13: I). In a letter to the Emperor Gaius,
the elder Agrippa (see 12: 1 below) is said to have described Pilate as "by nature
inflexible, a blend of self-will and relentlessness" (Philo, Leg. ad Gai. 301). After
one of his excesses he was recalled to Rome to justify himself, but before his ar-
rival Tiberius died (16 March, A.D. 37), and his successor Gaius appointed a new
governor of Judaea. Pilate disappears from history. There is no confirmation of the
tradition, reported by Eusebius (HE 2.7), that he committed suicide. He is remem-
bered almost exclusively for his part in the condemnation of our Lord; even the
sole reference to him by a Roman historian is made in this connection: Tacitus, on
first mentioning Christians, says, "They derived their name from Christ, who had
been executed by the procurator Pontius Pilate when Tiberius was emperor" (An-
nals 15.44.4).
See E. M. Smallwood, "The Date of the Dismissal of Pontius Pilate from
Judaea," JJS 5 (1954), pp. 12-21; J.-P. Lemonon, Pilate et le gouvernement de la
J udee (Paris, 1981 ).
XQLVUVTO£ EXELVOlJ UJtOt..UfLV] Cf. Lk. 23: l 6, 22, JtaLOfUOU~ oiiv m'n:ov UJtOAUOW.
This participial phrase, instead of a principal clause with bi, forms the antithesis to
uµtl~ µrv nagEbwxatE xal ~Qv~oao0E. b, taking xgivavro~ ("having decided") to
mean "having judged," alters the text to tou xgivavto£, EXEivov fotot..UELV at'n:ov
8£1..ovtoc;. Luke "wards off every possible political interpretation" of the death of
Jesus "in the sense of Jewish (political) messianism" (G. Ludemann, Paul: Apos-
tle to the Gentiles, E.T., I [ London, 1984 ], p. 18).
140
3: 11-26 PETER'S ADDRESS IN SOLOMON'S COLONNADE
3:14 {,µEis bE ... ~Qv~aual:lE J Adversative to XQi vavtos exd vou 0.11:01,,uu v
(this be is not the correlative to µev in v. 13).
tov iiywv xul bixawv] Both oiiyLos and obixmos are messianic designations.
For the former cf. Mk. 1:24 par. Lk. 4:34; 1 Jn. 2:20; Rev. 3:7 (also Ac. 4:27, 30
for iiyws in the attributive position with o... 11:ais aou 'h1aoiis). For the latter cf.
7:52; 22:14; Jas. 5:6 (?); 1 Jn. 2:1; also Lk. 23:47; Mt. 27:19, 24. The emphasis on
Messiah's righteousness has OT roots; cf., e.g., 2 Sam. 23:3; Isa. 32: l; 53: 11; Zech.
9:9. In 1 En. 38:2 "the Righteous One" is used as a title of Messiah; cf. 46:3, "this
is the Son of man who has righteousness, with whom righteousness dwells"; 53:6,
"the righteous and elect one" (also Ps. Sol. 17:35, xal m'rtos ~amt.E~ Mxutos). In
theParablesof Enoch (l En. 37-71, probably later than Luke-Acts) the plural form,
"righteous and holy ones," is used of the messianic people (38:5; 48:1, 7; 51:2),
suggesting the close relation between Messiah and his people. Both the individual
and the community are designated by the Isaianic term 'e!Je<i Yahweh, and regu-
larly in the OT the same adjectives are used of Israel and Israel's God-the people
are called to be holy because Yahweh, their God, is holy (Lev. 11:45; 19:2, etc.).
On 6 bixatos see A Descamps, Les justes et la justice (Louvain, 1950), pp.
74-84; he regards it as practically equivalent to 6 3tQO«p~tTJS ( cf. vv. 22f. below).
~Qv~aaa0E] D substitutes the non-Lukan E~UQUVatE ("you oppressed"), thus
avoiding the repetition of ~Qv~aaaBE in two consecutive sentences. Attempts have
been made to account for the variants e~uQuvan and ~Qv~aaaflE ( or the following
verb flt~aaaflE) in terms of a single Aram. or Heb. substratum. J. R. Harris, Codex
Bezae = TS 2.1 [Cambridge, 1891 ], pp. 162-64) traced E~UQ'IJVatE through Lat. ag-
grauistis (so Irenlat; cf. latd grabastis for grauastis) to Gk. ~n~autE, a misreading
for flt~aatE (the Dreading for flt~aaaBE). E. Nestle ("Some Observations on the
Codex Bezae," Exp., ser. 5, 2 [1895), pp. 237f.) thought that Heb. kibba<item, ren-
dered E~UQUVatE, was later misread as kippartem, ~Qv~aaaflE. C. C. Torrey, rightly
dismissing the idea of a Heb. Vorlage, suggested that E~UQUVatE was a rendering of
Aram. kabbe<itun, which in tum was a misreading of kaddefJtun, the natural equiv-
alent of ~Qv~aaaBE (DPC, p. 145). But it is not at all certain that kabbe(jtun could
mean e~aQWatE. One might think rather of the Aphel 'a/s,be<itun (cf. M. Wilcox,
Semitisms, pp. 139-41).
avbQa (j>ovfo] For this appositional use of av~Q cf. Lk. 5:8; 24:19. Barabbas
is charged with «j>ovos in Mk. 15:7 par. Lk. 23:19.
XUQWfliivm] "to be given over," whether for life, as here ( cf. 27:24 ), or for
death, as in 25:11, 16. H. Conzelmann (TDNT9, p. 375, s.v. )'.UQLS XtA) compares
its neutral force in PFlor. l.61.61f. (c. AD. 87): XUQL~oµm be OE w4; O)'.A.OLS, "I am
handing you over to the crowds" for their decision, whether adverse or favorable.
3: 15 tov ... UQXTJYOV tiiS ~wiis] "the author of life": in Aram. this would be
the same as tov UQXTJYOV tii~ awtT]QLU~ in Heb. 2: 10, since Aram. l}ayye is the equiv-
alent of both tw~ and awtT]QLU. For UQXTJY<>S cf. also 5:31 (aQXTJYOV xal awtiiQu) and
Heb. 12:2 (tov tiis 11:iatEWS UQXTJY<>v). The word is quite classical; it combines the
ideas of originator and leader. In LXX it is used, e.g., of the heads of the tribes of
Israel (Num. 13:2f.) and of Jephthah as leader of the Transjordanian tribes against
141
the Ammonites (Judg. 11:6, Heb. qa'.~in). Here and in Heb. 2:10 it denotes Christ
as the source of life and salvation; in 5:31 (q.v.) the sense of "prince" or "leader"
is uppermost; in Heb. 12:2 the sense of "exemplar" or ''pioneer," "pathfinder."
ov 6 8Eos ~YELQEV ex VEXQWV J Again 6 8E6S stands in strong contrast to uµEis
ofv. 14; cf. 2:23f.; 4:10.
ou ~µEls µciQt'lJQES E<JµEV] "of which fact we arc witnesses": the note of per-
sonal witness ( cf. 2:32) is maintained.
3: 16 xal tfi JtlITTEl tou ovoµatos UutOU toUtOV OV 8EWQELtE XUL o'tOatE
EITTEQEWCJEV to ovoµa mrrou] Several attempts have been made to get rid of the
awkwardness of this sentence as it stands. F. C. Burkitt ("Professor Torrey on
'Acts,''' ]TS 20 [ 1910], pp. 324f.) suggested that a colon be placed before tofuov
and the preceding words be joined to v. 15, thus: ''whereof we are witnesses, even
to faith in His name: this man, whom ye sec and know, His name hath made strong."
Thus "ugly repetition is turned into characteristically Lucan rhetoric." But it is
awkward to have the gen. ou and the <lat. tfl n:iotEL together dependent on µciQtlJQES
foµEv. LC suggest that to ovoµa amou is a marginal gloss to explain fa' amou. c. c.
Torrey (CDA, pp. 14-16) offered an ingenious solution by his proposal that
EITTEQEWCJEV to ovoµa amou represents Aram. taqqep semeh, which should rather be
vocalized taqqip siimeh, uytf] E3t0Ll]UEV amov. The meaning would then be: "and
by faith in his name he has made whole this man, whom you see and know." tou
6v6µmos is objective genitive in dependence on n:im:Et. C. K. Barrett suggests that
tfi n:iutEL tou ov6µatos amou was added by Luke to his source to show that there
was no magic in the mere pronouncing of the name, as in 19: 13 ("Faith and Escha-
tology in Acts 3," in Glaube und Eschatologie: Festschrift fiir W. G. Kiimmel, ed.
E. Grasser and 0. Merk [Ti.ibingen, 1985], pp. 4-8).
ECJtEQE<OCJEV] Cf. EITTEQEWf:ll]CJUV, v. 7.
~ 3tLITTl£ ~ fa' amou] Cf. 1 Pet. l :21, taus Ot' autou mmous ELS 8EOV. Was the
faith the two apostles' or the cripple's? Theirs certainly, but in all probability his
too (cf. 14:9). It is not clear whether ot' amou means "through him'' (Jesus) or
"through it" (the name of Jesus; cf. 10:43); it makes no practical difference.
OAOXAl]Qiav J The only NT occurrence. "The noun 6)..oxAl]QLa does not seem
to be used in the medical writers; the adjective 61.oXAl]QOS, however, is frequently,
both in its more general meaning of 'complete,' 'entire,' and also in the same sense
as by St. Luke, of 'complete soundness of body'" (Hobart, p. 193). See New Docs.
l ( 1976), § 84, line 4; 4 ( 1979), § 70. The noun is found in Plutarch and the papyri.
An interesting occurrence of the adjective is its use as a loanword in a Latin letter
from Augustus to Livia, where he wonders if the young Claudius is holocleros, in
complete command of his senses (Suetonius, Augustus 4.1 ).
an:evavu] Lit. "opposite," here a substitute for :rtQ6, like xma n:goown:ov in
v. 13. In 17:7 it means "against."
3: 17 xal vuv, al\EA<j,Ot, oll\a ()tl xata iiyvmav i':n:gci~atE] o has xal vuv, iivl\QES
UOEA<j,OL, emutciµE8a on llµELS µi':v Xata iiyvmav EJtQCl~atE to JtOVl]QOV-harmoniz-
ing iiVOQES to the more usual avOQES aOEA<poi and adding to n:ov11Q6v ("this wicked
deed") to point the moral.
142
xata. uyvotav] Cf. Lk. 23:34, mitEQ, Uq>E£ amoi<;, 01) YCI.Q oU,aat v tL ltoLO'UOt v,
where, however, the context suggests that it is the executioners who are acting in
ignorance (on the authenticity of this "word from the cross" see I. H. Marshall,
Luke, NIGTC, pp. 867f.). Cf. also 1 Tim. 1:13, a.yvofuv e:rco(rioa (where Paul refers
to his persecuting activity); 1 Cor. 2:8, d yUQ l::yvwoav, oux uv tov X'IJQLOV t~£ b61;ri£
eotauQwoav ( of the "rulers of this age").
3:18 a TCQOXat~YYELAEV ... :n:a(kiv tOV XQtotOV amoii] :rca0ti:v "COV XQLot6v
is a Lukan expression; cf. 17:3; 26:23; Lk. 24:46. But where was the suffering of
the Messiah proclaimed in advance? Preeminently in Isa. 52: 13-53:12, if the suffer-
ing Servant be identified with the Messiah (see on v. 13 above; cf. also C.R. North,
The Suffering Servant in Deutero-Isaiah [Oxford, 1948]). It is widely doubted
whether Luke, despite his use of Isa. 52:13-53:12, understood the sufferings of
Christ to have atoning efficacy (as the Servant's sufferings have according to Isa.
53:10, TCEQL aµaQtta£); Peter's present address, at any rate, includes an appeal to his
hearers to repent and turn, so that their sins may be blotted out (cf. 10:43; 13:38f.).
See also on 2:23. For tov XQtotov amoii cf. Ps. 2:2, quoted in 4:26 below.
3:19 µttavo~oatE o'l)v xa1 £:rctotQE'IJatE] For µttavo~oatE see on 2:38. In
LXX £:rctotQEcpw is the word most often used to render Heb. su!J, "turn back." Some-
times both words are found together in LXX, as here; see, e.g., Joel 2:14, "CL£ olbtv
d emotQE'IJEt xa1 µttavo~ott; (Heb. mi yo(jea' ya.5il!J wenil}iim ).
TCQ0£ to E1;a>..ttcp0~vm] For:rcQOp6 with infin. cf. Lk. 18: 1, TCQO£ to Mi v :rcavtOtE
TCQOCJtux.wem (the construction is not found elsewhere in Luke-Acts). See BDF §
402 (5). For e;u>..dcpw to indicate the wiping out of sins cf. LXX Ps. 50 (MT 51 ): 1,
9; Isa. 43:25.
3:20 oTCW£ uv e>..0wot v Joitw£ uv with subjunctive is literary; in the NT it oc-
curs only here and in 15: 17 (from LXX); Lk. 2:35; Rom. 3:4 (from LXX). See BDF
§ 369 (5).
xmQol a.va'IJU;EW£] In LXX civa'IJU;L£ occurs only in Ex. 8: 15, in the sense
"respite" (Heb. rwal}iih). In Hellenistic Gk. it had the meaning "rest," "respite,"
"refreshing." According to E. Schweizer, "the 'times of refreshing' are the defini-
tive age of salvation," which God will send speedily if the hearers (and those whom
they represent) repent (E. Schweizer, TDNT9, pp. 664f., s. v. a.va'IJu);t£). But the ex-
pression suggests rather "moments of relief during the time men spend in waiting
for that blessed day" (C. K. Barrett, "Faith and Eschatology in Acts 3," p. 12). The
speech contains a blend of primitive eschatology (as here) and Lukan phraseology
( e.g., :n:a0ti:v tov XQtotov amoii). See 0. Bauernfeind, "Tradition und Komposition
in dem Apokatastasisspruch Apostelgeschichte 3, 20f.," in Abraham unser Vater
... Festschrift fur Otto Michel, ed. 0. Betz, M. Hengel, and P. Schmidt (Leiden,
1963), pp. 13-23. There is a noteworthy affinity between this promise and the hope
expressed by Paul in Rom. 11 :25-27 ( except that the ingathering of Gentiles is not
in view here).
a.:rco TCQOCJCJJ:n:01)] Semitism for a.:rc6. Cf. 5:41; 7:45; also v. 13 (xai:a ltQOCJw:n:ov);
13:24 (:rcQO TCQ00<1}T[01J); 17:26 (ETCL :Jl:QOCJCJ)j[01J).
xal a.:rcootd>..n i:ov ltQOXEXELQLCJµevov i,µlv XQtotov 'Iriooiiv] "and he shall send
143
Jesus, who has been appointed Messiah for you." The two other NT occurrences
of ltQOX.ELQL~oµm (Ac. 22:14; 26:16) relate to Paul's being divinely appointed for
his life ministry. The perf. ptc. pass. is used here of Jesus in much the same sense
as u,rol'>El'>ELyµevo£ (2:20) and WQLCTµEVO£ (10:42). The occasion of his appointment
as Messiah is probably, as in 2:36, his resurrection (cf. Rom. 1:4). It has been ar-
gued, however, that Jesus is here presented as Messiah-designate, whose investi-
ture awaits his appearance from heaven, and that vv. 20f. accordingly attest "the
most primitive christology of all" (J. A. T. Robinson, Twelve New Testament Stud-
ies, SBT 34 [London, 1962], pp. 139-53). But nothing in the verb ltQOXELQt~oµm
suggests designation as distinct from full appointment. The prefix ltQO- probably
means "forth" rather than "before" in the temporal sense. For the meaning "choose"
see New Docs. 1 (1976), § 5 (p. 28); 3 (1978), § 62.
3:21 liXQL XQ6vmv <lltoxataataoEm£ ,ravrmv] The XQOVOL u,roxai:aataoEm£
are probably to be identified with the xmQoi uvmpu!;Em£ of v. 20. It is implied that
Jesus is absent for a limited period, until the fulfilment of prophetic scripture. With
u,roxai:aataoL~ we may compare <lltoxaOLataVEL£ in 1 :6, but the sense here cannot
be restricted to the restoration of the kingdom to Israel. Cf. Mk. 9: 12 par. Mt. 17:11
for the expectation that Elijah would come to "restore all things" (un:oxaOLatavELV
:rcavra), as foretold in Mal. 4:5 (cf. Sir. 48:10). 0. Bauernfeind, indeed, thought that
at an earlier stage in the tradition vv. 20f. referred to the expectation of Elijah s re-
turn from heaven, to which he was carried away in a whirlwind (2 K. [LXX 4 Kms.]
2:11), and that the original form of words has here been adapted to the Christian
expectation of Jesus' return; the Elijah expectation was presumably cherished in
the community of 'ohn the Baptist (Die Apostelgeschichte, THKNT [Leipzig,
1939], pp. 66-68; "Tradition und Komposition ... "). More generally the restora-
tion or renovation of "all things" in the sense of all creation at the messianic ad-
vent is foretold in Rom. 8: 18-23 (cf. 4 Ezra 7:75; 13:26-29; 1 Enoch 45:5; 51:4,
etc.). Cf. the "new world" (,ralLyyEvwia, "regeneration") of Mt. 19:28.
The meaning "restoration," "restitution," "renewal" is well attested for
u,roxmaataOL~ in Hellenistic papyri and inscriptions (cf. MM), but in the present
context the alternative meaning "establishment," "fulfilment," would make good
sense, in reference to the fulfilment of all OT prophecy, culminating in the estab-
lishment of God's order on earth. This meaning, also attested in inscriptions and
papyri, is borne by the verb in LXX (e.g., Ps. 15 [MT 16]:5; Job 8:6; 2 Mace. 15:20).
So C. C. Torrey, who gives an Aram. retroversion, 'a<J 'iddiine haqamuf kolla df
ma/lei 'eliihii (CDA, p. 29; cf. Dalman, Words of Jesus, p. 178); cf. syrpesh: 'a<Jmii
1emuliiyii ~zal}ne dekulheyn demalel 'aliihii ("until the fulness of the times of all
that God has spoken").
u:rc' a[ci>vo£] "from eternity," a septuagintalism for Heb. me'oliim. o (D lath
Teri. Irenlat) omits it here, but cf. Lk. 1 :70, xa0w£ EAUATJOEV ou'r. at6µmQ£ i:ci>v a.yimv
a.:rc' ULWVO£ JtQOq>T]'tWV.
3:22 Mm'liofJ~ J This LXX spelling reflects the attempt to derive the name
Moses from Copt. mou (''water") and uie ("saved"), i.e., "saved from the water"
(so Jos. Ant. 2.228; cf. Ap. 1.286; Philo, Vit. Mays. 1.17).
144
Ein:Ev] b adds :7tQO~ mu~ n:atEQU~ ~µwv.

n:Qoq,~tT)V xt>..) The quotation is from Dt. 18: 15-19, 3TQOcj,~tT)V EX t<iiv aldcp<iiv
CTOU ox; EµE avaat~CTEl CTOL X'UQLO£ 6 0EO£ aou, amoii axouaw0E xata m:ivta oaa nt~CT(J)
n:aQci l!.UQLOU toii 0rnii (JOU ... xal A.UA.~OEL amol~ xa0otL UV EVTELA.Wµm amcp· xal 6
uv0QW:7t0~, o~ EUV µ~ axouon ooa EUV A.UA.~on 6 3tQOcj,~TT)£ E:7tl T..e0Qeu0~aETm Ex toii A.aoii amfJ£.
To the other christologies already attested in Ac. 2 and 3 there is now added a
prophet christology: Jesus is the prophet like Moses. On the "shortage of time" for
the development of christological tradition within the primitive church see
M. Hengel, Between Jesus and Paul, pp. 30-47; cf. also 0. Cullmann, The Chris-
tology of the New Testament. E.T. (London, 1959), pp. 13-50 (for prophet chris-
tology ); J. D. G. Dunn, Christology in the Making (London, 1980). See also pp. 60f.
Dt. 18: 15-19 had figured as a testimonium in the Qumran texts ( 4QTest 5-8;
cf. lQS 9.11), where the prophet like Moses was one of three expected eschato-
logical figures (the other two being the anointed priest and the anointed king). In
the NT the passage is quoted twice only-here and in 7:37, in Stephen's speech,
where J. AT. Robinson recognizes the same "primitive christology" as in 3:20f.
(Twelve New Testament Studies, p. 150). But echoes of it are heard here and there
in the Gospels ( e.g., Mk. 9:7, axoueu amoii), and especially in John. John the Bap-
tist is asked if he is "the prophet" (Jn. 1:21); Jesus is called "the prophet" because
he fed the multitude with bread (Jn. 6: 14) and offered the people the water of life
(Jn. 7:40; cf. Jn. 4:19).
The primary meaning of Moses' words in their context is that the Israelites
should not have recourse to magic arts, like their pagan neighbors, when they wished
to ascertain the divine will: if God had a communication to make to them, he would
raise up a prophet (as he had raised up Moses himself), and they should pay heed to
him. Many prophets came and went during the following centuries, but none who
was recognized as a prophet like Moses (cf. Dt. 34:10). In the course of time Moses'
words were interpreted as referring to one particular prophet who was yet to come.
This prophet, indeed, was the essential figure in the Samaritan hope of the new age,
in which he was called the taheb, "restorer." See C.H. H. Scobie, "The Origins and
Development of Samaritan Christianity," NTS 19 (1972-73), pp. 390-414 (especially
p. 393). By Christians the prophet was naturally identified with Jesus, the embodi-
ment of God's revelation, who fulfilled all the law and the prophets.
3:23 tatm bt) Representing Heb. wehayah (Dt. 18:19, MT), which is not
translated here in surviving LXX copies. (For the construction cf. xal tatm, 2:17,
21.) For E;OA.E0QEu0~oetm see New Docs. 3 (1978), § 64.
The quotation, in its conflated form, was not taken directly from the OT, but
perhaps from a "testimony collection." For similar conflation in OT quotations in
speeches in Acts cf. 2:17; 7:7, etc. The conflated quotation found here reappears in
the same form in Clem. Recog. 1.36, which either borrowed it directly from Acts
or derived it independently from the same "testimony collection."
145
3:24 xal ... bE J "Yes, and" or "And also."

xal :rtcivtE£ bE OL JtQOqrijtm am'> Toµoutj). xal t<ilV xa0d;ii~ OOOL EAUAT]OUV ,ml
xmtjyyELlav ta~ ~µE(la; tama;] The construction of this sentence is difficult. As it
stands, it may be rendered, "yes, and all the prophets from Samuel and his succes-
sors who spoke and announced these days" -which is not a proper sentence, but
anacoluthon is not unknown in the speeches of Acts, and there are other obscuri-
ties and awkwardnesses in the Gk. of this speech (see on v. 16). We might join this
sentence to the preceding one and translate, "Moses said ... and so did all the
prophets from Samuel and his successors who spoke and announced these days" -
but Samuel and his successors did not say what Moses said (though the meaning
may simply be that they foretold the Coming One and the new age). Satisfactory
sense is given if xa( before xattjyyEL1.av is translated "also"; the meaning will then
be: "Yes, and all the prophets who spoke, from Samuel and his successors, also an-
nounced these days." Cf. C. C. Torrey's Aram. retroversion: #/sol nel]iyayyii min
~mu' el w4i bii!_reh di mallelu whafs,rizu yomayyii 'illen (CDA, pp. 29f.).
3:25 oi viol ... tii£ blaetjXTJ£] Cf. tfuv uiwv tii£ bLa0tjXT]£ µou, Ezek. 30:5;
viol tii~ bla0tjxTJ;, Ps. Sol. 17: 17. Such a Jewish expression as this (Heb. l!ene '2eri1),
like the solemn formula with which the speech opens (v. 13), reflects a time when
the breach between the church and the synagogue was not so wide as it later be-
came.
~£ bui0Eto J ~£ by Attic attraction for ~v. For blati0Eµm with its cognate acc.
l>LaetjXT]V cf. Aristophanes, Aves 439, ~v µ~ l>L<i0wvra( y' oY& bw0tjXT]V Eµo(, "un-
less they enter into a covenant with me."
xai EV TC]) oJtE(lµat( oou Eu1.oy1]0tjoovtm niiom ai JtUTQLai tii~ Yii~] Free quo-
tation from Gen. 12:3 (xal EVE1J1.oy1]8tjoovtm EV ool niiom ai q,ulal tii£ Yii£); 18: 18
(tvEU1.oyT]0~oovtm EV am:qi Jtcivta ta ESVTJ tii£ Yii~); 22:18 (xal EVE1JAOYTJ0~oovtm EV
T<µ oJtEQµatL oou Jt<ivta ta ESvTJ). Note the use of nat(lLUL ("families") instead of
«pvla( ("tribes"). Gen. 12:3 MT has mispeJ:101 ("families"); once again in this speech
(cf. v. 23) the Gk. of an OT quotation is closer to MT than is LXX. Here the "off-
spring" (oJtEQµa) of Abraham is interpreted of Christ, through whom blessing was
now being offered (cf. the similar application in Gal. 3:8, 16).
3:26 uµiv JtQfutov] I.e., to you first of "all the families of the earth." This
order is maintained throughout Acts: Jews receive the offer first (13:46; cf. Rom.
1: 16), and as they were first in privilege, so they were first in responsibility for their
response to the offer (cf. Rom. 2:9f.).
avaat~oac;] "having raised up": here perhaps not of Jesus' resurrection, but
in the sense of avaat~oEL, v. 22, of his coming into the world or the beginning of
his public ministry (see also on 13:33, and the similar sense of EYELQW in 5:30).
Ev tcp anoatQEq>EL v] For EV tcp with infin., see on 2: 1. The construction here is
not temporal but instrumental ("by turning"). Cf. 4:30. aJtOat(lEq>EL v is probably
transitive, with Exaatov as its object.
On the speech of vv. 13-26 see A Barbi, Il Cristo presente nella Chiesa,
AnBib 64 (Rome, 1979).
146
ACTS4
3. Arrest of Peter and John; Increase of the Church (4:1-4)

1 AaA.O\JvtWV OE (l'\J't(J)V 3tQO£ tOV A,(l()V EltEotrioav amo~ oi LEQEL£ xm O
otQUtriyoc; toii LEQOU mt ol ToMoumi:OL, 2 bLmtoVO\JµEVOl OUJ. to OLOUOXEL V
U'U'tO'U£ tOV A.UOV mt mtayyEA.A.El v EV t<j> 'Iriooii t~V avaotUOL v t~V EX VE?!.Q(J)V,
3 mt EltE~UA.OV amoi:c; tac; :XELQ<l£ mt E0Evt0 de; t~QllOl Vde; t~V UUQLOV, ~v yaQ
EOJCEQU ~ori. 4 J[OA.A.Ot OE tfuv axouoavtwv tOV 1.6yov EJtLotE\JOUV, mt EyEv~Sri
6 UQL9'toc; tfuv avoQfuv we; :XLA.UlOEc; ltEvtE.
4: 1 A.UOV] o adds ta Q~µuta taiita.
lEQE~] UQ:XLEQEL£ B C 4 arm eth. The reading UQ:XLEQEL£ may be due to the
prevalence of members of the high-priestly family in the court of inquiry of vv. Sf.
The "priests" would be members of the course which was on duty in the temple
that week.
xai 6 otgatriyoc; toii LEQOii] om D. The captain of the temple (cf. 5:24, 26; Lk.
22:52; Jos. BJ 2.409; 6.294; Ant. 20.131, 208) is to be identified with the sagiin,
who came next in rank to the high priest and superintended arrangements for
the
preservation of order in and around the temple; see Schurer II, pp. 277f. (The plur.
segiinfm occurs in the OT in the sense "rulers," "governors"; it is usually rendered
ot-QUt'lyot in LXX.)
Tobboumi:m] Cf. 5:17; 23:6-10; Mk. 12: 18 par. Mt. 22:23 and Lk. 20:27; Jos.
BJ 2.164-66; Ant. 13.171, 298; 18.16f. The name "Sadducees" is most probably
derived from the personal name Zadok-whether from an otherwise unknown
founder of that name or from the priestly family of Zadok is uncertain. An associa-
tion with the priestly family of Zadok is unlikely because they appear in history after
the removal of that family from the high priesthood, and in close association with
the new high-priestly dynasty of the Hasmonaeans. They belonged to the Judaean
aristocracy. The high priests from the reign of Herod to the outbreak of the war of
A.O. 66 belonged to their party. As the continued enjoyment of the high-priestly pre-
rogatives and, indeed, the peace of the land and political existence of the nation de-
pended on Roman goodwill during this period, they tried to collaborate as far as
possible with the Roman authorities, and set their faces sternly against religious or
nationalist aspirations which might incur the wrath of the occupying power.
147
THE ACTS OF THF APOSTLES
We are imperfectly informed about Sadducean theology; what is recorded

relates mainly to points on which they differed from the Pharisees (see on 5:34).
They rejected the accumulated "tradition of the elders" which the Pharisees
cherished, holding that the written law should be preserved and applied without
modification. It may be for this reason that they were reputed to be more severe in
judgment than the Pharisees. They repudiated as innovations the Pharisaic belief
in angelic and demonic hierarchies, and also the hope of bodily resurrection (cf.
23 :8). See Schurer II, pp. 404-14.
4:2 t'\Lan:ovouµEvot] "annoyed"; found in the NT only here and at I 6:18. (It
occurs in Mk. 14:4 in D 8 565.) For this sense MM quote Eyw 01.0~ otarcovoiiµat
from a papyrus of 2 B.C.
xarnyyEAAEl v EV Tcj:> 'l!]GOU T~V avaotaat v Tl]V EX VEX()WV] The meaning seems
to be that from the fact of Jesus' resurrection (Ev t0 'l!]ooii, "in the case of Jesus")
the apostles were virtually arguing for the general principle of resurrection, which
the Sadducces denied. Cf. Paul's argument in I Cor. 15:12-19; also Ac. 24: 15; 26:6-
8. D misses the point with avayyEAAEL v TOV 'I11oouv EV tfl avam:acm TWV VEX()COV.
4:3 EJ1:E~a1.ov autoi£ ta£ XELQU£ xai E9EvtO EL£ T~(ll]atv] For the Jewish
authorities' power of arrest cf. 5:l 7f.; Mk. 14:43. They could deal at their own dis-
cretion with offenses against Jewish law or misconduct within the temple precincts.
The execution of the death penalty was reserved to the jurisdiction of the Roman
governor, except for violations of the sanctity of the temple; for an offense of this
kind even Roman citizens were liable to be put to death by sentence of the Sanhe-
drin (see on 21:28f.). The stoning of James the Just in the absence of the Roman
governor, was admittedly an excess of jurisdiction (Jos. Ant. 20.199-203); on the
stoning of Stephen sec on 7:58.
4:4 eyEv~011J "had become." This is the only example of this form (aor.
indic. pass., for middldyEvETo) in the~ text of Acts (D has it in 7: l3; 20:3, 16). It
is frequent in the epistles. (The imperative yEvl]O~trn occurs in the LXX quotation
at 1:20.)
CO£ xt1.taOE£ n:EVtE J An increase on the 3,000 of 2:41. Since this was the num-
ber of the males (6 UQtOµo£ tcov c'tvbQ&v), the number of all the believers, including
women and children, was presumably much higher (cf. Mt. 14:21 ). In LXX and
NT the forms compounded of a numeral advcrh and XLALOL (like tgwxi1.tm, 2:41)
are regularly replaced after 5,000 by the cardinal number followed by xt1.ta<'iE£.
Here the latter form is used for 5,000 itself. A curious exception is i:maxwxt1-(ovs
in Rom. 11 :4 for LXX Ema XLAta<'ia£. In Mod. Gk. XLALUOE£ has driven out XLALOL
except when x(1.tot stands alone meaning "one thousand."
4. Peter and John before the Sanhedrin (4:5-12)

5 'EyEVETO OE fj(I, T~V UU()LOV avvax0ftvm autwv TOUS UQXOVTa~ xal tous 1'C(lW-
~l1tE(l01J£ xai wus yQaµµmEi£ EV 'IEQ01Joa1.tjµ ( 6 xai "Avvas o aQXLEQEU£ xai
Ka'taqia£ xai 'Iwavv11£ xat 'AAe~aVOQO£ xal oaot ~aav EX yevovs ClQXLE(lattxoii),
nai m:~aavtE£ U1JTOU£ EV T(\J µ£CJ(]) EJ'l:1JVUavovto, 'Ev n:oic~ bvvaµEt ~ EV n:oiqi
6v6µatt fj(QL~CJUTE Tom:o uµE~; 8 TOTE flET(l0£ 1'CAl]G0EL£ 3'CVEUµatos ayiov dm,v
148
4:5-12 PETER AND JOHN BEFORE THE SANHEDRIN
JtQDS umous, "AQXOYrE£ toil Aaou xai JtQrn~m:Egm, YEL ~µEiS atjµEQOV civa-
XQL v6µE8U Eltl E'IJEQYWL<;I aVOQWJtO'U aa8EVO'US, EV lLVl oi,tos OEOCJHCll,
10yvwmov EITTW mfol v uµiv xal Jtavrl t0 AU(jl 'laQU~A Oll EVl(jl 6v6µan 'h]OO'U
XQtITTmi toil Natwgafou, ov uµi;is EITTUUQWOatE, ov ll 8EOS ~YELQEV EX VEXQwv,
EV tom:' i,µwv '((J)V otxob6µwv, 6 YEVOµEVO£ Eis XEq>UA11V ywv(as. 12 xul O'IJX
EITTL v EV aAlqi oubEVL ~ 0Wl11QLU, oubE ya.Q ovoµo. EITTL v ElEQOV UJtO lOV O'IJQUV()V
to bEboµi\vov EV civ8Q<tJJtOLS Ev qi bEi aw8fivm ~µii£.
4:5 Eyi\vno bE J This, followed by the acc. and infin., is the regular form
taken in the septuagintal idiom of Acts by the Hebraism "and it came to pass that
... " (Heb. wayyehf we . .. ). Two other forms occurring in the NT are fYEVELO fol-
lowed (without an intervening conjunction) by the indic., or followed by xa( and
the indic. This is Luke's favorite septuagintalism. See MHT I, p. 16.
auvax8fivm wus aQxovras xtA] D has auvtjx811aav oi liQXOYrE£ xtA. The al-
teration was probably intended to avoid the anacoluthon caused by the change from
the acc. (tous aQxovras XtA) in v. 5 to the nom. (xal "Avvas XtA) in v. 6.
The three categories here mentioned made up the Sanhedrin, the supreme
Jewish court (see on v. 15). This body is occasionally referred to in terms of all or
some of its constituent parts; e.g., oi CtQXLEQEiS xai ol JtQW~UtEQot xat ol ygaµµatELS
(Mk. 14:53, etc.), oi O.QXLEQEi£ xal oi ygaµµatEi£ (Lk. 22:2, etc.), oi UQXLEQEL£ xui
oi JtQW~U'tEQOL (v. 23; 23:14: 25: 15, etc.), oi UQXLEQEi£ xa·t navto auvEbQLOV (22:30,
etc.). As a rule, the chief priests (UQXLEQEtS) come first, as the leading members of
the Sanhedrin. Apart from the reigning high priest (who was president of the Sanhe-
drin ex officio), the UQXLEQEL£ included ex-high priests and probably some members
of the high-priestly families (cf. Schurer II, pp. 232-36). J. Jeremias defines the
O.QXLEQEi£ more strictly: on the basis of rabbinical references he draws up their order
of precedence, the captain of the temple ranking next after the reigning high priest,
followed by other leading temple officials (Jerusalem in the Time of Jesus, E.T.
[London, 1969], pp. 160-81; cf. G. Schrenk, TDNT 3, pp. 27lf. with n. 37, s. v.
l UQXLEQEU£). Here, then, as in v. 8, aQXOYrE£ may be regarded as an alternative for

UQXLEQEL£ (cf. 23:5). Josephus never has both words together; he uses liQXOvtES
possibly for O.QXLEQEL£ in B.J 2.333, 405, 407, 627. (In Lk. 23: 13: 24:20, where
I O.QXOvtES are mentioned in addition to UQXLEQEiS, the former word must refer to the
members of the Sanhedrin generally.)
JtQECJ~1llEQOll~] The most general word for members of the Sanhcdri n, whence
the body was called the JtQEO~utEQtov (cf. 22:5; Lk. 22:66). From early times the
"elders oflsrael" (cf. Ex. 3: 16; 24: 1; Num. 11 :16, etc.) occupied an influential and
representative position, forming the center of the people's life. See further on v. 15,
and for the Christian adoption of the term see on 11 :30; 14:23; 20: l 7.
YQaµµatEi£] The "scribes" were professional students and teachers of the
scriptures (their function is more precisely expressed by the German
Schriftgelehrtc); most of them were attached at this time to the Phari~aic party (sec
on 5:34). They were prominent figures in synagogue life; in Jerusalem some of
them taught in the temple courts (cf. Lk. 2:46).
149
4:6 xa1 "Avva£ 6 UQXLEQEU£] xal may be rendered "including in particular";

some of the most prominent of the iiQXOvtE~ are singled out for special mention.
This may in part mitigate the awkwardness of the anacoluthon caused by the sud-
den change of case. "Avva£ is a shorter form of 'Avavo£, the hellenized form of
Heb. ljiniin. This Annas is called ljanin in bPes. 57a. Josephus calls him 'Awivo£
and says that he was the son of Sethi (Ant. 18.26). Appointed high priest by P. Sulpi-
cius Quirinius when the latter became legate of Syria in A.O. 6 (see on 5:37), Annas
held office until A.O. 15, when he made way for Ishmael ben Phiabi, who owed his
appointment to Valerius Gratus, prefect of Judaea from A.O. 15 to 26. See Jos. BJ
2.240; 5.506; Ant. 18.26, 34, 95; 20.198. Even after his deposition Annas enjoyed
great prestige; by this time he was senior ex-high priest (or, as we might say, high
priest emeritus). Several members of his family became high priests: his sons
Eleazar (A.O. 16-17), Jonathan (36-37), Theophilus (37-41), Matthias (c. 42) and
Annas (Ananus) the younger (61), his grandson Matthias, son of Theophilus (65-
66 or later), and his son-in-law Caiaphas (18-36). His prestige is reflected in Luke's
coupling him with the reigning high priest Caiaphas in Lk. 3:2 (btl UQXLEQEW£ "Avva
xa1 Ka'taqm) and in the Fourth Evangelist's account of Jesus' appearing before him
for a private examination before being taken to Caiaphas (Jn. 18: 12-24). Accord-
ing to J. Jeremias, a former high priest retained lifelong sanctity from the fact that
he had once occupied the sacred office; the relevant restrictions on marriage and
on contact with the dead continued to apply to him (Jerusalem in the Time ofJesus,
pp. 157f.).
Ka·ta<j>a£] Aram. qayyiipii. His personal name was Joseph. According to Jn.
18:13 he was son-in-law to Annas. He was appointed to the high priesthood by the
prefect Valerius Gratus in A.O. 18 and remained in office for 18 years, a longer pe-
riod than any other high priest of NT times. The fact that Pilate left him undisturbed
in office during his ten years of governorship may suggest that the two men reached
a mutually advantageous understanding. When Vitellius, legate of Syria, visited
Judaea in A.O. 36 after Pilate's departure for Rome (see on 3:13), he deposed Cai-
aphas and appointed Jonathan the son of Annas in his place. Caiaphas is chiefly re-
membered as president of the court which examined Jesus and handed him over to
Pilate (see on 2:23)-an action for which, in Jesus' eyes, Caiaphas bore chief re-
sponsibility (Jn. 19: 11 ). Caiaphas himself regarded his action against Jesus as dic-
tated by the highest considerations of national safety (Jn. 11:49f.). See Jos. Ant.
18.35, 95.
'IwavVTJ£] Perhaps John, son of Theophilus; see D. Barag and D. Flusser,
"The Ossuary of Yeho~anah Granddaughter of the High Priest Theophilus," /El 36
(1986), pp. 39-44 .. We may dismiss R. Eisler's identification of this John with the
John who, according to Polycrates (ap. Euseb. HE 5.24.3), was "a priest wearing
the petalon" (the gold plate in front of the pontifical turban), and with the disciple
of Jn. 18:15 who was "known (related?) to the high priest" (The Enigma of the
Fourth Gospel [London, 1938], pp. 44f.). If, with fl, we read 'Iwva0a£ instead of
the 'IwavVTJ£ of~' the reference will be to Jonathan, son of Annas, who succeeded
Caiaphas in A.O. 36, and was himself succeeded a year later by his brother
150
4:5-12 PETER AND JOHN BEFORE THE SANHEDRIN
Theophilus. Herod Agrippa I later offered to reinstate him, but he declined. He was
assassinated by sicarii (see on 21:38) during the governorship of Felix. See E. M.
Smallwood, "High Priests and Politics in Roman Palestine," JTS n.s. 13 (1962),
pp. 22f.; cf. Jos. BJ 2.256; Ant. 18.95, 123; 19.313-16; 20.162-64.
'AAel;avbQOc;] Otherwise unknown.
xat oom ~oav EX yevotx;; UQX.LEQatLxo'ii] "and all who were of high-priestly
lineage." After Herod deprived the Hasmonaean dynasty of the high priesthood,
the high priests were chosen from a few families, among which those of Boethus
and Annas were preeminent. The adj. UQX.LEQUTLxoc; (here only in the NT) occurs in
Jos. Ant. 4.83; 6.115; 15.40 (UQX.LEQUTLXO'ii yhouc;) and in inscriptions.
4:7 EV :n:o(~ buvaµEL ~ EV :n:oicµ 6v6µatL] Instrumental EV (cf. 3:6).
uµtic;) Scornfully emphatic, the more so by its position at the end of the sen-
tence: "people like you."
4:8 :n:)..T]o0dc; :n:vEuµatoc; uy(ou] Implying a specially inspired utterance for
the occasion, in fulfilment of Jesus' promise in Mk. 13:11 par. Mt. 10:19f. and Lk.
12:11 (also Lk. 21:15). This is to be distinguished from the Spirit's abiding pres-
ence in a believer's life, as when Stephen is described as :n:)..~QT]c; ... :n:vEuµarnc;
uy(ou (6:5).
liQX.OvtEc; to'ii )..ao'ii] See on v. 5.
4:9 avaXQLV6µt0a] In Attic Gk., this verb is used of a preliminary inquiry;
in Hellenistic Gk., of any legal questioning (cf. 12:19; 24:8; 25:26; 28:18).
EV t(vL] "by what means": instrumental EV, as in vv. 7, 12.
ofowtm] o<{>tw is used both of physical and of spiritual health: here of physi-
cal (cf. 14:9); in v. 12 there is a transition to the spiritual sense.
4:10 ov uµtic; EotUUQWOatE] The Jewish rulers' primary responsibility for
handing Jesus over to be condemned and executed is pressed home. Cf. the same
wording in 2:36, where men's treatment of Jesus is also contrasted with God's, as
here: av 6 0Eoc; ~YELQEV EX vExQ&v (similarly 3:14f.; 5:30f.).
uyL~c;] Some witnesses to the b text ( e/E lath Cypr syrhcl.mg) add xai EV a)..)..c:µ
oubtvL, probably introduced from v. 12, where xa't oux EotLv Ev lineµ oubht ~
OWTTJQLU is lacking in Cypr Irenlat Aug. pecc. merit. 1.52.
4:11 6 )..(0oc; ,a)..] From Ps. 117 (MT 118):22, )..(0ov ov a:n:Ebox(µaoav ol
oixoboµo'iivtEc;, oiltoc; iyEv~0T] de; XEq>a)..~v ywviac;. Cf. Mk. 12:10 par. Lk. 20:17 and
Mt. 22:42; 1 Pet. 2:7; Ep. Barn. 6:4 (where these words are quoted directly from
LXX and applied to Christ). From the earliest times this text was combined with
other "stone" testimonia from the OT (e.g., Isa. 8:14f.; 28:16; Dan. 2:34f., 44f.)
and given a composite christological exegesis (cf. Lk. 20: 17f.; Cyprian, Testimonia
2.16). See J. R. Harris, Testimonies, I (Cambridge, 1916), pp. 27-32.
The "head of the corner" is the keystone of the pediment; cf. C. H. Dodd, Ac-
cording to the Scriptures (London, 1952), pp. 35f.; S. H. Hooke, "The Comer-Stone
of Scripture," in The Siege Perilous (London, 1955), pp. 235-49; F. F. Bruce, "The
Comer Stone," ExT 84 (1972-73), pp. 231-35.
Fod!;ou0Evew cf. Lk. 18:9; 23:11. In LXX it is used in 1 Kms. (MT 1 Sam.)
8:7 (once, and possibly twice) and 10:19, to render ma'as, the Heb. verb rendered
151
arroboxtµ<i1;;w in Ps. 117 (MT 118):22. The kindred verb e1;oubevew is used in Mk.
9:12, of the Son of man's being "treated with contempt."
vq>' vµwv Twv otxo&6µwv] "Builders" is used as a figure of speech here and
there in rabbinical literature for teachers and students of the law. In the Qumran
texts "the builders of the wall" are leaders of a religious community, whether of
the true one (as in CD 4.12, applying Mic. 7: 11) or a false one (as in CD 4.19, with
reference to the rickety wall ofEzek. 13:10-16; cf. lQpHab 10.5-13, expounding
"him who builds a town with blood," Hab. 2: 12). The "builders" in our present text
are Caiaphas and his colleagues, who had refused to admit Jesus' claim to be the
Son of God (Lk. 22:70f.).
4: 12 aWTTJQLa] Including, of course, such healing as the lame man had re-
ceived through Jesus' name, but embracing, and indeed emphasizing, spiritual heal-
ing and deliverance from judgment (as in 2:21, 40, 4 7); so with aweijvm at the end
of this verse.
To OEboµ£vov] The art. with the ptc., although there is none with the noun
(ovoµa), suggests that the emphasis is on the one name which is given rather than
on any other in which there is no salvation.
5. The Sanhedrin Dismiss Peter and John (4:13-22)

l3 8EWQOUVTE£ OE T~v Tou TIETQou ltUQQTJCTLav xal 'Iw<ivvou, xal xai:a11.aj36µevoL
OTL liv0Q<tJJtOL ayQaµµa,:o( dm v xal LOLWTm, E0atJf.Latov, in:r.y i vwax6v TE aui:ou;
OTL auv T<j°) 'Il]CTO'U ~aav, 141:0V TE liveQWltOV ~A.EJtOVTE£ CT'IJV am:Ol£ EITTOOTa TOV
TEeEQaJtEUµfVOV OUOEV dxov UVTEL.11:ELV. 15 XEA.EUCTUVTE£ OE a1J1:0U£ E~(J) TO'U
auvEOQ(ou a.11:E11.eElv auvE~aA.A.ov JtQO£ an~1..ou£ 16 A.EYOVTE£, T( JtOL~aroµEv TOL£
ave{_){J).1t0L£ TOUTOL£; OTL µEv YUQ yvwmov CTT]µEioV YEYOVEV bL' amwv JtaCTL v TOL£
XaTOLXO'UCTL V 'IEQOUCTaA. ~µ <j>aVEQOV, xal OU ouv<iµeea UQVEiaem· 17 an' 'iva µ~
fol JtA.ELOV OLUVEµTJen EL£ TOV 11.aov, UJtELA.1]CTWµE0a amol£ µT]XETL A.UA.ELV E.11:L T<j°)
6v6µan TOUT<Jl µT]OEVL av0QWJtWV. 18 xal XUA.ECTUVTE£ aUTOU£ ltUQ~YYELA.aV
xa061..ov µ~ <j>eeyywem µl]bE &Lbaaxn v e.11:l TC]) 6v6µan Toii 'l1Jaoii. 19 6 &E
ITETQO£ xal 'Iw<ivv1]£ a.11:0XQLee VTE£ d.11:av JtQO£ amou£, Et b(xaLov EITTL v
EVCOJtLOV TO'U emu i,µwv UXOUEL v µa.Uov ~ wii emu XQL VaTE, 20 OU buvaµe0a ya.Q
~µEl£ a E'ibaµev xal ~xouaaµEv µ~ A.UA.ELV. 21 oi OE ltQOCTU.11:ElA.l]CTllµEVOL
UltEA.Uaav am:OU£, µl]OEV f1JQLCT'XOVTE£ TO .11:W£ xo11.<iawvi:m amou£, &ta TOV 11.aov,
OTL .11:<iVTE£ E&61;atov Tov eeov e.11:l TC]) yeyov6n· 22 ETWv ya.Q ~v .11:11.eLovwv TW-
CTEQ<ixovi:a 6 liv0Qw.1to£ i<j>' ov yq6vn TO CTTJµElov wmo Tij£ t<iaEW£.
4:13 JtUQQTJCTLav] In classical Gk., "freedom of speech," as a democratic
right; here of the confidence and forthrightness with which the apostles bore wit-
ness under the prompting of the Spirit (see on v. 8); so in vv. 29 and 31. It is indeed
one of the "keywords" of Acts; see W. C. van Unnik, "The Christian's Freedom of
Speech in the New Testament," BJRL 44 (1961-62), p. 477.
xai:a11.a~6µ1::vm] For the middle, of grasping with the mind, cf. 10:34; 25:25;
Eph. 3:18.
UYQct!l{!atOt] "unversed in the learning of the Jewish schools" (Grimm). The
sense "illiterate," quoted by MM from papyri, is probably not intended here. Cf.
152
4: 13-22 THE SANHEDRIN DISMISS PETER AND JOHN
Jn. 7: 15, where the question, JCW£ outo£ yQaµµata olbEv µ~ µrµa0T]X(J)£; expresses
surprise, not that Jesus could read and write, but that he could teach and discuss
subjects which normally were beyond the scope of those who had not received a
rabbinical education. For the same reason Peter and John's examiners were sur-
prised that, though untrained ·amme hii'iire~ ("people of the land," "ignoramuses"),
they could sustain a theological disputation with members of the supreme court.
t&twtm] Lit. "private persons," "laymen.'' The word appears as a loanword
in Mishnaic Heb. and Aram., in the form he<f,yof, "unskilled," "commoner" ( e.g.,
Targ. 1 Sam. 18:23: Targ. Job 30:8; mMo 'e4 Qii!<in 1.8; Sanh. 10:2). Cf. 2 Cor. 11 :6.
Suidas (s. v. toui>TTJ£) regards the word as synonymous with ayQaµµatO£.
EJCfYL vwax6v tE am:ou£ ott auv nµ 'I11aou ~aav] "and they took cognizance of
the fact that they had been with Jesus." They knew this before (we need not find
such an "almost insuperable" discrepancy with v. 2 as LC suppose), but now they
directed special attention to it as an important piece of relevant evidence. (For the
force oUmytvciiaXOJ see on 3:10.) They may have remembered how Jesus, despite
his lack of rabbinical training, "knew letters" (Jn. 7: 15) and "taught as one having
authority" (Mk. l :22). And now these men, claiming the authority of Jesus' name,
had performed a cure so manifest as to be beyond gainsaying. Unable or unwilling
to draw the proper conclusion, they kept silence.
4:14 avtEL.rcEiv] Jtm~am ~ avtEL.rcEiv D lath (representing b, but latd has con-
tradicere alone).
4: 15 auvEbg(ou] "court of law," "council." It is this Gk. word (composed
of auv and iibgu) that appears in Heb./ Aram. as the loanword sanhe4rin. (The h in-
dicates that the aspirate did not always disappear in Gk. pronunciation, though it
was not represented in spelling, when a prefix preceded it in composition.) The su-
preme court of the Jews is called the auvlibQtoV 14 times in Acts, as also in Mk.
14:55; 15:1; Lk. 22:66; Mt. 26:59. (The word is also used, especially in the plur.,
of minor courts: cf. Mk. 13:9 par. Mt. 10: 17; the force of the sing. in Mt. 5:22 is
doubtful.)Cf.Jos.Ant. 14.167, 168, 170, 171, 172, 175, 177, 178, 179, 180; 15.173;
20.200, 202; Vita 62 (ni> auvEbQL<p twv 'IEQoao1.uµrttwv). The supreme court is also
called the JCQW~UTEQLOV (22:5; Lk. 22:66; sec on v. 5 above); the yEQoua(a, "senate"
(5:21; Ant. 12.142; 13.166), and the ~ou1.tj, "council" (BJ 2.331, 336; 5.532; Ant.
20.11 ). In the M ishnah its other names, apart from sanhe<}.rin, are bef din haggii<}.ol
("the great lawcourt"), sanhedrin ff!46liih ("great Sanhedrin"), sanhe4rin set si/J 'im
wii 'el}iicj ("Sanhedrin of the seventy-one").
This body, the supreme court of the Jewish nation, was identified by rabbini-
cal exegesis with the council of 70 ciders of Num. 11: 16, but the Sanhedrin of NT
times cannot certainly be traced earlier than the Hellenistic period. It is first men-
tioned as the YEQoua(u ("senate") in Jos. Ant. 12.142, in the report of a letter sent
by Antiochus III after the battle of Panion (198 B.C.). The Hellenistic kings granted
the Jews of Judaea considerable local autonomy; the high priest at the head of the
Jewish commonwealth presided over the senate and regulated the internal affairs
of the nation (cf. 1 Mace. 7:33; 11:23; 12:6, 35; 13:36; 14:20, 28; 2 Mace. 1:10;
4:44; 11 :27; Judith 4:8; 11: 14; 15:8). In Ant. 13.428 the court appears in the reign
153
of Salome Alexandra (76-6 7 s.c.) as tfuv 'Iouoaiwv oi JtQW~utEQOL. After the Roman
conquest ( 63 B.C.) the high priest retained the "presidency of the nation" (ri:Qom:uaiu
toii Eflvouf;, Ant. 20.244 ). Gabinius, when governor of Syria, disturbed the su-
premacy of the court, but this was later restored; cf. Ant. 14.167-80, where it ap-
pears as exercising authority in Galilee as well as in Judaea (c. 47 B.C.) and where
for the first time it is called the auvEOQLOV. Its authority was greatly diminished
under Herod (37-4 s.c.), but after Judaea became a Roman province (A.D. 6) its
control of internal Jewish affairs was confirmed, subject to the overriding author-
ity of the Roman governor.
After the fall of Jerusalem in A.D. 70, a new Sanhedrin, religious rather than
political in character, was established at Jabneh by R. YoJ:ianan ben Zakkai; its
s
president was usually an eminent scholar ( called the niisi'or ro beJdin). The Mish-
nah and later Jewish tradition project the constitution of this later Sanhedrin back
into the time of the Second Temple, making notable rabbis like Hillel and Ga-
maliel I (see on 5:34) presidents of the Sanhedrin. Some Jewish scholars, notably
Adolf Buchler in Das Synhedrion in Jerusalem (Vienna, 1902), have maintained
that a religious Sanhedrin existed in the time of the Second Temple alongside the
political one, and that while the high priest presided ex officio over the latter,
scholars presided over the former. Cf. S. Zeitlin, Who Crucified Jesus? (New York,
1942), for the argument that it was the pro-Roman political Sanhedrin, not the re-
ligious Sanhedrin, that was responsible for handing Jesus over to Pilate (with re-
view by N. B. Stonehouse, Paul before the Areopagus and Other New Testament
Studies [Grand Rapids, 1957], pp. 41-69).
See the articles "Sanhedrin" by J. Z. Lauterbach inJE, by W. Bacher inHDB,
and by I. Abrahams in ERE: the first supports the theory of two Sanhedrins, the
second opposes it, and the third gives the arguments for both views without taking
sides. See above all Schurer II, pp. 199-226.
ari:Et..0Ei:v] b has ari:ux.0~vm, "to be led off' (which has a more sinister sense
in 12:19, q.v.).
4: 16 q>UVEQOV] D has q>UVEQOtEQOV (for qiavEQWtEQov)-an elative compara-
tive ("very clear," "all too clear"); cf. 10:28 D (~EA nov i\qiim:ua0E ), 25: 10 (xanwv
emyLVWOXELf;), and perhaps 24:22 (aXQL~EITTEQOV ELOWf;).
4: 17 an'] Correlative to µEv in v. 16.
bwvEµl]0fij b (E late g h syrhclmg Luc if. [ not D]) adds ta (>~µma taiita ( cf.
v. 1 b ).
aJtELt..lJOWµE0a] byz prefaces the verb with MEL1..fi, "with a threat" (whence
KJV "let us straitly threaten them"). This reading reflects the Heb. use of the abs.
infin. before a finite verb for emphasis (e.g., Ex. 3:7, rii'oh rii'ifi, "l have certainly
seen," translated i&iov dbov in LXX, quoted in 7:34 below). This "characteristic"
reading "one is strongly tempted to accept," say MM, for it "clearly reflects the lit-
eral rendering of a Semitic original reported to Luke from an eye-witness-was it
Paul? Homoeoteleuton and unfamiliarity to Greek ears would account for the loss
of the noun in X AB D Pesh., etc. (so Blass)." Cf. 2:17, 30; 5:28; 23:14; alsobu8uµ(<_1
EJtE0uµl]aa, Lk. 22:15; )'..UQ(!. )'..ULQEL, Jn. 3:29; JtQOOEUX.TI JtQOOlJU£<ltO, Jas. 5:17, etc.
154
4:23-31 PETER AND JOHN REJOIN THEIR ASSOCIATES
4:18 ml m)..foavtE£ U'UtOU£] b amplifies: CJUVmtatL0EµEV(!}V be UlJtWV tfi

yvwµn q,rov~aaVTE£ amou£, "and when they agreed to the decision, having called
them, ... "
µ~ q,0tyywem µT]bE btbamret v] The pres. infin. indicates that they were to stop
doing something which they had already begun to do, "give up speaking and teach-
ing" (so µrixfo )..alElv in v. 17). This prohibition probably provided the legal basis
for the prosecution in 5:17f., 27-40 (cf. 5:28).
iln:l T<Jl ov6µan toii 'Iriaoii] It is difficult to distinguish iln:i T<Jl ov6µan here (see
on 2:38) from EV T<Jl ov6µan in 3:6; both phrases imply authority and power. In this
charge to the apostles indirect speech is used; in the direct speech of v. 17 the per-
sonal name of Jesus is avoided (cf. 5:28), as frequently in later Jewish references to
him (e.g., in the occasional use ofpeloni, "So and so," in place of his name).
4:19 &n:oxgt0EvtE£ dn:av] A good example of the redundant hebraizing use
of the verb "answer"; cf. 5:29; 8:24, 34; 25:9, and frequently in the Synoptic
Gospels. John prefers an:Exg(Ori xai dn:Ev (plur. &n:exg(O,,aav ml dn:av), a more lit-
eral rendering of Heb. wayya 'an wayyo 'mer (plur. wayya 'iinu wayyo 'meru). Note
also the "simultaneous" force of the aor. ptc. &n:oxgt0EVTE£ (cf. 5:29; 10:33; 22:24).
uµ&v &xoun v µaHov ~ rnii ewii] Cf. 5:29, and the words of Socrates in Plato,
Apology 29D, n:Etaoµm bE µaHov tij} 0Ecji ~ i,µlv. Luke is not making the apostles
followers of Socrates: such a response (however worded) is likely to be made by
any person of religious conviction who is invited to submit to earthly authority in
face of the will of God.
4:20 ou buvaµE0a ... µ~ )..a)..Elv] "we cannot give up speaking"; for the pres.
infin. see on v. 18.
4:21 n:goaan:ELA1']CJaµEvm] "having threatened further" (3tQ6£, "in addi-
tion"): this is the only NT occurrence of the compound.
µribev EUQLCJXOVTE£ TO 3tW£ XOA.(lCJ(!}VTUL amoU£] The ptc. is used with causal
force. The art. precedes the indirect question as though it were a simple noun. The
clause explains the positive element implied in µT]bev: this is what they could not
find. The subjunctive xolciamvtm is deliberative, like n:m~amµev in v. 16.
4:22 h&v yag ~v n:l£L6vmv tECJaEgcixovta] "an age at which such cures no
longer occur" (Harnack, LP, p. 191). For this note of the patient's age cf. Mk. 5:42;
Lk. 8:42 (and see on 3:2 for notes of the duration of the disease). Such notes can-
not be pressed as evidence of medical authorship, as some of them occur in non-
Lukan parts of the NT.
yq6vEL] Unaugmented for eyq6vn. Such a dropping of the augment is not in-
frequent in the plupf.; cf. 14:23; Mt. 7:25; Mk. 14:44; 15:7, 10; 16:9; Lk. 19:15; Jn.
11 :30, 57; 1 Jn. 2: 19. Here the augmented form appears in X A E \JI and the major-
ity of cursives; cf. also 26:32; Lk. 11:22; 16:20; Jn. 9:22; 11:44. See MHTII, p. 190.
6. Peter and John Rejoin Their Associates (4:23-31)

23 'An:o)..u0evtE£ bE ~A0ov 3tQO£ TOV£ tb(ou£ xal &n:~yyu)..av oaa 3tQO£ autO'U£ oi
<lQXLEQEL£ ml oi 3tQECJ~UTEQOL dn:av. 24 oi be UXO'UCJUVTE£ 6µoeuµabov ~QUV
q,mv~v 3tQO£ TOV eeov ml dn:av, t.fon:ota, CJ'IJ 6 3tOL~CJU(:; TOV O'UQUVOV xal T~V
155
y~v xat l~V 0cikaooav xat mivta ta EV amoi£, 25 6 TO'U JtatQO£ ~µwv bLa
JtVE1Jµato<; ay(ou otoµato<; ~UULD JtULbo<; 00\J ElJtCOV,
"Iva TL E«l>(lval;av E0vl]
xat AUOL rµEAETT]OUV XEV<i;
2r, JtUQEITTT]OUV oi l3aoLkEi<; t~£ Y~£
xal oi UQXOVTE£ OUVTJX0TJOUV fltl '[() amo
xma toii XUQLOU xal xata toii XQLITTOU amou.
27 OUVTJX0TJOUV yaQ flt' UAT]0ELU£ EV tfl JtOAEL TU'Utn EJtL tov a.ywv Jtaiba. 00\J
'll]OOUV, av EXQLOU£, 'HQcµbl]£ TE XUL ITovtLO£ ITLAUl:0£ ouv EOVEOLV xal AUOL£
'loQUTJA, 28 JtOL~OUL ooa ~ XELQ oou XUL ~ l3ouk~ JtQOOlQLOEV yEvfo0m. 29 XUL ta
viiv, X'UQLE, bnbE Eltl ta£ (lJtELAU£ U'IJtWV, xal DO£ toi£ DO'UAOL£ 00\J µEta
JtUQQl]OLU<; JtUOT]<; AUAELV tov koyov om,, 30EV t<J) l~V XELQU EXtELVELV OE El£
'iamv XUL OT]µEia XUL tEQUta y(vwem bla toii ovoµato<; toii ay(ou JtULDO£ 00\J
'Il]OOU. 31 XUL DEl]0Evt(J)V amwv EOUAE'U0l] 6 tOJtO<; EV <ii ~oav OlJVTjyµevOL, XUL
EltATJ00l]OUV O.JtUVtE<; toii ay(ou JtVEuµato<;, xal EAUA.OUV tOV koyov toii 0rnii
µnu JtUQQT]CT LU£.
4:23 JtQo<; toll<; tb[ouc;] "to their own (people)"; cf. 24:23; Jn. 1: 11; 13: 1. In
POxy. 3314.15 oi 'LbLOL occurs in the sense of "one's own folk," "one's true friends"
(see New Docs. 3 [1978], § 100, with note on p. 148). See further on 20:28 for the
corresponding sense of the sing. 6 'ibLO£.
oi UQXLEQEi£ xal oi JtQEOl3mEQOL] See on vv. 5, 15. The phrase comprehends
the leaders and the rank and file of the Sanhedrin (the l3oukrnta[, "councillors," as
they are called in Mk. 15:43 par. Lk. 23:50; BJ 2.405).
4:24 6µo0uµabov] See on 1:14. D prefaces it with emyvovtE£ t~V toii 0rnii
EVEQYELUv, "recognizing the working of God."
bforrota] "Sovereign Lord"; for this form of address to God cf. Lk. 2:29; Rev.
6:10; also 3 Mace. 2:2, bforrma JtUOT]<; t~<; ,a(oEw<;. In 2 Tim. 2:21; Jude 4; 2 Pet.
2: 1 bwit6tl]£ is used of Christ. The correlative word is boiiko£, as in v. 29 (cf. Lk.
2:29). That this prayer is addressed to God the Father is clear from its containing
the repeated phrase "thy holy Servant Jesus" (vv. 27, 30).
6 ltOLTJOU£ tov O'IJQavov xtk] Cf. 14: 15; 17:24. The wording echoes such OT
passages as Ex. 20:11; Ps. 145 (MT 146):6; Isa. 42:5; Wisd. 13:3, 4, 9. For its use
in the exordium of prayer or thanksgiving cf. 2 Esdr. 19:6 (MT Neh. 9:6); the dis-
ciples here follow a well-established liturgical form.
4:25 () toii JtUtQO£ ~µwv bLa JtVElJµUl:0£ ay(ou m6µato£ t.autb JtULDO£ 00\J
ditwv] A translator's crux. The only way to translate the Gk. as it stands is to re-
gard David himself as the "mouth" (i.e., mouthpiece) of the Holy Spirit: "who didst
say through thy servant David our father, the mouthpiece of the Holy Spirit ... "
(for moµa in this sense cf. Theocritus, Id. 7.37, xal yaQ tywv Mmoav XUJtlJQOV
m6µa, "for indeed I am a clear-sounding mouth of the Muses"); but apart from the
questionable sense, this involves a straining of the order of the words. b attempts
to mend matters hy omitting toii JtatQO£ ~µwv and inserting bLa toii before m6µato£,
thus: 0£ bLa JtVE'IJµatO£ ay(ov DLa toii moµatO£ EAUAT]OU<; ~avlb JtUL00£ 001!, "who
through the Holy Spirit didst speak through the mouth of David thy servant." Hort
156
4:23-31 PETER AND JOHN REJOIN THEIR ASSOCIATES
suggests that mu JtatQO£ is a corruption of mu; JtatQctOLV. H. W. Moule ("6 rnu

JtUtQO£ ~µfuv ... xt1..-Acts iv.25," ExT 51 [1939-40], p. 396) makes the attractive
suggestion that the writer put down a first draft of the sentence and then made cor-
rections, and that a copyist, misunderstanding the signs for deletion or addition,
combined phrases which were really alternative (such as 6 bLa JtVEuµato£ ay[ou
EimJJv and 6 {nu cn6µato£ ~auil> ... Eimi>v). C. C. Torrey (CDA, pp. 16-18), assum-
ing an Aram. original, supposes a confusion between the pronouns hu '(masc.) and
hf' (fem., neut.): the Gk. text represents Aram. hu' di 'ii/Junii tepum rulµi di qu<f,sii
Dawuj 'a/Jdiif5_ 'iimar, but if hi'be read for hu ', Diiwfrj becomes the subject, and the
meaning is "that which our father David, thy servant, said by the mouth of the Holy
Spirit." This is a characteristically ingenious solution of "the extreme difficulty of
text, which doubtless contains a primitive error" (WH).
4:25f. 'iva t( Eq>Qual;av Wvri xt1..] An exact quotation from Ps. 2:lf. LXX. The
expression 'iva tt ( cf. 7:26; Lk. 13:7; Mt. 9:4; 27:46; 1 Cor. 10:29) is elliptical, for
Yva ti yivritm; It is not uncommon in the later classical writers (e.g., Plato, Apol-
ogy 26D, 'iva tt tain:a 1..EYEL£ ;). The active q>Quciaaw is found only here and in Ps.
2: 1 LXX; the middle is found in late Gk. writers, primarily of the neighing of high-
fed, spirited horses.
Ps. 2:7 is a prominent early testimor.ium for Jesus' messianic dignity and
divine sonship: the words ui6£ µou d au are repeated in the heavenly voice at his
o
baptism, av El ui6£ µou ... (Mk. 1: 11 par. Lk. 3:22; indeed, Lk. 3:22 [) continues
the quotation: uiO£ µou d au, Eyw a~µEQOV yqt\vvrixa aE ). See further on I 3:33; cf.
Heb. 1 :5; 5 :5. Our first record of the messianic interpretation of the psalm is in Ps.
Sol. 17:26, where the Davidic Messiah (the XQLITTO£ XUQLO£ of v. 36) will "dash the
sinner's pride in pieces like a potter's vessels, break all their substance with a rod
of iron" (cf. Rev. 2:27; 12:5; 19:15 for similar use of Ps. 2:9). When once the ap-
plication to Jesus of Ps. 2:7 had been established, other parts of the psalm were in-
terpreted with reference to him.
EµE1..hriaav xEva] "planned vain things," "planned in vain" - because all
planning and effort to overthrow the divine purpose must be fruitless. For this sense
of µEA.Etciw a parallel is provided by a gymnasiarchal law from Beroea (2nd cent.
B.C.), where it is followed by the infin. (see New Docs. 2 [1977], § 82). In its only
other NT occurrence ( 1 Tim. 4: 15) µEAEtaw means "practice."
4:27 Jtaiba] "servant," as in 3: 13 (q. v. ). The phrase "thy holy Servant Jesus"
( cf. v. 30) dropped out of liturgical currency in the course of time, but it is well at-
tested in the earlier period; cf. Did. 9:2f.; 10:2 (bu1 'Iriaou rnu Jtatb0£ aou); 1 Clem.
59:2 (l>ui TOU ~ymtT]µEVOU JtUL()O£ amou 'Iriaou XQwtou); 59:3 (bu'i 'Iriaou XQLITTOU
tou ~yaitriµt\vou itml>6£ aou): 59:4 ('IT]OOU£ XQLITTO£ 6 JtUL£ aou); also Mart. Po/ye.
14.1, 3; 20.2; Hippolytus,Ap. Trad. 4.4, 13.
ov EXQWU£] Referring back to XQtatou in v. 26 (from Ps. 2:2). The occasion
of the anointing was most probably his baptism, when he was hailed by God as his
Son and endowed with his Spirit (cf. 10:38, EXQLOEV amov 6 0EO£ JtVEUflUtL ay(cµ xai
l>uvciµu). Cf. Jn. 6:27, "it is he whom God the Father has sealed (foq,QciyLaEv),"
where another figure for the endowment with the Spirit is used ( cf. 2 Cor. 1:21f.
157
for the use of XQLW and mj>Qayi~w together in reference to the gift of the Spirit to
believers). Gentile readers of Acts would be reminded by ov EXQWU£ that XQtat6£
was not simply an alternative name for Jesus.
'HQ{pblJ£] I.e., Herod Antipas. Luke alone records Jesus' appearance before
Herod in the course of his trial (Lk. 23:6-12). For the view that this appearance was
created out of the early Christian exegesis of Ps. 2: lf. see M. Dibelius, "Herodes
und Pilatus," ZNW 16 (1915), pp. 113-26, and From Tradition to Gospel, E.T., I
(London, 1934), p. 199; G. Ludemann, Paul: Apostle to the Gentiles, E.T., I (Lon-
don, 1984), pp. 12f., 35f. (with n. 41). Other NT references to this Herod are Mk.
6:14-28 par. Mt. 14:1-11 (cf. Lk. 3:19f.); Mk. 8:15; Lk. 3:1; 8:3; 9:7-9; 13:31f.
(where Jesus calls him "that fox"); Ac. 13: l. He is chiefly remembered for the sorry
part he played in the imprisonment and death of John the Baptist (Mk. 6:14-28; cf.
Jos. Ant. 18.116-19).
Antipas was the son of Herod the Great by his Samaritan wife Malthace, and
the younger full brother of Archelaus (cf.Mt. 2:22). In the division of their father's
kingdom after his death (4 B.C.), Antipas received Galilee and Peraea, which he
ruled with the title tetrarch until A.O. 39. He was the ablest son of his father, and
like him was a great builder: the construction of Tiberias, on the western shore of
the Lake of Galilee, was his work (c. A.O. 22). His first wife was a daughter of
Aretas IV, the Nabataean king (9 B.C.-A.O. 40), but he divorced her in order to marry
Herodias, daughter of his half-brother Aristobulus and already the wife of another
of his half-brothers, Herod Boethus (called Philip in Mk. 6:17, but not to be con-
fused with Philip the tetrarch of Lk. 3:1). In revenge for the insult offered to his
daughter, Aretas seized an opportunity some years later to make war on Antipas
and inflicted a crushing defeat on him. After Herodias's brother Agrippa received
a kingdom from the Emperor Gaius in A.O. 37, Antipas set out for Rome, at
Herodias 's instigation, to ask that the royal title be conferred on himself also. (The
title "king" in Mk. 6:14 par. Mt. 14:9 was probably given him out of courtesy by
his Galilaean subjects.) Agrippa satisfied an old grudge against Antipas by de-
nouncing him to Gaius as a plotter of insurrection; as a result, Antipas was deposed
from his tetrarchy and banished to Gaul; Herodias, who remained a free agent,
chose to share his exile (A.O. 39). Cf. Jos. BJ 1.562, 646, 664; 2.20-22, 181-83;Ant.
17.20, 188, 224-27, 318; 18.36-38, 109-19, 122, 148-50, 240-55. See AH. M.
Jones, The Herods ofJudaea (Oxford, 1938), pp. 164-83, 195f.; F. F. Bruce, "Herod
Antipas, Tetrarch of Galilee and Peraea," ALUOS 5 (1963-65), pp. 6-23; H. W.
Hoehner, Herod Antipas, SNTSM 17 (Cambridge, 1972); Schurer I, pp. 340-53;
also A W. Verrall, "Christ before Herod," in The Bacchants ofEuripides and Other
Essays (Cambridge, 1910), pp. 335-90.
CT6vrto£ CTtt..Uto£] See on 3:13.
ouv El:lvwt v ,ml )..aoi£ 'foQatj)..] Thus they interpreted Ps. 2: lf.; the E0Vl] are
the Roman authorities, the )..aoi the Jews, the ~aot)..Ei\; are represented by Herod
Antipas, the UQXOYt:E£ by Pilate. Cf. Tertullian, De resurr. earn. 20: "In the person
of Pilate the Gentiles raged, and in the person of Israel the peoples (populi) im-
agined vain things; the kings of the earth stood up in Herod and the rulers were
158
4:32-35 PROGRESS OF THE CHURCH; COMMUNITY OF GOODS
gathered together in Annas and Caiaphas." Originally "nations" and "peoples," like
"kings" and "rulers," stood in parallelism to each other.
4:28 itQOWQLOEV] For the divinely foreordained character of the death of
Christ see on 2:23; 3:18 (its foreordination was attested in prophetic scripture).
4:29 tmbe] In the NT Ecj,oQO.m occurs only here and at Lk. 1:25 (EitEibev),
there also of God. This concurs with classical usage; cf. Homer, Od. 17.487, 0eoi
... av8Qwnwv ~Qt v tE xal euvoµf l]V Ecj,OQWvtE£.
4:30 EV tcp tl)v xeIQa E'IC'CELVEL voe] Instrumental use oHv tcµ with infin., as
in 3:26. The phrase "with a stretched out arm" is common in the OT, though its
LXX rendering (see on 13: 17) is different from what we have here.
4:31 EO<lAEU8lJ] "shook as with an earthquake": a sign of divine assent (cf.
Ex. 19: 18; Isa. 6:4; 4 Ezra 6: 15, 29). The function of the shaking here is similar to
that of the "mighty wind" of 2:2; on both occasions the apostles were "filled with
the Holy Spirit." But this cannot be regarded as the counterpart in the "Jerusalem
A Source" to the initial filling of Ac. 2:4, ascribed to the "Jerusalem B Source" (see
pp. 41f.); that the filling here is not the initial one is evident from Peter's having
been already filled with the Spirit as he addressed the court (v. 8).
µeta Jt<lQQl]OL<l£] See on v. 13. b adds TCUvtL tcp 0EJ..Ovtl TClotEUElV.
D. ALL THINGS IN COMMON ( 4:32-5: 11)

1. Progress of the Church; Community of Goods (4:32-35)
32Tou bE n1.~80~ twv moteuoa.vtwv ~v MQ<)La xal 'IJUXTJ µfa, xal oubE Ei£ n
twv UTCUQX6vtwv amcjJ t1.eyev 't'.bwv d vm, an' ~v autoi~ m:ivta wt va. 33 xal
OUV<lµEl µeya.1.n MEOtbouv to µaQtUQWV oi UJtOotOJ..Ol tlj£ avaota.OEW£ toU
XUQLOU 'll]OOU, XUQL£ tE µqa.J..l] ~v EltL Jt<lvt<l£ (l\Jt01)£. 34 O\JOE Yoe EVOE~£ tL£ ~v
EV autOl£' OOOL Yoe 'IC'C~tOQE£ XOlQLOlV ~ OLXLWV UJtljQXOV, JtU)J..OUvtE£ Ecj,EQOV tCt£
nµa£ t&v mitQUOWµEVWv 35 xal ht8ouv itaQet to'll£ n6ba£ t&v anoot6Awv·
OLEOLOEtO OE EX<lot<J) xa86n av tL£ XQELUV ElXEV.
With this summary cf. the earlier one in 2:41-47. Both end with a descrip-
tion of the community of goods. But in Luke's hands this is no mere duplicate of
the earlier summary: he designs it as an introduction to the incidents of Barnabas
and Ananias.
4:32 itA.~8ou£] "congregation." In LXX TCA.lj(fo£ usually means "multi-
tude"; but twice (Ex. 12:6; 2 Chr. 31:18) it represents Heb. qiihiil, normally ren-
dered EXXAl]OLa (see on 5: 11 ). In Attic Gk. TCA.lj0o~ is used of the civic communi-
ty. Cf. the cognate Lat. plebs, which also came to be used in an ecclesiastical
sense, e.g. by Cyprian, Victorious Afer, Jerome, and Rufinus (cf. Welsh plwyf,
"parish"). For TCA.lj0o£ of a Christian company cf. 6:2, 5; 15:12, 30; of a Jewish
company cf. 2:6; 19:9; 23:7; 25:24; in the general sense of "multitude" cf. 14:1;
17:4; 21 :22.
'IJUXTJ µfa] b adds (superfluously) xai oux ~v bLciXQWl£ EV amoi~ oubeµ(a.
t&v UltUQXOvtOlV amcjJ] "his property"; cf. Lk. 8:3; 12:15. A much later ex-
159
THE ACTS OF THE A POST! .ES
ample is cited from P.Oxy. 3203.12f., arro t&v unaQxovtmv uµiv, "from the property
owned by you" (see New Docs. 1 [ 1976]. § 82).
4:33 buva.µEL] I.e., the power of God manifested in mighty works (buvaµHc;);
see on 2:22.
arrEbibouv to µaQTUQLOV ol arrom:o).m t~£ avaata.owis tou xugiou 'h1oou] "the
apostles bore their (to) witness to the resurrection of the Lord Jesus." B (followed
by WH) has the awkward word order -cou x11giou 'h1oou t~~ o.vaotamm£. The order
ofb (reproduced here) is preferable; it is attested by P8 and also perhaps by P45. D
adds XQLotou after 'h1oou, X A have t~£ avam<ioEmc; 'llJoou XQLotou rou xuQiou.
Note the form rutEbtbouv for classical rutebibooav, with ending from verbs in -6m
or -rm.
4:34 EVbE~c;] Cf. Dt. 15:4, oux fotm EV ooi Evfo-:tjc;.
xt~togec;] Frequently in papyri for owners of real estate. See New Docs. 2
(1977), § 57.
4:35 Eti0ouv] For the ending see on 3:2; cf. arrEbibouv, v. 33.
6Lebibeto] Note -Eto for -ow under the influence of the thematic conjugation;
cf. UJtEbtbouv, v. 33; JtUQEbibeto, l Cor. 11 :23.
xa06n av nc; XQELUV ELXEV J Iterative av with imperf.; cf. 2:45 for the same
clause.
2. Generosity of Barnabas (4:36-37)

36 'Imo~<j> bE 6 EltLXAl]9EL£ Bagva~ac; alto TWV O.JtOOTOA(J)V, 6 EO'tL v µe0EQµl]-
VEUOµEVOV u[oc; JtUQUXA~0E(l)£, AEULT1]£, KUJtQL0£ tqi YEVEL, 371JltllQJ(OVTO£ amqi
aygou Jt(t)A~OU£ ~VfYXEV TO XQ~µa XUL Efll]XEV JtUQ<l tour; rr66ac; TWV (lJtOotOA(J)V.
The description of the community of goods is now followed by two examples
of the way it worked out in practice: in the one, happily; in the other, disastrously.
4:36 emx1.l]8ELc;] "surnamed"; cf. EJtEx)..tj8rJ, l :23, where another Joseph has
not only one but two additional names.
Bagva~ac; ... uioc; nagax).~oEw£] The idiom UL(J£ rragax)..~ornic; is characteris-
tically Semitic; "son of encouragement" means ''one who (habitually) encourages";
cf. Lk. 5:34; 10:6; 16:8; 20:34, 36. Cf. JtUQEXUAEL (of Barnabas), 11:23. The sur-
name might be an adaptation of a form like the Palmyrene Bar-Nebo (cf.
Deissmann, BS, p. 188). A. Klostermann, Probleme imAposteltcxte (Gotha, 1883),
pp. 8-14, suggested bar newa!Jii ("son of soothing") as the Aram. form; if the~ of
BaQva~ac; was pronounced as a spirant v, the disparity would be reduced. See
T. Zahn, ad lac. (pp. 183-88); S. Brock, "BAPNABAL: YIOL IlAP AKAI--fLEQL,"
JTS n.s. 25 (1974), pp. 93-98.
arro] Of the agent; see on 2:22. b has uno.
AEULTlJ£] Despite the provisions ofNum. 18:20, 24 and Dt. 10:9, priests and
Levites do not seem in practice to have been debarred from owning land; cf. .Ter.
32:6-15; Jos. Vita 422 (both .Jeremiah and .Josephus were members of priestly fami-
lies). Nonpriestly functions in relation to the temple were discharged by Levites.
KuJtQw;] For other references to Cyprus and Cypriot Jews cf. l 1:19f.; 13:4;
160
4:36-37 GENEROSITY OF BARNABAS
15:39; 21 :3, 16; 27:4. See on 13:4 for the position of Cyprus in the Roman Empire.
Jews first settled in the island under Ptolemaic rule. They were expelled from it in
AD. 117 after having revolted. As the cousin of Mark (cf. 12:12; Col. 4:10), Bar-
nabas had connections with Jerusalem as well as Cyprus. His next appearance in
the story is at 9:27.
t<j> yevEL] Dat. of reference: "by family" (cf. 18:2, 24).
4:37 urc<iQ;,covto; m'n:<j> ayQoii] urc<iQ;,cw, of what one has in possession (see
on v. 32). This is the only example of ayQ6£ in Acts; elsewhere in the book JCWQLov
is used in this sense (cf. v. 34; 1:18f.; 5:3, 8; 28:7).
161
ACTSS
3. Deceit and Death ofAnanias (5 :1-6)

1 'Av~Q bE tL£ 'Avavta£ 6v6µan auv L<mq>ELQTI tfi yuvmxl m'n:ou btw).. T]<JEV xtljµa
2 xal Evoaq>iaato aJto tlj£ nµlj£, auvnbutT]£ xal tlj£ yuvatx6£, xal EvEyxa£ µEQO£
tL JtUQCl tOU£ Jt000£ tciJv aJtO<JtOA.O>V EST]XEV. 3 ElJtEV bE O ITEtQO£, 'Avavia, bLa
tt EJtA.~QO><JEV O LUtaV<l£ t~V XUQbtaV <JOU 1j)EU<Jaa0a( <JE to JtVEiiµa to ayLOV
xal voaqi(aaa0m aJto tlj£ nµlj£ toii ;(O>Qtou; 40U;(L µEvov aol iiµevev xal JtQa0ev
EV tfi <Jfi E!;OU<JL<_l 'IJJtljQ;(EV; tl Otl E0ou EV tfi XUQbt<_:L <JOU to JtQayµa toiito; O'UX
E1j)flJ(JO) av0QUJJtOL£ (lA.A,(l tcp 0Ecp. 5 (l)(O'IJO)V be O 'AvaVLU£ tOU£ )..oyOU£ tolJtoU£
Jtrnwv E!;E,Pu!;ev· xal EYEVEto 4>6~0£ µEya£ EJtl JtctVTU£ toU£ axouovta£.
6<1VU<JtctvtE£ bE oL VEUJtEQOL <JUVE<JtELAUV avtov xal E!;EveyxavtE£ ESa,pav.
While the historian takes pleasure in reporting the progress of the new move-
ment, the increase of the church, and the generosity of Barnabas, he forestalls the
charge that he has presented an overidealized picture. He might well have omitted
a discreditable story such as follows, but he chooses to record it.
5: I be J Perhaps adversative, in contrast to Barnabas.
'Avavta£] The name is the OT Hananiah (Heb. !Jiinanyah(u), "Yahweh is gra-
cious"); cf. "Avva£ (4:6).
6voµan] Oat. of reference, like yhn in 4:36.
ToJtq>ELQTI] Aram. sappirii, fem. of sappir, "beautiful." J. Klausner, From
Jesus to Paul, E.T. (London, 1944), pp. 289f., n. 13, suggested the identification
of this Sapphira with a person named on an ossuary (? CIJ 1378) found near
Bezalel, Jerusalem, in 1923, in both Heb. (spyr ') and Gk. (:iA<l>EIPA).
xtljµa] I.e., landed property, as is clear from v. 3, ;(O>Qtou (cf. Prov. 23:10
LXX, where xtljµa represents Heb. siideh, "field").
5:2 EVO<Jq>t<Jato MO tlj£ nµlj£] Cf. Josh. 7:1, of Achan's action, hoaqi(aato
a.Jto tou ava0Eµato£. A study of the conscious or unconscious parallels between
Joshua and Acts might be rewarding (cf. E. C. Selwyn, St. Luke the Prophet [Lon-
don, 1901 J, pp. 33-58, with critique by W. K. L. Clarke, "The Use of the Septu-
agint in Acts," BC l.2, pp. 68f.). See Haenchen, p. 239. It is clear from v. 4 that
Ananias's fault did not lie in wrongfully appropriating what no longer belonged to
him (his continued right to dispose as he wished of his own property is empha-
sized), but in pretending to give all when he gave only part. voaqi(~oµm is origi-
162
5:1-6 DECEIT AND DEATH OF ANANIAS
nally a poetic word; its original meaning was "turn one's back on" (so in Homer,
e.g., of Clytaemnestra's turning her back on Agamemnon, Od. 11.425); it first ap-
pears in prose, with the sense "peculate," "purloin," in Xen. Cyr. 4.2.32, and there-
after frequently in Hellenistic writers and in papyri. Cf. Tit. 2:10.
5:3 oatuv~] Heb. safan, "adversary" (e.g., 1 K. [LXX 3 Kms.] 11:14 [LXX
om<iv]; Ps. 109 [LXX 108]:6 [LXX OL<i~o)..0£]), used especially of the angel who
in Job 1:6ff. and Zech. 3:lff. functions as chief prosecutor in the heavenly court
( cf. Rev. 12: 10) and who in 1 Chr. 21: 1 tempts people to evil ( as here). The Gk.
form in -ii£ is derived from the Aram. status emphaticus in -a. In the NT this angel
is referred to as 6 !toVT]QO£, "the evil one" ( cf. Mk. 4: 15 par. Mt. 13: 19) and is iden-
tified with Beelzebul (ba 'al z"!Jul, lit. "lord of the high place"), "prince of the de-
mons" (Mt. 12:24 par. Lk. 11: 15). He has his kingdom, angels, and children in op-
position to the kingdom, angels, and children of God (Mt. 12:26; 25:41; 1 Jn. 3:10).
He is expelled from heaven through Jesus' work on earth (Lk. 10:18; Jn. 12:31;
Rev. 12:9), but remains "the prince of this world" (Jn. 14:30; 16:11), "the god of
this age" who blinds the minds of unbelievers (2 Cor. 4:4 ), ''the prince of the domain
of the air, the domain of the spirit which now operates in the disobedient" (Eph.
2:2). He is identified with the serpent which seduced Eve (2 Cor. 11:2f.) and, true
to his pristine character, is still "the deceiver of the whole world" (Rev. 12:9; 20:2).
The Gk. equivalent of safiin is oui~o)..~, "calumniator" (see 10:38; 13:10).
EJtA~QWOEV] temptauit latvg, reflecting EltELQUOEV (attested also in Athlat Did
Epiph Fulg), a corruption due to the omission on (another corruption arising from
the same cause is EJt~QW<JEv, "maimed," the reading of X). For Satan's action on
the human heart cf. Lk. 22:3; Jn. 13:27.
'\j)Ell<JU<J8ut ... to JtVEiiµu to ayLOv] "to deceive the Holy Spirit," who is clearly
treated as personal; cf. v. 4, E'lj)EU<JW ... t<p 8E<p.
5:4 ouxi µivov OOL EµEVEV XUL JtQU8EV EV tfl oft El;ouo(c,x Ultl)QXEV;] "While it re-
mained did it (the field) not remain yours? And when it had been sold was it (the
money) not in your control?" The community of goods was plainly voluntary. See
J. D. M. Derrett, "Ananias, Sapphira and the Right of Property," in Studies in the New
Testament (Leiden, 1977), pp. 193-201. The negative oux( governs the whole sen-
tence and is to be taken with UJtl)QXEV as well as with EµEVEV. Otherwise ouxi µivov aoi
EµEVEV alone might be treated as a question and the remaining words as a statement
("and when it had been sold it was still in your control"), but this is less natural.
tl on] Cf. v. 9. Elliptical; sc. fon v between tl and on, "Why (is it) that. .. ?"
E0ou EV tfl xugbLc,x] Cf. 19: 21; also E0Eto t;uvL ~"- EJtL t~v XUQO(uv uutoii, Dan.
l :8 (Theod. ); 8eo0E EV tut£ XUQ0LUL£ uµwv, Hag. 2: 18.
TO JtQa.yµu touto] o has to JtOVT]QOV TOUTO (cf. 3: 17).
oux E'lj!EUO(l) a.v8QO.>JtOL~ a.na t<µ SE<µ] It was to God that the lie was told be-
cause it was to God that the gift was offered. Cf. '\j)Euboµm followed by dat. here,
"tell lies to," with its construction with acc. in v. 3, "deceive." The parallelism of
t<j"i SE<µ here with to nvEiiµu to ayLOv in v. 3 is also to be noted: the presence of the
Spirit in the community is the presence of God himself (cf. 1 Cor. 14:25).
Luke does not say what form Ananias's deception took, or how Peter detected
163
THI: ACTS OF THE APOSTLES
it. B. J. Capper, "The Interpretation ofActsS.4," JSNTl 9 (1983), pp. 117-31, points
out thal at Qumran a candidate for membership in the community handed over his
property to the appropriate official, but it was not merged with the assets of the
commuuity until his period of probation was completed and he was admitted to full
membership. Until then he was free to return to secular life and could presumably
withdraw the money which he had handed over; it remained under his control (1 QS
6.i8-23). Similarly, Capper suggests, Ananias made a provisional transference of
his money to the apostles, but he was expected to transfer it all, even if only pro-
visionally. There is, however, no evidence for a preliminary "catechumenate" in
the church at this early date.
5:5 ltW<t)V] D prefixes rcuQUXQf]µu from v. I0, heightening the dramatic effect.
U;E'ljlu1;Ev] "breathed out his life (soul)": in the NT lx'ljluxw (Mod. Gk. !;npuxw)
occurs only here, at v. 10, and at 12:23. In Ezek. 21:7 LXX it means "faint." Cf.
~:xnvfoi ("expire"), 15:37, 39; Lie 23:46. "This very rare word EX'ljl'U;(ELV seems to
be almost altogether confined to the medical writers, and very seldom used by
them" (Hobart, p. 37; he quotes Hippocrates, Galen, and Aretaeus). To Hobart's
to
examples MM add Herondas 4.29, ~v µ~ 1.ciPn µf]1.ov, EX -ccixu 'ljlu);EL (note the tme-
sis). Thal premature death may be a judgment for grievous sin is implied elsewhere
in the NT; cf. I Cor. l l:30; Jas. 5:20; 1 .Jn. 5: 16f., and perhaps l Cor. 5:5; l Tim.
l :20. Some commentators, while admitting that Ananias may have died of shock,
find difficulty in believing that Sapphira died from the same cause the same after-
noon: 'the addition of Sapphira adds such improbability as lies in a coincidence"
(A. W. F Hlunt, ad loc.). But, given the likelihood of the man's death from this
cause (accordiug to Blunt, "the death of Ananias by itself is not difficult to credit,
if we remember the excitement of the time. The sudden detection of his guilt may
well have 1H"oduced a morlai convulsion of feeling in him"), there is no great im-
probability in the death of Sapphira who, in addition lo the surprise of detection
and the conviction of guilt, suffered the shock of her husband's sudden death.
5:6 civacrrcivTE£] This and the corresponding ptc. oUyEiQW, followed by a
verb of motion, are cited in MHT II, p. 453, as examples of an idiom common in
Heb. and Ararn., and classified among the semitizing redundant uses of the ptc. See
on 4: 19, and cf. 8:27; 9:39; 10:20, 23; 22: I 0, 16.
of VEWTEQOL J Cf. v. I 0, oi vrnviaxm. Probably the younger members of the
community, and not professional buriers.
ouvEITTEt1.nv J "wrapped up" (in a winding sheet). LC render "gathered up,"
citing latvg amvuerunt, Lucif sustulerunt, and referring to this meaning of CTUCJTEUw
in Plutarch, Amtus 2L 1037 A, aum£t1.av1:Ec; fouwuc;. In its only other NT occur-
rencl', I Cor. 7:29, it means ''shorten." (But see 27: 15 for its nautical use in a<", read-
ing.) "ln medical language the word is very frequent and its use varied: one use
was almost identical with that here, viz. 'to bandage a limb,' 'to compress by ban-
daging'" (Hobart, p. 38; he quotes Hippocrates, Galen, and Dioscorides). But its
medical usage has little relevance to that here.
E),JvEyxa.VT1'£] EXcjJEQW is used technically in the sense "carry out for burial";
cf. vv. 9f. For its ordinary sense cf. v. 15.
I64
5:7-11 DEATH OF SAPPHIRA
4. Death of Sapphira (5:7-11)

7 'EyEVEtO OE W£ WQWV tQLWV OUlITTT]µa )((ll, ~ yuv~ amou µ~ douia to YEYOV0£
ELGfjA.0Ev. 8 U:1tEXQt0l] OE JtQO£ avt~V I1EtQO£, EbtE µm, d tOGO'U'tOU to XWQLOV
UJtEOOG0E; ~ OE ElJtEV, Na(, tOGO'U'tOU. 90 OE I1EtQO£ JtQO£ aut~V, Ti on
GUVEq>OlV~0l] uµiv JtELQO.GUl to JtVEUµa XUQLOU; LOOll oi JtOOE£ tWV 0mjJa.VtWV tov
avOQU Gou EJtt tfi 01JQ(.l xat i!;o(GouG(v GE. IOEJtWEV OE JtUQUXQfjµa JtQO£ toll£
Jt00U£ amou )((ll, E;E'I/IU;£V• EtGEA.00vtE£ OE oi VEUVLGXOL EilQOV aut~V VEXQUV,
XUl E;EVEYXUvtE£ E0mjJav JtQO£ tOV aVOQU autfi£. 11 Kat f.YEVEtO q,o~O£ µEYU£ Eq>'
OA.l]V t~v EXXA.T]Giav xat EJtL JtO.vtU£ toll£ axofovta£ tauta.
5:7 EYEVEto OE W£ WQWV tQLWv OLO.ITTT]µa xa't ~ yuv~ amou ... dGfjA8Ev] "And
there elapsed (lit. took place, EYEVEto) an interval of about three hours, and his wife
came in." It is possible, on the other hand, that we have here an EYEVEto construc-
tion of the semitizing kind (see on 4:5), but this form (where EYEVEto is followed
by xa( and the indic.) is not that used in Acts, and W£ WQWV tQLWV OLUITTT]µa would
have to be taken as an adverbial phrase. The former rendering is more probable.
Note the characteristic Lukan W£ before the numeral (see on 1: 15).
5:8 aJtEXQL0TJ] She had not spoken: here, as in some other places in the NT
and LXX, aJtOXQLvoµm means not "answer" but simply "address"; cf. 3:12,
<lJtEXQLVUto.
toGomou) Gen. of price. The money was probably still lying where Ananias
had placed it.
5:9 ti on) See on v. 4.
GUVE(j>wv~0l] uµiv) I.e., conuenit inter uos, "there was an agreement between
you." The verb is used with µEta (followed by gen.) in Mt. 20:2, but elsewhere it
takes the dat., as here (so Mt. 20: 13; MM give papyrus parallels). Cf. Dcmaratus,
Arcadica, ap. Stob., Flor. 39.32, GUVElj}WVT]GE toi£ o~µOL£.
JtELQO.GUl to JtVEfJµa XUQLOU) Cf. tl JtELQO.~EtE XlJQlOV; Ex. 17:2; O'IJX EXJtElQO.GEl£
xuQLOV tov 0Eov Gou, Dt. 6:16, quoted by our Lord in his wilderness temptation (Lk.
4:12 par. Mt. 4:7). The idea in this tempting is "seeing how far you can go" (LC).
5: 10 E;E'ljJU;Ev] See on v. 5.
E;EvEyxavtE£] aum:Ei).avtE£ l!;~vqxav xat D syrpcsh (cf. v. 6).
P.H. Menoud, "La mort d'Ananias et de Saphira (Actes 5.1-11)," in Aux
Sources de la tradition chretienne: Melanges offerts aM. Goguel (Paris, 1950), pp.
146-54, supposes the story to be a legend told subsequent! y to account for the prob-
lem of the first deaths within the community before the parousia (see critique by
Haenchen, pp. 240f.). Cf. also A Weiser, "Das Gottesurteil iiber Hananias und
Saphira-Apg 5, 1-11," Theologie und Glauhen 69 (1979), pp. 148-58; he supposes
that an original straightforward warning against deceitfulness has been expanded
by its being placed in the context of the community of goods. Such explanations
are unnecessary. The lesson Luke wishes to convey by his dramatic relating of the
incident is the lesson implicit in its original life-setting: the presence of the Holy
Spirit in the community calls for practical holiness on the part of the members.
5:11 xai lytvEto q,o~O£ µEYU£) As in v. 5 (cf. 2:43). In the Qumran commu-
165
nrn ACTS OF THE APOSTLES
nity a member who "has lied deliberately in the matter of property" was to be ex-
cluded from the fellowship meal for a year and to be deprived of one quarter of his
rations (lQS 6.24f.). The apostolic community in Jerusalem had no manual of dis-
cipline laying down the penalty for such action as Ananias and Sapphira's, but their
fate filled the community with awe and served as a deterrent not only (among the
members) to the following of their example but also (among outsiders) to the join-
ing of its ranks.
E«p' OAlJV T~v EXXAlJo(av] The first occurrence in Acts (but see 2:47D) of
EXXAlJOLa, which became the regular Gk. word for the community of believers in
Jesus, both in its local and in its universal sense. Gk.-speaking Christians appear
to have used it for their meetings from the earliest days. The Aram. equivalent was
probably k!nistii, which may be the word represented by EXXAlJOLa in the sayings
of Jesus in Mt. 16: 18; 18: 17 (in Mt. 18: 17 syrsin has k"nustti.; its rendering of Mt.
16: 18 is not available, as Mt. 16: 16-17: 13 has been lost from the MS; in both pas-
sages syrcur and syrpesh have 'e<f,tti.).
The word EXXA.lJOLa has both a Gentile and a Jewish background. In Attic Gk.
it was the name of the citizen body in its legislative capacity; this usage obtained
in many other Greek cities (cf. 19:32, 39, 41 for Ephesus). But it is against the
Jewish background that the Christian usage is to be understood. In LXX it is some-
times used for the "assembly" of Israel, the nation organized as a religious com-
munity; cf. Dt. 9: 10; 18: 16; 23: 1f.; 31 :30; Josh. 8:35, where EXXAlJOLa represents
Heb. qti.hti.l (see further on 7:38). In LXX EXX1..l]ota is the regular rendering of qti.hti.l
in Deuteronomy and the following books, except Jeremiah and Ezekiel; in Gene-
sis-Numbers, Jeremiah, and Ezekiel qahti.l is rendered ouvaywy~, which is also used
throughout LXX as the equivalent of Heb. 'e<f,ti.h. Over against EXXAlJOLa, ouvaywy~
came to be reserved for a local Jewish meeting place (see on 6:9).
The Christian EXXA.lJOLa was both new and old: new, because of its relation to
the "new thing" that God had done in the Christ-event and the outpouring of the
Spirit; old, in that it was the continuation of the original "assembly of the Lord,"
which had formerly been restricted to one nation, but was henceforth to be thrown
open to all believers everywhere. See also on 9:31; 20:28. See F. J. A. Hort, The
Christian Ecclesia (London, 1897); K. L. Schmidt, TDNT 3, pp. 501-36 (s. v.
EXXAl]Ota); G. Johnston, The Doctrine of the Church in the New Testament (Cam-
bridge, 1943); 0. Cullmann, The Early Church, E.T. (London, 1956); E. Schweizer,
Church Order in the New Testament, E.T., SBT 32 (London, 1961).
C. THE APOSTLES BEFORE THE SANHEDRIN AGAIN (5: 12-42)

3. Signs and Wonders (5:12-16)
12 ~La bE TWV XELQWV TWV an:oat61..wv EYL VETO Ol]µEia xal TEQUTU n:ona EV T(Jl
1..acp· xal ~oav 6µo0uµabov mivtE£ EV Tfi Lto~ To1..oµ&vto£· 13 Twv bE 1..mn:&v
oubEL£ h&µa xoHiiaem amois, an' EµEycit.UVEV UlltOU£ 0 AUO£, 14µiiHov be
31:QOOETieEvtO matE1JOVTE£ T(Jl XUQL(Jl n:1..~01'] avbg&v TE xal yuvmx&v, 15 foatE xal
EL£ TU£ n:1..atELU£ Ex«j>EQELV TO'U£ a.oOevEI£ xal n0i\vat En:l x1.tvag(wv xal xga-
166
5:12-16 SIGNSANDWONDERS
~uttwv, '(va EQX,oµivou Til\tgou xi'iv ~ axu1 Emoxtuon nvl, m'n:iilv. 16ouv~QX.Eto
bE xal to Jtlij00£ tWV J'tEQLs JtOA.EWV 'IEQOUCJUA.~µ, q>EQOVTE£ UCJ0EVEL£ xal
<'>x.louµEVOU£ UJ'tO JtVEUµatwv axa0<iQtwv, 0 'in VE£ e0EQUJtE'UOvtO UJtUVTE£.
This paragraph is a generalizing summary between the preceding and fol-

lowing incidents. (Cf. 2:47; 4:32-35.)
5:12 bu1 t,i; tiilv X.ELQiilV xtl] Cf. bta X.ELQO~, 2:23.
eytvEtO CJTjµEla xal tEQUta JtOA.A.U] Cf. 2:43.
xal ~aav 6µo0uµabov JtllvtE~ EV tfi }:to(i Toloµiilvto£] Cf. 2:44, 46, and for
Solomon's colonnade see on 3:11. This seems to have been their habitual public
meeting place. Certainly no ordinary building would have sufficed for their increas-
ing numbers, and it was necessary that their ministry of witness should be fulfilled
in the open. Probably this is the part of the temple complex indicated in 2:46, as it
may have been the place where Peter addressed the crowd on the day of Pentecost.
The breaking of bread took place privately, in various homes (see on 2:46).
5:13 tfuv bE lotJtfuv oubEl£ it&µa xoHfia0m amol£) If we take the text as
it stands, "the rest" will be the people of Jerusalem in general, and their reason for
not daring to join the company which enjoyed such popularity and respect will be
the warning implicit in Ananias and Sapphira's fate. Blass suggested forxollfio0m
the meaning "meddle," which according to LC gives "far the best sense" and "has
the additional advantage of giving a natural meaning to µfi.Hov," but "is open to
the fatal objection that there seems to be no clear evidence for xoHfia0m in this
sense." F. C. Burkitt, "Professor Torrey on 'Acts,'" JTS 20 (1919), p. 326, says,
"Luke uses xoH<ia0m of attaching oneself to somebody without a regular intro-
duction, which may sometimes be successful (Acts 8:29) but not always (9:26)";
no one, that is, dared join the believers on his own authority; each had to be ad-
mitted and baptized. But this "scarcely seems to fit well with the following verse"
(LC). Burkitt's note was part of his criticism of Torrey's argument that xoHfia0m
amo~ represents Aram. hifla};iimiih 'amhon, "to contend with them" (CDA, pp.
3 lf. ). Torrey later abandoned this argument in favor of the view that Aram. se{Jufii,
"the elders," was misread as .serffii, "the rest," the original meaning having been:
"of the elders no one dared join himself to them; nevertheless the common people
magnified them ... "(" 'The Rest' in Acts 5:13," ExT46 [1934-35), pp. 428f.; DPC,
p. 96). A. Pallis emends xollfia0m amol£ to xwluam amou~, and follows A. Hil-
genfeld in emending loLJtfuv to Arnttiilv, rendering, "And of the Levites none dared
to prevent them" (from holding meetings in the temple precincts). M. Dibelius
(Studies, p. 91) proposes the emendation UQX6vtwv, "of the rulers." But no emen-
dation is necessary.
aU' eµEyllAUVEV autoll£ 6 A.U0£] om P4 5 . Cf. 2:47. The people held them in
high esteem, even if a sense of awe held them back from joining them (without
adequate conviction).
5:14 JtQOCJEtt0Evto) Cf. the same verb in 2:41, 47; 11:24. According to
H. St. J. Thackeray, "An unrecorded 'Aramaism' in Josephus," JTS 30 (1929),
p. 363, JtQOITTt0w0m came in certain passages of Josephus to be used as a synonym
167
for motE'IJEL v. But that can scarcely be so here, since motEUOvtE£ immediately fol-
lows.
tq> XUQLCJ}) Dat. after JtQOOEtt8Evto ("believers were the more added to the
Lord") or motEUOvtE£ ("believers in the Lord were the more added [to them]")? For
the former cf. 11 :24; for the latter cf. 18:8. Perhaps the latter construction is in-
tended here, but it makes no practical difference. The A.OtJtoi of v. 13 are those who
were not motE1JovtE£. With dat., motE'IJW means "believe or trust (somebody or
something)," as distinct from JtLotE'IJW EL£ ("believe in") and motE'IJw eJt( ("believe
on"). In Luke-Acts motE'IJW occurs with dat. nine times, with EL£ three times, and
five times with EJti (followed four times by acc., once by dat.). Cf. MHT I, pp. 67f.
5:15 motE xa1 J "so that they actually ... "
JtA.aTEta£] sc. obov£, "broadways," "main streets," "squares," whence (via
Lat. platea) Ital. piazza, Fr. place, Ger. Platz, in this sense.
EX<j>EQEL v J Here in the ordinary sense "carry out" (contrast the special sense
in vv. 6, 9f.).
bci xAtvaQiwv xal XQa~cmwv] Luke has four words for a sickbed: xAivTJ,
xAt vibwv, and these two. He is the only NT writer to use XA.LVUQLOV and xlt vibwv.
In Lk. 5:19, 24 he has XA.tvibtov forXQ<i~attO£ of Mk. 2:4, 11; xQ<i~attO£, apparently
of Macedonian origin, means strictly a campbed. Later MSS have XQU~~ato£, prob-
ably a dialect variant, which (in its diminutive form XQU~~uttov) is represented by
Mod. Gk. XQE~~utt. Cf. MHT II, p. 102.
EQXOµtvou ITEtQou] Either gen. abs. ("as Peter was coming") or gen. in de-
pendence on ~ oxui ("the shadow of Peter coming"). With the effect of Peter's
shadow cf. that of Paul's kerchiefs and aprons (19:12), or of the fringe of Jesus'
cloak (Lk. 8:44).
lmoxtaan] There is weighty evidence for the fut. indic. EXLOXLUOEL (B 33 614
1241 2495 al), even in dependence on 'iva ... ,div (xa112uv). As there was no dis-
tinction in pronunciation between EL and lJ (n) in Hellenistic Gk., "the passage is
wholly useless for any argument as to the use of'iva with a future" (MHT I, p. 35).
Cf. 21:24.
am:wv J b adds, by way of explanation, MTJA.A.<ioaovto ya.Q aJto JtUOl]£
aa8Evda£ W£ ElXEV exaoto£ am:wv, "for they were set free from every sickness from
which each of them suffered" (so, with variations, D E latd e g P vg.codJ Lucif).
5:16 JtEQts] Only here in the NT. With the reference to al JtEQLs JtOA.EL£
M. Hengel compares Jos. BJ 4.241, where the human dregs of the whole country
are said to have made their way into Jerusalem, after venting their madness "in the
surrounding villages and towns" (iv mi\; JtEQLS xooµm£ tE xal JtOA.EOL ), implying that
this is a sufficient answer to Haenchen's charge (p. 243, n. 4) that, since there are
no real JtOA.EL£ in the vicinity of Jerusalem, the wording here shows that "Luke had
no exact ideas of the geography of Palestine" (Between Jesus and Paul, p. 199,
n. 82). The reference is to the townships of Judaea; Luke does not make a hard and
fast distinction between JtOA.EL£ and xwµm ("village").
ao8EVEL\; xal OXA.OUµEVOU£ {mo JtVEUµutwv axa8<iQtwv] Luke makes a distinc-
tion between sickness and demon possession (cf. 19:12; Lk. 4:40f.; 6:17f.; 7:21;
168
5: 17-24 IMPRISONMENT AND ESCAPE OF THE APOSTLES
13:32). For ox1..foµm cf. Lk. 6: 18, Evox1..ouµi;vm (TR ox1..ouµevot). The "quasi-
medical use" of this word, says E. K. Simpson ("Vettius Valens and the New Testa-
ment," EQ2 [1930], p. 395), "is amply sustained by the practice of [Vettius] Valens,
who employs the verb with specifications of disease, and makes owµanxal ox1..~ae~
his stock-term for 'bodily maladies'" (e.g., 163.22).
With the summary of healings in vv. 15f. cf. Mk. 6:55f. (unparalleled in
Luke); also Mk. 3:7-12 par. Lk. 6:17-19.
2. Imprisonment and Escape of the Apostles (5:17-24)

17 'Avam<l£ be: 6 O.Q)'.LEQEU<; xai :n:civtec; oi auv ain:cji, ~ ofoa a'iQemc; tfuv Tob-
bouxa(wv, E:n:1..~aeriaav ~~A.OU 18 xai E:11:E~UA.OV tac; xeiQac; E:11:L touc; ci:n:oat61..ouc;
xai E0Evt0 am:ouc; EV tl]Q~CJEL bl]µOCJL(.l. 19 'Ayye1..oc; be XUQLOU bta vu,ci:oc; ~VOL~E
tac; 0ugac; tijc; cpu1..axf]c; E~yaywv tE ain:ouc; d:n:ev, 20 IlOQEUECJ0E Xlll ata0EvtEc;
A.UA.ELtE EV t LEQ<j> t 1..a<j> :n:civta ta Q~µata tf]c; ~wf]c; tautl]c;. 21 cixouaavtE<; be
ELCJl]A.0ov u:n:o tov og0Qov de; to LEQOV ital EbLbaaxov. Ilagayev6µevoc; be o
UQXLEQEU<; xal oi auv ain:cµ auvexci1..rnav to auvi\b{)tov xal miaav t~v YEQOUa(av
tfuv uiwv 'laQU~A, XUL 0.:11:EITTELA.UV Eic; to brnµwt~QLOV ax0f]vm ain:ouc;. 220i be:
31:UQUYEVOµEVOL U:11:l]QEtUL OU)'. E'UQOV ain:oi,c; EV tfi cpu1..axfi, civaatQE'ljJUvtE<; be
ci:n:~yyEtA.UV 23 AEYOvtE<; OTL To brnµwt~QLOV E'UQOµEv XEXA.ELCJµEVOV EV 3t(l(Jn
ClCJcj>UA.EL(.l xal, touc; cpu1..axac; fotfutac; E:11:L tfuv 0ugfuv, avoL!;avtec; be fow oubi\va
EUQOµEv. 24 we; be: ~xoooav touc; 1..6youc; toutouc; 0 tE atQatl]yoc; tolJ LEQOU Xlll
oi ClQ)'.LEQEL<;, btl]3tOQOUV 3tEQL amfuv tL liv YEVOlto tom:o.
The resemblances between 5: 17-42 and 4: 1-31 have suggested that Luke
draws on two parallel sources narrating the same sequence of events (see pp. 41f.);
however, his presentation of the following sequence of events clearly presupposes
that the earlier sequence has already taken place. In particular, the apostles' refusal
to obey the previous court order (4: 18) is punished on this occasion (5:40).
5:17 civaatac;] Semitizing use of the ptc., as in LXX (see on v. 6); it means
little more than "thereupon." The ptc. here agrees with the nearest nom., UQXLEQElJ<;.
The reading of latP (Annas autem . .. ) indicates an early corruption of civaatcic; to
"Avvac; (cf. 4:6).
o UQXLEQEU<; xal :n:civtec; oi auv ain:cµ] Another way of referring to the Sanhe-
drin (see on 4:5).
~ oiiaa a'iQemc; tfuv ToMouxa(wv] "the Sadducean party as it then was" (NEB).
Although Sadducees (see on 4:1) are explicitly mentioned here, Pharisees were also
present (cf. v. 34). The chief-priestly families were Sadducean. Since members of
those families formed a substantial proportion of the Sanhedrin, and the reigning
high priest was president, the influence of the Sadducees in its counsels was great;
hence their special mention here. But see on v. 34 for the counter-influence of the
Pharisees. The term a'iQrntc; ("party") is used of the Pharisees in 15:5; 26:5; of the
Nazarenes in 24:5 (so also 24:14; 28:22); it is used in 1 Cor. 11:19 and Gal. 5:20of
divisions in the churches, and in 2 Pet. 2: 1 of heresies (cf. M. Simon, "From Greek
Hairesis to Christian Heresy," in Early Christian Literature and the Classical Intel-
lectual Tradition, in honorem R. M. Grant, ed. W. R. Schoedel and R. L. Wilken =
169
Theologie Historique 53 [Paris, 1979), pp. 101-16). In a Greek context it means a

philosophic school; cf. Jos. Ant. 18.9-11, where the Essenes, Sadducees, and
Pharisees are said to constitute three traditional philosophic schools (cj>t11.ooocj>im
TQE~) among the Jews, the militant followers of Judas the Galilaean (see on v. 37)
forming a "fourth philosophic school" (TETUQTTJ q,t11.ooocj>ia).
~ ofoa aLQEOL£] This use of the ptc. of dµ( "introduces some technical phrase
... and is almost equivalent to toii ovoµa~oµEvou" (Ramsay, CRE, p. 52, on toii
ovtO£ f.t6£, 14: 13 D). Cf. t'1e English use of "existing" in the sense of "present"
(e.g., "the existing government"). J. de Zwaan, in agreement with Ramsay, sug-
gests the meaning "the so-called" ("The Greek of Acts," BC I.2, p. 57).
~~11.011) "envy," perhaps because of the apostles' popularity (which, they may
have feared, would have disastrous consequences for public security). B* has
~~A01l£, 3rd dee!. gen.; for the neut. cf. 2 Cor. 9:2 X B 33; Phil. 3:6 X * AB D* F
G. The classical masc. (cf. 13:45) is rare in LXX. The word is neut. in Mod. Gk.,
which has regularized the prevalent tendency in Hellenistic Gk.
5: 18 btE~UA.OV TU£ J,:ELQU£ fol. TOU£ a.:n:ootOAOll£] Cf. 4:3, E:n:E~UAOV amol£ TU£
J,:EiQa£ (with a minor change in construction).
ev TTJQ~OEL bl]µoo(<,l] "in official custody" (NEB)-presumably a place where
those arrested by the temple police were locked up pending trial. Cf. 4:3, EL£
T~QTJOL v. Dadds here (from Jn. 7:53[?]) xai E1tOQEttlTJ EL£ exaoto£ EL£ Tu 'Lbw (which
is no doubt true).
5: 19 <'iyyEAO£ DE xuQ(ou] The doubly anarthrous liyy1::11.0£ x11Qio11 is the LXX
phrase for Heb. mal'als YHWH, the special angel who represented God, an exten-
sion of the divine personality (see on 7:30, 38). Cf. 8:26; 12:7, 23; Lk. 1:11; 2:9;
Mt. 1:20, 24; 2:13, 19; 28:2. According to G. H. Dalman, "one must not seek to
find in this 'the angel of the Lord' of the Old Testament. ayy1::11.0£ is defined by
x11Qio11 as a messenger of God" (The Words of Jesus, E.T. (Edinburgh, 1902),
p. 183). But the difficulty of distinguishing the functions of "the angel of the Lord"
from those of "the Spirit of the Lord" in such a passage as 8:26-39 suggests that in
the NT, as in the OT, the liyyEAO£ X1JQL01J sometimes at least (as here) denotes the
presence or agency of God himself.
~vot!;E] B (D) E \JI 0189 byz/a.vo(1;a£ P4 5 AB D \JI. For the release see on
12:7-10 (especially for the angelic agency); also 16:25f. The q,111,.ax~ is the i:~QTJOL£
of v. 18.
5:20 ota8EvtE£] Not redundant here; it suggests steadfastness.
1:TJ£ ~WTJ£ tautTJ~] See on 3: 15. Aram. lJ,ayyemeans both "life" and "salvation"
and there would be no difference between TTJ~ ~WTJ£ tautl]£ here and TTJ£ OW1:TJQLU£
taU"tTJ£ in 13:26 (syrpesh renders both expressions by def;aye).
5:21 i,:n:o TOV OQ8QOV] "at daybreak" (quite classical).
:n:aQayEvoµevo£J :n:aQayEvoµEvot B*.
6 O.QJ,:LEQEU£ xai o[ O'lJV amcp] As at v. 17.
011v1::xri11.wav] EYEQ8EvtE£ TO 1tQW°t xal 011yxa11.wriµ1::vm D.
"[() OUVEDQLOV xal :n:aoav T~V YEQOlJOLUV "[(l)V uiwv 'laQU~A.] Cf. Ex. 12:21, :n:aoav
yEQouoiav u[wv 'laQa~A. The conjunction xai is epexegetic, "as there can be no
170
5:25-32 THE APOSTLES EXAMINED
question of the identity of the two concepts ouvt\bQtoV and YEQouo(a" (Schurer II,
p. 206, n. 17). See on 4:5, 15.
' 5:22 oi bi: ltUQay1::v6µi::vm Ultl]QEtm] oi bi: Ultl]QEtat ltUQay1::v6µ1::vm ;ml

avo(;avtE£ ,:~v cpu)..axiJv D (particulars being inserted, as in v. 21, which add noth-
ing to our real knowledge). The words "opened the prison" are added also in latP
vg syrhcl**; they may thus be recognized as ab reading. The Ul'tl]QEtat were proba-
bly Levites of the temple watch (as in Jn. 7:32, 45f.), under the command of the
captain (cf. v. 26, and see on 4:1).
5:23 on] on recitantis; see on 2: 13.
EV mion aocpaAEL<;t] "altogether securely" (for EV ampaA.EL<;t in the sense "in se-
cure custody" see New Docs. 3 [ 1978], § 101.22).
toll£ cpu)..axa£ Eot&ta£ Eltt ,:&v 9uQ&v] Cf. 12:6, cpuA.aXE£ tE ltQO 1:1]£ 9UQU£
EtTJQOUV ,:~v cpuA.axiJv (with comment ad lac.).
5:24 ,:( a.v yt\vmi:oi:oin:o] The direct form would presumably be,:( y1::viJ01::1:m
,:omo; but in the indirect construction greater indefiniteness is suggested by the use
of av. Cf. Lk. 6: 11, where,:( av ltOL iJom1::v is "the hesitating substitute for the direct
,:( ltOL1Jooµ1::v;" (MHT I, p. 198). The potential optative with av was a purely liter-
ary construction in NT times, and Luke is the only NT author to use it; cf. 8:31;
10:17; 17:18; 21:33; 26:29; Lk. 1:62; 9:46; 15:26; 18:360.
3. The Apostles Examined (5:25-32)

r
25 Ilagay1::v6µEVO£ bi\ n£ Cll'tTJYYELA.EV am:o~ on 'Ibou oi avbQE£ OU£ E9w0E EV
i
i:n cpu)..axn ELOLV EV ,:qi iEQ<p EO't:(1)1:fS xal btbaol!.OvtES 1:0V A.UOV. 261:61:E altEA.0oov
6 ITTQUtlJYO£ ow ,:o~ Ultl]QEtm£ ~yEv amoll£, ou µrn:t ~LU£, Ecpo~oiivto ya.Q ,:ov
A.a6v, µ~ A.t0ao0&0L v· 27 ciyay6vtE£ bi: am:ous EO't:l]OUV EV ,:qi OUVEbQL<p. xal
Eltl]QWtl]OEV am:ou£ 6 ciQXLEQEU£ 2s )..t\ywv, IlaQayyEH<;t ltUQlJYYE ()..aµi::v uµI v µ~
fabamm v Eltl ,:qi ov6µan i:om<p, xai ibou ltfltA.l]QWXU't:E ,:~v 'IEQOUOUA. ~µ 1:1]£
btbaxfJ£ uµ&v, xai ~OUA.W0E EltayayEIV Ecp' ~µas ,:o alµa ,:oii civ0QWltOU i:omou.
29ct1tOXQL9EL£ bi: I1EtQO£ ,mi, oi altOITTOA.Ol drrav, I1EL0UQXELV bEI 0E<p µanov
~ civ0Qw:tcOL£. 30 6 9EO£ ,:&v ltU't:EQWV ~µ&v ijyELQEV 'll]OOUV, ov UµEl£
btEXELQlOU09E XQEµaoavtE£ Eltl ;UA.OU' 31 i:oin:ov 6 0EO£ UQXlJYOV xai OW't:l]QU
ihjJWOEV i:n bE;lc;i amoii, ,:oii boiivm µ£1:CLVOLUV ,:qi 'loQU~A. xal U<pEOl v ctµaQn&v·
32 XUL ~µEl£ EOµEV µ<lQ1:UQE£ 1:(J)V Ql]µCLtWV 1:0U1:WV, XUL 1:0 ltVEiiµa 1:0 aytoV O
ebwXEv 6 0EO£ tot£ ltEL0aQxoiimv am:qi.
5:25 doiv ... Eot&ns xai fabaoxovtE£] See on 1: 10 for the periphrasis.
5:26 ~y1::v] Imperf., because the manner of the action is vividly portrayed.
In v. 27 ( ayay6vtE£) the aorist points to the conclusion of the action.
ou µi::i:a. ~(as] Emphatic. D* omits ou, probably by accident.
5:27 ctQXLEQEU£] LEQEU£ D* latgig Lucif I praetor lath (probably representing
ITTQUtl]y6s, for which praetor is the rendering of latd in v. 26 and of lath in 4: 1).
5:28 3taQayyEAL<;L 3tUQlJYYEL1..aµ1::v] praef ou xc DE byz. For the Semitism
see on 4: 17. LC quote from P.Oxy. 1411 (AD. 260) itUQayye)..µan :11:aQayyEAf]vm.
Both verb and noun are used in papyri of official notification to follow or refrain
from some course of action.
171
bmyayeiv tcp' ~µa;; to alµa toii av!:lQWJtou tomou] For tomou Dreads EXEL vou.
Cf. Mt. 27:25, to alµa amoii tcp' ~µii£. For the avoidance of Jesus' name cf. 4:17.
5:29 aJtOXQL8EL£ 6E IlEtQO~ xai ot ax6ato1..ot dxav] Cf. 4:19. The ptc. axo-
XQt!:ld£ agrees with I1ETQO£ but the aor. indic. eixav with ITEtQO£ xal ot ax6atolot.
The 6 text, which omits xal ot ax6atoAOL, is best represented by lath (the text of D
being corrupt here): respondens autem Petrus dixit ad il[ [um], cui obaudire opor-
tet, deo an hominibus? ille aut{em ait, deo]. et dixit Petrus ad eum, deus patrum
... (aJtOXQL0EL£ 6E 11EtQO£ ELJtEV autcj), tLVL JtEL0UQX£LV 6Ei, !:lecj) ~ aV8QOJJtOL£; 6 6E
dxev, 8ecj). 6 6E 11EtQO£ dmv JtQO£ aut6v, 6 8Eo£ t&v JtatEQCOV xtA).
JtEL8UQXEiv 6ei 8ecj) µaUov ~ av8QWJtOL£] A more succinct statement of the
principle already expressed in 4: 19; cf the Socratic parallel quoted in the comment
there.
5:30 In vv. 30-32 we have a concise summary of the primitive kerygma,
affirming the act of God in the appearance of Jesus, his enemies' giving him over
to death, God's reversal of their adverse judgment, his enthronement and saving
power, and the apostles' personal testimony to the truth of their message.
~YELQEV] Perhaps in reference not to Jesus' resurrection but to the inaugura-
tion of his ministry; cf. 13:22, ~YELQEV tov t.aul6 autoi£ EL£ ~aatlfo (similarly Judg.
3:9, etc., ~YELQEV XUQLO~ acot~Qa tcj} 'laQU~A). See also on 3:26, avaat~aa£.
uµei£] Emphatic: again the chief priests are charged with taking the initiative
in handing Jesus over to the Romans.
6LEXELQiaaa8E] Cf. 26:21, of violent handling: "did away with."
XQEµaaavte~ EJtL !;ulou] The same phrase occurs at 10:39. Although Luke does
not enlarge on the significance of this wording, early Christians, especially early
Jewish Christians, used it in consciousness of its OT background in Dt. 21:23,
XE,C.Utl]QUµEVO£ 1JJtO !:lrnii ltU£ XQEµaµevo;; EJtL !;ulou (cf. Jos.Ant. 4.202 for the Jewish
penalty for blasphemy based on this). The fact that one who was hanged was "ac-
cursed by God" added to the scandal of the preaching of Christ crucified. For Paul's
solution of the scandal see Gal. 3: 13 ( cf. F. F. Bruce, Galatians, NIGTC, pp. 163-
67; also A. T. Hanson, Studies in Paul's Technique and Theology [London, 1974],
p. 6; M. Wilcox," 'Upon the Tree'-Deut. 21:22-23 in the New Testament," JBL
96 [1977], pp. 85-99; J. A. Fitzmyer, "Crucifixion in Ancient Palestine, Qumran
Literature, and the New Testament," CBQ 40 [1978], pp. 493-513). This use of
1;ulov ("wood") for a gibbet (cf. Ac. 13:29; 1 Pet. 2:24) goes back through LXX to
Heb. 'e~, which denotes both a tree and the stake or pole on which bodies of ex-
ecuted criminals were hung. Cf. Lat. arbor infelix for a cross. For another sense of
1;ulov ("stocks") cf. 16:24. With the language of vv. 30-32 cf. that of 3: 13-15.
5:31 toiitov] Emphatic, as in 2:23, 36. To hang someone up in public,
whether alive or dead, was not only the last word in humiliation; it was also an af-
front to God, in whose image man was made (hence the requirement that the body
must be taken down and buried out of sight before nightfall). To the humiliation
thus endured by Jesus is now opposed his exaltation by God.
UQXTJYOV xai acot~Qa] For<iQXTJYO£ see on 3: 15; foracot~Q cf. Judg. 3:9, quoted
in the comment on ~YELQEV in v. 30. In Judg. 11 :6, 11, UQXTJYO£ is used of Jephthah
172
5:33-42 GAMALIEL'S COUNSEL; THE APOSTLES FLOGGED AND DISMISSED
as the military leader (qa~fn) of Israel. The allusions to Judges are significant in the
light of other Jewish references, e.g., in the eleventh of the Eighteen Benedictions,
"Restore our judges as at the first" (from Isa. 1:26). Cf. Ps. Sol. 17:23-27; Or. Sib.
3.652-56, where the Davidic Messiah is depicted as a royal captain triumphing over
ungodly nations. Forawt~Q cf. 13:23; Lk. 1:47; 2:11; it is particularly common in
the Pastorals. The ideas of healing and salvation which it conveys (cf. 4:9f., 12) are
frequent in Jewish thought and language about God; cf. Ps. Sol. 10:9 (wii XUQ(ou
~ awtTJQLa), the eighth of the Eighteen Benedictions ("Heal us, 0 Lord, and we shall
be healed; save us, and we shall be saved," from Jer. 17: 14), etc. For the OT back-
ground cf. also Ps. 106 (LXX 105):47; 118 (LXX 117):25; Isa. 63:8f., etc. See F. F.
Bruce, "'Our God and Saviour': A Recurring Biblical Pattern," in The Saviour
God, ed. S. G. F. Brandon (Manchester, 1963), pp. 51-66.
ihjJ(l)CTEV tfi bEl;Lg. amoii] Cf. 2:33, tfi bEl;Lg. o'iiv toii 0rnii injJw0Ei£ (with com-
ment ad lac.); Phil. 2:9, UJCEQ'IJ'lj!WCTEV.
toii boiivm µEt<ivmav XtA] toii ( X B) is omitted by AD byz. T. E. Page com-
pares Lk. 24:47f., where Jesus "orders that there be proclaimed as by heralds
(XTJQUX:0fJvm) 'repentance'-the condition He imposes as a Prince, and 'remission
of sins' -the reward He offers as a Saviour." Note that the nation of Israel con-
tinues to be presented with the privilege of being the first to accept the gospel (the
accompanying privilege of being the first to evangelize the Gentile world, in ful-
filment of Isa. 42:6; 49:6, quoted in 13:47 below, may be implied, but does not be-
come explicit at this stage). Cf. 2:36; 3:19-26.
5:32 xal ~µE'i£ foµEv µaQtUQE£] Cf. 1:8; 2:32f.; 3: 15; the insistence on per-
sonal witness is maintained. Page, continuing the comparison quoted in the last
comment on v. 31, compares Lk. 24:48.
QTJµai:wv] "things" rather than "words" -a septuagintalism, following this
meaning of Heb. diif!iir, def?arim ( cf. 10:37; Lk. 2: 15, 17, 19).
xal to JtVEiiµa to iiywv] Cf. Jn. 15 :26f. for the coincidence of the Spirit's wit-
ness with that of the disciples.
oebwXEV 6 0Eo£ to~ JCEL0UQJCOUCTL v am<jJ] Cf. Jn. 14: 15-17, where Jesus prom-
ises the gift of the Spirit to those who keep his commandments.
4. Gamaliel's Counsel; the Apostles Flogged and Dismissed (5:33-42)

330L bE axouaavtE£ liLEJCQLOvtO xal E~OUA.OvtO avd.E'iV UU'tOU£. 34 'Avaata£ bE
tL£ evt<jJ auvEliQL<p <PaQLaalo£ ov6µan f'aµaAL~A, voµoblbaaxaA.0£ ,:(µLO£ 1tavi:1.
tcji A.Ucji, EXEAE1JCTEV i::l;w ~QUJCU toil£ av0QW1COU£ JtOLijam, 35 EiJtEV tE JCQO£ UU'tOU£,
'Avb(.)E£ 'laQUTJA.LtUL, JtQOCTE)CEtE fomo~ EJCL tOL£ av0QWJCOL£ tOutOL£ ,:( µEAAEtE
JCQUCTCTELV. 361CQO yaQ t01Jt(l)V ,:wv ~µEQWV ClVEITTTJ 8EUbU£, A.Eywv dva( tLVU
fom6v, <J> 1CQOCTEXA.L0TJ avb(.)&v UQL0µ6£ 00£ tEtQUXOCTL(l)V• 0£ UVTIQE0TJ, xal mivtE£
OCTOL EJCEL0ovto autcji liLEA.uSTJaav xal EYEVOvtO EL£ oubEV. 37 µEta toiitov ClVEITTTJ
'IoubU£ 6 f'aA.LAULO£ EV ta I£ ~µEQUL£ tfi£ MOyQacpfi£ XUL ClJtEITTTJCTEV AUOV OJCLCT(l)
amofr XClXELVO£ (lJ'C(J)A.Eto, xal mivtE£ OCTOL EJCEL0ovto autcji liLWXOQJCLCT0TJCTUV.
38 XUL ta viiv AEYW uµIv, (lJ'COITTTJtE (lJ'CO t&v av0QWJCCOV tomcov XUL acpEtE UU't0U£'
(on EaV '!] El; av0Qm1tcov ~ ~OU~~ UU1:TJ ~ to EQYOV toiito, XUtaA u0~CTEtaL' 39 EL bE
173
EX Srnii Eati v, ou buvtjaw8E xm:a)..fum amou£·) µtjnotE xal Srnµa:xm EUQES~tE.

E1tELa8Tjaav DE amcp, 40'XUL '1:QOCT'XUAW<lflEVOL TO'U£ <l1tOITTOAOU<; DELQUvtE£
:JtaQtjyyn)..av µ~ A.UAELV EJtL TCJ) ovoµan TOU 'IT]CJOU xal UJtEAUCTUV. 41 Oi µEv oiiv
EltOQEUOvtO :XULQOvtE£ (lJt() '1:QOCJ(l)JtOU toii CTUVEDQLOU OTL XUTT];too8Tjaav UJtEQ
TOU ov6µm:o£ anµaa8~vm· 42 Jtaoav TE ~µEQUV EV TCJ) LEQCJ) xal XUT' oixov OU')(
btauovto btbaaxovm; xal EuayyEALtoµEVOL TOV XQtatov 'IT]aoiiv.
5:33 Ct'XOUCTUVtE£] Ct'XOUOvtE£ P45 pa[.
DLEJtQLOvto] Cf. 7:54; literally of being sawn asunder (cf. EJtQL08T]aav, Heb.
11 :37), hence of being rent with vexation: "This touched them on the raw" (NEB).
Contrast xaTEVlJYTJCTUV, of being convicted in conscience (2:37).
E~ou1..ovto] E~OUAEUOvto X D byz.
5:34 ¢aQLCJUio£] This is NT evidence for the representation of Pharisees in
the Sanhedrin; cf. 23:6-9; Jos. BJ 2.162-66, 411; Ant. 18.12-15; Vita 12, 191.
The term is a loanword from perisayyii ("the separated ones"), plur. emphatic
state of p''r'is, pass. ptc. of Aram. peras, "separate." (Less probable derivations are
those suggested by W. 0. E. Oesterley, The Jews and Judaism during the Greek
Period [London, 1941 ], pp. 245-47, "expounders," from another sense of peras, or
by T. W. Manson, "Sadducee and Pharisee," BJRL 22 [1938], pp. 153-59, "Persian-
izers.")
In Hellenistic times the pious members of the Jewish community, the
!Jiisi4im, who studied the sacred law and expounded its application to the circum-
stances of the day, opposed the popular hellenizing tendencies. In the conflict pre-
cipitated by Antiochus Epiphanes (175-164 s.c.) they supported the Hasmonaeans
in the struggle for religious freedom, but once this was gained they held aloof from
the fight for political independence, strongly disapproving of the self-seeking poli-
cies of the Hasmonaeans and their assumption of the high priesthood. If the desig-
nation "the separatists" was given to them as a nickname on this account, they ac-
cepted it the more readily because Aram. peris or Heb. piir(L{ could mean
"separated" in the sense of "holy" (thus midrash Sifra on Lev. 19:2 amplifies "as I
am holy fqii<},osj, so shall you also be holy fqegosim]" with "as I am pure fpiirus],
so shall you also be pure f pCrusim]"). Till Judaea came under Roman overlordship,
which they regarded as a divine judgment, they were regularly in opposition to the
government, except under Salome Alexandra (76-67 B.C.). Under Herod (37-4 B.C.)
their influence increased. In NT times they were in a minority on the Sanhedrin,
though their popular support was such that their opponents could not disregard
them. Cf. Jos. Ant. 18.17, according to which Sadducean magistrates submitted to
Pharisaic principles in order to secure popular acquiescence (6n6n yag EJt' UQ:XO.£
JtUQEA.00LEV, UXOUCJLW£ µEv xai xm:' avayXU£, ltQO:XWQOUCJL b' oiiv OL£ o ¢aQLCJULO£
AEYEl, bta TO µ~ av UAAW£ UVEXTOU£ YEVE08m TOL£ Jt1..tj8wtv). The expression
UQ:XLEQEi£ xai <f)agwaim combines the two main elements in the Sanhedrin (cf. Mt.
21 :45; 27:62; Jn. 7:32, 45; 11:47, 57; 18:3). The influence of the Pharisees was en-
hanced by the fact that the scribes (see on 4:5) belonged chiefly to their party; cf.
the common collocation "scribes and Pharisees" in the Gospels. They were ac-
cepted by the people as religious patriots and spiritual leaders. Most of them re-
174
fused to countenance aspirations to political indpendence, and after the fall of

Jerusalem in AD. 70 it was they who preserved some measure of national continu-
ity for the Jews by reconstituting the Sanhedrin on a religious basis (see on 4:15)
and by continuing the study of the Law at Jabneh. Unlike the Sadducees, they
believed in the resurrection of the dead and in the existence of a spirit world (see
on 23:8); they also believed that the divine decrees and human freewill were so ad-
justed that human beings could act virtuously or viciously as they chose (Jos. Ant.
18.13f.; cf. Aqiba in Pirqe 'Abot 3.19, "Everything is foreseen, yet freedom of
choice is given"). See L. Finkelstein, The Pharisees (Philadelphia, 1946); A. Fink-
el, The Pharisees and the Teacher of Nazareth (Leiden, 1964); J. Bowker, Jesus
and the Pharisees (Cambridge, 1973); Schurer II, pp. 388-403.
raµaAt~A] Gamaliel I, Rabbiin Gamli 'el hazziiqen (the elder), the teacher of
Paul (22:3), appears in later rabbinical tradition as Hillel's successor in the head-
ship of his school. An otherwise unknown Simeon seems to be interposed between
them as head of the school of Hillel ii1 bShabbat 15a. The tradition which makes
Gamaliel Hillel's son or grandson is later still. Those earlier traditions which re-
flect some direct memory of Gamaliel and his teaching do not associate him with
the school of Hillel; they speak of others as belonging to the school of Gamaliel,
as though he founded a school of his own (cf. J. Neusner, The Rabbinic Traditions
about the Pharisees before 70 [Leiden, 1971 ], I, pp. 341-76).
It is not always easy to distinguish traditions about this Gamaliel from those
about a later teacher of the same name (Gamaliel II, c. AD. 100), but those tradi-
tions which presuppose the temple as still standing certainly relate to the elder Ga-
maliel. "When Rabban Gamaliel the elder died," it was said, "the glory of the Torah
ceased, and purity and 'separateness' died" (mSo!ah 9.15)-which, in view of the
use of perisuJ (rendered "separateness"), is almost as much as to say that he was
the last of the true Pharisees. Among the rulings with which he is credited is one
liberalizing the law of remarriage after divorce (mGi!(in 4.2).
voµobtbaaxa1,.0£] Cf. Lk. 5:17; 1 Tim. 1:7. This compound is not found out-
side the NT except in Christian writers who derive it thence, but cf. Plutarch, Cato
Maior 20.4, for the similar voµobtbaxt1]£.
tLµto£] Applied in the superlative to a favorite pupil by Vettius Valens
(157.32).
5:35 d:ith tE :it(.)0£ am:ou£ XtA] "The doctrine preached by Gamaliel is sound
Pharisaic teaching; God is over all, and needs no help from men for the fulfilment
of His purposes; all men must do is to obey, and leave the issue to Him" (J. A. Find-
lay).
auto~) win; iiQXOvt<l£ xai toix; auvEbQOU£ D (auvEOQO£ is unexampled in the
NT but is found in classical Gk.).
JtQOOEXEtE fomoi£] A Lukan phrase; cf. 20:28; Lk. 17:3; 21 :34. In Hellenis-
tic Gk. fomov/fomo~ serves as the reflexive pronoun of the 1st and 2nd persons
as well as of the 3rd (cf. 15:29).
5:36 JtQO ... tomwv t&v ~µEQ&v] "some time ago" (cf. 21:38).
0rnlxi£) According to Josephus (Ant. 20.97f.), an imposter (y611;) named
175
Theudas Jed a large company to the Jordan, promising that at a word of command
he would divide the river, so that they might cross it dryshod. Cuspius Fadus, who
was procurator of Judaea at the time (c. AD. 44-46), sent a body of cavalry against
them, who dispersed the multitude and brought the head of Theudas to Jerusalem.
Luke has been charged with inaccuracy, because this Theudas rose nearly 40 years
after Judas (who, according to v. 37, rose after Theudas). A C. Clark thought the
discrepancy might be due to an accidental transposition of lines in the archetype
of all our MSS: the original order would then have been Judas-Theudas. But this
would not account for the further anachronism of a reference to the Theudas of
Josephus in a speech purporting to be delivered by Gamaliel well before AD. 44.
Some, following M. Krenke!, Josephus und Lucas (Leipzig, 1894), pp. 162-74,
have thought that Luke erred through a careless reading of Josephus who, almost
immediately after his accou'lt of Theudas, mentions the execution of two sons of
Judas (Ant. 18.102). But only a very superficial and cursory glance at Josephus
could give a reader the impression that Judas himself came after Theudas; and it is
not at all likely that Acts is as late as the Antiquities (c. AD. 93).
The most reasonable conclusion is that Gamaliel was referring to another
Theudas, who flourished before AD. 6. While it is usually precarious to cut this
kind of Gordian knot by assuming that the person in question is someone else of
the same name, the assumption is acceptable here (1) because Luke is as credit-
worthy a historian as Josephus, (2) because Theudas is a common name (it is a con-
traction ofTheodorus, Theodotus, Theodosius, etc.), occurring also in inscriptions
(e.g., CIC 2684, 3563, 3920, 5698; cf. New Docs. 4 (1979], § 101), and (3) because
there were many such risings under similar leaders (cf. 21:38): according to Jos.
Ant. 17.269 there were innumerable tumults and disorders in Judaea after Herod's
death (4 B.C.), and this rising may have been one of those. Origen places it even
earlier: 8£Ubfi£ 3tQO tii£ YEVEOEW£ 'h1aou ytyove tL£ rt<IQa 'Ioubuiot£ (c. Cels. 1.57).
It cannot be ascertained whether he had an independent source for this dating, or
surmised it as he considered Luke's present wording. See J.B. Lightfoot, Smith's
DB, I, p. 40 (s. v. "Acts of the Apostles"); P. W. Schmiedel, Enc. Bib. cols. 5049-57
(s. v. "Theudas"); J. W. Swain, "Gamaliel's Speech and Caligula's Statue," HTR 37
(1944), pp. 341-49; M. Hengel, The Zealots, E.T. (Edinburgh, 1989), pp. 229f.;
G. A Williamson, The World of Josephus (London, 1964), p. 129; P. W. Barnett,
"The Jewish Sign Prophets-AD. 40-70-Their Intentions and Origin," NTS 27
(1980-81), pp. 679-97 (especially pp. 680f.).
11.i:ywv dvui n vu fom6v] "claiming to be somebody," but not necessarily the
Messiah. The b addition of µtyuv after n vu ("claiming to be some great person")
may be influenced by the description of Simon Magus (8:9). The reading of copsa,
"saying of himself, 'I am he,'" arises from the difficulty of representing indirect
speech in Coptic; it should not be treated as a true variant and related to the proph-
ecy of Mk. 13:6 par. Lk. 21:8.
W£ TEtQaxoo(wv] Josephus saysi:ov 1t11.i::i:01:ov o:x11.ov (an evident exaggeration);
Luke probably draws his figure from an independent source, as he drew that for
the Egyptian false prophet's following in 21 :38.
176
avnQE0t]] xatEAU0TJ auto£ bt' ain:oii D (not latd h).

tyr,vovto EL£ oubEv] Cf. for yivwem EL£ Mt. 21:42 (from LXX); Lk. 13:19;
Jn. 16:20; Rev. 8:11; 16: 19; see also Elvm EL£ (8:20, etc.). This may be a Hebraism,
EL£ with acc. representing Heb. 1e followed by a noun to express the complement
(see on 7:21; 13:22, 47). If this is the construction here, the meaning is "became
nothing." But it may quite well be a straightforward Gk. construction: "came to
nothing" (cf. Euripides, frag. 536, to µl]bEv EL£ oubEv QEltEt ).
5:37 µEta toiitov] On the historical sequence of Judas and Theudas see on
8E1Jb<i£, v. 36. Calvin, identifying the Theudas of Josephus with the subject ofv. 36,
translates µEt~£] When Archelaus
was deposed from the ethnarchate of Judaea in AD. 6, Judaea was incorporated as
a province in the Roman Empire, and the task of holding a census to determine the
amount of tribute payable by the new province was entrusted to P. Sulpicius Quir-
inius, governor (legatus pro praetore) of Syria. This Judaean census was apparently
part of a wider census held by Quirinius throughout the whole of his province of
Syria-Cilicia: according to Jos. Ant. 17 .355 he was sent by Augustus "to take a cen-
sus of property in Syria and to sell the estate of Archelaus." He seems to have
charged officers under his command with supervising the census in various parts
of the territory; a funerary inscription (CIL 3.6687, the "titulus Venetus") tells how
one officer, Q. Aemilius Secundus, supervised it in Apamca on the Orantes, and in
Judaea it was probably supervised by Coponius, first prefect of the new province
(Jos. BJ 2.117).
Judas of Gamala in Gaulanitis (Josephus sometimes calls him "Judas the
Galilaean," as Luke does here), in alliance with a Pharisee named Sadduk, raised
the standard of revolt in protest against the census in Judaea. He taught a new doc-
trine (the "fourth philosophy," as it is called in Jos. Ant. 18.9), to the effect that it
was impious for the people of God to give the produce of the land he had bestowed
on them as tribute to a pagan ruler. His rising was crushed, but its ideals lived on,
to be vigorously defended later by the party of the Zealots (see on 1: 13); Gamaliel
was unduly optimistic if he thought this movement had come to nothing. See Jos.
BJ 2.118, 433; 7.253;Ant. 18.4-10, 23-25; 20.102.
It is uncertain if this Judas is to be identified (as he is in Schurer I, p. 381)
with Judas the son of Hezekiah, who in the year of Herod's death gained posses-
sion of weapons stored at Sepphoris in Galilee and armed his followers with them;
he then tried to seize control of the region and is said by Josephus to have even
aimed at kingship (BJ 2.56; Ant. 17.27lf.). See J. S. Kennard, "Judas of Galilee
and his Clan," JQR 36 (1945-46), pp. 281-86; G. R. Driver, The]udaean Scrolls
(Oxford, 1965), pp. 232-34, 252-59.
On the earlier census associated with the name of Quirinius in Lk. 2:2 see
I. H. Marshall, The Gospel of Luke, NIGTC (Exeter/Grand Rapids, 1978), pp. 96-
104. See also Schurer I, pp. 399-427; E. Groag, RE series 2, 7 (Stuttgart, 1932),
cols. 822-43 (s. v. "Sulpicius (90)"); L. R. Taylor, "Quirinius and the Census of
Judaea," AJP 54 (1933), pp. 120-33; R. Syme, "Galatia and Pamphylia under
177
Augustus," Klio 27 (1934), pp. 122-48; M. Hengel, The Zealots, E.T. (Edinburgh,
1989), pp. 76-145; AN. Sherwin-White, Roman Society and Roman Law in the
New Testament (Oxford, 1963), pp. 162-71; G. Ogg, "The Quirinius Question
Today," ExT 89 (1967-68), pp. 231-36; H. R. Moehring, "The Census in Luke as
an Apologetic Device," in Studies in New Testament and Early Christian History,
ed. D. E. Aune= NovT Sup. 33 (Leiden, 1972), pp. 144-60; P. W. Barnett, "cbto-
ygaqitj and Moygaqiwem in Luke 2:1-5," ExT 85 (1973-74), pp. 377-80; R. E.
Brown, The Birth of the Messiah (London, 1977), pp. 412-18; P. Benoit, SDB 9
(Paris, 1978), cols. 693-720 (s.v. "Quirinius (Recensement de)"). Seep. 32, n. 14
above.
A.aov] "a host."
anw1..ET0] Probably meaning "was killed" ( as Theudas was). Cf. Acta Pilati
5: l (5th cent.), concerning Jannes and Jambres: "whereas the signs which they per-
formed were not of God, they perished (anw1..ovto) and so also did those who
believed on them" (the language is probably based on our present text).
mivw; oom] om mivm; P4 5 D.
5:38 ta viiv] Emphatic: "in the present case"; cf. 4:29. B* omits tci.
liqiETE UUTOU£] EUCTatE Uut0tl£ µ~ µLavavtE£ ta£ XElQU£ D. Cf. Acta Pilati 5:1
(Nicodemus urging Pilate to acquit Jesus), "let him alone and do not contrive any
evil against him: if the signs which he performs are of God, they will stand, but if
they are of men, they will come to nothing" (again, showing the influence of Luke's
wording here).
rav J With the pres. subjunctive Tl, a rare construction for an open condition
referring to the present, but the force may be, "If it turn out to be .... "Inv. 39 d
is used with the pres. indic., implying that Luke approves the second alternative,
and therefore expresses it by means of a less remote construction. It cannot be ar-
gued that Gamaliel regarded the second alternative as the more probable; the in-
terplay of conditional constructions belongs to Luke's Gk., not to Gamaliel's Aram.
r!; av0gwmuv ... rx 0rnii] Cf. Mk. 11 :30 par. Lk. 20:4, to pcimtoµa 'Iwcivvou
E!; OUQUVOU ~v ~ E!; avegwnwv;
pou1..~ ... iigyov] Cf. Lk. 23:51, tfi pout..fi xal tfi nga!;EL.
5:39 ou buvtjow0E xarn1..iiom amou£ J b adds oiitE UµEL£ oiitE pamAEL£ oiitE
tUQavvm· aJtEXWOE ouv ano tciiv avOgwnwv tomwv. For the argument cf. the dictum
of Aqiba's pupil Yo}:lanan the sandal-maker: "Every assembly which is in the name
of heaven will finally be established, but that which is not in the name of heaven
will not finally be established" (Pirqe 'A/J614.l4).
µtj notE xai 0Eoµaxm EUQEOfiu] "The warning of Ac. 5:39 might ... start from
either 'Perhaps you will be found,' or 'Do not be found': the former suits the notE
better" (MHT I, p. 193). For 8Eoµaxm cf. Euripides, Bacchae 45, where Dionysos
says of Pentheus, O£ !-lrnµaxEi ta xat' EµE, and for the general sense, Homer, fl.
6.129, oux UV iiywyE 0rnim v fj(OlJQUVlOLOL µaxoiµ11v.
5:40 c\Eigavm;] For their contempt of court ( cf. 4: 18).
EJtt tcjl 6v6µan toii 'h1oou] Indirect speech: what they said may have been EJtL
tcjl 6v6µan tomcp, as in v. 28; 4: 17.
178
5:33-.42 GAMALIEL'S COUNSEL; THE APOSTLES FLOGGED AND DISMISSED
5:41 EJtOQEvovro] Imperf.; the manner of their going (xaiQovtE£) is empha-

sized.
aJto JtQOCJmJtou] See on 3:20.
X.CltT];tm0T]oav 'UJtEQ tOU ov6µatO£ anµao0fJvm] Note the oxymoron of
X.CltTJ!;Lm0TjCJ(lV ... anµao0fJvm. For 'UJtEQ toii ov6µatO£ cf. 3 Jn. 7. This absolute use
ofto ovoµa is common in the Apostolic Fathers. For the general sense cf. also 21: 13;
1 Pet. 4:16. x.ata;t6oo occurs also in Lk. 20:35 (with infin., as here; cf. New Docs.
1 [ 1976], § 21.4, 13); 2 Th. 1 :5. It appears in Vettius Val ens (e.g., 38.33; 39.4; 85.12;
222.24) with a suggestion of promotion or preferment.
5:42 x.at' olx.ov] Cf. 2:46.
tov XQtotov 'llJooiiv] "the Messiah Jesus" or, more probably, "that the Mes-
siah was Jesus" (cf. 18:5, where again the position of the article indicates the pre-
cise sense).
179
ACTS6
II. PERSECUTION AND EXPANSION (6:1-9:31)
A. STEPHEN (6:1-8:la)
1. The Appointing of the Seven (6:1-6)
1 'Ev bE tai;; ~µEQUL\; tamm;; :ll:A1']0UV6vtwv TOOV µa01'jtOOV EYE VETO yoyyuaµo;; TOOV
'EAAlJVLatfuv :n:QO\; tOU£ 'E(3Qaiou;; ott rraQE0EWQOUvto EV tfi bwxovi<;t tfi
x.a01'jµEQLVfi ai X~QUL avtfuv. 2:11:QOOX.UAWciµEVOL bf. oi &iibex.a TO ltA~0o£ TOOV
µa01'jtWV drrav, Oux. UQEITTOV EITTLV ~µii£ X.UtaAEt1jJUvta;; TOV Aoyov TO'U 0rnu
bwxoveiv TQUltf~m;;· 3 EJtLOX.£1j!aa0E be, ab£Aq>oi, avbQU£ Es uµiilv µaQTUQOU-
µtvou;; Errta JtA~QEL\; rrveuµaro;; x.al aoq,ia£, OU£ x.ataat~aoµev Errl t~\; XQ£ia;;
taut1']£· 4 ~µEl\; bE tfi :11:QOOEUXfi x.al tfi bwxovi<;t tou Aoyou JtQOOX.UQTEQ~aoµev.
5 x.al ~QECTfV 6 1..6yo;; EVOJJtLOV rravto;; TOU JtA.~0ou;;, x.al E!;EAE!;avto ~teq,avov,
UVbQU JtA~QTJ£ JtLITTfW\; x.al :n:veuµato;; ayiou, x.al <l>LALMOV x.al IIg6;r:oQOV x.al
Ntx.civoQa x.al TLµwva x.al IIaQµeviiv x.al Ntx.61..aov rrgoa~1..mov 'Avtto;r:fo,
6 ou;; Eatljaav ivwmov tiilv arrom6Awv, x.al JtQoarn!;ciµevm err£01']X.UV mh:oi\;
ta~ ;(ELQU£.
6: I EV bE tai£ ~µ£QUL£ tautm£] This marks not only the beginning of a new
division of the work (cf. 1:15; 11:27, and similar phrases in 12:l; 19:23), but also
the transition to a new source. The reader is introduced to a new group of believ-
ers whom he has not met thus far-the Hellenists-and is acquainted with a tum
of events which is to lead on to the Gentile mission, a principal concern of Acts.
The source on which Luke begins to draw here and which he follows to 8:4
(possibly to 8:40), coming back to it at 11: 19, is a Hellenistic source, perhaps origi-
nating in Antioch on the Orantes (see comment on ll:19f.).
rr1..lJ0uv6vtwv tfuv µa01']tfuv] "as the disciples were multiplying." The word
µa0l]tai, earlier used of the personal followers of Jesus during his ministry
(frequently in all four Gospels), occurs here for the first time in Acts-a further in-
dication of a new source? From here to 21: 16 it is used in Acts as a designation for
the followers of Jesus in general (see comment on 11:26 for other designations).
eyevETo yoyyuaµo;; tiilv 'EAAlJVLatfuv JtQO\; wu;; 'E'.fiQaiou;;] This distinction be-
tween "Hellenists" and "Hebrews" is introduced without warning; nothing in the
180
5:41 EltoQEUOVto] Imperf.; the manner of their going (xa(QovtE~) is empha-

sized.
foto JtQOCTwn:ou] See on 3:20.
xatt]~Lwlhjaav un:EQ toii ov6µato~ unµaa0ijvm] Note the oxymoron of
imtt]);Lw0t]CTUV ... anµaa0ijvm. For 'U:rtEQ toii ov6µato~ cf. 3 Jn. 7. This absolute use
ofto ovoµa is common in the Apostolic Fathers. For the general sense cf. also 21: 13;
1 Pet. 4:16. xata~L6w occurs also in Lk. 20:35 (with infin., as here; cf. New Docs.
1 [1976], § 21.4, 13); 2 Th. 1 :5. It appears in Vettius Valens (e.g., 38.33; 39.4; 85.12;
222.24) with a suggestion of promotion or preferment.
5:42 xat' olxov] Cf. 2:46.
tov XQLatov 'IT]aoiiv] "the Messiah Jesus" or, more probably, "that the Mes-
siah was Jesus" (cf. 18:5, where again the position of the article indicates the pre-
cise sense).
179
ACTS6
II. PERSECUTION AND EXPANSION (6:1-9:31)

A. STEPHEN (6:1-8:la)
1. The Appointing of the Seven (6:1-6)
1 'Ev bE talc; T]µEQmc; i:ammc; :rtA.TJ0uvovrwv t&v µa0TJt&v eyivETo yoyyuaµoc; t&v
'EUTJVLITTWV JtQO£ touc; 'E{3Qaiouc; on JtUQE0EWQOU'VtO EV tfi btaXOVl<;I tfi
XU0TJµEQL vfi at XTtQUl aut&v. 2 JtQOOXUA.EOaµEVOL bE of bwbExa TO JtArj0oc; t&v
µa0ljtWV d:rtav, Oux <lQEITTOV EITTL v Tjµiic; xataAEi 1j!avtac; TOV A.Oyov to'U 0rnu
bLU'XOVELV TQU:rtE!;mc;· 3 EJttOXE1j!aa0E bi, abEA.q>OL, avbQac; Es uµ&v µaQtUQOU-
µivouc; Ema :rtA.~QEtc; :rtvEuµatoc; xal aoq,(ac;, OU£ xataot~aoµev E:rtl trjc; JCQEfac;
taml]c;• 4 ljµEic; bE tfi JtQOOEUJCfi xal tfi btaXOVL<;I to'U 1,.oyou JtQOOXUQTEQ~OoµEv.
5 xal ~QEOEV O A.Oyoc; Evwmov :rtavtoc; TO'U JtA.~0ouc;, xal E;EA.E!;avto ~tEq,avov,
avbQU JtA~QTJc; JtLITTEW£ xal JtVEuµatoc; ayiou, xal <l>LA.LMOV xal IIQOJCOQOV xai
NtxavoQa xai Tiµwva xai IlaQµEViiv xal NLxo1,.aov :rtQOO~Autov 'Avtto)Cfo,
6 ouc; EITTTJOUV EVWJttOV t&v UJtOITTOA.(J)V, xai JtQOOEU;<lµEVOL EJtE0TJXUV autol£
tac; JCELQU£.
6: 1 EV bE taic; T]µEQmc; tam:mc;] This marks not only the beginning of a new
division of the work (cf. 1: 15; 11 :27, and similar phrases in 12: 1; 19:23), but also
the transition to a new source. The reader is introduced to a new group of believ-
ers whom he has not met thus far-the Hellenists-and is acquainted with a turn
of events which is to lead on to the Gentile mission, a principal concern of Acts.
The source on which Luke begins to draw here and which he follows to 8:4
(possibly to 8:40), coming back to it at 11:19, is a Hellenistic source, perhaps origi-
nating in Antioch on the Orontes (see comment on ll:19f.).
:7tt.TJ0uv6vtwv t&v µa0Tjt&v] "as the disciples were multiplying." The word
µa0l]taL, earlier used of the personal followers of Jesus during his ministry
(frequently in all four Gospels), occurs here for the first time in Acts-a further in-
dication of a new source? From here to 21 :16 it is used in Acts as a designation for
the followers of Jesus in general (see comment on 11:26 for other designations).
EYE VETO yoyyuaµoc; t&v 'EA.A.TJVLITTWV JtQOc; touc; 'F.j3QULOU£] This distinction be-
tween "Hellenists" and "Hebrews" is introduced without warning; nothing in the
180
6: 1-6 THE APPOINTING OF THE SEVEN
preceding narrative has prepared readers for this. From the circumstances of the
complaint lodged by the one party against the other, it appears that in the conscious-
ness of the members of either party, the distinction between the two was largely
social. In origin, however, it was cultural, and mainly linguistic.
The noun 'EU..TJVLITT~~ occurs here for the first time in Greek literature. Its
formation indicates its basic meaning to be "one who affects Greek ways" (thus it
would most naturally refer to non-Greeks, not to Greeks). The most probable ex-
planation was given by Chrysostom-that 'EU..TJVLm:a(, by contrast with '~Q<li:oL,
were Greek-speaking Jews, here, of course, such Greek-speaking Jews as were
members of the church. Many Palestinian Jews were bilingual; the Hellenists would
be those whose mother tongue, or whose only tongue, was Greek. Jews from the
lands of the Greek-speaking dispersion who were in Jerusalem for shorter or longer
periods were normally Hellenists; Paul of Tarsus was evidently an exception (cf.
21 :40 with 22:2; 26: 14; 2 Cor. 11 :22; Phil. 3:5). Hellenists would attend syn-
agogues where the scriptures were read and the prayers recited in Greek. Even in
Jerusalem such synagogues were to be found, as is evident from v. 9 below; there
is epigraphic attestation of a Hellenistic synagogue in Jerusalem in the Theodotus
inscription, discovered in 1913/14 and to be dated before AD. 70 (Cl] 1404;
Deissmann, LAE, pp. 439-41). See G. P. Wetter, "Das alteste hellenistische
Christentum nach der Apostelgeschichte," ARW 21 ( 1922), pp. 397-429; H.J. Cad-
bury, "The Hellenists," BC l.5 (London, 1933), pp. 59-74; W. Grundmann, "Das
Problem des hellenistischen Christentums innerhalb der Jerusalemer Urgemeinde,"
ZNW 38 (1939), pp. 45-73; C. F. D. Maule, "Once More, Who were the Hel-
lenists?" ExT 70 (1958-59), pp. 100-102; J. N. Sevenster, Do You Know Greek?
(Leiden, 1968); I. H. Marshall, "Palestinian and Hellenistic Christianity," NTS 19
(1972-73), pp. 271-87; M. Henge1,BetweenlesusandPaul, E.T. (London, 1983),
pp. 1-29; also the entries s. v. 'EU..TJVLITT~~ in BAGD and s. v. "EU.TJV (by H. Win-
disch) in TDNT2, pp. 5llf. Cf. 9:29; 11:20 (with comments).
Since the '~Q<liOL are here distinguished from the 'EU..TjvLm:u(, the word is
presumably used not as a synonym for 'Iouoolm but in a narrower sense, of those
Jews who attended synagogues where the scriptures were read and the worship
conducted in Hebrew. Such Jews would normally speak Aramaic (or possibly Mish-
naic Hebrew). In some cities of the dispersion-Corinth, for example (Cll 718),
and Rome (C/1 291, 317, 510, 535)-there is inscriptional evidence for a "syn-
agogue of Hebrews," which might conceivably mean a synagogue where Jews who
maintained close ties with their national home could attend a Hebrew service (the
phrase might, on the other hand, simply mean "Jews' meeting house"). The attempt
to show that "Hebrews" in our present text and elsewhere means "Samaritans" has
not been successful, despite C. S. Mann's claim that A. Spiro has put this inter-
pretation "beyond question" (Appendixes V and VI to J. Munck, The Acts of the
Apostles, AB [Garden City, NY, 1967], pp. 285-301 ).
rtUQ£0£wQouvro EV tfl bwxovtg. tfl xa0TJµt:QL vfl al xfigm am:wv] "Their widows"
are the widows in the Hellenistic group. Widows were naturally among the needi-
est members of any society, in NT as in OT times (cf. 1 Tim. 5:9-16; Jas. 1:27). A
181
daily distribution to needy members of the church was evidently made out of the
common fund, established by the voluntary pooling of resources (2:44f.; 4:34f.).
The poverty of the Jerusalem church gave rise to the designation of its members
collectively as "the poor" (cf. the later term "Ebionite," from Heb. 'el]y6n, "poor").
After the Gentile mission was launched, the poverty of the mother church "acted
as a bond to unite the scattered congregations in active ministration ... and at the
beginning it stimulated the primitive Church to originate a better organization"
(Ramsay, SPT, p. 373). Note that xa01JµEQLVO£, though a compound adj., has three
terminations, "like its classical predecessor xa01JµEQLO£" (MHT II, p. 158). Its only
other occurrence in the Gk. Bible is Judith 12:15, t~v xa01JµEQLV~v oimtav. See also
N. Walter, "Apostelgeschichte 6.1 und die Anfiinge der Urgemeinde in Jerusalem,"
NTS 29 (1983), pp. 370-93.
At the end of v. 1 b adds rv tfi btaxovi<;t tciiv 'EflQaiwv (so D; cf. lath a minis-
tris Hebraicorum).
6:2 ot bc.obExa] Common in Mark and Luke (cf. 1 Cor. 15:5); only here in
Acts (but cf. 1:26; 2: 14, o[ EVbExa, where one of the Twelve is singled out for special
mention and the rest are referred to collectively). For Luke there is no difference
between ot bcobExa and ot wtoaroi..m.
to ,i:i..~0o£] Cf. 4:32, with comment.
aux UQEatov EITTL v] =non placet; so ~QEOEv in v. 5 =placuit. UQEITTO£ is the
verbal adj. of UQEGXW ("please"), and is hence used in the sense "fitting," "satis-
factory."
btaxovElv tQU3t£~m£] If the allocations were made in the form of food, "to
serve tables" might mean to preside at communal meals. But if (as is more prob-
able) they were made in the form of money, then tQU:7tE~a has its financial sense
here (cf. Mk. 11:15 par. Mt. 21 :12; Jn. 2:15; Lk. 19:23 par. tQa:1tE~Ltat£, Mt. 25:27).
The verb btaxovElv and the corresponding noun btaxovia in vv. 1 and 4 are not
used here in any restricted or technical sense; nor are the seven men appointed in
vv. Sf. called bt<ixovot, though of course they were bt<ixovm in the ordinary sense
of "servants" or "ministers." It is anachronistic to apply to persons and functions
in the NT names which have subsequently acquired a stereotyped ecclesiastical
sense.
6:3 E:7tLOX£1j!U00E bi, abEA.q>oi, avbQU£ Es i,µwv] b has ti oov EITTLV, abEA.q>oi;
E:7tLOX£'1j)ao0E Es vµciiv amfuv aVbQa£. Forti oov EITTLV; cf. 21:22. B hasEmOXE'lj)COµE0a
for EmoXE'lj)ao0E, probably from a desire not to exclude the Twelve from a share in
the selection of the Seven, but this reading is at variance not only with all other
witnesses to the text but also with v. 6.
There are similarities between this narrative and that of Ex. 18:17-23, where
Jethro advises Moses to select God-fearing men to share his judicial burden, leav-
ing him free to deal with the really hard cases.
µUQtUQouµivou£] "to whom witness is borne," i.e., good witness (cf. 10:22;
16:2; 22:12).
emu] septem viri mensis ordinandis, as Ramsay calls them (SPT, p. 375). In
21:8 they are simply called "the Seven."
182
6: 1-6 THE APPOINTING OF THE SEVEN
JtA.tjQEL£] JtA.tjQlJ£ A E H Pal. There was no difference in pronunciation be-

tween the two forms, and this might be one cause of the confusion; moreover,
JtAtjQTJ£ could have been construed as indeclinable (see comment on :rtAtjQTJ£, v. 5).
JtVEUµUto£ l Here without ay(ou, but JtVE'IJµUt0£ ay(ou in v. 5 indicates that the
Holy Spirit is meant. The addition of xal, arnp(a£ implies that the spirit of wisdom
is more particularly in view (cf. Isa. 11:2, where the Spirit of Yahweh is further de-
fined as being, inter alia, "the spirit of wisdom"; also Ex. 28:3; Dt. 34:9).
xataattjaoµEv] The Twelve were to give their approval to the community's
selection of the Seven.
EJtt tfJ£ XQELU£ tautTJ£] The men selected were not, however, restricted to this
service: Stephen and Philip, e.g., shone as public speakers. The NT force ofXQELa
is usually "need," but in Hellenistic Gk. it commonly means "office," as here.
6:4 tfi JtQoarnxnl As in 1: 14; cf. 2:42, ta~ JtQOOEUXUL£. The church's regu-
lar worship is meant.
tfi 6wxov(<;1 toii 1,.oyou] I.e., preaching. Cf. Lk. 1:2, u:rtTJQEtm ... toii 1,.oyou.
:rtQoaxaQtEQtjaoµEv] Cf. 1:14; 2:42, 46. Leading the church's prayer and
preaching the gospel publicly took up all the apostles' time, so that they had none
to spare for "serving tables" and making sure that the daily allocation from the com-
mon fund was distributed fairly.
6:5 ~QWEV o 1,.oyo£ evoomov XtA] This use of evoomov ( or a word of similar
meaning) is a Semitism; cf. Mt. 18: 14, oux EatL v 0EAT]µa tµ:rtQoa0Ev toii :rtatQO£ µou.
xa1. el;EAEl;avto x,:1,.] All seven have Greek names. This in itself does not prove
that they were Hellenists, but since they were appointed in the interest of the Hel-
lenists it was natural that they themselves should be Hellenists. One of them (Nic-
olaus) was not even a Jew by birth, but a proselyte. The Seven were probably rec-
ognized by the Hellenists in the church as their leaders; their recognition by the
church as a whole and their confirmation by the apostles may have been regarded
by Luke as a step forward toward the equality of Jew and Gentile in the church, al-
though at this stage there could be no question of admitting Gentiles who were not
already proselytes.
Lttq,avov, o.v6Qa :rtAtjQTJS :rtLatEW£ xa1. nvEuµmos ay(ou] For the majority read-
ing :rtA.tjQTJS B ccorr and many cursives have :rtA.tjQT]. The prevalent tendency would
be for scribes to change JtA.tjQT]£ to the acc. JtA.tjQT] and thus remove what they thought
to be a breach of concord; the probability therefore is that JtAtjQTJS is the true read-
ing and that it is an instance of the indeclinable use of the nominative form of this
adj.; cf. v. 3; 19:28 (A EL 33); Mk. 4:28 (C*vid 28); 8:19 (AFG Mal); Jn. 1:14
(where JtAtjQTJS, if indeclinable, would refer to liol;av rather than to 1,.oyo;); 2 Jn. 8
(L). "In almost every NT occurrence of an oblique case of this word we meet with
the indeclinable form in good uncials" (MHT I, p. 50). Cf. Job 21 :24 LXX ( ~ AB
C); Vettius Valens 298.26. Papyrus parallels commence in the second century B.C.,
and are abundant after the first century A.D.
The n(atLS of which Stephen was full was probably his faith in Christ, which
enabled him to act and speak as he did; that loyalty or fidelity (another form of
JtLatL£) was the fruit of such faith is inevitable. Latin readers who found plenum
183
fidei in their version may have been struck by the resemblance to the fine old Roman
character of Flamininus, described by Ennius: ille uir haud magna cum re, sed
plenus fidei ("that man without much property but full of fidelity").
<1>0. Ln:rcov] More is recorded of Philip in 8:5-40; 21 :8f. It is usually held that
he is to be distinguished from Philip the apostle (cf. I: 13), and the distinction is
probably to be maintained; however, in M. Hengel's opinion, "we cannot exclude
the possibility that, say, Philip was originally one of the 'Twelve' and now went
over to the 'Seven'" (Between Jesus and Paul, E.T. [London, 1983], p. 14); cf.
W. Grundmann, "Das Problem ... " (see comment on v. 1 above), p. 59, n. 33.
Nothing further is said in the NT about the other five.
IlQOXOQOV] Prochorus appears in later tradition as an attendant on John the
apostle and as the alleged author of the orthodox fifth-century Acts ofJohn, as well
as bishop of Nicomedia in Bithynia.
NLiroAaov JtQOCT~Atrtov 'Avnoxfo] The inclusion of a proselyte (see comment
on 2:10) is noteworthy; so also is the fact that Nicolaus is the only one of the Seven
whose place of origin is specified.
"Now," wrote James Smith, "if St. Luke was himself an Antiochean, noth-
ing could be more natural than such a notice, just as I find in my own library eight
accounts of the Russian campaign of 1812, three by French, three by English, and
two by Scotch authors. The two last, Scott and Alison, tell us that the Russian
General Barclay de Tolly was of Scotch extraction; none of the others take any no-
tice of it. In both cases, the authors I have no doubt were prompted by national feel-
ings, of which they were probably unconscious, and I attribute the notice of the
country of Nicolas to the same cause. Another case of the same kind is where he
tells us that the disciples were first called Christians at Antioch" (The Voyage and
Shipwreck of St. Paul [London, 4 1880], pp. 4f.). For the tradition that Luke
belonged to Antioch see Introduction, pp. Sf.
There had been a large Jewish population in Antioch since the early third
century B.C. (cf. Jos. BJ 7.43-45). Irenaeus (Haer. 1.23.1; cf.3.11.7) derives the
Nicolaitans of Rev. 2:6, 15 from this Nicolaus. Victorin us of Pettau (InApocalypsin,
ad 2:6) has a more circumstantial account than Irenaeus, which might be based on
Papias: "factious and pestilential men had made for themselves a heresy in the name
of the deacon Nicolaus, teaching that meat offered to idols could be exorcized, so
that it might be eaten, and that one who had committed fornication might receive
absolution on the eighth day." The Nicolaitans probably relaxed the terms of the
apostolic decree (cf. 15:29). See N. Brox, "Nikolaos und Nikolaiten," VC 19
(1965), pp. 25-30: the Nicolaitans' choice of this name was a claim to association
with Nicolaus.
6:6 en:£0rpmv amoi£ tU£ XELQU£] For the sequenceEJCLCTXE1jJaCT0E ... EJtE81]XaV
amo i£ ta£ XE 1Qa£ cf. N um. 27: 16-18, EJtLCTXE1jJ<ia8w ... av8QWJtov 0£ EXEL n:vEfJµa ev
fomqi xal em8~CTEL£ tU£ XELQCl£ GOU en:' am6v (of Moses' transferring his authority
to Joshua). The Heb. word there used for "laying on" is siima"/s; hence the ceremony
was called semf"/siih (according to mSanh. 4.4, members of the Sanhedrin were so
admitted). The ceremony in this case indicated the conferring of authority by the
184
6:7 PROGRESS REPORT
apostles on the seven men whom the people had chosen. Cf. 8: 17; 9:17; 13:3; 19:6
for various circumstances in which a similar ceremony took place. Sometimes the
ceremony betokened identification, as when the Israelite worshiper laid his hands
on the animal which he was giving in sacrifice (Lev. 1:4; 3:2; 4:4; 16:21, etc.). Cf.
also 28:8; Mk. 5:23, etc., for the imposition of hands in healing; 1 Tim. 4:14; 2 Tim.
1:6, for the impartation by this means of a spiritual gift.
2. Progress Report (6:7)

7 Kat () A.OYO£ toii 8EOii 1ru~aVEV, xal EJtA.T]8UVE'tO () UQL8µo£ Tci>V µaSl]Tciiv EV
'lEQOUCJUA~µ o<j>60QU, JtOAU£ TE DXAO£ TG:Jv LEQEOlV UJt~xouov Tfi JtLITTEL.
6:7 This verse is one of a succession of progress reports which serve to
punctuate the narrative of Acts; cf. 9:31; 12:24; 16:5; 19:20; 28:31. C.H. Turner
points out that by their means Acts is divided into six "panels" which cover on an
average five years each ("Chronology of the New Testament," HDB I, pp. 421-23).
JtOA.U£ TE DXAO£ Tciiv LEQEOlV UJt~xouov] For LEQEOlV l< minn. aliquot syrpesh have
'Iouoa(wv, lath has in templo (representing EV TCJJ LEQCJJ ).
The adhesion of so many priests would strengthen the ties which bound a
large proportion of the believers to the temple order; this would heighten the ten-
sion between them and those Hellenists who shared Stephen's negative estimate of
the temple. That the letter to the Hebrews was sent to these priests was held by
K. Bornhauser, Empfiinger und Verfasser des Briefes an die Hebriier (Giitersloh,
1932); cf. C. Spicq, L'epftre aux Hebreu.x, EB (Paris, 1952-53), I, pp. 218, 226-31.
Spicq argued later that these converted priests were "Esseno-Christians," former
members of the Qumran community ("L'epitre aux Hebreux: Apollos, Jean-
Baptiste, Jes Hellenistes et Qumran," RQ 1 [1958-59], pp. 365-90). Such theories
far outstrip the available evidence.
uJt~xouov Tfi JtLITTEL] Here JttITTL£ is almost equal to d,ayyEALOV (cf.
uJtaxououm v TCJJ EuayyEAL(!l, 2 Th. 1:8), the fides quae creditur rather than the fides
qua creditur (cf. 1 Tim. 1:19; 4:6; 6:10); note, however, uJta'l!.o~ JttITTEOl£ in Rom.
1:5; 16:26 (obedience which consists in faith).
3. Stephen's Activity Arouses Opposition (6:8-10)

8LTEq>UVO£ OE JtA.~QT]£ XUQLTO£ ')(UL OUV<lµEOl£ EJtOLEL TEQUta 'II.UL CJT]µEia µEya)..a
EV TCJJ AUCJJ. 9 'AvEITTT]CJav OE n VE£ TG:Jv E'I!. T~£ ouvaywy~£ T~£ AfYOµE VT]£ AL-
~EQT( vwv xal, KUQT]Va(wv ml 'AAE~aVOQEOlV xal Tciiv aJto KLA.L'l!.LU£ ml, 'Aa(a£
OU~l]TO'IJVTE£ T(J) LTElj>avcµ, IOXUL 01!'1!. foxuov (lvtLCJt~Vm Tfi ao«p(c;i xal T(J)
JtVEuµan <µ EA.UA.E L. .
6:8 JtA~QT]£ xaQLto£ ml ouvaµEW£] For XUQLto£ byz reads JttITTEOl£ (cf. v. 5).
Stephen has already been described as being full of faith and the Holy Spirit. Here
XUQL£ may have its earlier sense of"charm," i.e., spiritual charm (cf. 4:33; Lk. 4:22).
The ouvaµL£ is that divine power which is manifested in "mighty works" (cf. 2:22;
4:33) or, as is said here, in "wonders and great signs."
185
TEQUTU xal OT]µEia µqa1,.a) Cf. 2:22, 43; 4:30; 5:12; 7:36; 8:13; 14:3.
Ev T<!J Aa<µ] The AUO£ is, of course, the Jewish people-here, more particu-
larly, the people of Jerusalem. D adds bla TOU ovoµaTO£ XUQLOU 'll]OOU XQLOTOU, a
conflation of "by the name of the Lord" (syrhcl* *) and in nomine Iesu Christi (lath).
It was not merely Stephen's "wonders and great signs" that created a public
stir, but the preaching that accompanied them. There was a special emphasis in
Stephen's preaching quite unlike anything heard from the lips of the Twelve: he in-
terpreted quite radically the implications of the Christ event for Jewish worship
and institutions, not least for the temple order. See M. Simon, "St. Stephen and the
Jerusalem Temple," JEH 2 (1951), pp. 127-42; St. Stephen and the Hellenists in
the Primitive Church (New York/London, 1958); M. H. Scharlemann, Stephen: A
Singular Saint, AnBib 34 (Rome, 1968); G. N. Stanton, "Stephen in Lucan Per-
spective," Studia Biblica 1978, III (Sheffield, 1980), pp. 345-60; H.-W. Neudorfer,
Der Stephanuskreis in der Forschungsgeschichte seit F C. Baur (Giessen/Basel,
1983 ). For the suggestion that the Christ hymn of Phil. 2:6-11 had its origins in the
Stephen circle sec D. Georgi, "Der vorpaulinische Hymnus Phil 2,6-11," in Zeit
und Ceschichte: Dankesgabe an R. Bultmann, ed. E. Dinkier (Ti.ibingcn, 1964 ),
p. 292.
6:9 EX TTJ£ auvaymyf]£] The origin of the synagogue is obscure: its rise and
development are traced back to Persian times, if not indeed to the Babylonian exile.
The "meeting places of God" (mo'iige 'el) in Ps. 74 (LXX 73):8 were probably
synagogues; this is the only OT reference to the institution. The synagogue had as
its primary purpose the reading and exposition of the sacred scriptures; this exer-
cise was inevitably accompanied by appropriate prayer and thanksgiving. The syn-
agogue, especially among Jews of the dispersion, was the center around which the
life of the community revolved. A synagogue service is described in 13:14-43
below (cf. also Lk. 4: 16-27). The Heb. name of the synagogue was bef hak/(€nese!,
"the house of gathering" (Aram. /(€nistii), for which auvaymytj is a fairly literal
equivalent, used first for the congregation and then also for its meeting place (it
appears in Jos. BJ 2.285, 289; 7.44; Ant. 19.300; Philo, Quad omnis probus liber
81 [of Essene meeting places], etc.). Other Gk. names were auvaywywv (Philo,
Leg. ad Cai. 311; De somniis 2.127; CIC 9908), :n:goaEUXTtjQLOV (Philo, Vit. Mays.
2.216), oaj3f}atEiov (Jos. Ant. 16.164), but the most common, next to auvaymytj it-
self, was JtQOOEUXtj (sec comment on 16:13 below; cf. also Jos. Vita 277, 280, 293;
Philo, Flacc. 41, 45, 122; Leg. ad Cai. 134, 155, 346, 371; 3 Mace. 7:20; inscrip-
tions and papyri from the 3rd cent. B.C. onward). In Jas. 2:2; Hermas, Man.
11.9.13f.; Justin, Dial. 63; Ignatius, Ad Polyc. 4:2; Dion. Alex. ap. Euseb. HE
7.9.11, a Christian meeting is called a auvaymytj (cf. Emauvaymytj, Heb. 10:25). Sec
Schi.ircr II, pp. 427-54.
Throughout LXXauvaymytj is the almost invariable equivalent of Heb. 'e{jiih,
denoting the people of Israel as Yahweh's "congregation"; it also appears in Gene-
sis-Numbers, Jeremiah, and Ezekiel as the regular rendering of qiihiil (see com-
ments on 5:11; 7:38; 20:28).
TT]£ 1,.qoµEVTJ£ Atf}EQTLV(1)V xal KUQTJVUL(1)V xal 'AAE~UVOQEOOV xal TWV a:n:o
186
6:8-10 STEPHEN'S ACTIVITY AROUSES OPPOSITION
KLALXL<l£ ml 'Ao(a~ Jml 'Ao(~ om AD*. Opinions differ on the number of syn-
agogues indicated here. Schurer (II, p. 428) infers that there were five: "the Hel-
lenized Jews in Jerusalem-the Libertines, Cyrenians, Alexandrians, Cilicians and
Asiatics-quite clearly formed special 'congregations.'" If"those from Cilicia and
Asia" be taken closely together, as sharing one synagogue, the sum will be four. If,
similarly, the "Cyrenaeans and Alexandrians" also be taken closely together, the
sum will be three (so T. E. Page). This can be further reduced to two, if ml
KuQTJvaiwv ,ml 'AfE~v~ewv and tci>v ano KLlLx(a~ ml 'Ao(~ be regarded as sep-
arately epexegetic of AL~EQt(vwv (so LC; also H. Strathmann, TDNT 4, p. 265, s.v.
AL~EQtlv~). More probably one synagogue only is intended: "the Synagogue of
the Freedmen, comprising both Cyrenaeans and Alexandrians and those from Ci-
licia and Asia" ()!.(lt KuQTJVaiwv xal 'AfE~VbQiwv and tci>v futo KLALXL(l(; xal 'Aaia£
being together, not separately, epexegetic of AL~EQtivwv).
AL~EQtlv~ is a loanword from Lat. libertinus, "freedman." Alibertinus was
either a libertus (a former slave who had been manumitted) or the son of a liber-
tus (cf. Suetonius, Claudius 24. l ). See A. M. Duff, Freedmen in the Early Roman
Empire (Oxford, 2 1957). Schurer (11, p. 428, n. 8) thinks the freedmen mentioned
here were descendants of Jews sent by Pompey as prisoners to Rome, and soon lib-
erated; so also Strathmann, TDNT4, p. 466 (cf. Philo,leg. adGai. 155). Deissmann
(LAE, p. 441) thinks they were freedmen of the imperial household.
An emendation which many have found tempting is suggested by the read-
ing "Libyans" for "Libertines" in the Armenian versions and Syriac commentar-
ies. Tischendorf and M. Dibelius (Studies, p. 91) favored the reading AL~OOJV, but
Beza's conjecture AL~uativwv is more plausible. F. Blass, who was disposed to ac-
cept it, pointed out that the Jews of Libya, Cyrene, and Alexandria (cf. 2: 10) would
thus be named in their geographical order (PG, pp. 69f.). There is, however, no
good reason for rejecting AL~EQtivwv (lqoµeVT]£ may be an apology for the use of
a foreign word).
A synagogue of Alexandrians at Jerusalem is mentioned in Tos. Megillah 3.6;
jMegillah 3. l.73d. As for the mention of Cilicians, it raises the question whether
or not this was the synagogue which Paul, "a Jew from Tarsus in Cilicia" (21 :39),
attended in Jerusalem. (Or did he prefer one where the service was conducted in
Heb.?) One Hellenistic synagogue in Jerusalem of the period before A.D. 70 is at-
tested by the Theodotus inscription, discovered on Ophel in 1913/14 (C/J 1404; cf.
Deissmann, LAE, pp. 439-41 ). There is no compelling reason to identify it with this
"Synagogue of the Freedmen" ( although the identification is not impossible); there
were several synagogues in Jerusalem at this time.
6: 10 01))!. 'iaxuov avtlatftvm tfl oocj>it;t ml t EA<J.A.El] Cf. the do-
minical promise of Lk. 21: 15 (here fulfilled): eyw ... bwow uµlv at6µa ,ml oocp(av
fl ou buv~oovtm avtLatftvm. b (attested by D lath vg.codd syrhcl.mg gertepl bohaemvet)
exhibits the fuller reading: tfl oocj>it;t tfl ouon Ev am<j) )!.(ll t<j) n:vEuµatL t<j) o.yicp cf>
EA.<lAEl bla to EAEYXE00m amoix; En:' amoii µEta 3t<J.OT]£ 31:<lQQT]OL~. µ~ buva.µEVOL O'UV
avtoq,0o.A.µE iv tfl <lA.T]0E lt;l l!.tA. ( note avtocj>0o.A.µE iv, "withstand," which in the NT text
occurs otherwise only at 27:15 below).
187
4. Stephen Charged before the Sanhedrin (6:11-15)

11 TOTE 1!:rtE~UA.OV livbQac; A.Eyovtac; OTL 'AXT]XOaµEv autoii A.UA.OUVtoc; Q~µata
j3)..ciacpT]µa de; MwiiafJv xai TOV 0Eov· 12 OUVEXLVT]CJClV TE TOVA.UOY xai touc; 3tQECJ-
j3utEQOUc; xat touc; yQaµµanic;, xal Ematcivnc; auv~Q:rtaaav auTov xal ~yayov
de; TO auvr6Qwv, 13 EOTT]CJciv TE µciQTUQac; 'ljJEUbEic; AEyovtac;, 'O liv0QW:rtoc; oirtoc;
01) :rtUUETat A.UA.WV Q~µata Xata toii t6:rtou toii ay(ou [toutou] xai toii v6µou,
14UXTJXOaµEv yaQ amoii AEyovtoc; on 'IT]CJOiic; 6 Na~UJQUtoc; oirtoc; XUTUA.UOEL
TOV t6:rtov toiitov xal anci!;EL ta EOTj ii 3tUQE6UJXEV ~µiv MwiiafJc;. 15 xal
UTEVLOUvtEc; de; amov :rt<lvtEc; oi xa0E~OµEVOL EV Tq) GUVE6Qt(Jl dbav TO
:TtQOOUJ:rtOV amoii wad :TtQOGUJ:rtOV ayyEA.OU.
6: 11 v:rctj3a)..ov] "put up," "suborned," of introducing in an underhanded

manner with fraudulent intent. Cf. Appian, Bell. civ. 1.74, v:rtEj3A~0T]aav xm~yoQOL.
The Lat. versions have summiserunt.
Q~µata j3)..ciacj>T]µa] Cf. Mk. 14:64, ~xouaatE TfJc; j3)..aaqil]µ(ac; (at the conclu-
sion of Jesus' appearance before the Sanhedrin). The Mosaic law on blasphemy
(Num. 15:30) was not so strictly interpreted at an earlier time as it was in the later
rabbinical ruling, according to which blasphemy involved the pronouncing of the
ineffable name of God (mSanh. 7.5). See G. H. Dalman, The Words of Jesus, E.T.
(Edinburgh, 1902), p. 314.
6: 12 ~yayov de; to auvrbQLOV] Sec the comment on 4: 15. The Sanhedrin in-
cluded the elders and scribes whom, according to the preceding clause, Stephen's
accusers "stirred up" together with the people at large. Unable to refute him in the
synagogue, they adopted more drastic means to silence him.
6:13 µciQTUQac; 1j)EUbEic;] These are the "suborned" men ofv. 11. Anyone who
bears witness against a spokesman of God is ipso facto a false witness, like those
who bore witness against Jesus at his trial (Mk. 14:55-59). The charge of v. 11 is
now spelled out more fully, in both its parts ("against Moses" and "against God").
01) :11:UUETUL A.UA.WV Q~µata xata toii t6:rcou toii ay(ou [tomou l xat toii v6µou l
tomou B C 1739 al; om P 74 X ADE q, 0175 byz lat (it should most probably be
omitted, having been supplied in some authorities from v. 14). Stephen's alleged
words against the holy place amounted (it was argued) to blasphemy against God;
his words against the law constituted blasphemy against Moses. With the terms of
his accusation may be compared the charges brought against Jesus (Mk. 14:57f.)
and later against Paul (see 21:28 below). As against Jesus, so against Stephen, the
charges were tendentious representations of what had been actually said. What
Stephen had said, so far as the "holy place" was concerned, may be judged from
the tenor of his reply. His declaration that the Most High does not dwell in temples
made with hands (7:48)-not even (as he made quite clear) in the Jerusalem
temple-was bound to cause grave offense. Stephen plainly advanced far beyond
the position of the Twelve with regard to the traditional Jewish institutions, and
saw more clearly the inevitability of a break.
6:14 'llJaoiic; 6 Na~wQai:oc; omoc;] Sec the comment on 2:22; oirtoc; is per-
haps contemptuous.
188
6:11-15 STEPHEN CHARGED BEFORE THE SANHEDRIN
xarnA.uow i:ov to:rcov i:om:ov J Jesus himself was charged with saying, lyw
xataA.vaw tov vaov tom:ov (Mk. 14:58). It is noteworthy that this charge is not re-
produced in Luke's account of his trial-one of several instances of Luke's post-
poning a theme which the other synoptists place in the context of Jesus' ministry
and providing it with a fresh context in the life of the primitive church ( see on 9:40).
(Cf. Jesus' words in Jn. 2: 19, A.OOatE tov vaov i:om:ov.) Stephen is not charged with
going on to say that Jesus will build a new temple in place of the old, but the theme
of the new temple, "not made with hands," may be read between the lines of his
reply. See A Cole, The New Temple (London, 1950), p. 44; for a critique see R. J.
McKelvey, The New Temple (Oxford, 1969), pp. 86f.; I. H. Marshall, "Church and
Temple in the New Testament, TynB 40 (1989), pp. 203-22.
a.Ucil;EL i:a rn11 ii :rcUQEbwXEv ~µiv Mwuo~~J This is what was meant by the
charge that Stephen spoke against Moses; he may have taught the transitory nature
of the Mosaic order. Out of the mouths of his accusers we have a tribute to his
farsighted comprehension of what the gospel involved. No wonder his teaching
was anathema to many who cared deeply for Israel's heritage. For the language
T. E. Page compares Juvenal, Sat. 14.102, "tradidit arcano quodcunque uolurnine
Moyses." The charge of speaking against the law is not dealt with at length in
Stephen's reply, as is the charge of his speaking against the 1ernple.
6: 15 WOE l JCQOO(J)JCOV a.yyEA.OlJ] b adds EITTOJTO~ EV µfocp am<ilv. For wad cf.
2:3; Lk. 3:23; 22:44. For the shining face compare Moses corning back from talk-
ing with God (Ex. 34:29-35) and Jesus on the Mount of Transfiguration (Lk. 9:29
par. Mt. 17:2); also the description of Paul in Acta Pauli 3: "at times he appeared
like a man, and at times he had the face of an angel" (:rcotE µEv YUQ Eq>atvno w~
av8Qw:rco~, :rcotE bE a.yyEA.ou :rcQ6ow:rcov Elx.Ev).
189
ACTS7
5. The High Priest's Question (7:1)

1 EbtEV bf 6 aQXLEQEV£' Et rnfua omw£ EXEL;
7:1 dmv bf 6 UQXLEQE1!£' EL tafua omw£ EXEL; D has the fuller reading: Ein:Ev
be 6 aQXLEQE~ t<ji Lmpav(Jl· d iiQa tofuo omw£ EXEL; For EL introducing a direct ques-
tion cf. 1:6; 19:2; 21 :37; 22:25. The high priest, president of the Sanhedrin ex offi-
cio, was still probably Caiaphas, who continued in office until A.D. 36 (see comment
on 4:6). It was as necessary in Jewish as in Roman court procedure (see 25:16) that
the accused person should have the right of reply to the charges brought against him.
6. Stephen's Reply (7:2-53)

a. The patriarchal age (7:2-8)
2 6 bf E<j)TJ, "AvtJQE£ abd.<j>o i xa i n:atEQE£, axovaatE. 'O 8EO£ tfJ£ b6sTJ£ w<j>8TJ T()l
JtatQL ~µwv 'Aj3Qaaµ OVTL EV t'fi Mwon:ornµiq J'CQLV ~ xatotxf]om amov EV
XaQQUV, 3 xai Eln:Ev J'CQO£ amov, "E!;EAOE EX tfJ£ YTJ£ aov xal tfJ£ ovyyEVELU£
aov, xai bEiiQo EL£ t~v yf]v ~v av om bd1;w· 4TOtE e1;d8wv ex YTJ£ Xa1s.ba(wv
xatciJXTJOEV EV XaQQUV. xaXEl8EV µna TO an:o8aVELV TOV n:atEQU autoii µncfixtaEV
amov EL£ T~V yf]v talJtT)V EL£ ~v UµEL£ viiv xatolXELTE, 5 xat O'UX rbOJXEV am<ji
XATJQOvoµiav ev aut'fi ovbf ~f]µa n:obcl£, xai E1tl']yyd1s.ato boiivm am<ji EL£
XatUGXEGL v aut~V xai T()l GJ'CEQµan autoii µn' amov, O'UX OVT0£ U'UT()l TEXVOU.
6 EAUATJGEV bf omw£ 6 8EO£ on foTm TO OJ'CEQµa autoii n:aQOLXOV EV y'fi aAAOTQLq,
xai bov1s.waovm Vamo xai xaxwaovOL V ETTJ tETQUXOOLa· 7 xal to E8VO£ CJ) EaV
bOVAElJOOVOL v XQl vw EYfil, 6 8EO£ dmv, xat µna taiita E;EAE'UGOVTm xai
1.UTQElJGOVGLV µot EV T()l TOJt:(Jl TOllt(Jl. sxal EbOJXEV am<ji c>La0~XTJV 3'CEQLToµfJ£'
xai OU't0l£ EYEVVTJOEV TOV 'Iaaax xal n:EQLETEµEv amov T'fi ~µEQq T'fi oybon, xal
'laaax TOV 'Iaxw~, xat 'Iaxw~ toll£ b111bExa ltatQLUQXU£.
7:2 o bf i:<Pri] Stephen's reply, or his "apology" (as it is conventionally
called), is not a forensic defense, designed to procure the defendant's acquittal. It
is a reply to the charge of speaking against the temple; it does not deny the charge
but seeks to justify it. It is a manifesto of one phase of Hellenistic opinion, accord-
ing to which the temple, far from being essential to the pure worship of God, was
a hindrance to spiritual religion. This attitude had precedents in the teaching of
190
7:2-8 THE PATRIARCHAL AGE
some of the great prophets of Israel-notably Amos and Jeremiah. There were
other phases of opinion to be found elsewhere in Hellenistic Judaism: Philo, e.g.,
deeply influenced by Platonism though he was, regarded the Jerusalem temple with
veneration and went on pilgrimage from Alexandria to offer prayers and sacrifices
there (De providentia 2.64).
Some scholars have argued that Stephen's reply is marked by characteristi-
cally Samaritan emphases (sec A. Spiro, "Stephen's Samaritan Background," Ap-
pendix 5 in J. Munck, The Acts of the Apostles, AB [Garden City, NY, 1967], pp.
285-300; M. H. Scharlemann, Stephen: A Singular Saint, AnBib 34 [Rome, 1968];
C. H. H. Scobie, "The Origins and Development of Samaritan Christianity," NTS
19 [1972-73], pp. 390-414). But the Samaritans did not dispute the principle of the
temple; it was on the question of its proper location that they differed from the Jews
(cf. Jn. 4:20). Stephen's insistence that "the Most High does not dwell in houses
made with hands" (v. 48) would have been as applicable to the Samaritan temple
on Gerizim while it stood as it was to the temple in Jerusalem.
H.-J. Schoeps finds a remarkable similarity between Stephen's attitude to the
temple cultus and the attitude which comes to expression later in the pseudo-
Clementines, as also between Stephen's role in Acts and that attributed to James
the Just in the earliest strata of Ebionite literature; he concludes that Stephen is "an
ersatz figure introduced by Luke for tendentious reasons, in order to unload on to
him doctrines which he found inconvenient" (Theologie und Geschichte desluden-
christentums [Ttibingen, 1949], p. 441). M. Simon, in a critique of Schoeps's ar-
gument, concludes with greater cogency that Stephen is the original and the
Ebionitc James the tendentious surrogate ("Saint Stephen and the Jerusalem
Temple," JEH 2 [1951], pp. 139f.).
See also B. W. Bacon, "Stephen's Speech: Its Argument and Doctrinal Rela-
tionship," in Biblical and Semitic Studies (Yale Bicentennial Publications, 1901),
pp. 213-76; M. Jones, "The Significance of St. Stephen in the History of the Primi-
tive Christian Church," Exp. 8, 13 (1917), pp. 161-78; W. Mundie, "Die Stephan-
usrede Apg. 7: cine Miirtyrerapologie," ZNW20 (1921), pp. 133-47; F. J. Foakes-
Jackson, "Stephen's Speech in Acts," JBL 49 (1930), pp. 283-86; A. Fridrichsen,
"Zur Stephanusrede," Le Monde Oriental 25 (1931), pp. 44-52; A. F. J. Klijn,
"Stephen's Speech-Acts VII.2-53," NTS 4 (1957-58), pp. 25-31; L. W. Barnard,
"Saint Stephen and Early Alexandrian Christianity," NTS 7 (1960-61), pp. 31-45;
J. Bihler, Die Stephanusgeschichte im Zusammenhang der Apostelgeschichte
(Mtinchen, 1963); T. Holtz, "Die Stephanusrede Act 7," in Untersuchungen uber
die alttestamentlichen Zitate bei Lukas= TU 104 (1968), pp. 85-127; J. Kilgallen,
The Stephen Speech: A Literary-Redactional Study of Acts 7, 2-53, AnBib 67
(Rome, 1976); J. Dupont, "La structure oratoire du discours d'Etienne (Actes 7),"
Bib 66 (1985), pp. 153-67. C. F. D. Maule finds analogies between this speech and
the Letter to the Hebrews: what they have in common, he suggests, may well be a
very faithful representation of the thought-forms of diaspora "Christianity" ("Sanc-
tuary and Sacrifice in the Church of the New Testament," ITS n.s. 1 [1950], p. 30;
cf. The Birth of the New Testament, BNTC [London, 31981], pp. 96f., 161).
191
The speech takes the form of a survey of Israel's history from the patriarchal
age onward. Its main burden is that God's presence is not confined to one holy land
or one sacred spot. A subsidiary theme is that those who have recently repudiated
Jesus follow the precedent established by their ancestors, who in one generation
after another rejected God's earlier messengers.
iivbQE£ a&J..cj>ol xal 1tat£QE£] One of Paul's Jerusalem speeches begins in the
same way, but that was addressed to a riotous mob, not (as was Stephen's speech)
to the Sanhedrin. Perhaps the addition of xal 1tatEQE£ to iivbQE£ abd.q,oi (for which
see 1: 16) implies that the audience included men substantially older than the speaker.
6 0EO£ tfj£ bosri£] A title found in Ps. 29 (LXX 28):3, rendering Heb. 'el
hakkiil}o{j,. The gen. is adjectival ("the glorious God"); but there may be a sugges-
tion that God revealed himself to Abraham in glory, even in a pagan land. Cf. Eph.
I: 17, 6 Jtat~Q tfj~ bosri£ (also I Cor. 2:8, tOV XUQLOV tlj£ Msri£).
ovn EV tfi Mwo1totaµi<,1] The full name is LUQia Mwo1totaµia, a rendering
of Aram-naharaim ("Aram of the two rivers"), that part of North Syria lying be-
tween the Orantes and the Euphrates (cf. Egyp. Naharin). Ancient Mesopotamia
was not coterminous with modern Iraq, and did not normally include the area in
which lay "Ur of the Chaldees," where Abraham lived "before he took up residence
in Harran." But Mesopotamia here cannot well be distinguished from "the land of
the Chaldaeans" in v. 4.
xglv ~ xatmxfjam amov iv XUQQ<iv] According to Gen. 11:31-12:5 the words
quoted in v. 3 below were spoken by God to Abraham after his arrival in Harran.
However, Gen. 15:7 and Neh. 9:7 state that God brought Abraham from Ur, imply-
ing a divine communication there also (similarly Philo,DeAbrahamo 71; Jos.Ant.
1.154).
Harran (Carrhae in classical writers), in northwest Mesopotamia (now in
Turkey, about 12 miles north of the Syrian frontier), lay at an important intersec-
tion of caravan trade routes, and was a flourishing city in the nineteenth and eigh-
teenth centuries B.C. Like Ur, it was a center of the cult of the moon god. In its vi-
cinity were places bearing names also attested as personal names in Abraham's
family, e.g., Nahor (cf. Gen. 24: 10), Serug, and Terah.
7:3 xal d1tEV XtA] From Gen. 12: 1, xal d1tEV XUQLO£ t<j'> 'Aj3ga<iµ, "EsEA0E EX
trj£ Yfi£ aou xal Ex tfi£ auyyEvELa£ aou xal Ex tou o'txou tau 1tatQO£ aou, EL£ t~v yfjv
~v iiv GOL bdsw (spoken in Harran).
xal bEiiQO] Only in the Lucianic recension of LXX. The adv. llEUQO was used
quite early with the function of a verb; cf. v. 34 (and the plural formation bEutE,
Mk. 1:17; Mt. 11:28, etc.).
7:4 tOtE EsEA0wV EX yfj~ XaA.ba(wv xat<pXl]OEV EV XagQ<iv] In Gen. 11 :27-
12:5 Terah is represented as the leader of the expedition from Ur to Harran. Terah
would be acknowledged as leader of the family group while he lived, even if
Abraham was the moving spirit.
In LXX ~ x.wQU tfuv XaAbaiwv is the regular translation of Heb. 'ur kasdim.
Josephus (Ant. 1.157) includes these Chaldaeans among the peoples of Meso-
potamia.
192
7:2-8 THE PATRIARCHAL AGE
µeta. to a.:rcoeavE iv tov :rcatEQU am:ou] Cf. Philo, De migratione Abrahami 177:
ott ltQOtEQOV µEV EX tfJ£ Xa1,.c'kdxfJ£ a.vam:a.£ YTJ£ 'Aj3Qaa.µ WXTJOEV EL£ XaQQUV, tE-
A.Eut~oavtO£ bE am:rji tou :1tutQO£ EXEWt xa.x tautTJ£ µEmv(m:mm. The chronological
data of Gen. 11:26, 32; 12:4 (MT, LXX) would suggest that Terah's death at the
age of 205 took place 60 years after Abraham's departure from Harran. (Some older
Bible chronologers, like J. Ussher, dealt with this discrepancy by taking Gen. 11 :26
to mean that Terah was 70 when his oldest son Haran was born, while Abraham
was born 60 years later.) However, the Samaritan Pentateuch gives Terah's age at
death as 145, and a similar Gk. reading may underlie the present passage and Philo 's
statement. Textual affinities between the Samaritan Pentateuch and OT quotations
in Stephen's speech (see notes on vv. 32 and 37) do not support the claim that
Stephen's speech reflects Samaritan thinking: apart from those textual variants that
relate to Samaritan-Jewish disputes, the Samaritan Pentateuch is a popular Palestin-
ian recension of the Hebrew text (cf. P. E. Kahle, The Cairo Geniza [London, 1947],
pp. 147f.).
µm{>xtoEv] Understand 6 8Eo£ as subject.
EL£ ~v uµei£ vuv xmmxEiu J A clear instance of the Hellenistic encroachment
of EL£ on EV. b (D hcl * *) adds xal oi :rtatEQE£ ~µ&v ot :rtQO ~µ&v.
7:5 xal oux EbwxEv am:rji XA.TJQOVoµtav Ev am:fi oubE ~fJµa nob6£] The word-
ing reflects Dt. 2:5, OU Ya.Q µ~ M> uµiv a.no tfJ£ YTJ£ am:&v OOOE ~fJµa :rcob6£, where,
however, the reference is to Mount Seir.
boiivm amrji EL£ xataoxrnt v am~v xat trji OltEQµatt amoii µet' amov] A con-
densed quotation (in indirect speech) from the direct speech of Gen. 17:8, xal bwow
ool xal trji O:rtEQµutL OO'U µnu OE t~V yfJv ~v ltUQOLXEL£, niioav t~V yfJv Xavaav, El£
xataoxwtv aiwvwv. Similar promises are made to Jacob (Gen. 48:4) and Moses
(Dt. 32:49). For EL£ xutaox.wt v cf. v. 45 below, where xataOX,EOL£ means not so
much "having in possession" as "taking in possession."
oux ovtO£ xtA.] The ordinary rule is that the negative with a ptc. isµ~, but ou
is not unnaturally found where an explicit negative fact is stated (cf. 26:22; 28:17,
19; see MHT I, pp. 231f.).
7:6 Ott £0,:(ll . . . Etl] tEtQUXOOta] From Gen. 15:13, on ltUQOLXOV EITTUL to
0:rtEQµa OO'U EV Yfi oux ib(g., xal boUA.WOO'lJOL V amouc; xal XUXWOOOOL V (l'IJ't0'U£ xal
tUltEL VWOO'UOL VUutO'U£ tEtQUXOOLU EtTJ.
:1t<iQOtxov J The pilgrim character of the people of God is an underlying motif
throughout the speech (cf. Heb. 11:8-16). The people of God should sit loose to
any earthly locality. The on! y land that Abraham possessed was what he bought for
a burying place (sec v. 16). Cf. vv. 29, 44, and 47.
EV yfi a.1,.1,.0tQL<,1] Gen. 15: 13 LXX has Ev yfi oux ib(g., but cf. Ex. 2:22, ltC1QOLXO£
Eiµt EV yfi a.1,.1,.otQt<,1 (Moses in Midian).
tEtQUxoota EtTJ] According to Ex. 12:40 MT, the sojourning in Egypt lasted 430
years, for which 400 might be taken as a round number. But rabbinic exegesis of Ex.
15:13 reckoned 400 years from the birth oflsaac to the Exodus; cf. Gal. 3:17 (follow-
ing Ex. 12:40 LXX), where the 430 years stretch from the promise of Gen. 12:2f. (or
from Abraham's arrival in Canaan, Gen. 12:4f.) to the Exodus. Sec on 13:20.
193
7:7 ,ml to E8vo£ ... e!;E>..Euaovtm] From Gen. 15:14 (where God continues
to speak), TO DE E0vo;, qi Eav OOUAE'IJO(l)Ol v, XQL vfu Eyw· µEta DE tavta EsEAEUOOVTUl
WDE µEta ClltoOXEU~£ lt0AA~£-
 eav Dou>..Euaoum v] The use of av (e<iv) with fut. indic. is postclassical, being
a mixture of two constructions: (1) the simple fut. (without av), and (2) av with the
aor. subjunctive, the classical indefinite construction, exhibited here by B (follow-
ing LXX). Cf. Mk. 8:35; Lk. 12:8; 17:33.
ml >..atQEuaoua( v µm ev t<ji tomµ tomqi] From the words addressed to Moses in
Ex. 3:12 (EV T<Jl el;uyayEiv OE TOV >..aov µou el; Aiyumou xal AUTQEUOETE T<Jl SE<ji EV T<Jl
OQEl tomqi ), where the place referred to is Horeb/Sinai. Here it is the promised land.
This telescoping of distinct quotations occurs repeatedly in the present speech (cf.the
telescoping of distinct events in v. 16 below). Cf. also, particularly for the inclusion
of >..atQEUW in the promise to Abraham, the words of the Magnificat (Lk. 1:73-75).
7:8 btaS~XTJV ltEQLtoµ~£] Cf. Gen. 17:10, xai aiitTJ rt DlaS~XTJ ... n:EQLT-
µ'1]!:ltjaETm uµfuv n:av UQOEVLXOV.
omw£] LC suggest the emphatic meaning: "thus, while there was still no holy
place, all the essential conditions for the religion of Israel were fulfilled."
ltEQLETEµEV amov tfi T\f.lEQ<_l tfi oyDon) Cf. Gen. 21:4, ltEQLETEµEV DE 'Aj3Qaaµ TOV
'Iaaax tfi oyDon riµEQ<_I.
n:atQLUQXU£] See on 2:29. The word is used for the sons of Jacob in 4 Mace.
16:25 (along with Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, who are so called also in 4 Mace.
7:19), and in the title of the Gk. Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs.
b. Israel in Egypt (7:9-19)
<J Kai oi n:atQLUQXat tTJ>..waavtE£ tov 'Iwa~q> aJtE<'iovto EL£ A'iyumov· mi ~v 6
8EO£ µEt' amoii, IOXUL e!;ELAUTO UUTOV EX :rraafuv TWV !:lt..L1j)EWV amoii, xal ECWXEV
amcji XUQLV xal aoq,(av evavtiov <PUQUCJJ pamt..EW£ Aiyumou, xal XatEOTTJCTEV
UUTOV T\YOU[J,EVOV e:rr' A'iyun:tov xal OAOV TOV oixov amoii. 11 ~A!:lEV CE >..tµO£ eq>'
OATJV T~V A'iyu:rrtov XUL Xavaav XUL !:l>..i1j)t£ µq<it..TJ, mi ovx TJUQLOXOV
XOQT<iaµata oi n:atEQE£ riµwv· 12 ciwuaa; <'iE 'Iaxwp OVTU CTLtlU EL£ A'iyumov
EsUJtEOTELAEV TOUf; ltUTEQUf; riµwv ltQOltoV· 13 xal EV t(!l DEUTEQ(Jl EYVWQL08TJ
'Iwa~q> toi£ abE>..q,oi£ amoii, ml q,avEQov eyevETo t<ji <PaQaw to yivo£ 'Iwa~q>.
14Cl:JIOOTELAU£ CE 'Iwa~cp µETEXUAEOatO 'Iaxwp TOV :rratEQU amoii xal n:aaav T~V
ouyyEVElUV EV ,puxai; tpDoµtjxovta :JtfVTE, 15 XatEPTJ DE 'Iaxwp EL£ A'iyumov.
xal ETEAEUTTJOEV amo£ ml oi :rratEQE£ riµwv, 16 xal µETEtEOTJoav EL£ LUXEµ ml
Etr0TJOUV EV t<ji µv~µatt (Jl wv~aato 'Aj3Qaaµ TLµ~£ UQYUQLOU :JIUQa TWV uiwv
'F.j.tµCJJQ EV LUXEµ. 17 Ka0w£ DE ~yyttEv 6 XQOV0£ T~£ en:ayyEALUf; ~f; wµo>..oyl]OEV
6 0EO£ t0 'Aj3Qa<iµ, TJ'UsTJOEV 6 AU0£ xal Eltt..l]OUV0l] EV Aiyun:tqi, 18 axQt O'U
avEatTJ pam>..EU£ ETEQO£ en:' A'iyumov, o; ovx fiDn tov 'Iwatjq,. t 9 outO£ xata-
aocpta<iµEvo£ TO YEVO£ riµwv EXUXWOEV TOU£ :rratEQU£ toii :JIOLELV ta PQEcjll] £X0Eta
amwv EL£ to µ~ tcpoyovEiaem.
7:9 tTJAWOUVTE£ TOV 'Iwa~cp ci:rrrbovto EL£ Atyu:rrtov] Cf. Gen. 37:11
(et~>..waav <'iE autov oi cibdq,ol amoii); 45:4 (eyw ELµt 'Iwa~q> 6 a<'iEt..q>Of; uµfuv, ov
UJ'CEDOCT0E Elf; A'(yumov).
7:10 xal ~v 6 0Eof; µEt' amoii] Cf. Gen. 39:2, 3, 21. The God who had re-
194
7:9-19 ISRAELINEGYPT
vealed himself to Abraham in Mesopotamia now granted his presence and help to
Joseph in Egypt; in making himself known to his people he shows no preference
for one place over another.
,ml El>mXEv am<j'l XUQLV] From Gen. 39:21, where these words are followed by
Evavriov toii <lQXLbwµoq,uA.UXO£.
aoq,(av] A reference no doubt to his skill in interpreting dreams and his ad-
vice to store the grain against the years of famine; cf. Gen. 41 :38f.
Evavr(ov cf>uQaW ~amA.Em£ At yum:ou] These words occur in Gen. 41 :46, where
they are preceded by fotl].
xatfotl]OEV amov XtA.] Cf. Ps. 105 (LXX 104):21,
xatEITTTJOEv am:ov XUQLOV wii o'ixou am:oii
xal ligxovi:a lt<lOT]£ ,ij£ KrLOEW£ am:oii.
Cf. also Gen. 41:40f., 43; 45:8 (xal btoil]aEv µi; ... XUQLOV Jtavto£ toii o'txou amoii
XUL UQXOvtU Jt<lUl]£ Y~£ Aiyumou).
7:11 ~WEv bi 1..LµO£ E<p' OA.l]V t~v A'(yum:ov xal Xava<iv] Cf. Gen. 41:54ff.
(xaL EYEVEto 1..LµO£ EV Jtaan tfi Yfi ... XUL EJtftVUCTEV Jtiiaa ~ y~ Atyum:ou); 42:5 (~v
y<iQ 6 i..Lµo£ Ev yfi Xavaav).
0H'ljJL£ µi;y<i1..TJ] For the words cf. Mt. 24:21; Rev. 2:22; 7:14, where much
more than famine is meant.
oux lJUQLaxov] Note the imperf. tense: "could not find."
XOQt<iaµata] Originally of animals' feeding stuffs, "provender"; later used
in the wider sense of food for human beings as well.
7:12 UXOUOU£ bE 'Iaxw~ ovta aina El£ A'iyum:ov] Cf. Gen. 42:lf., tbwv bE
'Iaxw~ OtL EITTLV ltQUUL£ EV Atyumcp ELJtEV ... tbou ax~xoa Otl EITTLV alto£ EV Atyumcp.
El;UJtEatELA.EV] The double compound El;aJtoatEA.A.Ol is attested in Gk. prose
from Demosthenes on. It appears in Luke-Acts 10 or 11 times (its only other NT
occurrences are in Gal. 4:4, 6 ). See also New Docs. 2 (1977), § 43 (pp. 82f.).
EL£ A'iyumov] Note again the encroachment of EL£ on EV. D, following LXX,
has EV (cf. 8:23, but in 11:25 D has EL£ for EV).
JtQWtov] "a first time." W. M. Ramsay (BRD, p. 254) argues that the mean-
ing must be "first of three," the third occasion being when the whole family of
Israel went down. But JtQWtov here is intended to balance EV t<j'l brntEQC)l in v. 13
(see next note). See on 1: 1, tov ... JtQWtov 1..6yov.
7: 13 EV t<j'l brntEQC)l] EltL t<j'l brntEQC)l D. As Joseph appeared to his brothers
twice, so Moses in a later generation "visited" his brothers twice (vv. 23, 35). Some
have discerned a typological allusion here to Christ's reappearance (cf. 3:20f.),
when his brothers xa,a CJUQXU will give him the recognition he failed to receive at
his first appearance (cf. Zech. 12: 10).
EyvmQtCT8l] 'Ima~q> toi.£ abEi..q,oi£ amoii] P74 X CD byz have avqvmQtCT8l] for
EYVOlQt00l] (AB), following LXX a.vqvOlQtl;Eto (Gen. 45: 1).
7:14 EV] "consisting of," "amounting to," "in all." The construction here is
taken from Dt. 10:22 LXX, EV E~boµ~xovta (+ JtEvtE A F) ,puxai£ xatE~l]aav oi
Jtm:EQE~ aou d~ A'tymn:ov, where EV represents Heb. be.
195
1Jruxai£ E~6oµtj,wvta JtEvtE J The MT of Gen. 46:27; Ex. 1:5; Dt. 10:22 says
70 persons (including Jacob and Joseph with his two sons). In Ex. l:5 the Heb.
fragment 4QEx 3 says 75 persons; so docs the LXX of Gen. 46:27 and Ex. l :5, omit-
ting Jacob and Joseph, but giving Joseph nine sons instead of the two of MT (Gen.
46:27). Philo (De migratione Ahrahami 199f.) reconciles the discrepant accounts
by arguing that in the smaller figure the number five, which symbolizes the senses,
has been omitted, signifying the transition from the recalcitrant Jacob to Israel, the
man with the vision of God ( as though from Heb. 'is ro 'eh 'el, "man seeing God")-
a typical example of Philo 's allegorizing method. Josephus (Ant. 2.176; 6.89) ac-
cepts the figure of 70.
7:15 EL£ A'iyumov] om B.
amo£
xal etEAElJtl]CTEV xal oi JtatEQE£ ~µ<iiv] Jacob's death is recorded in Gen.
49:33, Joseph's in Gen. 50:26, and that of Jacob's other sons in Ex. 1:6.
7:16 xal µetEtE81Jaav d~ LUXEµ xtA] Jacob was buried at Hebron, in the cave
of Machpelah, which Abraham had bought from Ephron the Hittite for 400 silver
shekels (Gen. 23: 16; 49:29-32; 50: 13); Joseph was buried at Shechem, in the piece
of ground which Jacob had bought from the sons of Hamor for 100 pieces of silver
(Josh. 24:32). According to Josephus (Ant. 2.199), Jacob's other sons were buried
at Hebron. The telescoping of the two sites and of the two transactions in which
they were bought is on a par with other instances of telescoping in this speech. It
is unlikely that the suppression of Hebron in favor of Shechem is a sign of Samari-
tan influence (L. P. Trudinger, "Stephen and the Life of the Primitive Church," Bib-
lical Theology Bulletin 14 [ 1984], pp. 18-22, especially p. 22); the Samaritans had
the same canonical authority as the Jews for the patriarchs' burial at Hebron. But
the mention of Shechcm, the holy city of the schismatic Samaritans, was not cal-
culated to conciliate a Jewish audience.
d~ LUXEµ] Shechem, between Mounts Gerizim and Eba!, modern Tell
Balatah. Between one and two miles to the west of it, on the site called Mamortha
by Pliny (NH 5.13.69) and Mabartha (i.e., ma 'ii/Jartii, "crossing place") by Josephus
(BJ 4.449), Vespasian in A.D. 72 founded Flavia Neapolis (modern Nablus).
ev LUXEµ] X * B C 1739 al I mii LUXEµ J-> 74 b byz ( whence KJV "the father of
Shechem"; cf. Josh. 24:32 MT) I toii ev LUXEµ xc A E pc.
7:17 l]Ul;l]CTEV 6 A.ao~ xat fJtA.1]8uv81J] Cf. Ex. 1:7, o[ 6E u[ol 'laQa~A
1]Ul;tj811aav xal £JtA.1]8uv81Jaav.
wµoAOYlJCTEV JEltlJYYELA.ato P4 5 b I wµooEV tp 81 byz. For wµooEV cf. Lk. 1:73
(from Gen. 22:16); for wµo1,.oy1JaEv and wµoaEv as variants cf. Mt. 14:7 with Mk.
6:23.
7:18 avfotl] ~UCTLA.E'll~ EtEQO~ EJt' A'Ly11mov, o~ oux fi6Et tOV 'lwatjqi] From
Ex. 1:8. From the reference to the city of Raamses (pr-r'mssw) in Ex. 1: 11, this
king is commonly identified with Rameses II (c. 1290-1224 B.C.), of the 19th Dy-
nasty. For oux fibfl tov 'Iwatjqi DE latg P (representing the 6 text) read oux t:µvtja81']
rnii 'lwa~«p.
7:19 xamao«pwa.µEvoc; J CL Ex. 1: IO, where Pharaoh says OEiitE ovv xata-
aoqiwwµE0a amou~. The word naturally had different nuances in Pharaoh's mouth
196
7:20-29 MOSES' EARLY DAYS
and in Stephen's: what was "wise dealing" to the former was "crafty business" to
the latter. LC render it here "exploited." Elsewhere in the Gk. Bible xataaoqii~oµm
occurs only in Judith 5: 11 ( of Pharaoh, as here); 10:19 (&uvtjaovrm xarnaoqi(aaa-
8m Jtiiaav t~v yfiv).
ix<ixmaEv] This word occurs in Ex. 1:11, in connection with the tasks im-
posed on the Israelites.
toii JtOLEiv ta ~QE<jll'J amwv fa8Eta] "to expose their infants": an explanatory
phrase, loosely appended to the main verb imxmaEv. Cf. Lk. 1:74; 24:25.
EL£ toµ~ ~cpoyovEia8m] Final construction. tcpoyovEm occurs in Ex. l: 18, in
Pharaoh's expostulation with the midwives. Cf. Lk. 17:33. The literal sense is
"generate life," but the force of -yovfoi is weakened, so that in both LXX and NT
the compound means "preserve life."
c. Moses' early days (7:20-29)

2oev qi xmgcj> eyEvvtj811 Mmiiafi£, xal ~v aatEio£ tcj> 8Ecj>· O£ avEtQ<i<1>11 µfjva£
tQEL£ EV tcj> o'ixcp toii JtatQ0£' 21 ExtE8EYr0£ DE amoii UVELAUtO amov ~ 8uy<itl']Q
<l>agaw 'l!.Ul UVE8QE'lj,ato amov fomfi EL£ 1JLOV. 22 'l!.Ul EJtaLDEU81'] Mmiiafi£ mian
aoqii<;t Atyumimv, ~v DE Duvato; EV ).oym; xal EQYOL£ amoii. 23 'Q; 6E
EJtAl']QOutO amcj> tECTCTEQU'l!.OVtaEt~£ XQOVO£, UVE~l'] EJtL t~V 'l!.UQD(av amoii
EJtLCT'l!.E'VUCT8m tou; a6E1.<jlou; amoii to'U£ 1JLO'U£ 'Iagatjt 24 'l!.Ul [bow tL va
al\L'l!.OUµEVOV ~µuvato 'l!.al EJtOLl']CTEV Exl\t'l!.l']CTLV tcj> 'l!.atUJtOV01JµEVcp Jtat<ls<I£ tOV
A[yumwv. 25 EVOµLtEv 6E CT1JVLEVUL tou; al\E1.<jJO'U£ otl 6 8EO£ /\La ):ELQO£ autoii
l\il\ooCTL v CTOltl']QLUV amo L£, OL I\E OU auvfjxav. 26 tfi tEEJtLOUCTTI ~µEQ<;t wqi81'] amoi;
µaxoµEVOL£ xal auvtjUmJCTEV a'll!O'U£ El£ ELQtjVl']V ELJ't(OV, 'AVI\QE£, aDEA<jJOL EITTE'
'(va ti al\L'l!.ELtE a1.1.tj1.ou;; 27 6 DE al\L'l!.UJV tov JtAl']CTLOV (lJt(.()CTato autov ELJtWV,
Ti£ CTE 'l!.UtECTtl']CTEV agxovra 'l!.Ul I\Lxaat~V E<jJ' ~µwv; 28µ~ UVEAELV µEau 8EAEL£
ov tQOJtOV UVELAE£ E):8E£ tOV At yumwv; 29 Eq>llYEV I\E MooiiCTfi£ EV tcj> 1.6ycp toutqi,
xal EYEVEto Jt<lQOL'l!.0£ EV yfi Ma&uiµ, oil EYEVVl']CTEV 1JLO'U£ &uo.
7:20 aatELO£ tcj> 8Ecj>] Cf. Ex. 2:2, [l\6vtE£ I\E amo
aatEiov ECT'l!.EJtaaav amo
µfjVU£ tQEL£, whence Heb. 11:23, I\LotL dl\ov UITTELOV to Jtml\iov. So Jos. Ant. 2.232
(JtaiDa µogqifi tE 8Eiov xal qigovtjµatL yEvvaiov); Philo, Vit. Mays. 1.9 (yEVVTJ8EL£ otlv
6 JtUL£ Eu8u; O'lj,LV EVE<jJaLVEV UITTELOtEQUV ~ xat' tl\Lwtriv). tcj> 8Ecj> may be taken in
its full sense, "in the sight of God" (cf. 23:1; 2 Cor. 10:4; also similar expressions
in Lk. 1:6, 15; 2:52; 24:19). Such expressions, however, were often used with ela-
tive force (so KJV, "exceeding fair"; GNB, "a very beautiful child"); cf. Jon. 3:3
(Jt61.L£ µEy<i1.11 tcj> 8Ecj>) and similar expressions in Gen. 10:9; 1 Sam. (LXX 1 Kms.)
16:12; Ps. 80:10 (LXX 79:11). As the LXX examples indicate, this is a Semitic
idiom, but cf. in Mod. Gk. the use of8rn- as a prefix indicating "very" (A. Thumb,
Handbook of the Modern Greek Vernacula,; E.T. [Edinburgh, 1912], p. 74, quotes
8EotgeUo;, "quite crazy").
7:21 ExtE8evro; l\t amoii] The gen. abs. is used although the person referred
to is indicated twice by the acc. amov. Cf. 22: 17, µm ... µou ... µE.
avd1.ato] Used in Hellenistic Gk. of acknowledging or adopting as one's own
child. In Ex. 2:5, 10, however, it is used non-technically, of the slave girl's taking
197
up the basket in which Moses was (Heb. liiqaJ:i) and of the princess's taking him
out of the water (Heb. miisiih). The author of the speech shows his acquaintance
with the LXX text by using its vocabulary without actual quotation; this suggests
reliance on memory rather than reference to a manuscript.
~ 8uyat~Q <liaQaw J It is idle to try to identify this princess with any known
daughter of Rameses II or of some other Egyptian king.
UVE8QElj)ato autov fomn EL£ uiov] The reflexive idea is expressed twice, both
by the use of the middle and by fomfj (cf. LXX quotation in Jn. 19:24). For the
predicative use of EL£ in EL£ uiov cf. 5:36; 13:22, 47; 19:27. Here, at any rate, it is
a Hebraism, from Ex. 2:10, EYEV~8T] amfi EL£ uiov (Heb. le/Jen). See New Docs. 2
(1977), § 1 (p. 9).
7:22 xat E:JtmbEuBTJ Mwiiofi£ mion oocpit;t Atyumiwv JJosephus (Ant. 2.229f.)
describes Moses' unique wisdom; Philo (Vit. Moys. 1.20-24) credits him with pro-
ficiency in arithmetic, geometry, poetry, music, philosophy, astrology, and all
branches of education. Other Hellenistic Jewish writers, especially when writing
for Gentile readers, "depict him as the father of all science and culture. According
to Eupolcmus, Moses was the inventor of the alphabet, which passed from him to
the Phoenicians and from them to the Greeks. According to Artapanus, the Egyp-
tians owed their whole civilization to Moses. It is therefore somewhat of an under-
statement when the author of Acts says merely that he was learned in all the wis-
dom of the Egyptians, though even this exceeds the Old Testament account"
(Schi.irer II, p. 350). See also J. G. Gager,Moses in Greco-Roman Paganism (Nash-
ville/New York, 1972).
buvato£ EV )..oyot£ xa t EQYOL£ amoii] Cf. Lk. 24: 19, buvato£ Ev EQYl)l xat )..oyl)l.
That Moses was buvato£ EV )..oym£ may seem to contradict Ex. 4:10, but the refer-
ence may be to written words; more probably, however, he is thought to have over-
come his earlier lack of eloquence. For his prowess EV EQYOL£ cf. the account of Jos.
Ant. 2.238-53 of his leading a military expedition against Ethiopia ( an account com-
posed probably to explain the reference in Num. 12:1 to his marrying an "Ethiopi-
an" woman).
7:23 W£ bf E:JtAT]QO'UtO amiµ 1:EOOEQUX.OvtUE't:~£ XQOVO£] His age at this time
is not given in Exodus, but rabbinical tradition divides his life of 120 years into
three equal parts. Cf. Ex. 7:7; Dt. 34:7. In Ex. 2: 11 we read simply µrya£ YEVOµ£VO£
(quoted in Heb. 11:24). For the sense of E:JtAT]QOvto, "(a period of 40 years) was
coming to completion," cf. 2:1, ouµ;rtAT]QOiio8m.
UVE~T] EJtl t~V XUQb(av amoii] A Semitism; cf. Isa. 65:16; Jer. 3:16 (oux
ava~~oEtm EJtt xaQbiav); 44:21; 51:50; Ezek. 38:10; 1 Cor. 2:9, and repeatedly in
Hermas.
tou£ abE)..cpou£ amoii toll£ uiou£ 'loQa~)..] Verbatim from Ex. 2: 11.
7:24 abtx.ouµEvov] The b text adds Ex toii yhou£, "(one) of his race."
~µuvato] "assisted," "defended." "The word may have almost fallen out of
the colloquial language, to judge from its rarity in LXX and NT, and the absence
of occurrences in papyri" (MM).
EJtOLTJOEV Exb(xrim v] Lit. "wrought vengeance," a periphrasis for the simple
198
7:30-34 THE CALL OF MOSES
verb E!;EbbtlJOEV (cf. Lk. 18:3ff., 7f.). Such a periphrasis in Attic Gk. would be
formed with the middle ,i:owiiµm.
,i:m:ci!;a; tov Atyuimov] Verbatim from Ex. 2:12; D completes the quotation
by adding xai EXQUlj!EV am:ov EV tfi aµµcp.
7:25 EVoµt~Ev bt ouvtivm tou; abEAq>ou;] A tacit parallel may be drawn be-
tween Moses, who appeared as a messenger of peace and was rejected, and Christ,
to whom the same thing happened (cf. Lk. 19:41f.). Moses' motive is not expressed
in the OT. Philo (Vit. Moys. 1.40-44) describes his championship of the Israelites
at this period of his life as a settled policy. Though rejected by his kinsfolk the first
time, he was accepted by them as their deliverer when he visited them the second
time, after his return from Midian (see on v. 13 above).
7:26 OUVTJAAaooEv] Imperf.: "tried to reconcile." The reading of byz,
ouviJAaOEv (aor. of ouvEJ..auvw) would mean that "he 'drove' them to shake hands."
KJV, "he ... would have set them at one again," has "curiously blundered into the
right meaning by mistranslating a wrong text" (MHT I, p. 129).
livbQE£, abEAq>Oi EO'l'E l D has the more rhetorical ti 3tOLEitE, livbgE; abEAq>o(;
'(va t(] See on 4:25. The question in Ex. 2: 13 LXX is bui ti oi, tumu; tov
3tATJOiov;
7:27 amooato] Not in LXX (cf. v. 39 below).
7:28 T(; OE xm:iatTJOEv ... tov Atyumtov;] Quotation from Ex. 2:14.
7:29 EV tqi Aoycp toutcp J For causal EV ("on account of ") cf. 24:16 (see
BAGD, s. v. Ev, 111.3).
EyEVEto ,i:cigmxo;] Cf. Ex. 2:22, ,i:cigotxo; dµt EV yfl UAAOtQi<,1. See on vv. 6,
44, and 47 for Stephen's stress on the "pilgrim" motif.
EV yfl Mabuiµ] Probably in the region east of Aqaba.
uio~ boo] Gershom and Eliezer (Ex. 2:22; 18:3f. ).
d. The call of Moses (7:30-34)
30 Kai 3tA TJQWeivtwv EtWV tWOEQClXOvta Wcj>0TJ am:qi EV tfl EQiJµcp to'U OQO~ LL va
liyyEA0£ EV q>Aoyi 3tUQO£ ~citou- 31 6 bE Mwuoft; [bwv Wauµa~EV to ogaµa· 3tQOO-
EQ;(Oµivou be amoii xatavoftom EYEVEtO q>WVTJ XUQLOU 32 'Eyco O 0Eo; twv
3tatEQWV oou, 6 0EQ£ '~gaaµ xai 'Iaaax xai 'Im«o~. EV'l'QOµo£ 6£ YEV6µEvo;
Mwuoft£ aux h&µa xm:avoftom. 33 El3tEV bi; amqi 6 XUQLO£, Aiioov to U3tOblJµa
t(J)V ,i:ot')(J)v oou, 6 yag t03tO£ Ecp' 4> EO'l'TJXU£ yft ayia Eativ. 34 Lbwv Elbov tTjV
xcixwm v toii Aaoii µou toii iv AtyuITTcp, xai tou atEvayµoii am:oii ~xouaa, xai
xatE~TJV E!;EAE00m am:ou£· xal viiv bEiigo a,i:oatELAW OE EL£ A'tyumov.
7:30 wq>0TJ am:qi EV tfl EQTJµcp toii ogo~ ::Et va liyyEAO£ EV q>Aoyl 3tUQO£ ~<itou J
Cf. Ex. 3:lb-2a, xal ~yayEV ta 3tQO~ata 'U3t0 tTjV EQTJµov xal ~A0EV d; to ogo; XWQTJ~·
Wq>0TJ be amqi liyyEA0£ XUQLOU EV q>Aoyi 3tUQO£ EX toii ~<itou.
::Et va] The mountain is called Horeb in Ex. 3: 1; its identity with Sinai is im-
plied by Ex. 3:12 and Dt. 1:6 when read alongside Ex. 19:11, 18-23, etc.
EV q>Aoyl 3tUQO£] See P. Katz, "'Ev ,i:ugl q>Aoy6£," ZNW 46 (1955), pp. 133-38,
for a discussion of the variants Ev q>Aoyi 3tUQO£ and EV ,i:ugi q,1,.oy6£. The phrase EV
3tUQt q>Aoyo; occurs in 2 Th. 1:7 in a description of Christ's epiphany in judgment.
199
Cf. also Isa. 66: 16, Ev q,1,oyl, l1:1JQO£ (in a judgment context); Dan. 7:9, where the
throne of God is described as cj>1,o!; l1:1JQO£ (so also Sir. 21:9; Ps. Sol. 15:4).
ayy£AO£] This is the ayy£AO£ xvQiov (see on v. 19), God's special repre-
sentative in his dealings with humanity, called in Heb. mal'al.s yhwh (or mal'af.s
piiniiyw, "the angel of his face [presence]," e.g. Isa. 63:9); cf. vv. 35, 38, and 43
below. In Ex. 3 the one who speaks to Moses is variously called liyyEAO£ X1JQL01J, 6
XUQLO£, and 6 0E6£. So here the angel speaks with the voice of the Lord (v. 31),
claims to be God (v. 32), and is called 6 XUQLO£ (v. 33).
~atov] In Mk. 12:26 (Ent tou ~atov) this section of the OT narrative is re-
ferred to as "The Bush." See New Docs. 2 (1977), § 56 fin. (p. 89).
7:31 xarnvoijom] "to master the mystery" (MHT I, p. 117); the aor. here
marks the completion of a mental process.
EyEVETO q,wv~ )(.1JQL01J] 6 XUQLO£ ELl'tEV autcjl AEYWV D.
7:32 Eym 6 0EO£ TWV l'tatEQWV 0011, 6 0EO£ 'Af3Qaaµ xal 'Ioaax xal 'Iaxmp]
From Ex. 3:6 (Eym ELµL 6 0EO£ tOU l1:atQO£ 0011, 0EO£ 'Af3Qactµ xal 0EO£ 'loaax xal
0EO£ 'la)(.(l)p), where the words follow the command to remove his shoes. b follows
LXX in repeating 0EO£ before 'Ioaax and 'Ia)(.(l)p (cf. 3:13). The change from the
sing. tou l'tatQO£ (similarly MT) to the plur. twv l'tatEQWV points to the use of a Gk.
recension which agreed here with the Samaritan reading 'iiQ6fe/.sii, "your fathers"
(cf. v. 4; see Kahle, The Cairo Geniza, p. 144).
EvtQoµo£ be yEvoµEVO£] Cf. 16:29; Heb. 12:21. The adj. is postclassical; it is
found in LXX, Plutarch, and the Palatine Anthology.
7:33 dmv bE amcjl x1:1,] From Ex. 3:5, 6 bE dnEv ... 1,uom to im6bT]µa Ex
twv nobwv 0011, 6 yaQ t6no£ £V <ji ou EOTTJXU£ yij a.yia Eot iv. The removal of the shoes
was a mark of respect to the divine presence, as it was a mark of respect to one's
host when entering his house.
7:34 ibwv dbov ... autOU£] From Ex. 3:7f. (ibwv dbov t~V )(.(l)(.(J}OLV toU
A.UOU µ011 TOU EV Aiyum<Jl xal, tfi£ XQU1JYfi£ amwv O.Xtj)(.Qa ... xal xatEPTJV E!;EAE00m
autOU£); cf. Ex. 2:24, xal EL0~)(.01JOEV 6 0EO£ tOV otEvayµov amwv. The construc-
tion ibmv dbov is a Semitism, reflecting the Heb. use of the abs. infin. followed
by the finite verb to express emphasis: rii'oh rii'f(i, "I have indeed seen" (see on
4:17; 5:28; cf. Mk. 4: 12 par. Mt. 13:14, in allusion to Isa. 6:10; also Eph. 5:5; Heb.
6:14).
xal vuv bEUQO o.nootELAW OE EL£ A'iyvmov] From Ex. 3:10, substituting EL£
A'iyvmov for <PaQaw paoLAEa Atyumov. P4 5 omits vuv. In cmootELAW one may rec-
ognize the futuristic use of the subjunctive, a survival of the primary force of this
mood. It might be rendered "Come, let me send you" (cf. bEUQO bEi!;w am, Rev.
17:1; 21 :9; also perhaps licj>E£ Expa1,w, Mt. 7:4). For a classical parallel cf. Euripides,
Bacchae 341, bEiiQO 0011 otbpw x<iQa, "Come, let me wreathe your head."
e. The wilderness wanderings (7:35-43)

35 Tomov tov Mw'iioijv, av ~Qvtjaavto ELl1:0VTE£, TL£ oe xatEotT]OEV liQ,:ovta
xal, bLxaottjv; toutOV 6 0£0£ xal liQ:XOvta )(.UL AlJTQWT~V O.l'tEOTUAXEV auv '.XELQL
o.yyEA01J tOU 6q,0Evt0£ amcjl EV tfi pat(Jl. 360UTO£ E!;tjyayEV autOU£ nmtjaa£
200
7:35-43 THE WILDERNESS WANDERINGS
TEQUta )((l(, OT]!.lf LU EV yfl At yumc:µ )(UL EV 'EQuew 8a1..cioon )((l(, EV Tfj EQ'l]µc:µ £TT]
TEOOEQ<ixovta. 37 oirc6; EOTL v 6 Mwuofj; 6 Ebta; Toi£ uloi£ 'laQU'l]A., TIQoq>'l]tTJV
uµI v ClVUOT'l]OEl 6 0EO£ EX TWV ab1)..qiwv i,µwv we; EµE. 38 omoc; EOTL v 6 YEVOµEvoc;
EV Tfl EXXA.T]OL<;l EV tfl EQ'ljµc:µ !.lft<l tO'U ayyEA.OU tO'U )..a)..oiivtoc; autip EV tip OQEL
LLVU xat t(J)V JtUtEQWV ~µwv, 0£ Ebfl;ato )..oyLa !;wvta boiivm uµiv, 39CJl oux
~0EA.l]OUV lJJt'l]XOOL YEVE00m oi JtUtfQE<; ~µwv (l}..A.(l (lJt(l)OUvtO )((l(, EOTQ<lq>l]OUV
EV talc; XUQbimc; amwv de; A'iyumov, 40 ELJtOVTE<; tip 'AUQwv, IToiT]oov ~µiv
0rnuc; o'i JtQOJtOQE'UOOvtm ~µwv· 6 yaQ Mwuofjc; omoc;, 0£ El;'l]yayEv ~µii£ EX Yfi£
Atyumou, oux OlOU!.lfV ti EYEVETO U'Ut(!). 41 )(UL EµooxoJtOLT]OUV EV tal£ ~µEQUL£
EXELvmc; xal a~yayov 0ooiav tip dbw)..c:µ, xal Ellq>QULVOVTO EV tol£ EQyotc; tWV
XELQWV autwv. 42 EOTQE'lj!EV OE 6 0Eoc; xal JtUQEOWXEV amouc; A.UTQE'UEl v Tfj
OTQUTL<;i toii OUQUVO'U, xa0mc; YEYQUJttUL EV ~i~)..c:µ TWV JtQOq>l]TWV,
M~ oqiciyta xal 0uoiac; JtQOOTJVEyxatE µm
Etl] trnOEQUXOVTU EV tfl EQ'l]µc:µ, olxo£ 'l0Qa1]1..;
43 xal <lVEA.U~EtE t~V OXT]V~V toii Mo1..6x
xai to UOTQOV TO'U 0rnii [ uµwv] 'Pmqiciv,
tOU£ TuJtouc; ou; EJtOL'l]OUTE JtQooxuvEiv autoic;·
xal !.lfTOLXLW i,µa£ EJtEXEL vu B~u)..wvoc;.
7:35 ToiiTov ,a)..] Note the emphatic use ofomoc; (as in 2:23, etc.) five times
in vv. 35-38.
bLxaot'l]v] + E<j>' ~µwv X CD 'P 81 al cop (cf. v. 27; Ex. 2:14).
6 0EO£ [xal] iiQxovta xat A.UTQWt~v aJtEOTUAXEV] Cf. what is said of Jesus in
5:31. Both Moses and Jesus, it is implied, though rejected at first by their kinsfolk,
were chosen by God to deliver them.
aJtEOTUJ..XEv] This perfect, "with the forest of aorists all round, is more
plausibly conformed to them, and it happens that this word is alleged to have ao-
ristic force elsewhere. But, after all, the abiding results of Moses' mission formed
a thought never absent from a Jew's mind" (MHT I, p. 144).
ouv XELQL ayyE)..ou toii 6qi0ivtoc; aut(!)] "by the agency of an angel, (namely)
the one who appeared to him" (for the construction cf. 4: 12). For ouv XELQL X byz
read Ev XELQL.
r EV Tfl ~cite:µ] ~awe;, though usually fem. in Hellenistic Gk., is masc. in LXX
I (cf. Ex. 3:3, quoted in note on v. 30).

7:36 El;'l]yayEv autou; Jtot'l]OU£ XT1..] The relation of the aor. ptc. Jtot'l]OU£ to
El;'l]yayEv is debatable. It might be taken as simultaneous, if El;'l]yayEv could cover
Moses' 40 years' leadership from the Exodus onward; but it is better to take it with
the usual force of an aor. ptc., and suppose that the words after EV tfl Atyumc:µ were
appended without strict regard to their time relation to the preceding words.
tfQUta xai Ol]µEia EV yfl Atyu:rrrc:µ J Cf. Ex. 7:3 (xal JtA.l]0UV(J) ta Ol]!.lfLCl µou xal
ta TEQUta EV yfl Atyu:n:,:c:µ ); also Ps. 105 (LXX 104):27, E0Eto autoic; tOU£ )..oyouc; TWV
Ol]µEiwv autoii xal TWV tEQO.twv EV yfl Xciµ. The performance of "wonders and signs"
is a further point of resemblance between Moses and Jesus (cf. 2:22).
EVtfl EQ'l]µc:µ ETTJ tEOOEQUXOVTa] Verbatim from Num. 14:33. Cf. also Ass. Mays.
3:11, "Moyses ... qui multa passus est in Aegypto et in mari rubro et in eremo
annis quadraginta."
201
7:37 JtQO(j>~tl]V xtt-] From Dt. 18: 15 (see on 3:22). Its introduction here may
be calculated to point further the parallel between Moses and Jesus. P. E. Kahle
(The Cairo Geniza, pp. 144f.) suggests that the position of the quotation at this
stage in Stephen's survey of Moses' career points again to the use of a Gk. recen-
sion in which, as in the Samaritan text, Dt. 18: 18 follows Ex. 20:21. This is not
necessarily so.
W£ Ell£] + amou axovaw0E CD* E 33 614 1739 al latg syr copb0 (continuing
the quotation from LXX).
7:38 Ev tfi EXXAlJGL<;t] In Dt. 18: 16, immediately after Moses' words about
the prophet like himself, comes a reminder of God's promise to this effect "at Horeb
on the day of the assembly" (Heb. qiihiil, LXX EXXt-1Ja(a) when the people were
gathered together to receive God's instruction (toriih). As Moses was with the
ekklesia then, so Christ, the prophet like Moses, is with his ekklesia now-and
there is probably the implication that it is still a pilgrim church-"the ekklesia in
the wilderness." Cf. Heb. 2:12 where the words of Ps. 22 (LXX 21):22, EV µfo<p
EXXt-1JGLU£ uµv~aw aE, are applied to Christ (rxx,-1Ja(a here too being the translation
of qiihiil). See on 5: 11.
µm1 tou ayye,-ou] According to Jub. 1:27; 2:1, an angel talked with Moses
on Sinai (see also on vv. 35, 53); cf. Ex. 23:20f. for Israel's guardian angel of whom
God says "my name is in him"; 33:14, "my presence (Heb.piinay, "my face"; LXX
auto£, "I myself') will go with you"; so Isa. 63:9, "the angel of his presence (Heb.
ma!' als piiniiyw) saved them" (LXX OtJ JtQEGPU£ ovb' ayyEAO£, an' U'Ut0£ EGWGEV
amov£. "not a messenger nor an angel, but he himself saved them"). LXX intro-
duces angels where they arc absent from MT in the account of the law-giving
theophany in Dt. 33:2, X'IJQLO£ EX 2.t Va ~XEL ... EX bEsLWV amou ayyEAOL µEt' am:ou.
µEta tou ayye,-ou ... XUL tWV :rcatEQWV ~µwv l LC suggest that µEta ... XUL re-
flects the twofold hen of Heb. idiom ("between ... and ... "), referring to Moses
as mediator between God and Israel (cf. Gal. 3: 19), but apart from LXX quotations
Stephen's speech is not marked by Semitic constructions.
EbEsato l EsEt-Esato B ( certainly a scribal corruption).
,-6yta ~wvta] Cf. Rom. 3:2, ta ,-6yta tou emu, referring to the law (possibly
also the prophets). For the epithet cf. Heb. 4: 12 (~wv yaQ 6 ,-6yo£ tou emu); 1 Pet.
1:23 (&ta t-6you ~WVTO£ emu xa't µevoVto£).
Moses is thus presented as being, under God, the founder of a pure, spiritual
cult-a presentation found elsewhere in Hellenistic appreciations of him. Under
his leadership the people had experienced the redemptive power of God; they re-
ceived the revelation of God; they enjoyed the presence of God. The place of their
assembly was holy ground, because God manifested his presence there: God's pres-
ence and that alone could convey holiness to any place on earth, and no material
shrine enclosed that holiness.
7:39 a:rcwaavto] Cf. v. 27.
EITTQU(j>l]aav rv tai£ XUQbLat£ avtwv EL£ Aiyu:rctov] Cf. Num. 14:3f., vuv ouv
PEATLOV ~µiv EITTLV (ll'[OITTQU(j>~Vat EL£ Aiyumov ... a:rcOatQE'IJWµEV EL£ Aiyumov.
7:40 Ei:rc6vtE£ tw 'AaQWV xtt-] From Ex. 32: I, GllVEITTlJ 6 t-UO£ E:rcl 'AaQWV
202
7:35-43 TuE WILDERNESS WANDERINGS
,ml ,iyouatv amcµ 'Av<icrcl]0L xal :7toLTJOOV ~µiv 0mu£, o'i :1tQ0:1toQE1Joovrm ~µwv· 6
y~ McouofJ£ outo£, 6 liv0Qco:1to£ 0£ E~~yayEv ~µii£ E~ Atyumou, oux o'ibaµEv ti
yeyovEV <l'\Jt(Jl.
6 ya(> McoiiofJ£ oin:0£] Nominativus pendens, followed by resumptive amcµ.
Cf. Lk. 12:10; 13:4; 23:50-52, etc.; the construction can be frequently paralleled
from classical, Hellenistic, and Mod. Gk.
7:41 eµooxorro(Tjoav] Not found previously in Gk. literature, although the
form of the compound is common enough. Great as was the classical Gk. facility
for composition, it was greater still in later Gk. Cf. o):)..o:1tmeco (17:5); ELQTJVOJtOLECO
(Col. 1:20). The corresponding LXX passage has X<lt EJtOLT]O<lV ama µ6oxov
xcovEm6v (Ex. 32:4). The noun µooxorrmfo occurs in Justin, Dial. 19.5; 73.6 (cf.
Dial. 102.6; 132.1 for µooxorroLeco ).
In spite of Moses' guidance and the divine revelation, the people rejected the
temple-free and image-free cult which they had received and offered sacrifice to
an image of gold which they themselves had manufactured.
av~yayov 0uo(av] MM quote an inscription of 127 B.C. to illustrate the sacri-
ficial use of av<iyco.
EV toi£ EQYOL£ tWV ;(ELQWV (l'\Jt{J)V] Cf. ta E'ibco)..a tWV e0vwv <lQYUQLOV X<lL
XQUOLOV, EQY<l ;(ELQOlV av0gcimcov, Ps. 115:4 (LXX 113:12); 135 (LXX 134):15. The
folly of worshiping an object one's own hands have made is exposed repeatedly by
the prophets (cf. Hos. 8:5; Isa. 40:19f.; 44: 12-17).
7:42 EITTQE'lj)Ev] Intrans., as so often also in compounds of crcgeq,co (cf.
emcrcgiq,co, 3: 19). Because they turned from God, he turned from them; because
they abandoned his pure worship, he abandoned them to their own ways (cf. Hos.
4:17).
rragebcoxEv amou£] Cf. Ps. 106 (LXX 105):41; Rom. 1:24, 26, 28. For the
principle that human beings are left to the consequences of their own settled choice
cf. Ezek. 20:25f., where Israel's adoption of the most repellent features of Canaanite
religion is depicted as divine retribution for apostasy.
tfi crcgan~ tou ouQavou] Sun, moon, and stars; cf. Dt. 4: 19; 17:3; 2 K. (LXX
4 Kms.) 21:35; 23:4f.; 2 Chr. 33:3, 5; Jer. 7:18 (for MT "queen of heaven"); 8:2;
19:13; Zeph. 1:5. Historically, Israel's worship of the "host of heaven" is dated in
the period of Assyrian domination.
EV ~(~)..cµ twv JtQOq>l]tfuv] I.e., in the book of the Twelve ("Minor") Prophets,
whose oracles (in their narrative setting) form one book of the Heb. Bible. The quo-
tation which follows is from Amos 5:25-27. LXX deviates considerably from MT.
In MT Amos, prophesying on the eve of the Assyrian invasions which brought an
end to the northern kingdom of Israel, warns Israel that the Assyrian king (as the
agent of God's judgment) will deport them "beyond Damascus," and that they will
carry thither the very instruments of the idolatry for which this deportation will
befall them-instruments which they have made for themselves with their own
hands. The LXX form, reproduced here with variations, traces this idolatry back
to the wilderness period.
µ~ oq,<iyw xal, 0uo(a£ JtQOOTJVEyxatE µm] Both in Heb. and in Gk. the ques-
203
tion expects a negative answer, but with different implications. In MT the answer
implied is "No; you did not bring me sacrifices and offerings, but heart obedience
and spiritual devotion" (cf. Jer. 7:22f.). In LXX the answer implied is "No; you
brought sacrifices and offerings indeed, but to other gods, not to me." Cf. also Isa.
1:10-17; Hos. 6:6; Mic. 6:6-8; Ps. 50:7-15; 51:16f.
EV tfi EQ~µ<µ] om B.
7:43 titv axT]~v toil Mot..ox] The "tent of Moloch" is contrasted with the
"tent of testimony" mentioned in v. 44. This LXX rendering represents sukka1
mo/els-, a different vocalization of the consonantal pattern pointed in MT as sikkuf
ma!F/sem, "Sakkuth your king" (RSV), sikku1 being Akkadian Sakkut (a name of
Ninib, the god of the planet Saturn), pointed with the vowels of siqqu~, "abomina-
tion." Moloch (Molech) is Heb. me/els, "king," used as a divine title (cf. Isa. 30:33)
and pointed with the vowels of base!, "shame." (In the OT expression, "passing
through the fire to Molech" [Lev. 18:21, etc.], 0. Eissfeldt discerned no Canaanite
divinity but Phoenician molk, a term for human sacrifice attested in Carthaginian
inscriptions [Molk als Opferbegriff im Punischen und Hebriiischen und das Ende
des Gottes Moloch (Halle, 1935)]. But see G. C. Heider, The Cult of Molek: A Re-
assessment, JSOT Sup. 43 [Sheffield, 1985]; J. Day, Malech [Cambridge, 1990]).
TO UOtQOV toil 0wil 'Paup<iv, toll£ t'IJ3t0~ o~ E3tOL~OUtE I MT kiyyun ~alme/sem
kolsa{J 'elohelsem 'iiser 'iisifem lii/sem, "Kaiwan your star-god, your images which
you made for yourselves" (RSV), kiyyun being Babylonian Kaiwanu, another name
for the planet Saturn, pointed (like sikkul) with the vowels of siqqu~. It is replaced
in LXX by 'Paup<iv, which resembles Repa, a name of Seb, the Egyptian god of the
planet Saturn. 'Pmcp<iv (Xe A), 'PEcj>a (104), or 'PEcj><iv (C) is spelled in many MSS
of Acts with an infixed nasal, e.g., 'Poµcp<i (81 ), 'PEµcp<iµ
(D), or 'PEµcp<iv ( 1739 al).
Revocalization of some of these Heb. words from Am. 5:26f. appears in CD
7 .14-19, where they are quoted and interpreted of the origins of the Qumran com-
munity: the sukkiih of their king (for which Amos 9:11 is also quoted [see on Ac.
15:16]) corresponds to "the books of the law," the kiyyun (taken to mean "pedestal")
of their images corresponds to "the books of the prophets," and the star (for which
Num. 24: 17 is also quoted) is identified with "the expositor of the law who comes
to Damascus."
JtQoaxuvEiv m'rt:oi£] Replacing LXX fomoi£, "for yourselves."
E3tEXEL va B~ut..wVo£] For LXX E3tEXEL va t.aµaaxoii. Amos foretold the Assyr-
ian captivity, a fitting requital for those who practiced Assyrian star-worship. "Be-
yond Babylon" points rather to the Babylonian captivity, appropriately in a speech
delivered in Jerusalem. b (D* late g P) paraphrases E3tL ta µEQT] B~u1,.wvo£ ("the parts
of Babylon" were no doubt "beyond Damascus").
f. Tabernacle and temple (7:44-50)

44 'H OXTJVTt toil µuQTlJQ (ou ~v to 1£ nutQ<iOL v ~µwv EV tfi EQ~µ<µ, xu00>£ bLEt<i~to
6 A.UA.(J)V t<j> Mwiiafi 3tOL~Om UutljV xata tOV t'IJ3tOV ov EWQ!lXEL, 45 ~v XUL
Eia~yayov bwbE;<iµEvm oi natEQE£ ~µwv µEta 'IT]aoii EV tfi xataoxfou t&v
204
7:44-50 TABERNACLE AND TEMPLE
E0v&v wv E;&OEv o St<'><; CLJto JtQOCTWJtou t&v JtatEQWV ~µ&v EW~ t&v ~µEQ&v
t.au(b· 460£ £ilQEV XUQLV Evwmov toii 0wii xat T]t~aato EUQEiv ax~vwµa t0 0t0
'Iaxw~. 47 To).oµwv be oixoboµl]CTEV Ullt(jl olxov. 48 a).).' oux Oihpun:o; EV XELQO-
JtOL~tm; xatmxEI- xa0w~ o ltQO<j,~tl]£ AEYEL,
49 ·o O'\JQUVO£ µm 0QOVO£,
xat ~ yfJ uJtoJtobwv t&v Jtob&v µou·
Jtoiov olxov oixoboµ~aEtE µm, AEYEL K'UQLO£,
~ tL~ tOJtO£ tfJ~ xataJtavatw~ µou;
50 OlJXt ~ XELQ µou EJtOll]OEV taiita Jtavta;
7:44 ~ OKlJV~ toii µaQtUQ(ou] It was all the more reprehensible in the dis-
ohedient generation of the wilderness wanderings to practice idolatry by taking
up "the tent of Moloch" (a reference, perhaps, to the Baal-peor apostasy of Num.
25:1-9) hecause "the tent of the testimony" was already accessible to them. The
"testimony" (Heb. 'erju!) was the record of the law of God, inscribed on two ta-
bles of stone, which was placed in the chest or "ark" especially prepared for it and
known accordingly as the "ark of the testimony" (Ex. 25:16; 31:7, 18; Dt. 10:1-
5). The tent which housed the ark was similarly called "the lent of the testimony"
(Heb. miskan hii'e4uf), as in Ex. 38:21 (LXX 37:19), etc. (Two different Heb.
nouns are rendered by Gk. CTKlJV~ in vv. 43 and 44.) In LXX ~ OKlJV~ toii µaQtUQ(ou
represents not only miskan hii'e{juf but also 'ohel m6'e4, "tent of meeting" (Ex.
27:21, etc.).
o).a1,.&v t0 Mwuafl] Reminiscent of the words found so frequently in the Pen-
tateuch: xat EAUAlJOEV K'UQLO~ itQo~ MwuafJv (Ex. 6:1; 25:1, etc.).
n:mfJam am~v Kata tOV t'UJtOV ov EWQUKEL] Cf. Ex. 25:40, OQU JtOL~OEL£ Kata
tov tvJtov tov btbELyµEvov aoL Ev ti)) OQEL. This tvJto; may be contrasted with the
idolatrous tvJtot of v. 43, although here the word means archetype (so D JtaQUtuJtov,
like n:aQUbELyµa in Ex. 25:9), not copy. The conception of the earthly sanctuary as
the copy of a heavenly pattern, with its Platonic affinity, is elaborated in Heb. 8:5;
9:11-14, 23f.; 10:1-22. Stephen, however (unlike the writer to the Hebrews), has
nothing to say of the priestly and sacrificial significance of the wilderness taber-
nacle; to him it is the place where the will of God was ascertained (cf. Ex. 33:7).
A movable tent was a more suitable shrine for a pilgrim people than a fixed struc-
ture like the Jerusalem temple. Stephen's narrative has already illustrated the im-
possibility of restricting the divine presence to any one locality.
7:45 ~v xat da~yayov] The bringing of the ark into the promised land is
recorded in Josh. 3:2-4: 18; the "tent of meeting" is said to have been set up at
Shiloh in Josh. 18: 1 (cf.Josh. 19:51; 22: 19, 29). The LXX expansion of Josh. 24:33
says that, on the death of Eleazar the priest, the Israelites "carried the ark of God
round among themselves, and Phinehas entered on the priesthood in place of
Eleazar his father." Phinehas appears in Judg. 20:26-28 as ministering before the
ark (presumably in its tent-shrine) at Bethel; in 1 Sam. (LXX 1 Kms.) 2:22 the "tent
of meeting" is again at Shiloh.
btabd;aµtvm] "having received it in turn."
'll]aou] I.e., Joshua; cf. Heb. 4:8. Early Christians saw an appropriateness in
205
the fact that the leader into the earthly land of promise should have borne the same
name as the leader into its heavenly counterpart. See Justin, Dial. 113.
EV tfi xataaxfon] "when they took possession" ( cf. v. 5). In LXX xataaxrnL£
means "having in possession."
a.no JtQoawnou] For the Semitism cf. 3:20; 5:41.
ECO£ t&v ~µ£QWV ~au(b] May refer both to bLabEl;UfJ.EVOL and to El;&aEv ("drove
out"), since complete Israelite control of the land was not established until David's
reign; but principally to btabEl;aµEVOL Successive generations received the tent until
the time of David (cf. 2 Sam. [LXX 2 Kms.] 7:6; 1 Chr. 17:5), after which it was
superseded by Solomon's temple (cf. 1 Chr. 1:3; 5:5).
7:46 EUQEV x<iQLV evwmov tou Srnu] A septuagintalism (Gen. 6:8, etc.); cf.
Lk. 1:30.
T)t~aato EUQELV] See on 3:3.
EUQEi:v ax~vcoµa t<jl 8E<jl 'Iaxw~] xc ACE qi byz lat syr cop. Cf. Ps. 132 (LXX
131):5, ECO£ av EUQCO t6nov t<jl XUQL<µ, ax~vcoµa t<jl 8E<jl 'laXUJ~. For 8E<jl in Ac. 7:46
there is a well-attested variant o'ix<µ (P74 X * B D H S 049 429 pc copsa.codd). It
would have been natural for o'ix<µ to be changed to 8E<jl under the influence of LXX,
but "to find a dwelling for the house of Jacob" makes little sense in the context. If
8E<jl was an early emendation for o'iX<µ, then o'ix<µ itself may have been a still ear-
lier corruption of the original, which Hort, followed by Ropes, suggested might be
XUQL<µ (written xco ), which occurs in the LXX context (t6nov t<jl XUQL<µ ). The Heb.
word here rendered 8E<j> in LXX is 'ii/Jir, "mighty one" (rendered buvaat11£ in Gen.
49:24, etc.). LC, preferring o'iX<µ, understand "David wished to build a habitation
(of God) for the house of Jacob"; this, however, makes awkward connection with
the following clause, for o'iX<µ cannot well provide the antecedent for aur<j>. Others
who argue for o'(X<µ as the original reading are H.-J. Schoeps, Theologie und
Geschichte des Judenchristentums, p. 238, and F. C. Synge, "Studies in Texts: Acts
7:46," Theology 55 (1952), pp. 25f. For a defense of 8E<j> see M. Simon, "Saint
Stephen and the Jerusalem Temple," p. 128: in the quotation from Ps. 132 (LXX
131 ):5 he takes the t6Jto£ to be Jerusalem and the ax~vwµa the tent for the ark which
David set up on Zion ( cf. 2 Sam. [LXX 2 Krus.] 6: 17; 1 Chr. 15: 1), by contrast with
the "house" (o1xo£) built by Solomon (cf. 2 Sam. [LXX 2 Kms.] 7:6; 1 Chr. 17:5).
He rightly stresses the importance of Nathan's prophecy (2 Sam. [LXX 2 Kms.]
7:4-16) as the background for Stephen's argument here (St. Stephen and the Hel-
lenists, pp. 80-83; cf. Schoeps, Theologie und Geschichte, pp. 233-39). See also
M. Simon, "La prophetie de Nathan et le Temple (Remarques sur 2 Sam. 7)," RHPR
32 (1952), pp. 41-58; "Retour du Christ et reconstruction du Temple dans la pensee
chretienne primitive," in Aux sources de la tradition chretienne: Melanges offerts
aM. Goguel (Paris, 1950), pp. 247-57.
7:47 ToJ..oµmv bE olxob6µ,iaEv aur<j> olxov] Cf. 1 K. (LXX 3 Kms.) 6:2, 6
olxo£ ov tjlxob6µ,iaEv 6 ~aaLA.EU£ To1..oµwv t<j> XUQL<µ. A house with earthly founda-
tions was less appropriate for a pilgrim people and their ubiquitous God than the
movable tent of earlier days. It is noteworthy that in Heb. 9: 1-10: 18 the wilderness
tent, not the Jerusalem temple, is used as a type of God's spiritual dwelling among
206
7:51-53 PERSONAL APPLICATION
his people, and even the wilderness tent is superseded because of its inadequacy.
See C. F. D. Maule, "Sanctuary and Sacrifice in the Church of the New Testament,"
ITS n.s. 1 (1950), pp. 29-41.
otxoboµl]aEv] Unaugmented: WH give this form as an alternative to the aug-
mented<)l"X- everywhere except Mt. 21:33; Lk. 4:29 (and in Lk. 4:29 the <jl- form in
the pluperfect <)lxoboµl]to may be regarded as "reduplication").
7:48 a).l' aux 6 ihpun:0£] Note the emphasis: other divinities might be con-
ceived of as inhabiting "handmade" dwellings, but not the Most High. The empha-
sis is weakened in D: 6 OE ihpun:0£ ou xatoLxEl. The title ihjJLITTO£ had both a Jewish
and a Gentile background, and thus provided a bridge between Jew and Gentile in
language about God. In its Jewish setting it is the translation of Heb. 'elyon (cf.
Gen. 14:18; Dt. 32:8, etc.) or Aram. 'illiiyii (cf. Dan. 3:26, etc.). For its use as a
divine title among Gentiles see on 16:17. See New Docs. 1 (1976), § 5, line 7 (p. 26);
also p. 101 (in note on§ 61).
EV XELQOJtoltjtOL£] Cf. 17:24, 6 8EO£ ... OU"X EV XELQOJtOLtjtOL£ VUOL£ "XUtol"XEL.
The Jerusalem temple is XELQOJtOLl]to£ in Mk. 14:58; the wilderness tent is XELQO-
JtOtl]to£ in Heb. 9:11, 24, by contrast with "the true tent, which the Lord pitched,
not man" (Heb. 8:2). On the supersession of the handmade temple by one "not made
with hands" see A. Cole, The New Temple (London, 1950).
In such contexts a depreciatory note attaches to XELQOJtOLl]to£. Cf. the dispar-
aging reference in 19:26 to 0rnl oi ou't XELQWV yL vilµEvOL. The negative UXELQorcoi-
l]to£ is used in Mk. 14:58 of a spiritual temple, in 2 Car. 5:1 of the resurrection
body, in Col. 2: 11 of spiritual circumcision, as against "the so-called circumcision
in the flesh, performed by human hand" (Eph. 2:11).
That God cannot be limited by a material structure is recognized in Solo-
mon's dedicatory prayer (1 K. [LXX 3 Kms.] 8:27; cf. 2 Chr. 6:18).
7:49 xa8w£ 6 JCQoq,tjtl]£ AEYEL xd] The quotation is from Isa. 66:lf. Isa. 66:1
is quoted in Ep. Barn. 16:2 in reference to the destruction of the temple in A.O. 70,
and with the same variation from the extant LXX as here (~ tL£ torco; for xal JtOio£
t6rco£). Justin (Dial. 22.3f., 11) brings together Amos 5:25-27 and Isa. 66: 1 as
Stephen does here. Luke, Pseudo-Barnabas, and Justin may all have drawn on a
"Testimony" collection in which these passages were juxtaposed (see on 1:20;
3:22). See further T. C. G. Thornton, "Stephen's Use of Isaiah LXVI," JTS n.s. 25
(1974), pp. 432-34; he cites an Aram. midrash in which Isaiah makes these words
(with 1 K. 8:27) the basis of a prediction of Nebuchadrezzar's destruction of Solo-
mon's temple, and so incurs Manasseh's murderous rage.
olxoooµtjarn:] olxoooµtjaatE B (a scribal slip).
7:50 ouxl ~ XELQ µou ircollJaEv tafrra rcavta;] LXX, following Heb., puts this
in the form of a statement: Jtavtu ya.Q tafn:a EJtOtl]GEv ~ XELQ µou. "All these things" -
"heaven ... and earth" (the whole creation).
g. Personal application (7:51-53)

51 L"XAl]QOtQUXTJAOl xal MEQLtµl]tol "XUQ0LUL£ xal toL£ waiv, 1JµEL£ UEL t<ji
JtVEUµan t<ji ayL'!) UvtlJCLITTEtE, Ul£ OL JCUtEQE£ i,µ.wv xal llµEL£. 52tLVU tOlV
207
JtQOcj>T]tWV aux. ebLw1;av oi natEQES uµv; X.UL MEX.TEL vav taus JtQOX.atayyEi1..av-
rns JtEQL tfiS EA.E'IJOEOl£ tou OLX.ULOU oil vuv 1J11EL£ 3tQ006tm X.UL cj>OVEL£ EYEVE08E,
53 0ht VE£ EA.U~EtE tov v6µov Eis fltatayas a.yyfJ..wv, X.UL aux. Ecj>UA.a1;atE.
7:51 OX.A.T]QOTQUXTJA.OL X.UL 0.JtEQLtµT]tOL X.UQOLUL£ X.UL tois wo( v] In the perora-
tion of Stephen's speech what has thus far been its subsidiary theme-the con-
sistent refusal of those to whom God's messengers were sent to accept either them
or their message-becomes predominant. The lesson of history is personally ap-
plied to Stephen's hearers in language of fierce denunciation. If the speech hitherto
had not been calculated to procure Stephen's acquittal, the peroration was bound
to ensure his condemnation. It is not necessary to suppose that the sudden invec-
tive was provoked by an angry outburst (natural though such an outburst would
have been against the depreciation of the temple); this is the climax of Stephen's
argument.
Stephen's language aligns his judges with the stubborn and disobedient
generation of Moses' day. For OX.A.TJQOtQUXTJA.OL cf. Ex. 23:5; for a.JtEQttµT]tOL
X.UQOLatS cf. Lev. 26:41; Dt. 10:16; Jer. 4:4; 9:26; Ezek. 44:7; for O.nEQttµT]tOL ...
tois wo( v cf. Jer. 6: 10.
tqi JtVE'llµatL tq> a.y(cµ O.vtLJtLITTEtE, Ul£ OL JtatEQES uµv X.UL uµEis] Cf. Isa. 63:10
(amoi be ~nd8T]oav x.al, naQm1;uvav to nvEiiµa to iiytov amou) and Num. 27: 14 (ev
tqi a.vttn(mn v t~v ouvaywy~v a.yuiom µE ). Their forefathers had resisted God as he
spoke by his Spirit through Moses and the prophets; they had now resisted him
when he spoke through the promised "Prophet like Moses."
7:52 ttva tv JtQOq>T]tWV aux. eoiw!;av oi natEQES uµv;] The argument that
they were following in the steps of those who had killed the prophets is in line with
the words of Jesus in Mt. 23:29-37 (cf. Lk. 13:33f.; 1 Th. 2:15). The deaths of the
prophets are mostly unrecorded in the OT, but some of them were later to become
the heroes of martyrologies which told, e.g., how Isaiah was sawn in two under
Manasseh (Mart. Isa. 5:1-14) and Jeremiah stoned to death by his compatriots who
had compelled him to go down to Egypt with them (Tertullian, Scarp. 8; Jerome,
Against Jovinian 2.37). See T. Schermann (ed.), Prophetarum Vitae Fabulosae
(Leipzig, 1907); C. C. Torrey (ed.), Lives of the Prophets (Philadelphia, 1946); H.-
J. Schoeps, "Die jiidischen Prophetenmorde," in Aus fruhchristlicher Zeit (Tiibin-
gen, 1950), pp. 126-43.
JtEQL tfiS EA.EUOEW£] G. D. Kilpatrick has argued that EA.EUOL£ was already an
established term in Judaism for the advent of the Messiah ("Acts VII 52 eleusis,"
JTS 46 [1945], pp. 136-45). In Christian literature it is used of Christ's first advent
here and in 1 Clem. 17:1; Polycarp, Ep. 6:3; of his second advent in Lk. 21:7 D;
23:42 D; Act. Thom. 28; of both in Iren., Haer. 1.10.
toil l'>tx.a(ou] For this title see on 3:14 (cf. 22:14).
oii vuv uµEi£ JtQOOotm x.ai qiovEis eyEvE08E] Stephen does not mitigate his
hearers' offense by ascribing it to ignorance, as Peter did when addressing the
Jerusalem populace (3: 17); the chief priests and their colleagues had acted with
their eyes open (cf. Jn. 11 :49f.; 19: 11 ).
208
7:54-56 STEPHEN'S FINAL WITNESS
7:53 EL£ bwtaya; a.yyFJ.. wv J Another example of the encroachment of EL£ on

Ev, used here instrumentally: "by the ordinances of angels"; cf. Gal. 3:19, bwtayd;
bt' a.yyf>..wv. Torrey (CDA, p. 33) sees behind this phrase Aram. lepuqdiine mal'iilsfn,
with the prep. ze in the sense "according to," "by"; this is quite unnecessary. bta-
tay~ (also in Rom. 13:2; Ezra [LXX 2 Esdr.J 4:11; cf. btrni!;ato, v. 44 above) is
frequent in papyri, inscriptions, and general literature (see New Docs. 1 [1976], §
34, p. 83). Deissmann mentions its use by the physician Ruphus of Ephesus (fl. AD.
100) to mean "ordered way of living," and by Vettius Valens (342.7; 355.18) in the
sense "disposition" (LAE, pp. 89f.).
The angelic ministration of the law is unmentioned in the OT. In Dt. 33:2
Yahweh is said to have been attended by angels in his Sinai theophany (see especially
LXX EX bE!;t<i.>v amou a.yyE'J...ot µet' amou) and a similar inference was drawn in the
tannaitic midrashim from Ps. 68: 17 (cf. Melsilta on Ex. 20: 18; Sifre Num. 102 on N um.
12:5), but this does not amount to their participation in the giving of the law. Neither
is such participation envisaged in Jub. 1:29; TDan 6:2; Philo, Som. 1.141-43, which
have sometimes been adduced as parallels. In Jos.Ant. 15.136, where Herod says that
the Jewish doctrines and laws have been learned bt' a.yyE'J...wv naQa tou Ornu, the
a.yyE'J...OL are possibly prophets. Yet Stephen (or Luke), with Paul (Gal. 3:19) and the
writer to the Hebrews (Heb. 2:2, obt' a.yyE'J...wv 'J...a'J...1']0El; 'J...6yoi;), treats the angelic min-
istration of the law as something well known and generally accepted. Paul in Gal.
3:19 implies that the law, being imparted through angels, is inferior to the promise,
which was made directly by God. The point in Heb. 2:2 is that the law, which was
"spoken through angels," is attended by less solemn sanctions (solemn enough as the
sanctions of the law were) than the gospel, which was first conveyed by one far su-
perior to angels, the Lord himself. Stephen's point is that the impiety of those to whom
the law was given was all the more heinous because it was communicated by beings
as high and holy as angels. For a fuller discussion see F. F. Bruce, The Epistle to the
Galatians, NIGTC (Grand Rapids/Exeter, 1982), pp. 176-78.
xai mix Ecj>u'J...a!;atE J The implication may be that the empirical Israel, repre-
sented by the high priest and his associates, never kept the law, whereas the true
Israel, the followers of Jesus, did so (cf.Paul in Ac. 21:23-26; 23: 1; 24:14-18; 25:8;
26:22).
7. The Stoning of Stephen (7:54-8:la)

a. Stephen's final witness (7:54-56)
54 'AxouovtE£ bE tauta bLrnQLOvtO taL£ XUQbLUL£ amwv xal E~QU)'.OV tOU£
ooovtai; en' am6v. 55 UJt<lQ'X,OOV CE JtA~Ql]£ JtVEuµatoi; ay(ou O.tfVLOU£ Eii; tov
OlJQUVOV ElbEV bo!;av emu xal 'll]OO'UV EotWta EX CE;LWV tO'U 0rnu, 56 xal ElJtEV,
'Ibou 0EWQW toU£ 01JQUVOU£ btl]VOLYµ£VOU£ xal tOV uiov to'U a.V0Qwnou EX
be!;uov EotOlta tou 0EOu.
7:54 btEJtQLOvto) See on 5:33.
E~Quxov] Cf. Job 16:9; Ps. 35 (LXX 34):16, E~Qu!;av En' EµE tou£ ob6vta£
am&v, and the repeated ~(.>Uyµoi; OCOvt(l)V (Mt. 8:11 par. Lk. 13:28; Mt. 13:42, 50;
209
22: 13; 24:51; 25 :30), a sign of rage or frustration. Stephen's hearers found his per-
oration the last straw: it was more than they could tolerate.
7:55 un:<iQxwv bi, JtA~QTJ£ n:vEuµato£ ay(ou] See on 6:5. Stephen's vision of
Jesus at the right hand of God indicates that it was the Spirit of prophecy that took
possession of him now.
dbEv b6l;av 0Eou] Cf. Lk. 9:32, where Peter and two other disciples saw their
Master's glory (dbov t~v bo);av atitofi) on the Mount of Transfiguration-an an-
ticipatory vision of the glory into which he was to enter after his passion (Lk. 24:26).
What they saw in anticipation Stephen now saw realized; the glory into which Jesus
had entered was a participation in the glory of God.
'IT]aouv] b adds tov XUQLOV (cf. 18:5; also 1:22; 2:38; 3:31; 13:32). Luke, in
narrating the incident, says "Jesus"; Stephen, in describing the vision, speaks of
"the Son of man" (v. 56).
Eat&tu] It is unlikely that the substitution of Eat&ta for the common
xa0~µEvov (cf. Lk. 22:69; Ac. 2:34, etc., following Ps. 110 [LXX 109]:l) has no
significance-that it is "merely a verbal change," as G. Dalman says (Words of
Jesus, p. 311). Various explanations oHat&tu have been offered. "He had not yet
taken definitely His seat, but was still giving the Jews a final opportunity," says
W. Kelly (An Exposition of the Acts of the Apostles [London, 3 1952], p. 103). (But
they continue to receive further opportunities to the end of Acts.) More plausibly,
Jesus has been pictured as standing up to greet his proto-martyr (so J. A. Bengel,
ad foe.: "quasi obvium Stephano"; he quotes to the same effect from the 6th-cent.
poet Arator). Others have understood Stephen to foresee the glory of Christ's ad-
vent (cf. Lk. 21 :27): "Christ rises in preparation for his Parousia" (H. P. Owen,
"Stephen's Vision in Acts VII 55-6," NTS 1 [1954-55], p. 225). A refinement of this
interpretation is proposed by C. K. Barrett: Jesus is indeed standing because "he is
about to come," but Luke believed that "the death of each Christian would be
marked by what we may term a private and personal parousia of the Son of man"
("Stephen and the Son of Man," in Apophoreta: Festschrift fur Ernst Haenchen,
BZNW 30 [Berlin, 1964 ], pp. 32-38). Most probably Stephen's words should be
linked closely with Jesus' promise in Lk. 12:8: "every one who acknowledges me
before men, the Son of man also will acknowledge before the angels of God" ( cf.
Mt. 10:33, where "the Son of man" is replaced by "I"). That is to say, Jesus stands
up as witness or advocate in Stephen's defense; so C. F. D. Maule, "From Defen-
dant to Judge-and Deliverer," The Phenomenon of the New Testament (London,
1967). pp. 82-99 (especially pp. 90f.): "in the heavenly court ... this member of
the Son of Man community is already being vindicated by the head of that com-
munity-the Son of man par excellence." See also M. Sabbe, "The Son of Man
Saying in Acts 7,56," in Les Actes des Apotres, ed. J. Kremer= BETL 48 (Leuven,
1979), pp. 241- 79; J. D. M. Derrett, "The Son of Man Standing (Acts 7,55-58),"
BibOr 30 ( 1988), pp. 71-84.
7:56 ibou 0Eo>Q to1)£ otiQavou£ bLTJVOLyµivoU£ xtA] Cf. the similar language
( in tht: future tense) which resulted in a verdict of blasphemy from the same earthly
court against the Son of man himself (Mk. 14:62 par. Mt. 26:64 and Lk. 22:69);
210
7:57-60 DEATH OF STEPHEN
also Jesus' words to Nathanael and his companions (Jn. 1:51 ). Hegesippus (ap.
Euseb. HE 2.23.13) ascribes similar language to James the Just at his martyrdom
(in a narrative colored by Luke's account of the death of Stephen). See also C. Row-
land, The Open Heaven (London, 1982), pp. 369f.
tov ulov tou civ0Qw:11:ou] The only instance of this expression in the NT out-
side the Gospels. (The phrase oµowv ulov civ0Qw:11:ou in Rev. 1:13; 14:14 is differ-
ent.) As a self-designation of Jesus, it has its OT roots in Dan. 7: 13f., where a human
figure (by contrast with the imperial wild beasts which precede it) is seen coming
to the Ancient of Days "with the clouds of heaven" to receive universal dominion
from him. The un-Greek expression 6 uio£ tou civ0Qw:1tou means "the 'one like a
son of man'" (Aram. k"!Jar 'eniis) who is to receive world dominion, but since it
was not already in current use as a technical term (as, e.g., "Messiah" was), Jesus
could employ it freely of himself and fill it with whatever meaning he chose. Its
Danielic background links him closely with "the saints of the Most High," i.e., his
disciples and their converts. See (among other discussions) M. Casey, Son of Man
(London, 1979); C. Colpe, TDNT 8, pp. 400-4 77 (s. v. 6 ui6£ tou civ0QW:1tou ); H. E.
Todt, The Son ofMan in the Synoptic Tradition, E.T. (London, 1965); F. H. Borsch,
The Son of Man in Myth and History (London, 1967); J. Coppens, Le Fils de
!'Homme Vetero- et Intertestamentaire (Leuven, 1983), and Le Fils de !'Homme
Neotestamentaire (Leuven, 1981); A. J. B. Higgins, The Son of Man in the Teach-
ing ofJesus (Cambridge, 1980); M. D. Hooker, The Son of Man in Mark (London,
1967); S. Kim, "The 'Son of Man'" as the Son of God (Tilbingen, 1983); B. Lin-
dars,Jesus Son ofMan (London, 1983); T. W. Manson, "The Son of Man in Daniel,
Enoch and the Gospels," in Studies in the Gospels and Epistles (Manchester, 1962),
pp. 123-45; C. F. D. Moule, "Neglected Features in the Problem of 'the Son of
Man,'" inNeues Testament und Kirche, ed. J. Gnilka (Freiburg, 1974), pp. 413-28;
R. Pesch and R. Schnackenburg (ed.), Jesus und der Menschensohn (Freiburg,
1975); G. Vermes, "The Present State of the 'Son of Man' Debate," in Jesus and
the World of Judaism (London, 1983), pp. 89-99.
civ9QW3tOU) emu P 74 vid 491 614 copbo (2 codd) georgvet (see G. D. Kilpatrick,
"Miszelle Acts vii.56: Son of Man?" TZ 21 [1965), p. 209).
EX bd;Lwv EOTWta] EOTWta Ex bE;Lwv P45 X *ACE 69 al (probably by assimi-
lation to v. 55).
b. Death of Stephen (7:57-60)
57 XQU;avtE£ OE cpwvfi µq<iA.n auvfoxov ta (Ota amwv, XULWQµT]OUV 6µo0uµabov
fo' am6v, 58XUL bq3aA.OV'tE£ E;W t~£ 3tOA.EW£ EA.L00~0A.OUV. XUL oi µ<iQtUQE£
am:0Evt0 ta iµ<ina amwv :11:aga to~ :11:oba~ VEaVLOU xa)..ouµivou LU'IJA.OU. 59 XUL
EA.L00~0A.OUV tOV LtEcpavov EmxaA.OlJµEVOV xai Hyovta, KUQLE 'IT]OOU, OE;ilL to
31:VEuµ<i µou· 600EL£ OE ta y6vata EXQa;EV cpwvfi µq<iA.n, KUQLE, µ~ OT~OTI£ amoi£
tautT]V t~V aµagtiav· xaL to'iito EL:71:WV EXOLµ~flt].
7:57 XQ<i;avtE£] tune populus exclamauit lath. The words that follow might
give the impression that Stephen was the victim of lynch law, but v. 58 indicates
that his execution was carried out in accordance with judicial procedure. In this re-
211
spect too Hegesippus's account of the martyrdom of James is influenced by Luke's

present narrative.
Various attempts have been made to explain the absence of any approach to
the Roman prefect, to have the death sentence ratified by him. The suggestion that
it took place in the interregnum after Pilate's departure (AD. 36/37) is unacceptable
for two reasons: (a) Vitellius, legate of Syria, saw to it that there was no interreg-
num when he ordered Pilate to return to Rome (Jos. Ant. 18.89); (b) even if there
had been such an interregnum, it would have been illegal for the high priest and
Sanhedrin to authorize the execution of the death sentence at their own instance,
as Josephus's account of the execution of James the Just makes clear (Ant. 20.200-
203). It is more probable that the charge which was found proved against Stephen-
speaking against the temple-belonged to the category of offenses in which the
Roman administration (exceptionally) permitted the Jewish authorities to exercise
capital jurisdiction (see on 21:28).
7:58 xaL ol µ<iQTUQE£] ol bio µ<iQtUQE£ P4 5 . It was the duty of the witnesses
to take the leading part in the execution (cf. Lev. 24: 14-16; Dt. 13:9; 17:7). "Four
cubits from the place of stoning the criminal is stripped .... The drop from the place
of stoning was twice the height of a man. One of the witnesses pushes the crimi-
nal from behind, so that he falls face downward. He is then turned over on his back.
If he dies from this fall, that is sufficient. If not, the second witness takes the stone
and drops it on his heart. If this causes death, that is sufficient. If not, he is stoned
by all the congregation of Israel, as it is written (Dt. 17:7): 'The hand of the wit-
nesses shall be first against him to put him to death, and afterward the hand of all
the people'" (mSanhedrin 6.3f.).
o.ni0Evto ta lµcina amwv] In view of the Mishnaic regulation that the crimi-
nals clothes should be deposited four cubits from the place of stoning, F. C. Cony-
beare suggested the emendation amoii for amwv (or fomwv B pc) ("The Stoning
of St. Stephen," Exp. 8, 6 [1913], pp. 466-70). But Luke thought otherwise: 22:20
confirms that it was the clothes of the executioners that were guarded by Saul.
Toulou] Heb. sii'ul ("asked for"), the Jewish name of Paul, whose mission-
ary activity forms the main theme of the second half of Acts. It may be accounted
an "undesigned coincidence" that, while Paul himself is our only authority for his
belonging to the tribe of Benjamin (Rom. 11 :1; Phil. 3:5), Luke alone says that he
bore the name of Saul, the name of the most illustrious member of that tribe in
sacred history, Israel's first king (cf. 13:21).
7:59 EA.L0ofi6louv] Imperf., as in v. 58, emphasizing the process of stoning,
or the fact that several took part in it, thus making it a repeated action.
rmxalouµEvov] Without an expressed object; the words he uttered make it
sufficiently clear who was being invoked.
KuQLE 'I11aou, bi!;m to nvEiiµci µou] Cf. Lk. 23:46, natEQ, EL£ XELQU£ aou
naQattOEµm to nvEiiµci µou. That the request made by our Lord to the Father should
so soon be repeated to the Lord himself by Stephen is evidence for the rapid emer-
gence of a high christology. See M. Hengel, "Christology and New Testament
Chronology," Between Jesus and Paul, E.T. (London, 1983), pp. 30-47.
212
7:57-60 DEATH OF STEPHEN
7:60 OEl~ bi; ta y6vata] For this phrase see 9:40; 20:36; 21 :5; Mk. 15: 19;
Lk. 22:41. Cf. Lat. genua ponere.
KUQLE, µ~ crr~ans amoi~ ta'Utl]V T~V aµagtiav] "do not put this sin to their ac-
count"; cf. the word from the cross in Lk. 23:34 (see on 3:17). "The martyr with
his dying words begs the heavenly court for mercy toward those against whom he
is vindicated" (C. F. D. Moule, The Phenomenon of the New Testament, p. 91).
Hegesippus puts a similar prayer into the mouth of James (Euseb. HE 2.23.26).
Contrast the prayer of Zechariah the priest when he was being stoned to death:
"May the LORD see and avenge!'' (2 Chr. 24:22). As in v. 59, KuQLE on Stephen's
lips is probably Jesus.
tU'Utl]V t~V aµagtiav J t~V aµagtiav tUllTl]V P 74 x E tp 8 l byz.
ixotµ~OTJ] An unexpectedly peaceful word for so brutal a death. Cf. 13:36;
Jn.11:11-13; 1 Cor.11:30; 15:6, 18,20,51; I Th.4:13f.
213
ACTS8
c. Saul's acquiescence (8:la)

1a L<l'UA.0£ CE ~v CTUVEUCOXWV tii avmgfoEL amoii.
8: la ~v auvEucox&v] For the construction see on 1: 10. Saul's agreement
with the death sentence (cf. 22:20, amos ~µT]v E<j>Wtws xal auvEucoxciJv) need not
imply that he was a member of the supreme Sanhedrin (see further on 26:10,
xat~vqxa 'lj)fJ<j>ov). F. C. Conybeare ("The Stoning of St. Stephen," pp. 468f.) sug-
gested that on this occasion Saul acted as praeco or herald, charged with proclaim-
ing that the convicted person was about to be executed for the specified offense
(cf. mSanh. 6. l ). But his guarding the clothes of the executioners was sufficient
public evidence that he approved of what was being done.
tfl avmgfoEL] The only NT occurrence of this noun; the verb avmQEW is sim-
ilarly used in Paul's speeches (see 22:20; 26: 10).
B. PHILIP (8:lb-40)
1. Persecution and Dispersion (8:Jb-3)
1b 'EyEVEto CE EV EXEL vn tfl ~µEQ~ blwyµos µEyas EJ'tL t~V EXXA.TJCTl<lV t~V EV 'IEQO-
ao)..uµms· :n:<ivtES CE CtW:n:<lQTJCT<lV X<ltU tas XWQ<lS tfJs 'Iouca(as xal LaµagEL<l£
:n:)..~v t&v a:n:OITTOA.WV. 2 (JUVExoµwav CE tOV LtE<j>avov OVCQES EUA.<l~ELS xal
E:n:OLTJCT<lV xo:n:EtOV µEyav E:n:' amq>. 3 L<l'UAOS CE EA.Uµa(vEto t~V EXXATJCTL<lV xata
mus obtous da:n:ogEuoµtvos, augwv tE i':ivcgas xal yuvaixas :n:agEMcou ds
q,u),.ax~v.
8:lb Ctwyµos µEyas] + xal SU'\j)tS c (cf. 11:19). The disciples had enjoyed
popular favor hitherto (2:47; 5:13), but such revolutionary teaching as Stephen's
gave their opponents (preeminently the chief priests and their associates) an oppor-
tunity to stir up the people against them. After Stephen's conviction the new move-
ment, and especially those more closely associated with Stephen, could be repre-
sented as hostile to the temple prerogatives, which were protected by Roman law
and the safeguarding of which belonged to the high priest and captain of the temple.
ctw:n:<igl]aav] Cf. v. 4; 11: 19. The new ekklesia, like the old, was to have its
214
8: lb-3 PERSECUTION AND DISPERSION
diaspora (cf. 1 Pet. 1: 1). F. H. Chase (Credibility, p. 65) compares 2 Bar. 1 :4, "I
will scatter this people among the Gentiles, that they may do good to the Gentiles."
While the church as a whole was attacked, it is evidently the Hellenists who were
dispersed. They themselves may have left Jerusalem the more readily if they saw
in Stephen's death a token of the city's now unavoidable doom (cf. M. Hengel,Acts
and the History of Earliest Christianity, E.T. [London, 1979], pp. 74f.).
xroQU£] Probably "districts" in a nontechnical sense, though the word might
be taken as referring to Judaea (in the narrower sense) and Samaria, as regiones
(Gk. x&Qm) of the province of Judaea (see on 16:6; 18:23). The dispersion enabled
them to carry out further the terms of their Lord's commission in 1:8.
JtA~v tfuv a.Jtoot6A.wv] [) adds o'i EµEtvav EV 'lEQOOO<lA~µ (a glimpse of the ob-
vious). Not necessarily that the apostles were totally exempt from persecution,
though the popular resentment was not so hot against them as it was later to be-
come (cf. 12:2f.); but they probably conceived it their duty to remain at their post.
Luke may have seen a theological fitness in their staying in Jerusalem, as the leaders
of the latter-day people of God (cf. G. W. H. Lampe, St. Luke and the Church of
Jerusalem [London, 1969], p. 21). Henceforth the church of Jerusalem was pre-
dominantly "Hebrew" in its composition, although not exclusively so (cf. Mnason
in 21:16).
8:2 auvEx6µtaav] "took up for burial." Cf. exxoµi~w in Lk. 7:12 (alsofaq,eQW
in 5:6, 9, 10).
livl>QE~ E'llA.<l~Ei~] In the NT the adj. is used particularly of Jews (it is used of
Ananias of Damascus in 22:12, of Simeon of Jerusalem in Lk. 2:25). These were
probably Jewish Christians; at any rate, they disapproved of the Sanhedrin's ac-
tion. Cf. Joseph of Arimathaea, av~Q ayaeo~ xal Mxmo~ (Lk. 23:50), who per-
formed a like service for Jesus.
xoJtEtov] Connected with x6mw, "beat the breast" in mourning. The law pre-
scribed the duty of burying executed criminals (Dt. 21 :22f.; Jos. BJ 4.317), but ac-
cording to the Mishnah there was to be no open or ceremonial lamentation for them
(Sanh. 6.6).
8:3 ToiiA.o~ l>E eA.uµa(vno t~v EXXA.l]a(av] "But Saul ravaged the church."
He now plays a more active part than he had done at the stoning of Stephen (7:58).
This is the only NT occurrence of Auµaivoµm, a classical verb which is found in
LXX, Hermas, papyri, etc. Philo (Leg. ad Gai. 134) uses it of anti-Jewish excesses
in Alexandria. It is an appropriate verb for the ravaging of a body by a wild beast
(LC). Paul uses an equally strong verb when he says xa8' UJtEQ~OA.~v EMwxov t~v
EXXA.l]aiavtoii 8wii xaUn:og8ouv am~v, "and made havoc of it" (Gal. 1:13), n:oQ8£w
(for which cf. 9:21 below and Gal. 1:23) being used with special reference to the
sacking of cities (for l>trox<JJ in the same setting cf. 1 Cor. 15:9; Phil. 3:6). When
Saul/Paul is said, by himself and by Luke, to have persecuted "the church (of God)"
without further qualification, it is natural to think primarily of the church in
Jerusalem, especially at such an early stage in Christian history. See further on 9:lf.;
cf. also 22:4f.; 26:lOf.; 1 Tim. 1:13.
215
2. Philip in Samaria (8:4-8)

4 O[ µEV o'6v DtaOJtUQ£vtE~ Dl~A.0ov EuayyEA.l~OµEVOl TOV A.oyov. 5 <l>LA.LJtJtO~ DE
KatEA.Swv EL£ [t~v] JtOA.lV TTJ£ LaµUQELU£ EK~QUCTOEV amol:£ TOV XQlCTTOV.
6 JtQOOE'ixov DE ol OXA.Ol TOL£ AqoµEVOl£ l)Jt() TOU <l>tA.tJtJt01J 6µo0uµaDov EV t(Jl
{lltO'IJEL v UUTOU£ xai ~A.EJtEl v ta OT]µEia a EJtOlEt· 7 JtOA.A.OL Y<lQ tfuv ex6vtwv
JtVE'IJµata aita0UQta ~ofuvta q,wvfi µqaAn e!;~QXOVTO, JtOA.A.OL DE JtUQUA.EA.llµEVOl
ital XWAOL E0EQUJtE'IJ0TjCTav· 8EYEVETO DE JtOA.A.~ XUQ<l EV tfi JtOA.El EKEivn.
8:4 o[ µrv ouv DtaaitaQEVTE; ... ] Either "they, therefore, having been scat-
tered, ... " or (more probably) "those, therefore, who were scattered, ... " (for oi
µEv otiv introducing a new section of the narrative sec on 1:6). The same words as
are used here (oi µh otiv DtaOJtUQEvtE;) introduce the narrative of the Antiochene
mission in 11: 19-a token, probably, that that narrative was drawn from the same
Hellenistic source as the account of Philip's ministry now being introduced. In
8:lb-3 we may recognize Luke's summary, connecting the Stephen narrative with
the Philip narrative and explaining DtaaJtaQEvtE~.
btfjA.0ov] W. M. Ramsay thought that DtEQXoµm was "the technical term for
making a missionary progress through a district" (SPT, p. 384). Nothing in the verb
itself requires this special sense, but naturally the context often implies it in Acts
(12:10 is an obvious exception); cf. 1 Cor. 16:5.
8:5 <l>iA.trrrro~] "one of the Seven" (6:5; cf. 21 :8). If the rank and file of dis-
persed Hellenists went through the adjoining regions "preaching the message"
{Euayydt~oµEvot tov Aoyov), it is not surprising that one of their leaders should be
found thus engaged.
itaTEA.Swv] The context in Acts frequently indicates that this verb (as here) is
used of going down from Jerusalem or Judaea for evangelism or some other form
of Christian ministry.
EL£ [t~v] rr&t v TTJ£ LaµUQEta;] t~v om CD E IJI byz (t~v rr&tv tfJ£ KmOUQELa£
X ). lft~v be retained (so P74 AB 1175 pc) "the city of Samaria" would most nat-
urally denote the city so called in OT times; since its restoration by Herod the Great,
however, it had been called Sebaste in honor of Augustus (Gk. u~aat6£, as in
25:25). It was, moreover, a Hellenistic city, whereas the impression given by the
following narrative is of a mission to ethnic Samaritans. "The (principal) city of
Samaria" might, from a religious viewpoint, be Shechem (modem Balata), the holy
city of the Samaritans. If the article be omitted, the identification of "a city of
Samaria" is wide open. Justin Martyr, himself a (Hellenistic) native of Samaria,
says (/ Apo!. 26.2) that Simon Magus belonged to Gitta (modern Jett, c. 11 miles
southeast of Caesarea). But that is not a compelling reason for understanding Gitta
here. On the whole, Shechem and its neighborhood provide the most likely setting
for Philip's mission; the Fourth Evangelist credits both John the Baptist (Jn. 3:23)
and Jesus (Jn. 4:4-42) with activity in this area (cf. J. AT. Robinson, "The 'Others'
of John 4:38," in Twelve New Testament Studies, SBT 34 [London, 1962], pp. 61-
66, a reply to 0. Cullmann, "Samaria and the Origins of the Christian Mission,"
E.T. in The Early Church [London, 1956), pp. 183-92, in which it was argued that
216
8:9-13 SIMON MAGUS BELIEVES AND IS BAPTIZED
the "others" were Philip and his helpers, into whose labors, according to vv. 14-25
below, the apostles Peter and John subsequently entered). On Philip's Samaritan
mission see also C. H. H. Scobie, "The Origins and Development of Samaritan
Christianity," NTS 19 ( 1972-73), pp. 390-414; R. J. Coggins, "The Samaritans and
Acts," NTS 28 (1981-82), pp. 423-34; M. Hengel, Between Jesus and Paul, E.T.
(London, 1983), pp. 121-26, in addition to the commentaries (especially
0. Bauernfeind, E. Haenchen, J. Roloff, and G. Schneider).
EX~QUOOEV J The imperf. implies that he was thus engaged when the follow-
ing events happened.
aurou; l The pron. sufficiently denotes the inhabitants of the place just re-
ferred to (it is, in any case, the citizens who constitute the JtoAu;).
i:ov Xgtoi:ov] It need not be inferred that, in preaching to the Samaritans,
Philip actually used the term XQLITTO£ (Aram. me.ff}:ui) with its Judaean and Davidic
associations (cf. Jn. 4:25, 29). The Samaritans' "messianic" expectations were
directed toward the deuteronomic "prophet like Moses" (cf. 3:22f.; 7:37).
8:6 JtQOOtixov] In a full sense, of paying attention and giving a favorable
response (and therefore little different in sense from EJttottooav, v. 12); cf. w. 10,
11; 16: 14. In 5:34; 20:28 it has the different sense "take care," "beware."
Ev i:cj> axouEL v] In a temporal sense (for the construction cf. 2: 1).
,:a OTJµEia a EJtOLEL] A further example of the performance of "signs" by one
not an apostle; cf. Stephen, 6:8.
8:7 Jtonol YCJ.Q i:wv ixovnov Jtveuµai:a axci8aQ"Ca ... E;~Qxovi:o] Actually, of
course, it was the spirits that "came out," not those who were possessed by them.
Torrey (CDA, pp. 32f.) explains the odd locution with the aid of an Aram. retrover-
sion; Blass would insert ii after axci8a(!Ca, in which case E8EQUJtEu8TJoav would have
the first Jto)J..oi as well as the second for its subject. Probably the construction
should simply be taken as a case of "mental telescoping" (LC).
Jtveuµai:a axciOaQ"Ca] Cf. 5: 16, where these are expelled by the apostles.
~o<ilvi:aq,wvfi µEyciAn] A'> frequently in s:xorcisms in the Gospels (e.g., Mk. 1:26).
:JtOI..AOL OE JtUQUAEAUIJ.EVOL xal XWAol] Paralysis and lameness are the troubles
most commonly healed in Acts (cf. 3:2; 9:33; 14:8).
3. Simon Magus Believes and ls Baptized (8:9-13)

9 'Av~Q OE Tl£ ov6µatt Ltµcov ltQOV3t1JQXEV EV tii JtOAEl µayeucov xal E;LITTUVCOV
to E8vo£ i:f]~ LaµUQELa~, 1..i:ywv d va( TL va fomov µi:yav, 10 cji :JtQOOEixov itcivi:E~
(lJt() µLXQO'U ECO£ µqci1..ou 1..eyovtE~, 0&6~ EO'tl v ~ ~uvaµL£ 'tO'U 8EOii ~ 'KUA.OUµ£ VTJ
MEyUI..TJ. II JtQOOELXOV OE aurcj> OL<l 'tO ixavcj> XQOV<µ tau; µayELUL£ E~EITTUXEVUL
amo~. 1201:E OE EJtlITTEUOUV ,:cj> <l>t.1..LJtJt<µ EuayydLsOµEV<µ JtEQL 'trJ£ ~UOLAELU£
'tO'U 8EO'U xal 'tO'U ov6µai:o£ 'ITJOO'U XQLITTO'U, E~aJti:(tovi:o UVOQE£ TE xal yuvaLXE£.
130 OE LLµwv xal amo£ EJtLITTEOOEV, xal ~amLo8El~ ~v JtQOOX<lQTEQOlV ,:<j>
<l>lALJtJt<µ, OtcoQ<ilv TE OTJµEia xal ouvciµEL~ µeyciAa~ yL voµEva~ i;toi:ai:o.
8:9 Ltµcov] Simon Magus plays a prominent part in postapostolic Christian

literature as the first heresiarch, the father of Gnosticism, and the untiring adver-
217
sary of Peter, not only in Samaria (cf. vv. 18-24 below) but also at Caesarea, An-
tioch, and Rome. In the pseudo-Clementine literature he appears at times as a thin
disguise for Paul, the bete noire of the Ebionites. His doctrines are expounded and
attacked by Justin(/ Apo/. 26.2f.; 56.2) and Irenaeus (Haer. l.16.2f.), as well as by
Hippolytus (Ref 6. 7-20) and Epiphanius (Pan. 21). Probably the Simon of whom
those fathers speak was in origin the Simon of Ac. 8:9-24, although their identity
has been questioned by G. Salmon (DCB 4, pp. 681-88, s.v. "Simon Magus") and
some others (cf. ODCC, s.v. "Simon Magus"). He secured a large following, but
Origen says that by his day the Simonians numbered barely thirty (c. Cels. 1.57).
Justin's statement that he was honored in Rome with a statue dedicated SI-
MONI DEO SANCTO (I Apo!. 1.26.2) is probably due to the misreading of an in-
scription to a Sabine divinity, commencing Semoni Sanco deo fidio, "to Semo San-
cus the god of good faith" (CIL 6.567). Possibly the error was not originally Justin's;
the Simonians in Rome may themselves have regarded this or a similar inscription
as providentially applicable to Simon. Cf. Tert.Apol. 13.9: "cum Simonem Magum
statua et inscriptione Sancti Dei inauguratis" (addressed not to the Simonians but
to the Romans in general).
µayEwv] "practicing as a µay~." The µ<iym were originally a Median priestly
caste, antedating Zoroaster (Herodotus, Hist. 1.101, 140; cf. J. H. Moulton, Early
Zoroastrianism [London, 1913), pp. 182-253). The word came to be used in an ex-
tended sense of practitioners of various kinds of sorcery (whence "magic," "magi-
cian") and even quackery. Cf. 13:6, 8 below. The µaym of Mt. 2: 1 were evidently
astrologers. For the verb µayEuw (here only in the NT) cf. Did. 2.2, ou µayEUGEL£.
MM and BAGD quote an inscription (Gk./Aram.) recorded by C. Clemen, relating
to a general (atQUtTJYO£) with a Persian name who eµayevaE M(0Qn. In Mod. Gk.
the word means "bewitch."
el;tatavwv] "amazing," "causing to be outside (beside) themselves." Cf.
el;EatUXEVUL, v. 11; a like effect was produced on Simon himself by the apostles
(il;iatato, v. 13).
"J...iywv Elva( nva fomov µEyav] Cf. what is said about Theudas in 5:36. LC
would like to emend µiyav to µayov, comparing the common emendation µayov for
µEyav in Lucian's reference to Christ in De morte peregrini l 1, tov µayov (codd.
µEyav) youv EXELVOV ETL GE~OUGL, TOV a.v8QWJtOV TOV EV •fl Ila"J...mat(vn avaaxo"J...o-
ma8ivm. But µayov here would be tautologous after µayEuwv earlier in the sentence.
8: 10 aJto µtXQoii EW£ µqa"J...ou] The construction "is LXX and even Greek"
(J. de Zwaan). In LXX (Gen. 19:11, etc.) it represents Heb. min ... we'arj. For a
more idiomatic Gk. construction cf. 26:22, µtXQ<µ TE xal. µq<i"J...(Jl.
~ ouvaµL£ tau 8rnu ~ xa"J...ouµEVT] µq<i"J...T]] In view of many parallels to ouvaµL~
µEyctAT] there is no need to accept A Klostermann 's ingenious proposal (Probleme
im Aposteltexte, pp. 15-21) to treat µey<iAT] as the transliteration of Heb./Aram.
megalleh, "revealer" (Luke's xa)..ouµEVTJ would then be an apology for using the
foreign word). For~ ouvaµL£ toU 8rnii cf. Lk. 22:69, where the phrase is an explan-
atory expansion ofi;ij~ &uv<iµew~ (Mk. 14:62). In rabbinical literature haggCl}uriih,
"the power," appears as a surrogate for the divine name; G. H. Dalman accordingly
218
8:9-13 SIMON MAGUS BELIEVES AND IS BAPTIZED
supposed that "the sorcerer was really spoken of as 'God,' and toii 0wii as well as
,m1,.ouµhl] are additions due to Luke" (Words ofJesus, p. 200). By means of a ret-
roversion into Aramaic, C. C. Torrey produced a reading in which "great" qualified
"God" rather than "power" (CDA, pp. 18-20); the reference, he thought, was to
0EO£ inpun:0£. a syncretism of Zeus and the God of Israel (see on 16:17).
More to the point is the Lydian inscription cited by Ramsay (BRD, p. 117),
Ei£ 8EO£ EV OUQUVO L£ M ~v OUQC1VLO£ µEyCLA.l] buvaµL£ toii aeavatou 0EOii (cf.New Docs.
3 [1978], § 7). A feminine counterpart to this acclamation is provided by a Samari-
tan inscription in honor of Kore (cf. D. Flusser, "The Great Goddess of Samaria,"
IEJ25 [1975], pp. 13-20, pl. 2;New Docs. 1 [1976], § 68): El£ 0EO£ 6 :rtavtoovbw:rt6tl]£
flEYCL"-lJ XOQlJ ~ avdxl]tO£. One may think of Simon's consort Helena, said to be "the
first thought (Evvma) proceeding from him" (Justin, I Apo!. 26.3). Deissmann (BS,
p. 336) quotes from the great Paris magical papyrus: EmxaA.oiiµai aE t~v µEytatl]V
buvaµL v t~v EV tq> OUQUVq> a:rto xugiou Swii tEtayµEvl]v (PGM 4 .1225-29). Others have
compared the acclamation of Joseph (cf. Gen. 41 :43) in Jub. 40:7 as 'el 'el wa 'iil!fr
'el ("God, God, and the Mighty One of God"; the Heb. is only slightly corrupted in
the Ethiopic version). As Joseph embodied the authority of Pharaoh, so Simon may
have been acclaimed as grand vizier of the supreme God (cf. J. de Zwaan, BC 1.2,
p. 58). It may be relevant that Samaritan targumic tradition attests the prevalence of
l}ilii rabbii ("the great power") as a divine designation (cf. H. G. Kippenberg,
Garizim und Synagoge, RGVV 30 [Berlin, 1971 ], pp. 328-49; R. J. Coggins, "The
Samaritans and Acts," NTS 28 [1982], pp. 430f.).
C. K. Barrett points out that in Acts there is one 0Eio£ av~g-"and Luke does
not approve of him" ("Theologia Crucis-in Acts," in Theologia Crucis-Signum
Crucis: Festschrift fur E. Dinkier ... , ed. C. Andresen and G. Klein [Tiibingen,
1979], p. 80).
See R. P. Casey, "Simon Magus," BC 1.5, pp. 151-63; A. Ehrhardt, The
Framework of the New Testament Stories (Manchester, 1964), pp. 161-64, and The
Acts of the Apostles (Manchester, 1969), pp. 42-4 7; M. Smith, "The Account of
Simon Magus in Acts 8," H. A. Wolfson Jubilee Volume, II (Jerusalem, 1965), pp.
735-49; K. Bey sch lag, "Zur Simon-Magus-Frage," ZTK 68 (1971 ), pp. 395-426,
and Simon Magus und die christliche Gnosis, WUNT 16 (Ttibingen, 1974); J. W.
Drane, "Simon the Samaritan and the Lucan Concept of Salvation History," EQ 47
(1975), pp. 131-37; C. K. Barrett, "Light on the Holy Spirit from Simon Magus
(Acts 8, 4-25)," in Les Actes des Apotres: Traditions, redaction, theologie, BETL
48 (Leuven, 1979), pp. 281-95; R. McL. Wilson, "Simon and Gnostic Origins,"
ibid., pp. 485-91; R. Bergmeier, "Die Gestalt des Simon Magus in Act 8 und in der
simonianischen Gnosis: Aporien einer Gesamtdeutung," ZNW 77 (1986), pp. 267-
75; G. Ludemann, "The Acts of the Apostles and the Beginnings of Simonian Gno-
sis," NTS 33 (1987), pp. 420-26; Untersuchungen zur simonianischen Gnosis
(Gottingen, 21988).
8:11 tai£ µayEim£J µayda is first attested in Plato (Alcibiades 1.l 22a) with
the meaning "teaching of the magi," then from Theophrastus (Hist. Plant. 9.15. 7)
on with the meaning "magic."
219
8: 12 EuayyEAL~oµEV<Jl JtE(Jl t~S pamldas to'U emu xat tOU ovoµarns 'lt]OOU
XQwtou] The mle of God and the name (or person) of Jesus are linked together in
Philip's good news (see on 1:3; 20:24f.; 28:31). This was not a different gospel
from that which our Lord and his apostles had preached before his death: its key-
notes (according to Luke) were still repentance, faith, and the forgiveness of sins,
accompanied by baptism, the gift of the Spirit, and evidential works. There was
naturally a change of emphasis because of the new perspective occasioned by the
saving events of Jesus' passion and exaltation and the coming of the Spirit. The
original preacher was now the preached one. But it was the same gospel as he fore-
told would be proclaimed to all the nations, the gospel which before his ascension
he charged his disciples to make known (Mk. 13: 10; Lk. 24:45-48), still, as ever,
"the gospel of the kingdom" but now, because of his redemptive work, proclaimed
in his name.
ipam(~ovto] No question seems to have been raised about the propriety of
baptizing Samaritans; in spite of the early restriction of Mt. 1O:Sf., Samaritans were
indubitably "lost sheep of the house of Israel."
8:13 6 OE Ltµwv ... EJtLatEUOEV xtA] The nature of Simon's belief is a mat-
ter of dispute. Luke does not hint at this stage that it was any less sincere than the
faith of the other Samaritans; he implies, however, that Simon was particularly im-
pressed by the "signs and mighty works" which attended Philip's preaching (cf. Jn.
2:23). There is the further implication that Simon's example in believing the mes-
sage and being baptized was followed by those who had already attached them-
selves to him. According to J. W. Drane, it is Luke's intention that Simon should
"be seen as a sincere, if somewhat confused, believer in the Christian message"
("Simon the Samaritan ... ," p. 147).
4.Peterand]ohn Visit Samaria (8:14-17)

14 'AxouoavtES OE oi EV 'lEQOOOA"Uµms rutOITTOAOl on OEOEXtCll ~ ToµUQELa tov
Aoyov to'U 8rnu rutEITTELAUV JtQOS amous ITEt(JOV xai 'IwaVVT]V, 1so'in VE£
XatapavtES Jt(JOOTJ"Usavto JtE(Jl UutfuV OJtWS t..apwaL V JtVEUµa ayLOv· 16 OUbE1tW
YfJ.Q ~v br' OUOEVL autfuv EJl'.LJtEJttWXOS, µovov OE PEPan:naµEVol 'UJt~Q:X.OV ELS to
ovoµa tOU XU(JLOU 'h1aou. 17tOtE EJtEt(0rnav tas :X.ELQUS EJt' amous, XUL
Et..<iµPavov JtVEuµa ayLOv.
8:14 o[ EV 'IEQoaoluµms a.n:omot..m] In vv. 14-24 Philip is not mentioned:

the main agents are now Peter and John. It has been inferred from this that Luke
now draws on a Jerusalem source, departing from the Hellenistic source which he
has followed thus far. On the other hand, if Philip plays no part in vv. 14-24, his
mission, described in vv. 5-13, is presupposed in all that is said of Peter and John's
visit to Samaria. It is plain that the apostles conceived it as their responsibility to
supervise the expansion of the faith, whether near at hand, as in Samaria, or farther
away, as later in Syrian Antioch (11:22).
fIEt(JOV xai 'IwavVT]V] Acting together as in 3: 1-4:22. This is John's last ap-
pearance in Acts (he is referred to by name in 12:2). His last recorded appearance
220
8: 14-17 PETER AND JOHN VISIT SAMARIA
in Jerusalem is in Gal. 2:9. Along with his brother James he had once wished to
call down fire from heaven on a Samaritan community (Lk. 9:54). The Twelve had
once been forbidden to enter any Samaritan city (Mt. 10:5); this prohibition had
now lapsed.
8: 15 ortW£ 1s.a~wm v rtvEiiµa iiywv] Although these Samaritan believers had
received Christian baptism, they did not receive the Spirit until apostolic hands had
been laid on them. The receiving of the Spirit in Acts is usually marked by the
manifestation of some spiritual gift. The sequence of the component elements in
Christian initiation varies: the Gentiles in 10:44-48 were baptized because their
glossolalia showed that they had already received the Spirit; the Ephesian disciples
in 19:5f. received him as the immediate sequel to Christian baptism ( cf. 2:38) and
the imposition of apostolic hands.
8: 16 ert' oubivt] Ertt oubiva D.
~E~mmoµivm urtfJQXOV] "they had already been baptized."
EL£ ,:o ovoµa toii XUQLOlJ 'IT]OOii] So in 19:5; the phrase EV ttji ovoµatL 'IT]OOU
XQLcrtou in 2:38 and 10:48 has a rather different emphasis (see on 2:38). The ex-
pression EL£ to ovoµa is common in a commercial context, as when a sum of money
or the like is paid or transferred "into the name" of someone, i.e., into his account.
So the person baptized "into the name of the Lord Jesus" passes into the sphere in
which Jesus is acknowledged as Lord, becoming (so to speak) Jesus' property.
These words may have been used regularly in a formula by the baptizer ( cf. 1 Cor.
1:13-15). The trinitarian formula of Mt. 28:19 and Did. 7.1 (dpo ovoµa toii :n:atQO£
xi:1s.) is an expansion of this, dating from the evangelization of pagans, whose faith
involved a "turning to God from idols, to serve the living and true God" (1 Th. 1 :9),
as well as an acknowledgment of Jesus as Lord (cf. G. F. Moore,Judaism, I [Cam-
bridge, Mass., 1927], pp. 188f.).
8:17 E:n:Eti8rnav ,:a~ XEiQa£] B has l:n:nieooav, a sign of the tendency to
assimilate nonthematic to thematic verbs.
"The imposition of hands is ... primarily a token of fellowship and solidar-
ity; it is only secondarily an effective symbol of the gift of the Spirit; it becomes
such a symbol solely in virtue of being a sign of incorporation into the Church of
the Spirit" (G. W. H. Lampe, The Seal of the Spirit [London, 1951 ], p. 70). On
the present occasion, it was an eloquent assurance to the Samaritans, conveyed
by no freelance evangelist like Philip but by the leaders of the Jerusalem church,
that they were no longer treated as outsiders but as fellow members of the elect
community.
xal EA.aµ~avov :n:vEiiµa iiytov] No particular significance attaches to the ab-
sence of the article before :n:vEiiµa aytov here and in v. 15; what the believing Sa-
maritans now received was the same "gift of the Holy Spirit" as believing Jews
had received on the day of Pentecost (2:38). "The new Israel of the Church of
Jesus Christ had succeeded in bringing the whole kingdom of David under the
sway of his Son's sceptre, something the Jews had tried, with much less success,
by force of arms during the last five hundred years" (A. Ehrhardt, The Acts of the
Apostles, p. 4 7).
221
5. Peter and Simon Magus (8:18-24)

18 'lbwv <'iE 6 LLµwv OtL bu't T'ij£ Em0foEW£ TWV XELQWV TWV a:n:om:6)..wv b(boTm
TO JtVEUµa JtQOCTtjvqXEv amo L£ XQtjµata 19 AEywv, t.oTE xaµo L T~V Esouaiav
TUUTT]V '(va 4> EO.V em0fu TO.£ XELQU£ )..aµ~avn :n:vEuµa iiytov. 20 ITETQO£ hr El:n:EV
ltQO£ am:6v, To UQYUQLOV CTOU (JlJV aol t:'iri EL£ UJtOJAELUV, on T~V <'iWQEClV toll
emu Ev6µwa£ bta XQT]µUTWV xtiio0m. 21 aux EITTLV <JOL µEQL£ oubi: XA'ijQO£ EV T<Jl
)..oycµ tomeµ,~ yaQ XUQb(a CTOU 01'm EITTLV Eu0Eia EVUVTL toll emu. 22µETaVOT]<JOV
oiiv a:n:o T'ij£ XUXLU£ CTOU TUUTT]£, xal bEtj0T]tL toll XUQLOU EL UQU Uq>E0tj<JETUL CTOL
~ EJtlVOLU T'ij£ XUQbLU£ oou· 23EL£ ya.Q XOA~V J'UXQLU£ xal auvbwµov abtx(a£
OQW at: ovta. 24 a:n:oXQted£ bi: 6 LLµwv d:n:t:v, ~tj0TJTE uµei£ u:n:EQ Eµou :n:QO£ Tov
XUQLOV Olt0>£ µT]<'iEV e:n:eWn e:n:' EµE WV ELQtjxaTE.
8: 18 ttiwv bi: L(µwv XTA] Luke does not say if Simon was among those Sa-
maritan believers who received the Spirit. What he does make plain is that, while
Simon (and his followers) might be included among Philip's converts, there could
be no accommodation between him and the Jerusalem leaders, no room for him in
the apostles' fellowship.
To Jtvt:uµa] X B copsa; P45 74 AC D E IP byz lat syr copbo add To iiytov.
JtQoatjvqxt:v autoi£ XQtjµata] From this action of Simon has come the term
"simony," the buying or selling of spiritual office with material means. If Simon
had been impressed by Philip's signs and mighty works, here was something more
impressive still. It is evident that the receiving of the Spirit after the imposition of
the apostles' hands was accompanied by glossolalia or comparable manifestations:
to be able to produce such effects would mean a great access of spiritual power,
well worth paying a large sum of money to acquire. On a previous occasion Peter
and John were unable to give silver or gold (3:6); now they refused to accept any.
8:19 T~V EsOU<JLUV TUUTTJV] What Simon asks for is not the gift of the Spirit
for himself but the power to impart it to others. See D. A. Koch, "Geistbesitz,
Geistverleihung und Wundermacht: Erwiigungen zur Tradition und zur lukan-
ischen Redaktion in Act 8, 5-25," ZNW 77 (1986), pp. 64-82.
8:20 To UQYUQt6v aou ouv ool t:'iTJ EL£ a:n:w)..uav] "Perdition take you and
your money!" With t:'iTJ EL£ a:n:OJAELUV cf. EL£ a:n:wAELUV forn0E, Dan. 2:5 (Theod.),
EL£ a:n:w)..t:Lav foovTm, Dan. 3:96 (MT 29) (Theod.). In E'iTJ we have a real optative,
expressing a wish (cf. Lk. 1:38; Mk. 11:14, etc.). There are 38 such proper opta-
tives in the NT, 15 of them being accounted for by the phraseµ~ yevmto. Of the
remaining 23, Paul is responsible for 15. The optative was dying out in Hellenis-
tic Gk., and has disappeared in Mod. Gk., except thatµ~ yrvotto has survived as a
literary idiom.
t~V <'iwQEU.V tOU 0mu EVOµLCTU£ bta XQT]µ<lTWV Xtcio0m] "you thought you Could
obtain the gift of God by means of money." For t~v bWQEav tau emu cf. 2:38; Jn.
4:10. For the sense cf. 1 Tim. 6:5; also 2 Clem. 20:4 (ou TO EU<JE~E£ UAAU. to XEQ-
ba)..fov bLOJXOVTE£).
8:21 oux EITTL v <JOL µEQL£ oubE XA'ijQO£] Cf. Dt. 12: 12, Otl aux EITTL v amcµ µEQL£
oubE XA'ijQO£ µe0' i,µwv (also the various people listed in mSanh. 10.1-4 as "having
no portion in the age to come").
222
8: 18-24 PETER AND SIMON MAGUS
~ ya.Q XClQbia oou oux fonv EU0Eia EVavtL ,:oii 0rnii] Cf. Ps. 78 (LXX 77):37,
~ bE XOQb(a autci>v oux EU0Eia.
8:22 d <iQU acpE0~oETm] A mixed conditional and final construction: "be-
seech the Lord (in order that), if indeed (it may be so), the thought of your heart
shall be forgiven." Cf. 27: 12, where the construction is classical.
En:ivma] Here only in the NT: frequently, though not necessarily, of an evil
intent.
8:23 d; ya.Q xo1.~v mXQia; xal ouvbwµov a.bLxia; 6Qci> OE ovta] "l can see
that you are doomed to taste the bitter fruit and wear the fetters of sin" (NEB). For
dvm followed by d; cf. v. 20. In papyri d; used thus after dvm expresses desti-
nation, but here there is more probably an instance of the encroachment of Eis on
EV.Dreads Ev, as in 7:12. In xo1.~ mxQia; we probably have a Hebraic gen. ("gall
of bitterness" = "bitter gall"); cf. Q~µata ~1.amj>l]µia; ( 6: 11 X * D); OXE'UO£ ex1.oyfj;
(9: 15). For the LXX background of X.O'- ~ mXQia; see Dt. 29: 18, µ~ ti; EcrtL v ev uµiv
Qil;a (+ mXQia; A F) avw cpuouoa EV xo1.fi xal mXQL<;I ( quoted in Heb. 12: 15); also
Lam. 3:19, mXQLU xal JCOA.~ µou µvl]O~OEtaL. For ouvbwµo; abLXLU£ see Isa. 58:6,
a.1.1.a 1.iiE mivta ouvbwµov a.blx(a;. It is clear that, in Peter's judgment, Simon was
still unregenerate.
8:24 an:oxQL0EL£ ... dn:Ev] See on 4:19.
bE~0l]tE i,µEl<; xt1.] "Do you pray for me." The manifestly superior spiritual
power of Peter and John would make them more prevalent intercessors. A. Ehr-
hardt speaks of Simon's acceptance of Peter's malediction "with unexpected humil-
ity expressed in his beautiful reply'' and considers that Simon comes out much bet-
ter from the encounter than does "the tempestuous St. Peter" (The Acts of the
Apostles, p. 46).
ELQ~XUtE] b repeats µm after ELQ~XatE and adds os n:01.1.a x1.a(wv ou
bLE1.iµn:avEv, "who never stopped weeping copiously" (D syrhcl.mgTert). This clause
is tacked on awkwardly to the original text at the end of the sentence. The addi-
tional information could be true enough to life, if Simon were pictured as an
emotionally unstable type of medium; though it would not accord so well with the
Simon of later tradition. (There is another instance of l'>LaA.Lµmivw in the b text of
17:13.)
Luke does not say if the apostles acceded to Simon's plea and prayed for him,
nor yet (if they did pray) what the outcome was. He probably knew more about
Simon than he chose to include in his narrative. A. Ehrhardt, as we have seen, does
not think too badly of Simon: "St Peter trampled down the new plantation of St
Philip" (The Acts of the Apostles, p. 4 7). But Luke, for all his warm sympathy with
the Hellenistic mission launched by Philip and his associates, appears to endorse
Peter's assessment of Simon. In the light of subsequent church history, we may see
in the account of Peter's clash with Simon the anticipation of a later development,
when it proved impossible for Gnosticism to be contained within the fold of catholic
orthodoxy. But Luke could not have foreseen this. Even so, Simon and his followers
continued to be called Christians, as Justin acknowledges(/ Apo/. 26.6)-a tribute,
perhaps, to what Simon learned while he remained in the company of Philip.
223
6. The Apostles Return to Jerusalem (8:25)

25 Ot µtv ouv btaµaQt1JQO.f..1£VOL xal 11.a11.~aavtE£ tov 11.6yov toii xvQiov
UJtECJTQEq>OV EL£ 'IEQOCJOA.tJµa, Jt0A.A.U£ TE xwµa£ TWV ToµClQLTWV EUT]yyeW;ovto.
8:25 of µEV ouv J Indicating the commencement of a new paragraph (cf. 1:6).
V. 25, in fact, is a generalizing summary in which Luke rounds off his account of
the apostles' Samaritan visit before resuming the story of Philip. It is precarious to
infer from the mention of Jerusalem in v. 26 (arro 'IEQ01Jaa11.~µ EL£ ra.~av) that Philip
returned to Jerusalem with Peter and John.
rrona.£ tE xwµa£ twv ToµaQt twv EUT]yyeH~ovto J Note the variety of construc-
tions after euayye11.(~oµm. It may take the acc. of the people (or places) evangelized
(as here), the acc. of the person proclaimed (v. 35), the acc. of the message pro-
claimed (v. 4). Moreover, the persons evangelized may be expressed by the dat.
(Rom. 1:15) or by a prepositional phrase (d£ i,µfi£, 1 Pet. 1:25); the substance of
the message may also be expressed by a prepositional phrase (as in JtEQL xt11., v. 12
above).
7. Philip and the Ethiopian (8:26-40)

26 "AyyEAO£ bE KvQ(ov EA.ctA.T]CJEV JtQO£ <1>(11.trrJtov 11.Eywv, 'Av<iatl]St xal JtOQEUOtJ
xata µrnl]µf3QLUV EJ'tL t~V Mov t~V xata~a(vovaav (lJ'tO 'IEQ01J(JUA.~µ El£ ra~av·
autT] ECJTLV EQT]µo£. 27 xal avaatU£ EJ'tOQEU8T], xal ibou <lV~Q Aieimp E'UVOUX.0£
bvv<iatT]£ Kavba.XTJ£ ~aatA.LCJCTT]£ AL8t6rrwv, 0£ ~v fal JtctGT]£ tfJ£ y<i~T]£ autfJ£,
0£ EA.T]A.U8Et JtQoaxvv~awv EL£ 'IEQ01Jaa11.~µ, 28 ~v bE uJtoatQE(j>wv xal xa8~µevo£
EJ'tL toii UQµUTO£ autoii xal avq (VWCTXEV TOV JtQO<p~TTJV 'Haa"tav. 29 Elmv bE TO
rrveuµa t<j} <l>tALJtJt<j), IlQ6CJEA.8E xal xon~tlT]tt t<j} iiQµatt tout<j). 30JtQOCTb(.}aµwv
bE 6 <l>LA.Lltlt0£ ~X01JCJEV autoii avayt V(l)CJXOVTO£ 'Haa'i.av tov J'tQO<p~TT]V, xal
a
EiJtEV, • AQct ye YLV(l)CJXEL£ avaytvWCJXEL£; 31 6 bE ELJtEV, IlW£ yaQ av bvvaiµT]V
EUV µ~ TL£ OOT]Y~CJEL µE; JtUQEXUA.ECJEV TE TOV <l>LA.LJ'tJtOV ava~a.vta xa8(am CT'UV
amcj>. 32 ~ bE JtEQLOX~ tfJ£ YQUq>f]£ ~v avqivwaxev ~v aiitT]·
'Q£ JtQ6~atov EJtL aq,ay~v ~XSTJ,
xal 00£ aµVO£ EVavtiov toii XELQUVTO£ autov liq,wVO£,
OutW£ oux avo iYE t to at6µa autoii.
33 'Ev tfi taJtEL VWCTEL [ autoii] ~ XQLGL£ amou ~QST]·
t~v yeveav amou tt£ btT]y~aEtm;
Ott a'l()Etat (lJtO tfJ£ YfJ£ ~ ~w~ amo'ii.
34 'AJtoxQt8EL£ be 6 1::uvoux.0£ t<j} <l>t11.(JtJt<j) dJtev, Afoµa( oov, JtEQL tLVO£ 6
JtQOq>~TT]£ A.EYEL toiito; JtEQL fomou ~ JtEQL ETEQ01J TL VO£; 35 avo(l;a£ bE 6 <l>tA.LJt-
lt0£ to at6µa autou xal <iQ!;ciµEVO£ <lJtO tfJ£ yQaq>fJ£ TUUTT]£ EUTJYYEA.LCTato aut<j}
TOV 'IT]CJOUV. 36 00£ bE EJ'tOQEUOVTO xata t~V M6v, ~11.Sov EJ'tt TL ubwQ, xa( q>T]CTL v
6 1::uvoux.0£, 'Ioou ubwQ· ti xw11.uEL f..1£ ~amta8f]vm; 38 xal EXEA.EOOEV atf]vm to
iiQµa, xal XatE~T]CTUV aµqi6tEQOL El£ to ubwQ OTE <l>LA.LJtlt0£ xal 6 EUVOUX.0£, xal
E~UJttLCJEV am6v. 39 OTE bi; <lVE~T]OUV EX to'ii ubato£, JtVEiiµa X1JQL01J ~QJtUCJEV TOV
<l>LA.LJtJtOV, xal oux ElbEv autov OUXETL 6 EUV01J'.X.0£, EJtOQEUETO yaQT~V 6Mv autoii
X,ULQWV. 40 <l>tA.LJ'tJt0£ bE EUQE8T] El£ 'A~wtov, xal btEQX.Of.l£VO£ EUTJYYEA.L~ETO ta£
JtOA.EL£ JtctOU£ EW£ to'ii EA.8Eiv autov El£ KatCJUQELav.
224
8:26-40 PHILIP AND THE ETHIOPIAN
8:26 ayyE"J...oi; be xuQ(ou] See on 5: 19; 7:30. This section of the Philip nar-
rative is reminiscent here and there of the story of Elijah, who was apt to be moved
from one place to another at short notice by the Spirit of Yahweh; cf. 1 K. (LXX
3 Kms.) 18:12; 2 K. (LXX 4 Kms.) 1:3; 2:16. Moreover, in this section as in the
story of Elijah, it is difficult to distinguish the angel of the Lord from the Spirit of
the Lord (vv. 29, 39), although the b text does so in v. 39.
EAUATJOEV ... "J...Eywv] Cf. 26:31. The addition of the participle is a Hebraism
(Heb. le'mor), frequently in the OT and in the Gospels. Cf. also U3tOXQt0Eli; El:n:Ev
(vv. 24, 34).
uv<iat1]0t xai :n:0QEU01J] Note the different tenses: rising up is a momentary
action, taking a journey a continuous one. For the unusual parataxis D reads the
hypotactic uvaata~ 3tOQEU0Tjtl.
xata µwT]µf:\Qtav] In LXX µeoT]µ~Qta regularly means "noon" ( cf. :n:EQL
µwT]µf:\Qtav, 22:6 below), except Dan. 8:4, 9, "south" (v6toi; Theod.); here "south-
ward." But see W. C. van Unnik, "Der Befehl an Philippus," ZNW 47 (1956), pp.
181-91.
E:n:L t~v 6oov] One road from Jerusalem joined the main road to Egypt at Lydda
(Lod). But Philip probably took the road via Betogabris (Betgovrin), which joined
the main road north of Gaza.
di; f'<i~av] Gaza, in earlier days one of the five cities of the Philistines (per-
haps the Kadytis of Herodotus, Hist. 2.159; 3.5), was taken by Alexander the Great
after a five months' siege in 332 B.C., captured and destroyed by Alexander Jan-
naeus in 96 B.C.. and rebuilt on a new site nearer the sea, a little south of Old Gaza,
under Gabinius in 57 B.C.
am:T] Eotiv EQT]µoi;] It is not clear whether this distinguishes the road or the
city. If the latter, the reference is to the site of the city, about 2 1/2 miles inland, which
was destroyed by Jannaeus, now µivouoa EQT]µoi; (Strabo, Geog. 16.2.30). But the
road plays a more important part in the narrative than the city: if Philip had taken
the wrong road (the coastal road instead of the road through the wilderness) he
would have missed the Ethiopian. On Gaza, apart from OT references, cf. Jos. BJ
1.87; 2.97, 460;Ant. 14.88; 15.217; 17.320.
8:27 uvaatai; E3tOQEU0TJ] Cf. v. 26; for the idiom see on 5:6.
Ateio1j,] The kingdom of Ethiopia, south of Aswan, had existed since the
eighth century B.C. Its two chief cities were Meroe and Napata. In the conversion
of this Ethiopian Luke or some of his readers may have seen a fulfilment of the
promises of Ps. 68 (LXX 67):31; Zeph. 3: 10 (see Euseb.HE 2.1.13). Since Homer's
time the Ethiopians (foxatot uvbQ&v, Od. 1.23) were regarded as living on the edge
of the world ( cf. 1: 8, i:wi; foxcitou tfJi; yfJi; ). In Luke's day interest in the country and
its people had been quickened by the Nile expedition of A.O. 61-63 (Strabo, Geog.
17.1.54; Pliny, NH 6.35). See E. Dinkier, '"Philippus und der ANHP AI810'1'," in
Jesus und Paulus, ed. E. E. Ellis and E. Grasser (Gottingen, 1975), pp. 85-95.
ruvouxoi;] Eunuchs were commonly employed as court officials in the Near
East until recent times. The Mosaic law excluded them from the religious privi-
leges of Israel (Dt. 23: 1); the removal of this ban is announced in Isa. 56:3-5.
225
KavbaxtJ£ ~aCJLA.taCTtJ£] Candace was a hereditary title of the Ethiopian queen

mothers, who reigned in Meroe. An inscription from Pselchis (Dakkeh) in Nubia
(13 B.C.) calls an earlier Candace t~v XUQLUV ~aa(>..waav (Deissmann, LAE, p. 352).
The queen mother was the effective head of the government; the king her son was
regarded as a divine personage, the child of the sun-god. So Bion of Soli,Aethiopica
1 (in F. Jacoby, Die Fragmente der griechischen Historiker, III C (Leiden, 1958),
§ 668, p. 281: Aie(mtE£ tOU£ ~aCJL>..foiv n:attQU£ oux bupa( vouCJL v, a.A.A.' W£ ovta£ uiou£
~A.LOU n:aoabLbOaCJL v· EX<lITT<Jl be t~V µt]tEQU XUA.OUCTL Kavbeti!.t]V. Cf. also Strabo,
Geog. 17. 1.54; Pliny, NH 6. 186; Dio Cass. Hist. 54.5.4. See E. Ullendorff, "Can-
dace (Acts viii.27) and the Queen of Sheba," NTS 2 (1955-56), pp. 53-56.
yattJ£] "treasure," "treasury," a loanword from Persian (not related to the
place name Gaza). Cf. Plutarch, Demetrius 25.5, En:LELXW£ yaQ dw8aCJL v Euvouxou£
EXELV yatoqiu>..aXU£.
n:Qoaxuv~ac11v] Fut. ptc. indicating purpose, rare in the NT outside Luke-Acts.
Cf. 24: 11, 17. In Mod. Gk. :rl:QOCJX1JVt]t~£ means "pilgrim." The Ethiopian, like the
Greeks of Jn. 12:20, was probably one of those Gentiles, attracted to some aspects
of the Jewish religion, who are commonly, if unofficially, described as "God-
fearers" (see on 10:2). Philip, having already departed from the instructions of Mt.
10:5 by entering a city of the Samaritans, now departs farther by going in "the way
of the Gentiles" (or the way to the Gentiles).
8:28 en:l tou aQµato£] His aoµa was not a military chariot but a traveling
carriage, perhaps a covered wagon.
avEy(vwaxEv] "was reading"-and reading aloud, as is evident from v. 30.
Readers in antiquity almost invariably read aloud; the reason is apparent to anyone
who tries to read an ancient MS, where the writing has to be spelled out syllable
by syllable. To illustrate the ancient practice it is customary to refer to Augustine's
observing, as something noteworthy, that Ambrose regularly read in silence (Conf
6.3).
tov Jl:QOq>~tl]V 'Haafov] Probably a scroll of the Gk. version of Isaiah which
he had acquired in Jerusalem.
8:29 Eln:Ev be to n:vEuµa J For such instances of direction by the Spirit in Acts
cf. 10:19; 13:2; 16:6f.; 19:lD. Here an inward monition rather than prophetic ut-
terance is indicated.
8:30 <iQCt YE YLV(J)CJXEL£ a avayLV(J)CJXEL£;] Note the literary <iQCt YE and the
wordplay in yt vwaxEL£ ... avayt vwaxet£ ( reproduced in Lat. intellegis quae leg is?).
8:31 n:fu£ yaQ av buva(µt]v, eav µ~ TL£ obt]y~aEL µe;] 1be only Lukan example
of av with opt. in the apodosis where the protasis expressing a future condition has
a more vivid form. For rav with fut. indic. cf. Mt. 18: 19; Lk. 19:40; Rev. 2:22. In
NT times there was no difference in pronunciation between fut. indic. obt]y~aEL and
aor. subjunctive obt]y~an, which would he the classical construction here.
Jl:UQEX<lA.ECTEV ... ava~avta xafl(am CJUV aut0 J An invitation similar to that
which Jehonadab the son of Rechab received from Jehu (2 K. [LXX 4 Kms.]
9:15f.), but in a different kind of setting.
8:32 n:EQLOX~J "contents," "passage" (cf. Cic. Att. 13.25.3, "ergo ne Tironi
226
quidem dictaui, qui totas :rtfQLOXU£ persequi solet, sed Spintharo syllabatim"). In
later ecclesiastical usage the word means "lection."
W£ :rtQ6~atov E:rtl mj>ay~v ~XOTJ xtA] From Isa. 53:7f., LXX. The quotation in-
cludes none of the statements of vicarious suffering in the Isaianic context. The
question whether or not the reproduction of these few clauses carries with it the
whole context (Isa. 52:13-53:12) cannot be answered with certainty in the absence
of any details of Philip's gospel application of "this scripture" (cf. C.H. Dodd,Ac-
cording to the Scriptures [London, 1952], pp. 88-94). Luke quotes Isa. 52: 13 in Ac.
3:13 and 53:12 in Lk. 22:37.
aµvo£] Only in three other places in the NT (Jn. 1:29, 36; 1 Pet. 1:19), each
of these referring to Jesus as a sacrifice and probably reflecting the LXX of Isa.
53:7.
xdQUVto£] pSO vid. 14 X ACE L q, 36 104 614 1175 2495 al I XfLQOvtO£ B 81
byz. The same variation appears in LXX MSS (where, in place of the majority read-
ing xdQovto£, X c a A read XELQUvtO£.
O'Ut0l£ ouxavoiyu to ot6µaamoii] Cf. the passion narratives Mk. 14:61; 15:5;
Lk. 23:9; Jn. 19:9.
8:33 Ev tfl ta:rteL vwaeL [amoii] ~ XQLOL£ amoii ~QOTJ xtA] Both the Gk. and
the Heb. present difficulties; the most natural sense of the Gk. is that the Servant
was humiliated, deprived of justice, and put to an untimely death. The omission of
amoii afterta:n:uvwau (P74 X AB 1739 pc) may be due to assimilation to LXX or
to a desire not to overweight the sentence by including amoii both here and again
after XQLOL£.
8:34 a:n:oxQL0Et£ ... Elmv] As in v. 24; see on 4: 19.
lifoµai aov] "Please"; a polite way of introducing a request (cf. 21:39; Lk.
8:38; Gal. 4:12).
:rtfQL tLVO£ 6 :rtQo<j>~tl]£ AEYEL toiito;] toiito om B* pc. A whole library of inter-
pretative literature offers answers to the Ethiopian's question-the most important
question that could be asked about the fourth Servant Song.
8:35 EUTJYYEA.Laato amcjl tov 'IT]aouv] The first explicit identification of the
suffering Servant with Jesus in Acts, although the identification has already been
implied in 3:13 and elsewhere where the term :n:a'i:£ is applied to him (3:26; 4:27,
30). Our Lord himself understood his mission in terms of this prophecy ( cf. Mk.
9:12; 10:45); the interpretation can be traced in the words of the Baptist in Jn.
1 :29-in a twofold way if, behind his 6 aµv6£, can be discerned Aram. falyii,
"lamb" or "child" (cf. J. Jeremias, TDNT 1, pp. 338-40, s.v. aµv6£, and 5, p. 702,
s. v. :n:a'i:£ Oeoii, especially n. 356, where it is pointed out that in Isa. 52: 13 syrpal uses
falyii for the "servant" of the Lord).
In the Targum of Jonathan those passages in Isa. 52:13-53:12 which speak
of the Servant's prosperity are interpreted of the Messiah (e.g., Isa. 52:13, "Behold
my servant Messiah shall prosper"), but those which speak of his suffering are re-
ferred to Israel ( e.g., in Isa. 52: 14 it is the people of Israel "whose aspect, as they
long for his (the Messiah's] coming, is dark among the nations, and their glory in-
ferior to that of the children of men"). A messianic interpretation of Isa. 53:4 is
227
quoted in bSanh. 98b, and it was because of the word niigua' ("stricken") in this
verse that some rabbis called the Messiah "the leprous one" (bSanh. 98b).
The older Jewish exegesis, in Targum and Talmud, interpreted Isa. !iii of the Mes-
siah, with a hint of application (at least oflsa. vii) to Hezekiah (T. B. Sanh., 94a). But,
as the centuries advanced, many Jewish expositors abandoned the Messianic
theory .... Though, however, the Messianic interpretation persisted, it became very
popular to interpret the prophecy as applying to Israel. Rashi, Ibn Ezra, Qim~i, Isaac
Abarbanel, and many others adopted this view. Nahmanides allowed his readers to
choose freely between the Messiah or Israel; Solomon de Marini offered both alter-
natives-Israel and the Messiah being both intended (I. Abrahams, "Jewish Inter-
pretations of the Old Testament," in The People and the Book, ed. A. S. Peake (Ox-
ford, 1938], pp. 408f.).
The gradual abandonment of the messianic interpretation was largely due to

the Christian application of the prophecy to Jesus; according to H. Loewe, it was
for the same reason that Isa. 52: 13-53: 12 was not included in the Haftaroth or syn-
agogue readings from the Prophets, although the passages immediately preceding
and following were included (C. G. Montefiore and H. Loewe, A Rabbinic An-
thology [London, 1938], p. 544).
One of the most striking messianic interpretations of the prophecy in Jewish
literature is the hymn 'Az millipne bere'sif by Eleazar ha-Qalir (9th cent.), which
appears in the service for the Day of Atonement; it contains these lines:
Our righteous Messiah has departed from us;
We are horror-stricken, and there is none to justify us.
Our iniquities and the yoke of our transgressions
He carries, and he is wounded for our transgressions.
He bears on his shoulders our sins,
To find pardon for our iniquities:
May we be healed by his stripes!
Of the Christian application of the prophecy to our Lord, G. A Smith wrote:

In every essential of consciousness and of experience He was the counterpart, em-
bodiment, and fulfilment of this Suffering Servant and his Service. Jesus Christ an-
swers the questions, which the prophecy raises and leaves unanswered. In the proph-
ecy we see one, who is only a spectre, a dream, a conscience without a voice, without
a name, without a place in history. But in Jesus Christ of Nazareth the dream becomes
a reality; He, whom we have seen in this chapter only as the purpose of God, only
through the eyes and consciences of a generation yet unborn,-He comes forward in
flesh and blood; He speaks, He explains Himself, He accomplishes, almost to the last
detail, the work, the patience and the death which are here described as Ideal and Rep-
resentative (The Book of Isaiah, II [London, 21927], pp. 382f.).
See further S. R. Driver and A Neubauer, The Fifty-Third Chapter of Isaiah

according to the Jewish Interpreters (Oxford, 1877); G. H. Dalman, Der leidende
und der sterbende Messias der Synagoge im ersten nachchristlichenlahrtausend
(Berlin, 1888), and Jesaja 53, das Prophetenwort vom Suhnleiden des Heilsmit-
228
tiers mit besonderer Beriicksichtigung der synagogalen Literatur (Berlin, 2 1914);

J. J. Brierre-Narbonne, Le Messie souffrant dans la litterature rabbinique (Paris,
1940); C. R. North, The Suffering Servant in Deutero-Isaiah (Oxford, 1948); H. W.
Wolff,Jesaja 53 im Urchristentum (Berlin, 1950); E. Lohmeyer, Gottesknecht und
Davidssohn, FRLANT NF 43 (Gottingen, 2 1953); A Bentzen, King and Messiah,
E.T. (London, 1955); E. Lohse, Miirtyrer und Gottesknecht, FRLANT 64 (Gottin-
gen, 1955); H. W. Robinson, "The Cross of the Servant," in The Cross in the Old
Testament (London, 1955), pp. 55-114; V. de Leeuw, De Ebed Jahweh-Profetiei!n:
Historisch-kritisch Onderzoek naar hun Ontstaan en hun Betekenis (Assen, 1956);
W. Zimmerli and J. Jeremias, The Servant of God, E.T., SBT 20 (London, 1957 =
TDNT 5, pp. 654-717 (s. v. nai£ ernu); E. Fascher, Jesaja 53 in christlicher und
jiidischer Sicht (Berlin, 1958); M. D. Hooker, Jesus and the Servant (London,
1959); H. H. Rowley, The Servant of the Lord and Other Essays on the Old Testa-
ment (Oxford, 2 1965), pp. 3-93; D. J. A Clines, I, He, We and They: A Literary Ap-
proach to Isaiah 53, JSOT Sup. 1 (Sheffield, 1976); R. N. Whybray, Thanksgiving
for a Liberated Prophet: An Interpretation ofIsaiah Chapter 53, JSOT Sup. 4 (Shef-
field, 1978); R. Syren, "Targum Isaiah 52: 13-53: 12 and Christian Interpretation,"
JJS 40 (1989), pp. 201-12.
8:36 in( n ii&oQ] At the Wadi el-Hesi north of Gaza this place is still pointed
out: whether rightly or wrongly who shall say?
LOOU UbWQ) om P45,
t( ')(.(l)AUEL µ£ ~wt"ttaOfJvm;J Baptism in a general sense was no novelty in the
Judaism of NT days. The Ethiopian may have learned something about the new
movement and its baptismal practice in Jerusalem; more probably we are to under-
stand that Philip wound up his exposition with words such as Peter used at Pente-
cost (2:38). From the use of the verb XWA1J(l) here and in 10:47 (there on the lips of
the preacher, not the convert), it has been inferred that it featured in a primitive bap-
tismal formula (cf. also Mk. 10: 14 and parallels); this is doubtful. See 0. Cullmann,
Baptism in the New Testament, E.T., SBT 1 (London, 1950), pp. 71-80.
At this point there is an addition in the b text (represented by E 1739 2298
pc latg P syrhcl • • arm Cypr Iren 1a 1; D lacks the section 8:29-10: 14 ): ElitEv bE 6 <l>LAL1t-
:n:0£, Et 3tUJ'tEUEL£ i; OAT]£ tfJ£ XUQbtU£, i:;rnn v. MO'XQL0Et£ bE d:n:Ev, ITLatElJ(l) tov utov
tou OEou El vm tov 'h1aouv XQLatov. Though not in byz, this addition found its way
into TR (as v. 37) from the editions of Erasmus, who thought it had been omitted
through scribal carelessness. It is properly excluded from the text of The Greek
New Testament according to the Majority Text, ed. Z. C. Hodges and A L. Farstad
(Nashville, 1982), although it is mentioned as a TR reading in the apparatus.
The question and answer reflect common Christian practice; they were
doubtless inserted here by an editor who felt that Philip could not have baptized
the Ethiopian without so much as a confession of faith. The construction of the con-
fession, with tov 'It]aouv XQLatov used as it is, is not Lukan.
8:38 XUtE~T]CTUV aµcpotEQOL EL£ to ii&oQ] For the primitive mode of baptism
cf. the account of Jesus' baptism in the Jordan (Mk. 1:9f.), and the direction in Did.
7 .1 that baptism should be performed if possible in running water (ev uban ~fuvn ).
229
8:39 avEPTJOUV EX toii iibato£] Cf. Mk. 1:10 (par. Mt. 3:16), avapa(vwv EX
TO'U ul\atO£.
rcvEiiµa XUQtou ~QrcaoEv tov <1>(1..mrcov] There is an expansion in the b text ( rep-
resented by A 1739 pc lat 1 P syrhcl** arm Eph Hier Aug Did Cyr): :1tvEiiµa iiytov
EJ'CE3tEOEV EJtl tOV EUVoiixov, a.yydo£ be XUQLOU ~QJ'CUOEV tOV <l>LA.L3t1COV. The point of
this expansion is to show that (as in 2:38) baptism was followed by the gift of the
Holy Spirit (see on v. 15 above), which indeed is implied in p by the Ethiopian's
rejoicing. For the Spirit's action on Philip cf. 1 K. (LXX 3 Kms.) 18:12; 2 K. (LXX
4 Kms.) 2: 16; Ezek. 3:14; 8:3, etc. By saying that it was the angel of the Lord that
caught away Philip the[) text conforms the end of the episode with its beginning
(v. 26), but (as was said in the note there) there is not much distinction in this epi-
sode between the Spirit and the angel of the Lord.
aux ElbEV amov OUXEtL] Cf. aux ElliEV autov EtL, 4 Kms. 2:12; also cf. EilQOV
in 4 Kms. 2: 17 with EUQESTJ in v. 40 below.
EJtOQEUEto ... xa(QwV] With "joy in the Holy Spirit" (Rom. 14: 17; see Lampe,
Seal, pp. 65, 67)-a contrast to the rich man who "went away sorrowful" (arc~1..0Ev
1..urcouµEvo£), Mk. 10:22 par. Mt. 19:22. It is implied that the Ethiopian carried the
gospel home to the edge of the world. Irenaeus (Hae,: 3.12.10) says explicitly that
he was "sent to the regions of Ethiopia to proclaim the message which he had
believed." The record of Ethiopian (i.e., Nubian) Christianity cannot be traced back
earlier than the fourth century; see B. M. Metzger, "The Christianization of Nubia
and the Old Nubian Version of the New Testament," in Historical and literary
Studies, NITS 8 (Leiden, 1968), pp. 111-22.
8:40 EUQE0T] d; 'A~wtov] "(Philip) turned up at Azotus." For the passive of
EUQioxw used thus (cf. Fr. se trouver) see BAGD, s.v. EUQLO)((J) lb; New Docs. 2
( 1977), § 21. The replacement of EV by EL£ in Hellenistic Gk. is most marked before
names of towns. Azotus is Ashdod, another of the five Philistine cities, 20 miles
north of Gaza and 35 miles west of Jerusalem. The use of~ to transliterate sd il-
lustrates the original pronunciation of~' which was zd, not dz.
Azotus fell under Hasmonaean control in the reign of Alexander Jannaeus;
with other coastal cities it was liberated by Pompey and attached to the province
of Syria (Jos.Ant. 13.395; 14. 75; BJ 1.156). It was rebuilt under Gabinius (BJ 1.166;
Ant. 14.88). It formed part of Herod's kingdom; he bequeathed it to his sister
Salome (BJ 2.98; Ant. 17.189, 321). M. Hengel finds it noteworthy that Philip
should be said to visit the Hellenistic cities of Azotus and Caesarea, while the
mainly Jewish settlements of Lydda and Joppa should be reserved for Peter's itin-
erary in the same area (9:32, 36); he notes that it was by the impulsion of the Spirit
that Philip was found on non-Jewish soil (Between Jesus and Paul, pp. 112f.). He
suggests further that the evangelization of former Philistine territory may be re-
garded as a reversal of the curse of Zeph. 2:4f. (Acts and the History of Earliest
Christianity, p. 79).
EUTJYYEAL~Eto ta£ rc61..EL£ mioa£] Cf. v. 25. Perhaps it was due to this evangelis-
tic ministry that Peter found disciples in Lydda and Joppa (9:32-43), although some
of the dispersed believers from Jerusalem may have found their way there already.
230
EW£ tou EWE iv J Postclassical; cf. Gen. 24:33, EW£ toii 1..a1..~am. Attic liX.QL or
µtXQL with toii and infin. does not appear in the NT.
EL£ KmactQELav J It is there that we find Philip when next he appears in the
narrative, in 21:8, in a "we" section-one of several indications that the "we" sec-
tions form an integral part of Acts.
Caesarea was built by Herod the Great on the site of a Phoenician founda-
tion, Strata's Tower (TIUQYO£ LtQcttWVO£, perhaps the hellenized form of Migdal
'Ash tart; cf. AH. M. Jones, Cities of the Eastern Roman Empire [Oxford, 2 1971 ],
p. 230). Like Azotus, Strato 's Tower was liberated from Hasmonaean control by
Pompey, and in due course was included in Herod's kingdom. On this site, between
Joppa and Dora, Herod built a new city with a splendid artificial harbor, so that it
became the principal port of his kingdom. He called the new city Caesarea, in honor
of the Emperor Augustus; it was completed c. 13 B.C. After A.O. 6 it became the seat
of administration for the Roman governors of Judaea, who found Herod's prae-
torium (cf. 23:35) a suitable residence. During the Jewish war it served as the head-
quarters of Vespasian (who was proclaimed emperor there in A.O. 69) and of his
son Titus, who succeeded him as commander-in-chief after his departure for Rome.
After the war it remained the seat of government of the legate of the imperial prov-
ince of Judaea, with a new status as a Roman colony (Colonia Flavia Augusta Cae-
sariensis) and freedom from taxation. See Jos. BJ 1.408-15; 3.409-l3;Ant. 15.331-
41; 16.136-41. Much of the Herodian and Roman city was unearthed as a result of
extensive excavation from 1959 onward. See L. I. Levine, Caesarea under Roman
Rule, SJLA 7 (Leiden, 1975); H. K. Beebe, "Caesarea Maritima: Its Strategic and
Political Significance to Rome," JNES 42 (1983), pp. 195-207.
231
ACTS9
C. CONVERSION OF SAUL OF TARSUS (9:1-31)

The event now about to be narrated is without doubt the most important that has
taken place in the history of Christianity since Pentecost. Luke's own estimate of
its importance is sufficiently indicated by his devoting enough of his precious space
to telling the story three times-once, in the third person, here, and twice, in the
first person, in speeches by Paul himself, the first to a Jerusalem audience (22:3-
21) and the second before the younger Agrippa (26:9-17). The different accounts
are subtly adapted to their varying circumstances. As might be expected, the text
of all three has suffered from harmonization and conflation. See C. W. Hedrick,
"Paul's Commission/Call: A Comparative Analysis of the Three Reports in Acts,"
JBL 100 (1981), pp. 415-32.
I. Saul's Expedition to Damascus (9:1-2)

1 'O 6£ lilUA.O(;, fo eµ:n:vfaov UJ'tELA.~S xai q>OVOlJ El(; toll(; µa8ljtU(; tOU XUQLOU,
J'tQOOEA.8wv tcµ UQXLEQE i 2 ilttjoato J'tUQ' am:ou Emoto A.as El(; b.aµaoxov J'tQOS
tas ouvaywya.s, o:n:ws £0.V tt vas EUQTI t~S Mou ovtas, avb()as tE xai yuvaixas,
l'iEl'iEµEvous aya.yn ELS 'IEQOUOUA.tjµ.
9:1 b l'iE muA.os] The article points back to the earlier mention of Saul's
persecuting zeal (8:3), the narrative of which is now resumed.
eµ:n:vt\wv a:n:ELA.~S xai <j>ovou] The idea of breathing anger is found in the OT
(e.g., Ps. 17: 16 LXX [MT 18], a:n:o eµ:n:VEUOEWS J'tVEuµatos OQY~S oou); the gen. after
eµ:n:viw is on the analogy of its use after this and synonymous verbs in the sense "to
smell of'; cf. also Josh. 10:40, xai :n:av Eµ:n:vfov l:;w~~ E);<uA.E8QEUOEV.
In 8:3 Saul was said to commit members of the church to imprisonment, but
here he goes further and threatens them with death. Cf. 22:4 (iiXQL 8ava.wu); 26:10
(avmQouµivwv tE am:ciiv xattjvqxa \j!~q>ov). M. Hengel (Acts and the History ofEar-
liest Christianity, E.T. [London, 1979], p. 74) calls this "an exaggerated piece of
elaboration." But Saul was, on his own testimony, a zealot for his ancestral tradi-
tions (Gal. 1: 14 ), and the paragons of zeal in Israel's history showed their zeal by
their vigorous action-Phinehas (Num. 25: l lf.), Elijah ( 1 K. [LXX 3 Krus.]
18:40f.; 19:10, 14), and Mattathias (1 Mace. 2:24-27).
232
9: 1-2 SAUL'S EXPEDITION TO DAMASCUS
t<ji UQJ(LEQEl) Caiaphas was probably still in office (see on 4:6). The initiative
already ascribed to Saul in 8:3 implies that he had powerful authority behind him;
here it emerges that he acted as agent for the chief-priestly establishment and other
members of the Sanhedrin (cf. 22:5; 26:10, 12). It may seem strange that so loyal
a Pharisee should be willing to put himself at the high priest's disposal, but this
particular activity was in Saul's eyes a necessary and meritorious service to God
(cf. Phil. 3 :6, xata ~TJA.0£ bUll)!.(JJV t~V E'X'XA. l]OlUV ).
9:2 nt~aato ltUQ' amoii EltLatOA.Ct£ EL£ t.aµaaxov ltQO£ tCt£ auvaywy<i£] Let-
ters of extradition are implied; those disciples whom Saul was to round up at
Damascus were evidently refugees from the persecution in Jerusalem (cf. 22:5, toll£
EXEtaE ovta£). M. Hengel thinks that "here, too, Luke has dramatically exaggerated
the legal competence of the delegates from Jerusalem" (Acts, p. 77). However,
when the Jewish state won independence under the Hasmonaeans, the Romans re-
quired the surrounding nations to grant Judaea the rights and privileges of a
sovereign state, including the right of extradition. Thus, a letter delivered by a
Roman ambassador to Ptolemy VIII of Egypt in 138 B.C. concludes with the
demand: "If any pestilent men have fled to you from their country [Judaea], hand
them over to Simon the high priest, that he may punish them according to their
law" (1 Mace. 15:21). In 47 B.C. Julius Caesar confirmed those rights and privi-
leges anew to the Jewish people (even though they no longer constituted a sovereign
state), and more particularly to the high priesthood (Jos.Ant. 14.192-95). See S. Sa-
frai and M. Stem (eds.), The Jewish People in the First Centwy, I (Assen, 1974),
p. 456. Luke implies that the right of extradition continued to be enjoyed by the
high priest under the new provincial administration, although there seems to be no
other evidence of this. Technically, perhaps, the refugees were charged with shar-
ing Stephen's guilt of an offense against the temple.
The history of Damascus goes back to remote antiquity, as Egyptian, Assyr-
ian, and Hebrew records bear witness. It lies on the main route from Egypt to Meso-
potamia. Its layout was completely replanned in Hellenistic times, on the Hippo-
damian grid system. It formed part of the Roman province of Syria from 64 B.C.
onward, but enjoyed municipal freedom as the northernmost city in the loose fed-
eration of the Decapolis. (For its relation to the Nabataean kingdom see on v. 24
below.) There was at this time a large Jewish community in Damascus, even if
Josephus exaggerates the number of Jews slaughtered there in A.D. 66, at the begin-
ning of the revolt in Judaea (10,500, according to BJ 2.561; 18,000, according to
BJ 7.368).
The Zadokite Work, discovered toward the end of the nineteenth century in
the ancient synagogue of Fostat (Old Cairo), and first published in Fragments of a
Zadokite Work, ed. S. Schechter, I (Cambridge, 1910), revealed the presence in
Damascus of a Jewish group (now known to have belonged to the Qumran com-
munity) bound together by covenant as a new Israel, devoted to the Zadokite priest-
hood and a distinctive form of the messianic hope (see L. Ginzberg, An Unknown
Jewish Sect [New York, 1976]; P.R. Davies, The Damascus Covenant, JSOT Sup.
25 [Sheffield, 1983]; and, for a translation of the fragments, G. Vermes, The Dead
233
THE ACTS OF TIIE APOSTLES
Sea Scrolls in English [Sheffield, 31987], pp. 81-99). If the "Damascus" of this
document is to be understood literally, it may be asked what relation, if any, the
covenanters of Damascus bore to the indigenous disciples of Jesus in that city (as
distinct from the refugees from Jerusalem).
tij<; Mou] The Christian movement is similarly called "The Way" in 19:9, 23;
24:14, 22 (cf. "this Way," 22:4; "the Way of the Lord," 18:25; "the Way of God,"
18:26). The closest Jewish parallel to this usage is the use of Heb. dere'/s in the
Zadokite Work and other Qumran documents: members of the community "choose
the Way" (IQS 9.17f.), apostates and others "rebel against the Way" (lQS 10.20f.;
cf. CD 1.13; 2.6). See E. Repo, Der "Weg" als Selbstbezeichnung des Urchristen-
tums, AASF B 132.2 (Helsinki, 1964). Similar words are used in a religious sense
in many languages, e.g. Syr. 'url}ii, "religion"; Arab. as-sabfl, "the Way" (i.e.,
Islam); Indian pathin, miirga; Chinese tao, etc.
l>El>EµEvouc;] "in chains," "as prisoners": perf. ptc. pass. of l>fo> ("bind"); cf.
New Docs. 1 (1976), § 12, line 17.
2. The Light and Voice from Heaven (9:3-7)

3 'Ev l>E tcj> JtOQEliw0m EYEVEto mh:ov EyyitEL v tfl fiaµaoxcj>, E;aicpvl]<; TE am:ov
JtEQL~OTQU'!'EV cj>w<; EX TOU OUQUVOU, 4XUL JtEOWV EJtL t~V yijv ~XOUOEV cj>wv~v
1.iyouoav am:cj>, Laou1.. Laou1.., TL µE bu.ox.EL<;; s drrEv bf., Tic; d, XUQLE; 6 l>E, 'Eyoo
dµL 'll]OO~ ov OU btooxuc;· 6 ClAA<l UV<lotl]0L xal E'ioEJ..0E EL<; t~V JtOALV, xal
AUAT]~OEtai om o TL OE l>Ei JtOLEiv. mt OE livOQE<; o[ ouvoOEUOvtE<; am:cj>
flot~XELOUV EVEOL, ClXOUOvtE<; µev tij<; cj>wvij<; µT]l>EVU be 0EWQOUVTE<;,
9:3 Ev OE tcj> JtOQEUw0m EYEVEto am:ov EyyitEL v] Temporal use of EV tcj} with
infin. (see on 2: 1); for EYEVEto am:ov Eyyi~uv see on 4:5; for the combination of the
two constructions cf. 19: I.
tfl fiaµaox0] Note the article; it points out the city as being that previously
mentioned (in v. 2). Cf. v. l; 20:7, 11.
JtEQL~otQU'!'EV] "flashed round"; ctotQ<iJttw is primarily used of the flashing
of lightning. For the more general sense cf. Lk. 11 :36, where ctotQUJt~ is used of
the "bright shining" of a lamp. The compound occurs again in 22:6 (JtEQL<lotQ<i'!'m);
the verb used in the parallel narrative in 26: 13 is JtEQLA<iµrrw. (Cf. 4 Mace. 4: 10 for
JtEQLaotQ<iJttw in the description of a heavenly vision: OUQav60Ev JtQOllcj><ivl]oav ecj>LJt-
JtOL liyyEAOL JtEQLUotQ<imovtE<; toi<; OJtAOL<;.) The time was about midday (22:6;
26:13). Paul no doubt had this light in mind when referring, many years later, to
the inward illumination produced by "the light of the gospel of the glory of Christ"
(2 Cor. 4:4, 6; cf. the surpassing glory of 2 Cor. 3:8-11 ).
9:4 rrwwv EJtl T~v yijv] Like Ezekiel (Ezek. 1:28) and Daniel (Dan. 8: 17).
~xouoEv cpwv~v] For a similar voice from heaven cf. 7:31; 10:13; Lk. 3:22;
9:35; Jn. 12:28. When the voice of prophetic revelation was no longer heard, this
phenomenon was known to the rabbis as the baf qol (lit. "daughter of the voice"),
i.e., the echo of God's voice.
Tooii1.. Toou1.., tL µE btooxuc;;] + OXATJQOV ooL JtQO<; XEvtQa 1..axtituv E 431
234
9:3- 7 THE LIGHT AND VOICE FROM HEAVEN
late vg.codd syrpesh hcl* * (part of the longer b text of v. 5 transposed here to harmonize
with 26:14). The question is repeated verbatim in the accounts of 22:7; 26:14. The
form Thou).. (used also by Ananias, v. 17; 22:13), exactly representing Heb. sii'ul
("asked for"), occurs wherever it is to be understood that Heb. or Aram. was the
language spoken (according to 26: 14 the voice spoke to Saul tfi 'El3Qu'Lbt btUAExt(J) ).
Thou).. is also used of King Saul in 13:21 because it is the form in which he is re-
ferred to in LXX.
The solemn repetition of the name is common in divine allocutions; cf. Gen.
22:11; 46:2; Ex. 3:4; 1 Sam. (LXX 1 Kms.) 3:10; 4 Ezra 14:1 ("Ezra, Ezra");
2 Bar. 22:2 ("Baruch, Baruch"). Similarly Jesus says, "Martha, Martha" (Lk.
10:41); "Simon, Simon" (Lk. 22:31). G. H. Dalman gives further references in
rabbinical literature when discussing the words here addressed to Saul, which he
reconstructs in Aram.: sii'ul sii'ul mii 'att rii4epinnf (Jesus-Jeshua, E.T. [London,
1929], p. 18). -
Jesus' self-identification with his people is paralleled in Mt. 25:40, 45.
"Caput pro membris clamabat," as Augustine finely says (Enarratio in Ps. 39 [MT
40], 5), expressing himself in terms of the Pauline presentation of the church as the
body of which Christ is the head (Col. 1 :18; Eph. 1 :22f.; 4: 15f.). J. A. T. Robinson
found the origin of this presentation in these words of the risen Christ: "it would
seem unnecessary to go further for an explanation of why the Body of Christ in-
evitably meant for him [Paul] what it did" (The Body, SBT 5 [London, 1952], p. 58).
"But if the words Paul heard on the road to Damascus are the source for the con-
cept of the Church as Christ's Body, why does that concept not appear very early
in Pauline literature? Maybe the deduction was slow in coming" (R. H. Gundry,
"Soma" in Biblical Theology, SNTSM 29 [Cambridge, 1976], p. 240; cf. D. E. H.
Whiteley, The Theology of St. Paul [Oxford, 1964], pp. 192-94).
9:5 X'IJQLE] "Sir" or "my lord"? Saul did not yet know who was speaking to
him, but he probably recognized that the words were spoken with divine author-
ity; X'IJQLE should therefore be treated as more than a mere courtesy title. When he
subsequently spoke of Jesus as XtJQLO£, the word had a much fuller significance (cf.
1 Cor. 12:3; Phil. 2: 11 ).
6 bE] For the omission of the verb of saying cf. v. 11; 2:38. ~ 81 supply dm:v,
byz supplies X'IJQLO£ dm:v.
'h1aoii£] ACE 104 pc lath syrpesh hcl** eth Hil Amb Aug add 6 NutwQULO£
(from 22:8).
l>uuXEt£] The added words (replacing anci), axATJQOV aot Jf{)O£ XEvtQU
1..axt(~EL v. tQEµwv bi:: xui 0u1J$&v EbtEV, KtJQLE, 1:( µE 0EAEL£ Jtotf]am; xui 6 X'IJQLO£ ltQO£
am6v, are found in no Gk. MS, but occur with variations in some versions repre-
senting l>, notably lath P vg.codd.mult; latg has OXAT]QOV ... 1..uxtitELV, syrhcl** has
tQEµwv ... JtQO£ um6v (see on v. 4). Erasmus translated them into Gk. from Lat.
and hence they found their way into TR (cf. KJV). They are rightly omitted from
Hodges and Farstad's edition of the Majority Text (1982). They come in part from
22:lOa and 26: 14b.
9:6 otL] Indirect interrogative pronoun; the direct tt is read by E '11 byz (it
235
is more frequently used than the indirect form, even when introducing an indirect
question).
9:7 auvo0E'IJOVC:E£] "who were in the caravan with him" (cf. auvooia, Lk.
2:44). See New Docs. 2 (1977), § 116, p. 209, lines 2-9.
Eim~xEwav] In 26:14 Paul says :ruivc:wv TE xa1a:rcw6v1wv ~µciJv EL£ T~v y~v.
Evrn(] The only NT occurrence of this classical word. It occurs in LXX in
Isa. 56: 10 (xuvE£ Evrni, "dumb dogs"); Prov. 17:28 (EvEov oi: TLS fomov :rcot~aas
<'io;EL </)QOVLµos EL vm ).
axo1JOVC:E£ µi:v T~£ cj>wv~s] The article most probably points back to the voice
(q,wv~v) of v. 4. If so, this is an obstacle in the way of accepting Chrysostom's sug-
gestion that the fellow travelers "heard the voice of Saul, but saw no one whom he
was answering" (Hom. on Acts, 19)-a harmonization with 22:9, T~v OE cj>wv~v oux
~xouaav wu 1ca1couvc:6s µot (cf. Chrys. Hom. on Acts, 47). J. H. Moulton suggests
that they heard the sound but did not distinguish the sense: "the fact that the main-
tenance of an old and well-known distinction between the acc. and the gen. with
axouw saves the author of Ac 99 and 229 from a patent self-contradiction, should by
itself be enough to make us recognize it for Luke, and for other writers until it is
proved wrong" (MHT I, p. 66). This suggestion may indeed explain the discrepancy
between the present text and 22:9, but the "distinction" does not accord with Lukan
usage; see R. G. Bratcher, "axouw in Acts ix. 7 and xxii.9," ExT71 (1959-60), p. 243.
0EWQOUVC:E£] + cum loqueretur. sed ait ad [eos, leujate me de terra ("while
he was speaking. But he said to them, 'Raise me up from the ground'") lath (rep-
resenting <'i}.
3. Saul Enters Damascus Sightless (9:8-9)

8 ~YEQ0l] <'if. lillJAOS a:rco T~S Y~S, avEcµyµi:vwv <'iE TciJV ocj>0a)..µciJv UUTOU OUOEV
E~AE:rtEv· XELQaywyouVTES OE amov da~yayov ds ~aµaax6v. 9Xal ~v ~µEQUS
TQEL£ µ~ ~)..i::rcwv, xal ofa iiq,ayEv oubE E:rtLEV.
9:8 ~YEQ0lJ OE Tou1cos a:rco T~S y~s] In response to the command avctITTl]0L
(v. 6). Continuing the peculiar addition in v. 7, lath (representing <'i) reads et cum
lebassent ( = leuassent) ilium ("and when they had raised him up").
XELQaywyouVTES] Cf. XELQaywyous, 13: 11, in relation to another blind man.
The only other NT occurrence of the verb is in 22:11 (with reference to the same
occasion as here). In LXX cf. Judg. 16:16A, followed by Jos. Ant. 5.315 (of Sam-
son's being so led); Tob. 11: 16 X (of Tobit's no longer requiring to be so led).
9:9 ~v ... µ~ ~AE:rtwv] "he was ... sightless." For the construction see on
1:10. The periphrastic form here has a slightly different force from ofa E~AE:rtEV,
sinceµ~ ~)..i::rcwv is adjectival in character. The negative with participles is usually
µ~ in Hellenistic Gk., even when the sense would lead one to expect ou (cf. µ~
:rtLITTE'IJOVTE£, V. 26).
oux iiq,ayEv ouOE iimEv] Probably from shock. There is no need to understand
his abstinence as penance or as fasting before baptism (a practice first attested in
Did. 7.4; Justin, I Apo!. 61.2).
236
9: 10-16 ANANIAS SENT TO SAUL
4. Ananias Sent to Saul (9:10-16)

10 ·Hv bE TL£ µa0l'jt~£ Ev fulµaox<j> 6v6µan 'AvaVLU£, xai d:rrEv :rtQO£ amov EV
OQ<lfl,UTL 6 X'UQLO£, 'Avav(a. 6 be d:rtEV, 'Ibou EYW, X'UQLE. 11 6 bf X'UQLO£ :rtQO£
am6v, 'Avaata£ :rtOQEU0lJTL E:rtl t~V QlJ!.LlJV T~V XUAOuµEVlJV Eu0EiaV XUL 1;,~tl'jCTOV
EV OlXL(.l 'Iouba L<lllAOV 6v6µan TUQCTEU, ibou yaQ :rtQOCTEUXETUl, 12 XUL ELbEv
avbQU EV OQctµatt 'Avav(av 6v6µaTL EtCTEA.06vta XUL Em0EvtU am<j> TU£ XELQU£
03t<O£ ava~AE'lj)TI, 13 a.7tEXQL8l'j bi: 'AvaVLU£, KUQLE, ~XOUCTU (lJtO JtOA.A.OlV JtEQL TOU
avbQO~ TO'UTOU, OCTU xaxa TOL£ o.y(ot£ CTOU EJtOLlJCTEV EV 'IEQOUCTUA~µ- 14 xal <l>bE
EXEL E~UCTLUV :rtUQU TOlV UQXLEQECOV b~CTUL JtUVTU£ toix; E:rrLXUA.OuµEVOU£ TO ovoµa
aou. 1s d:rrEv be JtQO£ amov 6 XUQto£, lloQEUOU, on CTXEUO£ EXAOY~£ Eat iv µm
oin:0£ toll ~UCTTUCTUL to ovoµa µou EV(J):rttov ESvwv TE XUL ~UCTLA.ECOV uiwv TE
'laQU~A, l6EYW yaQ u:rrobEts(ll am<j> oaa bEl UUTOV \J:rtEQ toll 6v6µat6£ µou
:rra8Elv.
9:10 'Avav(a£] His character is more fully described in 22:12. No account
is given of the establishment of Christianity in Damascus. Fugitive disciples from
Jerusalem had arrived there, and they were the object of Saul's quest (cf. EXELCTE,
22:5), but there is no reason why there should not have been disciples of Jesus there
already. V. 13 suggests that Ananias belonged to Damascus, and had learned of the
Jerusalem persecution only by hearsay. The part played by Ananias in Luke's nar-
rative does not conflict in principle with Paul's account in Gal. 1:12, 16. Ananias
acts simply as the mouthpiece of the risen Lord: no one could pretend that an ordi-
nary believer such as he was could commission Saul or confer any authority on him.
Paul is concerned in Gal. 1: 11-24 to establish his total independence of the leaders
of the Jerusalem church and to vindicate his claim to have been called to his minis-
try through the "revelation of Jesus Christ" which he received on the Damascus road.
ibou eyw] Frequent in LXX for Heb. hinneni, "behold me," "here am I" ( e.g.,
in Gen. 22: 1).
9: 11 avaata£] For the aor. ptc. B pc read aor. imper. avaata (an alternative
to the form avaatrJ8L, v. 6; cf. 12:7).
e:rrl t~v QlJ!.LlJV t~v xaA.ouµhl'jv EuOElav] Still one of the chief thoroughfares
of Damascus, the Darb al-Mustaqim. The house of Judas is traditionally located
near the west end.
EV o[xi<_:t 'Iouba] Luke was interested in the hosts of his principal characters;
cf. Simon the tanner, whose address, like Judas's, is given in a vision (10:6), Mna-
son (21:16). See on v. 43.
TaQCTfo) The first indication of Saul's birthplace; see on v. 30. For TaQCTEU£
(cf. 21 :39) see New Docs. 4 (1979), § 87.
:rtQOCTEUXEtm] For the association of prayer and vision cf. 10:9f.; 22:17; Lk.
I: lOf.; 3:21; 9:28; 22:43.
9:12 EV OQ<lfl,UTL] BC 1175 (E byz syrpesh hcl place it before avbQa); om P 74
X AC 81 pc lat copsa bo. It may have been introduced here from v. 10; in any case,
it is implied. Luke appears to record three early visions experienced by Saul: (a)
vv. 4-6, on the Damascus road, (b) on the present occasion, presumably in the house
of Judas, and (c) after his return to Jerusalem (22:17-21).
237
9: 13 ~xouaa] Probably indicating that Ananias himself was not one of the
fugitives from Jerusalem. For a:rc6 after axouw see 1 Jn. 1:5 (cf. :rcaga with gen.,
10:22).
toi£ ayim£] This became a common designation for Christians as the people
of God, called to be holy as he is holy (cf. vv. 32, 41; 26: 10); it is Paul's favorite
designation for them in his letters. (For other designations see on 11 :26.)
9: 14 :rcaga tmv UQXLEQEWV] For the plur. see on 4:5. Inv. 1 the reigning high
priest is alone mentioned, since the authority was formally vested in him, but the chief-
priestly families took a common line in defense of common interests (cf. 26:12).
tO'U£ E:rtLXUA.OUµEVOU£ to ovoµa aou] See on 2:21, 38; 22:16. In practice the
expression refers to those who address Jesus as Lord.
9: 15 CTXE'iio£ Ex1,.oyij£] Hebraic gen., lit. "instrument of choice," i.e., "chosen
vessel"; Lat. uas electionis. Cf. Dante, Inferno 2.28, "vas d'elezione" (also Para-
diso 21.127f., "ii gran vasello dello Spirito Santo"). For Paul's own sense of his
election see Gal. 1: l 5f.; Rom. 1: 1-5.
toii ~amaam] For toii with infin. (here denoting purpose) see on 3:12 (cf.
14:18; 15:20; 20:3, 27; 27:1). Luke accounts for two-thirds of the NT examples of
this construction, Luke and Paul together for five-sixths. It is evenly distributed
throughout the Lukan writings, including the "we" sections (see MHT I, p. 217).
~aat1,.Ewv] Including Agrippa II (25:23ff.) and Nero (27:24). Gk. ~UCTLA.Ell£
was used to denote the Roman emperor (cf. 17:7; Jn. 19: 15; 1 Pet. 2: 13, 17) as well
as minor monarchs.
ulwv tE 'Iaga~"-l Paul himself disclaims any commission to evangelize
Israelites, except indirectly, through his Gentile apostolate (Rom. 11: l 3f.). Al-
though the verb "send" is not used here, Saul is plainly to be sent by the risen Lord
(cf. 22:21; 26: 17, where the Lord explicitly sends him); yet this is not enough to
make him an apostle in the Lukan sense (see on 1:21-26; 14:4).
9:16 oaa] The implied antecedent is :rcavta (so 14:27).
bEi amov u:rceg toii 6v6µat6£ µou :rca8Eiv] Cf. 5:41; 21: 13. He was to endure
many times over (see 2 Cor. 11:23-27) what he had made others suffer, and that for
the sake of the same name. In the cause of Christ suffering for his sake is a sure
token of his favor and an earnest of his reward (Mt. 5: llf.; Rom. 8:17; 2 Tim. 2:12).
In Paul's own eyes suffering was one of the "signs" of a true apostle (2 Cor. 12: 12).
In Acts, as in his own letters, he is the suffering servant of Christ; there is no tri-
umphalism here (see W. Michaelis, TDNT5, pp. 919-21 with n. 120 [s.v. naaxw];
C. K. Barrett, "Theologia Crucis-in Acts," in Theologia Crucis--Signum Crucis,
ed. C. Andresen and G. Klein [Tlibingen, 1979], p. 82).
5. Ananias Visits Saul (9: 17-J 9a)

17 'A:rtijWEV bE 'Avavfa~ xa"t ELCTijA.8Ev EL£ t~V OL'XL<lV, xai E:rtt8EL£ E:rt' nmov ta;;
XEiQn;; d:rcEv, Toou"" abEA.q>E, a xugw£ a:rcEmaAXEV µr, ·1r1aoii£ a0«1>eEf£ am EV
tfiMer~ ~QXOU, O:rtW£ ava~A.E\jJn£ xai :rtA.l]CT8fi£ :rtVEUµato£ ay(ou. 18 xai E'U8EW£
U:rtE:rtECT<lV autoii a:rto twv o(j>8n1,.µci}v W£ A.E:rtLDE£, <lVE~AE\jJEV tE, xnl <lV<lITTO.£
E~a:rtttCTSl], 19a xai 1,.a~wv tgoqi~v EVLCTX'IJCTEV.
238
9:17-19a ANANIAS VISITS SAUL
9: 17 EJtL0Et£ bi:' amov TU£ XE LQU£] P45 C read EJtL0EL£ TU£ )'.ELQU£ bt' aut6v.
This gesture may have signified Saul's recognition and welcome as a fellow
believer as much as anything else, although it is also closely associated with his re-
covery of sight (cf. v. 12).
Tooul &td«j>E] Presumably addressing him in Aram. (for the form Tooul see
on v. 4). In calling him "brother," Ananias greeted him not only as a fellow Israelite
but also as a fellow member of the new community of disciples of Jesus. Cf. 22:13,
where the same two words introduce a longer version of what Ananias said to Saul.
6 X1JQLO£ ... 'ITfCTOU£] "the Lord, that is, Jesus." If Ananias spoke Aram., he
probably said miire or maranii. So early had "Jesus is Lord" become the basic Chris-
tian confession.
6 o«j>0EL£ CTOL] "who appeared to you" (for the intrans. use of the pass., cf.
orn:av6µEvo£, 1:3). In Luke's accounts of the Damascus-road confrontation empha-
sis is laid on what Saul heard rather than what he saw, although it emerges inciden-
tally that the risen Lord not only spoke to him but was seen by him (cf. EibEv Tov
X1JQLOV, v. 27; also ibEiv Tov bixmov, 22:14; coq,0Tfv CTOL ... ELbE£ [µe], 26:16). In
Paul's letters the fact that the Lord appeared to him is emphasized (co«j>0Tf x&µo(,
1 Cor. 15:8; also ouxi 'ITfCTOUV TOV X'IJQLOV ~µwv EOQaxa; 1 Cor. 9:1; E'IJOOXTfCTEV [6
0EO£] ... &:n:oxalu'!'m TOV utov amou Ev Eµo(, Gal. 1:15f.), although it is implied
that he also spoke to him, commissioning him to preach the gospel to the Gentiles
(Gal. 1:16).
&vaPlE'i'TI£] The regular word for recovery of sight, used repeatedly in this
sense in the Gospels, even in the case of one born blind (Jn. 9:11, 15, 18). (It is also
used naturally of looking up, e.g. Mk. 6:41 par., &v~AE'i'U£ EL£ Tov oiiQav6v.)
ltATfCT0fi£ :n:vEuµUTo£ ayiou] Such filling was necessary for the prophetic ser-
vice indicated in v. 15 (cf. Mk. 13:11). But it is noteworthy that Saul received the
Spirit when an otherwise unknown believer laid his hands on him and welcomed
him into the new fellowship. Luke certainly did not suppose that the imposition of
apostolic hands was necessary for a convert to receive the Spirit (see on 8: 15-17).
9:18 a:n:E:n:rnav ... W£ lrnibE£] "a flaky substance fell off'; cf. Tob. 3:17
(tou Tmph A.EltLCTUL ta AE1JXWµata]; 11:13 (xai EA.EltLCT8Tf &:n:o TWV xav8wv TWV
oq,0alµwv amoii Tu 1-Euxwµarn). Hobart (pp. 39f.) quotes Hippocrates, Galen, and
Dioscorides for &:n:o:n:irn:m used of the falling off of lrnibE£, though in connection
with skin diseases, not eye diseases. G. Bornkamm in TDNT 4, p. 232 (s. v. AEltt£)
quotes Pliny, NH 29.21, where mercenary physicians are criticized for their "mys-
terious direction that a film (squama, lit. "scale") on the eyes should be moved
away and not pulled off."
avEf3A.E'i'EV TE J + :n:aQUXQfJµa C 2 EL 614 minn.pm JatP syrhcl.
EParn:iCT0Tf] Presumably by Ananias (but see on 22: 16 ).
9: 19a lapwvTQo«j>~v EVLCT)'.1JCTEV] Luke knows the importance of nourishment
for convalescents (cf. Lk. 8:35), but this is no necessary indication of medical
authorship, as is evident from Mk. 5:43, EL:n:Ev bo0ijvm aiiTfi q,ayEiv (par. Lk. 8:35).
EVLCT)'.1JCTEV] Intrans. use of the active (so P74 X A C 2 E q, 81 byz); the pass.
EVLCT)'.'IJ0Tf (EVL0)'.1JCT0Tf P45) is read by B C* 1739 pc. Outside LXX, the trans. use of
239
ivwxuw, according to Hobart (pp. 80f.), is confined to Hippocrates and Luke (cf.
Lk. 22:43). LSJ add an example in the pass. from Julian the Apostate. Otherwise
ivwxuw regularly has the intrans. sense "be strong."
6. Saul Preaches in Damascus (9:19b-22)

l lJh 'EyEVEto OE µE1:a TOlV EV 8aµaoxc'iJ µa0l]TOlV ~µE(?<l£ TL VU£, 20 xal EU0EW£ EV
Tat£ ouvaywyai.£ EX~(?UCTCTEV TOV 'll]CTO'UV on OU't0£ fon v o ULO£ TO'U 0EO'ii.
21 E~LITT<lVTO OE JtUVTE£ 0 i UXOUOVTE£ xal EA.EyOV, aux OUTO£ EITTt v O Jt0(?0~CT<l£
EV 'IEeouoa1,.~µ i:ou; Emxa1,.ouµevoU£ to ovoµa wiiw, xal <l>OE EL£ i:omo
EA.l]A.U0Et 'iva 0EOEµEVOU£ (llJTO'U£ ayayn EJtL TO'U£ UQXtE(?EL£; 22 lil'UA.0£ OE µanov
EVEbuvaµo'iito xal ouvi\xuvvEv toU£ 'Iou6a(ou£ TOU£ xatmxo'iivta£ Ev !\aµaox<j>,
ouµj3t~asmv on OU't0£ EITTt v o X(?tITTO£.
9: 19b µm1 tcilv Ev !\aµaox<j> µa0l]tfuv] Probably both with the resident dis-
ciples (like Ananias) and with those who had fled there from the persecution.
~µEQU£ nva;] ~µEQU£ ixav<i£ P45 (cf. vv. 23, 43). According to Gal. 1:15-17,
after he received the revelation of Jesus Christ he went off to Arabia, without con-
sulting any human being; this would not necessarily exclude a short period of such
activity as is described here in vv. 20-22. Or his preaching in Damascus may have
followed his return from Arabia (cf. Gal. 1: 17, UJtEITTQE\jla EL£ !\aµaoxov ), though
Eu0EW£ (v. 20) makes this less likely.
9:20 EV tat£ ouvaywyat£] It is evident from this (cf. v. 2) that there were
several synagogues in Damascus; the size of the Jewish population of the city
demanded this.
om:6£ Eott v ouio£ to'ii 0rnii] It is noteworthy that the only occurrence of this
title in Acts should be in the report of Saul's first preaching (cf. Gal. 1:16; 2 Cor.
1:19; Rom. 1:4).
The title "son of God" or its equivalent is used in the OT (1) of the people of
Israel (e.g., Ex. 4:22; Dt. 32:6; Jer. 31:9; Hos. 11:1), (2) of the anointed king of
Israel (e.g., 2 Sam. fLXX 2 Kms.] 7:14; Pss. 2:7; 89:26f.); this use, especially in
the Psalms, merges into its application (3) to the ideal king, the expected Messiah
of David's line (see on 4:25f.; 13:33; cf. 1 En. 105:2; 4 Ezra 7:28f.; 13:32, 37, 52;
14:9). That some at least of our Lord's contemporaries regarded the Messiah as
God's son is evident from the high priest's question au El o XQtITT6£, o uio£ to'ii
EUA.OYTJto'ii; (Mk. 14:61). As applied to Jesus, the title denotes him as the true rep-
resentative of the Israel of God (cf. the true vine of Jn. 15: 1) and as God's anointed
king, as well as expressing his unique personal relationship to the Father. Here prob-
ably the messianic sense of the title would be that understood by Saul's hearers (cf.
v. 22). In lath Irenlat (perhaps representing o) o XQtITTO£ is inserted before o uio;
,:oii 0rn'ii.
See M. Hengel, The Son of God, E.T. (London, 1976); also Acts and the His-
tory ofEarliest Christianity, p. 108. A. E. Harvey,Jesus and the Constraints ofHis-
tory (London, 1982), pp. 154-73, finds three aspects of sonship implicit in the ap-
plication of the title o u[o£ to'ii 0rn'ii to Jesus: (1) his perfect obedience to God,
240
9:23-25 SAUL ESCAPES FROM DAMASCUS
(2) his being the ultimate revealer of God, and (3) his being the authorized agent
of God.
9:21 6 :l'tOQ8~oac:;] Lit. "he who sacked"; the churches of Judaea used the
same verb of his activity (Gal. 1:23), and so did Paul himself (Gal. 1:13). See on
8:3, EAlJ!lULVETO.
Eic:; 'IEQ01JoaA.~µ] P 74 X A pc I EV 'IEQ01JOUA.~µ B C E 'P byz (cf. 2:5).
touc:; EJ'tLXUA.OtJµEV01Jc:; TO ovoµa tofn:o] Cf. V. 14. Perhaps 4:17; 5:28 should be
compared for the studied vagueness of to ovoµa tofn:o.
EA.TJA.U8EL] Plupf.: as his original purpose in coming no longer existed, the perf.
is no longer applicable.
bEbEµevovc:;] Cf. v. 2.
ay<iyn] avay<iyn P 45 P 69 105 Chr I anay<iyn 1739.
9:22 EVEbvvaµofn:o] + tcj> A.ayeµ C 467 lath (perhaps representing b ). Cf.
ivioxooEv, v. 19; but there physical strength is meant, here spiritual strength. For
ivbvvaµ6w cf. Rom. 4:20; Eph. 6:10; Phil. 4: 13; 1 Tim. l :12; 2 Tim. 2:1; 4: 17, and
in LXX Judg. 6:34; Ps. 51:9 (MT 52:7).
01JVE:(1JVVEV l Cf. 2:6.
ov~L~<il;wv] Lit. "putting together," hence "proving," here by putting the pro-
phetic writings alongside their fulfilment, a method of argument to be regularly
employed by Paul, Apollos, and others in other synagogues around the eastern Med-
iterranean (cf. 17:2f.; 18:28; 26:22f.). It was natural that he should visit the syn-
agogues of Damascus, to which he had been accredited by the high priest, even if
his commission to evangelize Gentiles had already been made clear to him. See on
13:5. Saul had previously been familiarized with the line of argument he now used,
but hitherto he had rejected it.
For ovµ~L~<i~w in a more general sense see 16: 10; 19:33.
6 XQLotoc:;] + de:; ov EUboXTJOEV 6 8E6c:; (in quo deus bene sensit latg (h I P)) b (?).
The narrative from v. 6 to this point illustrates what B. J. Hubbard calls "the
role of commissioning accounts in Acts" (Perspectives on Luke-Acts, ed. C.H. Tal-
bert [Edinburgh, 1978], pp. 187-98).
7. Saul Escapes from Damascus (9:23-25)

23 'Qc:; bi; E:l'tA.TJQOUvto ~µEQUL ixavai, ovvE~ouA.Euoavto oi 'lovbaim avEAEiv
am:6v· 24 Eyvwo8Tj bf T(Jl lil'UA.(J) ~ EJ'tl~01JA.~ am:&v. J'tUQETTJQO'UVTO bf XUL tac:;
J'tlJA.ac:; ~µEQac:; TE xal vvxtoc:; OJ't(l}c:; am:ov UVEA(l}Ol v· 25 A~OVTEc:; bi; oi µa0T]tal
am:ou V1JXtoc:; bLU toii TEL;(01Jc:; xa0f]xav am:ov ;(UAUOUVTEc:; EV OJ't1JQLbl.
9:23 we; bi; E:l'tATJQOiivto ~µEQUL ixava(] "as many days were drawing to an
end": ~µEQUL ixavai (cf. v. 43) is "a common Lukan indication of time" and "per-
mits no conclusions regarding specifications of periods of time in Acts or regard-
ing Luke's knowledge of such" (G. Ludemann, Paul, Apostle to the Gentiles: Stud-
ies in Chronology, E.T. [London, 1984], pp. 7f.). Actually, two full years at least
elapsed from Saul's conversion to his return to Jerusalem (Gal. 1:18, where "three
years" may be reckoned inclusively, as in 20:31 below).
241
9:24 TouA.cp] ToouA.J>45.

JtUQftT]QO'UvtO OE xal tai; Jt'UAU£ ... OJtW£ amov UVEAWOL v] For the last three
words Ape read oJtwi; maowmv am6v, but before, not after, ~µEQU£ tf xal vuxt6i;.
This is the incident to which Paul refers in 2 Cor. 11:32f.: "In Damascus the
ethnarch of King Areias was guarding the city of the Damascenes to arrest me; and
I was let down in a basket through a window in the (city) wall and escaped his
hands." Luke ascribes the plot against him to the Damascene Jews; it is conceiva-
ble that they alerted the ethnarch to his presence in the city. The incident must be
taken together with Paul's account of his visit to "Arabia" (i.e., the Nabataean king-
dom) in Gal. 1: 17; evidently his activity during that visit incurred the hostility of
the Nabataean authorities. The status of the cthnarch is disputed. If Damascus was
at this time included in the Nabataean kingdom (so Schurer II, pp. 129f.), the
cthnarch would have been Aretas's viceroy in the city. More probably the ethnarch
was Aretas 's representative in Damascus, who looked after the interests of the many
Nabataean subjects in the city while it was under Roman rule. E. Meyer, Ursprung
und Anfiinge des Christentums, III (Stuttgart/Berlin, 1923), p. 346, calls him "das
Oberhaupt der nabataeischen Kolonie in Damaskus" and refers with approval to
the statement of this view by E. Schwartz, "Die Aeren von Gerasa und
Eleutheropolis," NGG, 1906, pp. 367f.; cf. E. A Knauf, "Zurn Ethnarchen des
Areias 2 Kor 11,32," ZNW74 (1983), pp. 145-47. Areias (lfarefat) IV reigned over
the Nabataeans from 9 B.C. to A.O. 40; he was father-in-law to Antipas (see on 4:27).
9:25 ota toii tELXOU£] The same words occur in 2 Cor. 11:33 (as does the
verb xaA.aw ), where it is made clear that he was lowered through a window in the
wall.
EV OJtUQLOL] In 2 Cor. 11:33 it is called a oaQyavT], "a large woven or network
bag or basket suitable for hay, straw ... or for bales of wool" (LC). OJtUQL£ (other-
wise spelled ocj>uQ(i;) is used in the narrative of the feeding of the 4,000 (Mk. 8:8);
in the parallel narrative of the feeding of the 5,000 the word is x6cj>tvoi;, a smaller
container, a shopping basket (Mk. 6:43).
8. Saul in Jerusalem; He Is Sent to Tarsus (9:26-30)

26 IlaQayrvoµEvoi; OE di; 'lEQOUOUA.~µ EJtELQUsEV xona.oem toii; µa0T]taii;· xal
mivrri; Ecj>oj3oiivro am6v, µ~ motruovtEi; on Eotlv µa0T]ttji;. 27 BaQvaj3a.i; OE
EJtLA.aj36µEvoi; autov ~yayEv JtQO£ toui; (lJt0otOA.OU£, xal OLTjytjoato auto ii; mili;
iv tfi obqi ELbEv tov XUQLov xal otL EA.UA.TJOEV autqi, xal mili; EV liaµaoxqi EJtaQ-
QTJOLaoato EV tqi ov6µatt 'll]OO'U. 28 xal ~v µEt' amv doJtOQEUoµevoi; xal
EXJtOQEUOµEvoi; di; 'lEQOUOaA.tjµ, JtUQQTJOLUsOµEVO£ EV tcj> ov6µatt toii XUQLOU,
29EA<lAEL tE xal OUVEstjtEl JtQO£ t0ui; 'EA.A.TJVLotai;· OL be EJtEXELQOUV UVEA.EiV
aut6v. 30EJtLYVOvtEi; OE oi MiEAcj>OL xattjyayov autov di; KmoaQELUV xal
EsUJtEotElAUV autov di; TUQOOV.
9:26 JtUQUYEVOµEvoi;] "having arrived." This is the visit mentioned by Paul

in Gal. l:18f., despite disparities between the two accounts (and pace P. Parker,
"Once More, Acts and Galatians," JBL 86 [1967], pp. 175-82, who denies that the
242
9:26-30 SAUL IN JERUSALEM; HE ls SENT TOTARSUS
visit of Ac. 9:26-30 took place and identifies the visit of Gal. 1: l 8f. with that of Ac.
11:30).
'X.oU..a.o0m] Cf. 5:13.
tou; µa0t]tau;] I.e., to those who were left in Jerusalem. Many, especially the
Hellenists, were dispersed (8:1) and some now formed "the churches of Judaea,"
to which Paul says he remained unknown by face (Gal. 1 :22).
'X.al :rt<ivtE£ Eq>o~uiivto am6v] Not unnaturally: for all they knew, he might have
decided to promote his campaign against them by turning agent provocateur.
9:27 BaQva~fi.£) See on 4:36. His present action implies that he had been
personally acquainted with Saul and knew that any underhanded role was
completely foreign to his character.
amov] Grammatically dependent not on E:rtt1,.a~6µEVO£ (which would govern
the gen.) but on ~yayEv.
:rtQO£ tou£ ano0t61,.otx;] This must be the generalizing plur., if Luke's account
is to be correlated with Paul's. According to Paul, he went up to Jerusalem to get
to know Peter (iatogijom Kl](j>a.v), with whom he spent 15 days, and met no other
apostle than James, the Lord's brother (cf. 12:17; 15:13-21; 21:18). James, a wit-
ness to Jesus' resurrection (1 Cor. 15:7), was an apostle in the Pauline sense but not
in the regular Lukan sense (which restricts the designation to the Twelve).
o tt EACLAlJOEv am<µ] 945 1704 al ("what he had said to him"); it is better to
adopt this construction than to follow the majority reading on ... ("that he had
spoken to him"); it comes more naturally between the two n:&£ clauses, constituting
with them a third indirect question in one sequence (for this use of o tt see on v. 6 ).
E:rtUQQl]at<ioato] A favorite word of our auihor 's, suggesting bold and frank
utterance, perhaps under the Holy Spirit's impulsion (so v. 29; 13:46; 14:3; 18:26;
19:8; 26:26; its only other NT occurrences are 1 Th. 2:2; Eph. 6:20). Cf. :rtUQQl]Ota,
2:29; 4: 13, 29, 31; 28:31.
9:28 µn' am&v J I.e., with the a:rt60to1,.ot of v. 27.
do:rtoQE1JoµEvo£ ml E'X.:rtOQE1JOµEVO£] See on 1:21. If this gives the impression
that the former persecutor "was seen in the highways and byways in and around
Jerusalem walking arm in arm with the leaders of the Nazarene sect" (T. Zahn, Die
Apostelgeschichte des Lucas, ZKNT [Leipzig/Erlangen, 1922], p. 330), it is an im-
pression wholly at variance with that given by Paul himself: when he says that he
"remained unknown by face to the churches of Judaea" (Gal. 1 :22), it is unlikely
that Jerusalem is to be excluded from Judaea.
EL£ 'IEQ01Joa)..~µ) "in Jerusalem," as in v. 21 (cf. 2:5). L. E. Browne (The Acts
of the Apostles [London, 1925), p. 163) tries to harmonize Luke's account with
Paul's (Gal. 1: 18-22) by excising d£ 'IEQ01Joa)..~µ as a gloss; he treats w. 27-29 as
Barnabas's report to "the apostles" of Saul's experiences at Damascus (a procedure
more ingenious than convincing).
:rtUQQl]atal;6µEvo£ EV tiµ ov6µan toii 'X.1JQt01J] It is implied that he joined with
the Jerusalem disciples in public preaching (cf. 4:31 ), as he had already preached
in Damascus (v. 27). The "boldness" of such preaching is bound up with the author-
ity imparted by the name of the Lord (i\v tiµ 6v6µan, vv. 27, 28): the preacher is his
243
witness or "ambassador" (2 Cor. 5:20). 0. Linton, "The Third Aspect: A Neglected

Point of View," ST 3 (1949), pp. 79-95, argues that the account of his Jerusalem
visit against which Paul so solemnly protests in Gal. I :20 ("before God, I do not
lie!") is that on which Luke draws in his present narrative. But Luke does not hint
that on this or any other visit to Jerusalem Paul had any authority conferred on him
by the leaders of the mother church.
9:29 rrooc; touc; 'EU1]vu1tcic;] rrooc; touc; "EUT]vac; A 104 424pc (cf. 11:20).
The reference is to Greek-speaking Jews, perhaps the same ones as those with
whom Stephen had previously "disputed" (6:9, where av~T]tEW is used as it is here).
Saul himself, though by ancestry, upbringing, education, and conviction "a Hebrew
of Hebrews" (Phil. 3:5), was a Hellenist by virtue of his Tarsian birth and citizen-
ship, not to mention his fluency in Gk. (which apparently was no acquired language
for him).
ol be Erri::xEfoouv avi::1..Eiv amov] Compare their action against Stephen
(6:lOf.).
9:30 emyvovnc;] F. Field (Notes on the Translation of the New Testament
[Cambridge, 1899], pp. l l 7f.) points out a parallel to this absolute use of the verb
(the equivalent of re cognita) in Diod. Sic. Hist. 16.10. Cf. auvLbovnc; in the same
sense in 14:6.
ol aoi::1..cpol] Like ot µaST]taL (6:1) and ot ayt0t (v. 13), this is a designation
for members of the new community, as it was for fellow members of the people of
Israel.
xat~yayov amov de; Kawcionav] The first, but not the last time that he had
to be taken to Caesarea because of danger in Jerusalem (cf. 23:23-33).
de; Taoaov J He probably went from Caesarea to Tarsus hy sea. Tarsus, the
chief city of Cilicia, was at this time within the frontiers of the united Roman prov-
ince of Syria-Cilicia; cf. Gal. I :21, following the report of Paul's first postconver-
sion visit to Jerusalem: EJtELta ~Wov de; ta x1,.(µata t~c; LVQ(ac; xat KtALx(ac;. See
E. M. B. Green, "Syria and Cilicia-A Note," ExT 71 (1959-60), pp. 52f. From
this point until his coming to Antioch ( 11 :25) we have no other details about Saul's
life (except that the experience narrated in 2 Cor. 12:2-9 is probably to be located
in this period).
In Gk. legend the foundation of Tarsus is associated with the story of Perseus
(Nonnus, Dionysiaca 18.291-94; cf. A.H. Sayce, "Perseus and the Achaeans in the
Hittite Tablets," JHS 45 [1925], pp. 161-63). It stood on the river Cydnus, about
ten miles from its mouth and some 30 miles south of the Cilician Gates. In the sec-
ond millennium B.C. it is mentioned in Hittite records as a leading city of Kiz-
zuwatna. It was destroyed during the incursions of the Sea Peoples ( 12th cent. B.C.)
and some centuries later settled anew by Greeks, who mingled with the Anatolian
population. It was captured by the Assyrian kings Shalmaneser III (833 B.C.) and
Sennacherib (698 B.C.). Under the Persians it was the capital of the client kingdom
(later the satrapy) of Cilicia. Alexander the Great saved it from being set on fire by
the retreating Persians (333 B.C.). Under his Seleucid successors it was renamed
Antioch-on-the-Cydnus: it bears this name on new coinage issued in 171 B.C., under
244
9:31 THE CHURCH ENJOYS PEACE AND PROSPERITY
Antiochus IV, from whom it appears to have received a reorganized constitution

with an increase of municipal autonomy. In 83 B.C. it fell into the power of Ti-
granes I, king of Armenia (ally and son-in-law of Mithridates VI of Pontus), but
passed into Roman hands as a result of Pompey's victories (64 B.C.). Under the Ro-
mans it retained its autonomy as a free city. Cicero resided there during his procon-
sulship of Cilicia in 51-50 B.C. When Julius Caesar visited the city in 47 B.C., it
adopted the name Iuliopolis in his honor. Later it enjoyed the favor of Antony, who
controlled Rome's eastern provinces after 42 B.C. Under Augustus, Tarsus received
further privileges, including exemption from imperial taxation. He entrusted the
administration of the city to his former teacher Athenodorus the Stoic, a Tarsian by
birth, who probably established a property qualification for citizens (see on 21 :39).
The people of Tarsus were reputed to be avid in the pursuit of culture; they were
encouraged in this by Athenodorus and his successor, Nestor the Academic. The
schools of the city were devoted to philosophy, rhetoric, and "the whole round of
education in general" (t~v aA.>..lJV nmodav Eyxux>..tov anaoav, Strabo, Geog.
14.5.13)-in short, it was what we would call a university city, although it did not
attract many students from other places. Its cultural influence on Paul has often
been exaggerated. See W. M. Ramsay, The Cities of St. Paul (London, 1907), pp.
83-244; H. Bohlig, Die Geisteskultur van Tarsus (Gottingen, 1913); D. Magic,
Roman Rule in Asia Minor (Princeton, 1950), I, p. 272, II, pp. 1146-48; C. B.
Welles, "Hellenistic Tarsus," Melanges de l'Universite St-Joseph 38 (1962), pp.
41-75.
9. The Church Enjoys Peace and Prosperity (9:31)

31 'H µh m'iv EXXA.l]Ota xa0' OA.l]£ tfJ£ 'Iou6ata£ xai fa>..t>..aia£ xai ToµaQELU£
dxEv ELQtjVljV, otxoooµoUµEVl] xal l'tOQEUOµEVl] t<ji q,6~ql tO'U X1JQL01J, xal tft
l'tUQUXA.tjOEL tO'U ay(ou l'tVElJµUt0£ EltA.l]81JVEto.
9:31 ~ µev oi'iv EXXA.l]OLa xt>..] This is a further report of progress such asap-
peared in 6:7; like that report, it serves to round off the preceding narrative and pro-
vides a transition to the introduction of material from a different source.
In place of the sing., which is maintained in~ throughout this sentence, 6 (latg
P vg.codd Augunit) and byz exhibit the plur., at µev oi'iv EXXA.l]OLm ... dxov ELQtjVl]V
oixoooµouµEvm xal noQrn6µEvm ... Elt>..l]Suvovto. The plur. is in accordance with
Pauline and other NT usage, where the sing. is used only (1) of the local church (the
church in a city) and (2) later, of the sum total of believers throughout the world or
even throughout all time (cf. Eph. 5:25-27). What Luke here calls "the church"(~
text) is what Paul calls "the churches of God in Christ Jesus which are in Judaea"
(1 Th. 2:14; cf. Gal. 1:22). But these churches represented the original Jerusalem
church, now in dispersion. "The Ecclesia was still confined to Jewish or semi-Jewish
populations and to ancient Jewish soil; but it was no longer the Ecclesia of a single
city, and yet it was one: probably as corresponding, by these three modem repre-
sentative districts of Judaea, Galilee and Samaria, to the ancient Ecclesia which had
its home in the whole land of Israel" (F. J. A Hort, The Christian Ecclesia [London,
245
1897], pp. 55f.). See also K. N. Giles, "Luke's Use of the Term EKKAfilIA with
special reference to Acts 20:28 and 9:31," NTS 31 (1985), pp. 135-42.
'Ioubaias xai ra>..t>..aias xai ToµUQEias] Judaea is obviously used here in the
narrower sense which excludes the two other regions named. The evangelization
of Samaria has been recorded in 8:5-25. Galilee has not been mentioned in the nar-
rative of evangelization thus far; its mention here is noteworthy in view of our
Lord's ministry there, and the near certainty that many of those who followed him
during that ministry still lived there. But Galilee remained a backwater in the re-
corded expansion of Christianity; this solitary reference to the "church" there can-
not be taken as reflecting "a later new significance of the Galilean communities for
the church as a whole" (M. Hengel, Acts and the History of Earliest Christianity,
p. 76; cf. Between Jesus and Paul, pp. 117, 123).
JtOQEUoµivlJ] In an ethical sense: "living in the fear of the Lord"; cf. Lk. 1:6,
where Zechariah and Elizabeth are described as "living (noQrn6µevm, lit. walking)
blamelessly in all the Lord's commandments and ordinances." C. C. Torrey,
however, thinks the ptc. represents the continuous sense of Aram. 'iizal, "go," as
in the Eng. idiom, "it went on being multiplied in the fear of the Lord .... "
tfl JtUQUXAT]CJEL toii ayiou JtVEuµatos l Cf. JtUQUXAl]to£ as a term denoting the
Holy Spirit in Jn. 14:16, 26; 15:26; 16:7. The gen. may be subjective ("the en-
couragement given by the Holy Spirit") or (less probably) objective, "the invok-
ing His guidance as Paraclete to the Ecclesia" (Hort, Christian Ecclesia, p. 55).
III. ACTS OF PETER: THE GENTILES BROUGHT IN

(9:32-12:24)
A. PETER IN WESTERN PALESTINE (9:32-43)
1. Peter at Lydda: The Healing ofAeneas (9:32-35)
32 'EyEVEtO bf. IlEtQOV l>LEQXOµEVOV bux JtUvtWV xatE>..8EiV XUL JtQO£ tOU£ ay(ous
taus xatotxoiivtas AuMa. 33Eii{.}Ev bf EXEL i':iv0QWJIOV nva 6v6µan Atvfov E~
ftWV 6xtw xataxELµEVOV EJtL XQU~cittou, os ~v JtUQUAEAuµEvos. 34 XUL dJtEV aurqi
6 IlEtQOS, ALVEU, L<itai CJE 'll]CJOUS XQtat6s· avciatl]8L xal ITTQWOOV ornutqi·
xa1 EU0EWS UVEITTT]. 35 xa1 dbav aurov JtUvtE£ OL XatOlXOUvtES AuMa XUL tOV
ToQ<ilva, o'in VE£ EJIEITTQE'lj)av EJtL tov XUQLOV.
9:32 We now revert to the narrative of Peter, which was broken off at 8:25
with his return from Samaria to Jerusalem.
EYEVEto bE IlEtQov ... xatE>..8Eiv] For the construction see on 4:5.
btEQXOµEvov bta mivtwv] "passing through the whole region," or through all
the places between Jerusalem and Lydda; cf. syrpesh ba-mdiniifii ("through the
towns"). The reader is no doubt intended to infer that he engaged in missionary ac-
tivity as he went.
mus ayious mus xatotxoiivtas AuMa] These "saints" (see on v. 13) may have
come from Jerusalem during the persecution (8:lb). Philip also evangelized those
246
9:32-35 PETER AT LYDDA: THE HEALING OF AENEAS
parts on his way from Azotus to Caesarea (8:40). Lydda is the Gk. form of Lod
(1 Chr. 8:12; Ezra 2:33; Neh. 11 :35); it was the capital of a Jewish toparchy. In later
Roman and Byzantine times it was called Diospolis. Here in later Christian tradi-
tion the dragon was slain by St. George; here, too, in local belief, the Antichrist will
be slain by the Messiah. It became the seat of a bishop in the fourth century. Cf.
1 Mace. 11:34; Jos. BJ 1.302; 2.242, 244, 515, 567; 3.55; 4.444;Ant. 20.130; Pliny,
NH 5.70. (Note the mixed declension of AuMa: here and in v. 35 it is neut. plur.; in
v. 38 the gen. J\uMa~ is fem. sing. Cf. the declension of AootQa in 14:6, 8.)
9:33 Aivfov] It is usually supposed that Aeneas was a disciple (LC think
not); Luke does not say so explicitly.
El; hwv 6xi:w] Either "for eight years" or "since the age of eight"; probably
the fonner. Cf. 3:2; 4:22 for Luke's notes of time in such healings.
EltL XQaj3<inou] See on 5:15. In the story of the paralytic of Capernaum (Lk.
5 :24) Luke is commonly supposed to have avoided the colloquial XQ<ipano~ of Mk.
2:11 and replaced it by XALvibwv. Cf. P.Oxy. 3195, col. 2, line 38, enl YQ[a~<i],:ou
(in a medical certificate of AD. 331; cf. New Docs. 2 (1977], § 2).
ltUQUAEAuµivo~] Cf. Lk. 5:18. Luke's preference for this form over lt<lQUAu-
nx6~, used by other NT writers (e.g., Mk. 2:3-10), "is in strict agreement with that
of the medical writers" (Hobart, p. 6).
9:34 ifti:ai GE 'ITJaoii~ XQLITTo~] The paronomasia ifti:m ... 'ITJaoii~ is to be
noted (see on 17:18). Note that the pres. ifti:m is aoristic ("he effects the cure this
moment"), not durative ("he is engaged in healing you"). Other examples of the ao-
ristic pres. are ltUQUYYEAAW (16:18), aq,(Evtm (Mk. 2:5). See E. D. Burton, Syntax of
the Moods and Tenses ofNew Testament Greek (Edinburgh, 31898), § 13, p. 9; MHT
I, p. 119. But H.J. Cadbury, "A possible perfect in Acts ix.34," ITS 49 (1948), pp.
57f., suggests accenting the word as perf. 'i.ai:m (cf. Mk. 5:29), "has healed."
ITTQWGov awmcµ] With ITTQmaov sc. xH VTJV. The meaning may be either "make
your bed" or "get ready to eat" (cf. the sense of ITTQWVVuµL in Mk. 14:15), the XALVTJ
in the latter case being the couch on which one reclined at table. This would ac-
cord well enough with the interest shown by Luke and other NT writers in nour-
ishment for convalescents (see on v. l 9a); even so, the former is more probable,
being comparable to the instruction to the Capernaum paralytic in Mk. 2:9 par. (cf.
Jn. 5:8). If Aeneas was at home, he could not be told to roll up his mattress and go
home but he could at least be told to roll it up and dispose of it appropriately.
9:35 i:ov LUQWva] i:ov 'AaaaQWva byz (a form which may reflect Heb.
hassiiron ). The population of the plain of Sharon was partly Jewish and partly Gen-
tile. We can follow the gradual widening of the circle from its native Judaean cen-
ter: (1) Jews of the dispersion and proselytes at Pentecost (2:9-11; cf. the Hellenists
of 6: 1), (2) Samaritans (8:5-25), (3) the Ethiopian (8:27-39), ( 4) the semi-Gentile
towns of western Palestine (8:40; 9:32-43), leading on to (5) a Roman household
of Caesarea ( IO: 1-48).
The coastal plain of Sharon (cf. o LUQruv, Isa. 33:9) stretched from Lydda to
Mount Carmel; it was famed for its fertility.
o'ii:LVE£] "and they," introducing a subsequent action (cf. 1:11; 8:15; 11:20).
247
A mass movement to the believing community on the part of Jews in this district
is implied.
2. Peter at Joppa: The Raising of Tabitha (9:36-43)

36 'Ev '16mrn bf: tL£ ~v µa0~tQlU 6v6µan Ta~EL0a, ~ bLEQµT]VEUOµEVTJ A.EYEtaL
l-.OQXU£' UU't'TJ ~v rtA.~QTJ£ EQYWV aya8ciiv xal EA.ET]µoauvciiv div ErtOLEL. 37 EYEVE't'O
OE EV mi; ~µEQ<ll£ EXELVaL£ aa8Evtjaaaav am~v rurc8avE'iv· A01JaavtE£ OE
E8TjXUV [am~v] EV UrtEQC]J(!l. 38 EYYU£ bE O'UOTJ£ AvMa; tfi '16:rtrtn oi µa8TjtaL
axouaavtE£ on IlETQO£ E(J'tl, v EV amfi rutECTtELA.UV bfo avbQU£ ltQO£ amov rtaQa-
xaA.OUVtE£, M~ OXV~OTI£ bLEWEiV EW£ ~µciiv· 39avama; be mtQO£ auvijl..OEV
amoi£· ov rtUQUYEVOµEVOV av~yayov EL£ to UrtEQCJ)OV, xal rtUQEITTTJOUV amcjl
rtaom ai XfiQat XA.a(ouom xal ErtLbELXV'IJµEvm X:LtciiVa£ xal iµana oaa ErtOLEL
µEt' amciiv oiioa ~ l-.OQX<l£. 40 E~UA.WV bE E~ rtUV't'U£ 6 IletQO£ xal 8EL£ ta
y6vata rtQOOTJ'U!;ato, xal ErtLITTQEljla£ rtQO£ to aciiµa drtEV, Ta~EL8a, UV<lotTj8L.
~ bE ~vOL!;Ev toU£ 6<j>0aA.µOu£ autfi£, xal ibouoa tOV Il£tQOV UVEXU8LOEV. 41 boiJ£
be amfi X:ELQU UVEITTTJOEV am~v, <j>wv~aa; OE toU£ ayLOU£ xal t<l£ X~QU£
J'taQEITTTJOEV am~v twaav. 42 yvwmov OE EYEVEto xa9' OAT]£ '16rtrtTj£, xal
ErttatEUoav rtOAA.OL Ertl tov XUQLOV. 43 'EyevEto bE ~µEQU£ LXUV<l£ µE1vm EV
'lortrtTI J'tUQ<l tL VL LLµWVL ~UQOEL.
9:36 '16mrn] Joppa (Heb. Yafo, Arab. Jaffa) is mentioned in the tribute lists
ofThothmcs III (15th cent. B.c.); cf. in the OT Josh. 19:46; 2 Chr. 2:16; Ezra 3:7;
Jonah 1:3. It was fortified by the Ptolemies and Sclcucids. It was taken from the
Seleucids by Jonathan Maccabaeus (1 Mace. 10:75f.) and again by his brother
Simon (1 Mace. 12:33f.), who expelled the Greek population and made it the port
of independent Judaea (1 Mace. 13:11; 14:5). Pompey detached it from Has-
monaean control, but Julius Caesar restored it in 47 B.C., perhaps having regard to
its predominantly Jewish population. It became a center of the anti-Roman revolt
in AD. 66; it was captured by Cestius Gallus and later again by Vespasian (AD. 68).
Sec Jos. BJ 1.156; 2.508; 3.414-31;Ant. 13.180, 202, 215; 14.76, 205.
µa0~tQta] Only here in the NT: a good Hellenistic word, found in Diodorus
Siculus and Diogenes Laertius. Unlike Aeneas (vv. 33f.), Tabitha is expressly called
a disciple.
Ta~EL8ci] Aram. fa/Jyefii, "gazelle," cognate with Heb . .yibyiih (Zibiah, 2 K.
[LXX 4 Kms.] 12:1).
~] Elsewhere in Acts the form ~TL£ is used for the relative~-
l-.OQX<l£] The Gk. equivalent of Tabitha; it occurs as a proper name in Jos. Bl
4.145; sec also New Docs. 4 (1979), § 94. (For a similar use of an animal name for
a woman cf. Damaris, 17:34.)
Jtt..~QTJ£ EQywv aya8ciiv xal Et..ETJµoauvciiv] For similar ethical constructions
with words meaning "full" cf. Rom. 15: 14 (µEatOL EITTE aya9woUVT]£, J'tEJ'tt..TjQWµevoL
J't<lCTTJ£ tij; yvwoEW£); Jas. 3:17 (µEat~ Et..EOU£ xal XUQrtciiv ayaeciiv); Plato, Repub.
563D (µEma Et..EuSEQia;).
9:37 EYEVEto ... am~v arto8avElv J For the construction (the same as in
v. 32) see on 4:5.
248
9:36-43 PETER AT JOPPA: THE RAISING OF TABITHA
ao8evtjaaoav] Ingressive aor.: "she fell sick."

A.ofoavtE£] Washing was part of the Jewish process of "purification of the
dead"; cf. mShab. 23.5.
E8rpmv am~v] amtjv om Bl post E8rpmv P 74 X * A 81 pc I ante E8rpmv P45 53
xc CE \JI 33 byz.
9:38 EYYU£] Joppa is about 10 or 11 miles northwest of Lydda.
[ruo liv&gu£] For the sending of two messengers cf. 8: 14; 11 :30; 13:3; 15:27;
19:22; 23:23 (and in the Gospels Mk. 6:7 par.; Lk. 10:1). See J. Jeremias, "Paar-
weise Sendung im Neuen Testament," in Abba (Gottingen, 1966), pp. 132-39.
µ~ 6xvtjon£ &leA.8elv E<l>£ ~µwv] µ~ oxvf]am ... amfov P45. "Don't fail to come
to us": a polite request, equivalent to "please come." oxvEw is regularly used thus
with a negative; cf. Num. 22:16 (µ~ 6xvtjan£ EA.Selv JtQO£ µe); Sir. 7:35 (µ~ oxveL
EJtLCTXEITTw8m liggwcn:ov). See New Docs. 1 (1976), § 19, line 30.
9:39 avacn:a£ xrA.] For the idiom see on 5:6.
ov ... avtjyuyov (~yayov P45)] Grammatically a relative clause; logically
more important than the principal clause.
mfom ui XfiQm J As in 6: 1, widows are mentioned not as members of an or-
ganization or ecclesiastical order (cf. 1 Tim. 5:3-16) but as natural recipients of
charity.
em&eLxvuµevm] As this verb is used in the active elsewhere in the NT, the
middle here probably means "showing on themselves" (i.e., they were wearing the
clothes which she had made).
XLTfoVU£ xai iµa:na] The lµatwv ("cloak") was worn above the XL twv ("tunic").
EJtOLEl l EJtOLT]CTEV U'UTUL£ P4S.
9:40 bq3aA.wv &r ii~w J As he had seen his Master do at the raising of Jairus's
daughter (Mk. 5:40; this detail is missing from the parallel passage in Lk. 8:54, but
Luke in his Gospel frequently omits a Markan expression which he introduces in
Acts; cf. 1:7 with Mk. 13:32; 6: llf. with Mk. 14:58; 12:4 with Mk. 14:2).
navta£] The masc. is used as the comprehensive gender; it includes the two
messengers, the widows, and anyone else who was there (cf. to~ ay(ou£, v. 41).
Ta~EL8a, avacn:Tj8l l + EV t(!l 6v6µatl toii X1JQL01J ~µfov 'IT]CTOU XQLITTOU latg m p
syrhcl** copsa Cypr Ambr (perhaps representing&). What Peter said was probably
ta/Jye1ii qum(i); cf. Mk. 5 :4 l, TaA.Lfla xouµ( L), where &, under the influence of the
present text (and inconsistently with the following interpretation), reads Ta~L8a
xouµ(L) (TaA.L8a = Aram. talye1ii). The parallels in this story to the account of the
raising of Jairus's daughter illustrate the tendency for such narratives to conform
to a common "form."
avexa8LCTEV JCf. Lk. 7: 15 (of the young man of Nain). The vb. avuxu8t~(I) used
intransitively seems confined to medical contexts; cf. Hobart, pp. llf.; Harnack,
LP, p. 188; MM, p. 34.
9:41 tlO'U£ &E amfi XELQU] Cf. Mk. 5:41 par. Lk. 8:54; Mt. 9:25.
tou£ ayioU£ xal ta£ xtjgn£] Cf. vv. 13, 39. It is not necessarily implied that
the widows were not saints, but Tabitha's charity was not confined to fellow dis-
ciples.
249
JtaQEOTTJCTEv] The trans. 1st aor. (1st sing. JtUQEOTT]aa); contrast JtUQEOTT]aav,
v. 39, the intrans. 2nd aor. (1st sing. JtUQEOTTJV).
9:42 yvwcrrov bE EYE VETO] Cf. 1: 19; 19: 17.
t~~ 'I6rrrrri~] t~~ om p53 BC*.
EJttatrnaav JtoU..ol eJtl tov xugwv] For mmeuw eJti ("believe on") cf. 11: 17;
16:31; 22:19.
9:43 eyheto :>ed.] See on 4:5.
~µEQa~ lxava~) Cf. v. 23. The duration of Peter's stay in Joppa is quite uncer-
tain; it was evidently more than two or three days.
JtaQa tLVL Ltµwvt ~UQaEI] Probably just outside the town (cf. 10:6); some de-
gree of uncleanness attached to a tanner's work, because it involved constant con-
tact with the skins of dead bodies (mBab. Bath. 2.9, etc.).. For Luke's interest in
hosts cf. v. 11; see H.J. Cadbury, "Lexical Notes on Luke-Acts, III. Luke's Inter-
est in Lodging," JBL 45 (1926), pp. 305-22.
250
ACTS 10
B. THE STORY OF CORNELIUS (10:1-48)

The story of Cornelius, which "bears the stamp both of probability and truth" (F. J.
Foakes-Jackson), is of great importance not only because it describes how "a door
of faith was opened to the Gentiles," but also because it introduces the fundamen-
tal questions of the social intercourse of Jewish Christians with Gentiles and of the
admission of Gentiles to the Christian fellowship without the requirement of cir-
cumcision. These were the questions later debated at the Jerusalem Council (15:6-
29). Luke's sense of the importance of the Cornelius story appears in his devoting
considerable space (11 :4-17) to Peter's rehearsal of it after his return to Jerusalem,
and in the crucial part which Peter's reference to it plays in the account of the Coun-
cil (15:7-11, 14).
Luke has already mentioned Philip the evangelist's coming to Caesarea, where
(it is implied) he continued to preach the gospel as he had preached it in Samaria
and to the Ethiopian on the Gaza road. It is probable, then, that Gentiles in Caesarea
had already heard the gospel when Peter visited Cornelius. But as Peter and John's
visit to Samaria set the stamp of apostolic approval on Philip's ministry there, so
Peter's visit to Caesarea set the stamp of apostolic approval-after Peter's col-
leagues in Jerusalem acquiesced in his action (11:18)-on Gentile evangelization.
1. Cornelius the Centurion's Vision (10:1-8)

1 'Av~Q be TL£ EV KmaaQEL<;l ov6µan KOQVTJALO£, EXUtovtUQXl]£ EX mtELQl]£ TTJ£
xa1..ouµeVlJ£ 'lta1..tXTJ£, 2 EUCTE~~£ xal q,o~ouµEvo£ tov 0Eov auv n:avtl tq> o'(xqi
amou, n:mciiv EAEl]µOalJVU£ l't0AA.<l£ tq> AUq> xal bE6µEVO£ to'U 0EOU bta n:avt6£,
3 f lbEV EV 6gaµaTL q,aVEQOl£ WOE l 31:EQ l OlQUV EVUTl]V TTJ£ ~µ£QU£ a.yyEAOV TOU 0EOU
ElCTEA06vta J'tQO£ amov xal d:rc6vta amcp, KOQVTJALE. 4 6 OE <ltEv(aa; amcp xal
iiµq,o~O£ yEvoµEvo; Eln:Ev, n Eatl v, X'IJQLE; d:rtEv be autqi, Ai l'tQOCTEUX,UL aou
xal at EAEl]µoauvm aou avE~lJaav EL£ µvl]µ6auvov iiµ:rcgoa0Ev mu 0rnfr s xal
vuv :rceµ'ljlov avbga; El£ '16:rt:rtl]V xal µEtan:Eµ'ljlm LLµwva nva 0£ El'tlXUAELtm
TIETQ0£ 60ITTO£ !;EVL~Etat n:aga TL Vl LLµwvt ~UQCTEL, EITTLV OLXLU :rcaga 8a1..aa-
0
aav. 7 00£ be an:fJWEV 6 ayyEA0£ 6 AUAWV amqi, q>WVTJCTU£ bvo tciiv OLXEtciiv xal
ITTQUTLWTl]V EUCTE~TJ TUJV l'tQOCTXUQTEQO'IJvtWV amqi, 8 xal E!;l]yljaaµEVO£ furavta
amo1£ a:n:eatELAEV UUTOU£ El£ t~V '16:rt:rtl]V.
251
10:1 Kogv~A.LO£] A common name in the Roman world since P. Cornelius

Sulla's liberation in 82 B.C. of 10,000 slaves, who attached themselves to his gens.
i:xarovtciQXTJ£] An officer in the Roman army in command of a century (nom-
inally 100 men). He combined the status of a noncommissioned officer with the
responsibility of a captain. A centurion might be seconded for administrative or
similar duties ( cf. 27: l ). It is remarkable that the first Gentile (so far as we know)
with whom Jesus had dealings during his ministry was a centurion, in whom he
found a degree of faith unmatched in Israel (Lk. 7:2-10 par. Mt. 8:5-13). All the
centurions mentioned in the NT appear in a favorable light; centurions were,
indeed, the backbone of the Roman army. Polybius (Hist. 6.24) enumerates the
various grades of centurions (ta~LUQXOL) and describes their character thus: "Cen-
turions are desired not to be bold and adventurous so much as good leaders, of
steady and prudent mind, not prone to take the offensive or start fighting wantonly,
but able when overwhelmed and hard pressed to stand fast and die at their post."
See B. Dobson, "The Significance of the Centurion and Primipilaris in the Roman
Army and Administration," ANRW 2/1 (Berlin, 1974 ), pp. 392-434.
EX aJtE LQTJ£ TTj£ xaA.ouµEVTJ£ '1Tahxi'j£] AaitElga (Lat. cohors) was a (:Ohort, in
the regular Roman army the tenth part of a legion, with a paper strength of 600
men. But there were no legionary troops in Judaea between AD6 and 66; the Roman
governors of Judaea commanded auxiliary forces. An auxiliary cohort might have
<! paper strength of 1,000 men. The "Italian cohort" presumably consisted-orig-
inally at least-of Italian citizens. But the soldiers making up an auxiliary unit
were usually provincials, not Roman citizens; they were, however, awarded Roman
citizenship when their period of service had expired. There is inscriptional evidence
for the presence in Syria in AD. 69 of the auxiliary cohors II Italica ciuium Roman-
orum (Dessau, /LS 9168); but we have no direct evidence of the identity of the mil-
itary units in Judaea between A.D. 6 and 41. From AD. 41 to 44, when Agrippa I
reigned over Judaea (see on 12:1), one important corps consisted of troops of
Caesarea and Sebaste, KmaaQEL£ xal u~am11vo( (Jos. Ant. 19.356, 361, 364f.),
who did not take kindly to the command of a Jewish king. Peter's visit to Cornelius
probably took place shortly before Agrippa's accession. See further on 27: 1, CTJtELQa
2£~UCTT~.
10:2 E'IJGEP~£ xai q,opovµEVO£ TOV 81::ov] "pious and God-fearing." The ex-
pression q,opovµEvo~ rov l:JE6v (cf. v. 22; 13:16, 26) and the similar aEpoµEvoL rov
OE<',v ( 16: 14; 18:7; cf. Jos.Ant. 14.110) or simply aEpoµEvoL (13:50; 17:4, 17), though
not strictly technical terms, are used by Luke to denote those Gentiles who, without
becoming proselytes (see on 2: 10), attached themselves in some degree to the Jewish
religion, appreciating its monotheistic and imageless worship, attending synagogue,
observing the sabbath law and food restrictions, etc. ( cf. Cll 5.88 = Cl] 1.642, re-
ligioni(s) Judaicae metuenti). Juvenal (Sat. 14.96-106) satirizes this tendency in
some areas of Roman society: the father keeps the sabbath and abstains from pork,
the son accepts circumcision and becomes a full proselyte. Cf. Schurer III, pp. 161-
72; K. G. Kuhn, TDNT 6, pp. 743f. (s. v. JtQOG~A.llTO£ D II); L. H. Feldman, "Jewish
'Sympathizers' in Classical Literature and Inscriptions," TAPA 81 (1950), pp. 200-
252
10: 1-8 CORNELIUS THE CENTURION'S VISION
208, and "The Omnipresence of the God-fearers," BAR 12.5 (1986), pp. 58-69;
F. Siegert, "Gottesforchtige und Sympathisanten," ]SJ 4 (1973), pp. 109-64; A T.
Kraabel, "The Diaspora Synagc,gue: Archaeological and Epigraphic Evidence since
Sukenik," ANRW2!19 (Berlin, 1979), pp. 477-510, "The Disappearance of the 'God-
fearers,' "Numen 28 (1981), pp. 113-26, and "The Roman Diaspora: Six Question-
able Assumptions," JJS 33 ( 1982), pp. 445-64; M. Wilcox, "The 'God-fearers' in
Acts-A Reconsideration," JSNT issue 13 (1981), pp. 102-22; W. A Meeks, The
First Urban Christians (New Haven, 1983), pp. 207f., n. 175; T. M. Finn, "The God-
fearers Reconsidered," CBQ 47 ( 1985), pp. 75-84. J. G. Gager, "Jews, Gentiles and
Synagogues in the Book of Acts," HTR 79 (1986), pp. 91-99; J. A Overman, "The
God-fearers: Some Neglected Features," JSNT 32 (1988). pp. 17-26; R. F. Tannen-
baum, "Jews and God-fearers in the Holy City of Aphrodite," BAR 12.5 (1986), pp.
54-57; J. Reynolds and R. F. Tannenbaum, Jews and God-fearers at Aphrodisias:
Greek Inscriptions with Commentary, PCPS, Supp. Vol. 12 (1987), recording one
Aphrodisias inscription of c. i\.D. 210 listing 126 donors to a Jewish charity, of whom
54 (apparently Gentiles) arc called flrnoE~Eic;, and another which lists Jews, prose-
lytes, and God-fearers (flrnaE~Eic;). Kraabel's case for the "disappearance" of the
God-fearers is based on the lack of reference to them in synagogue inscriptions. But
this argument from silence can no more be pressed in relation to God-fearers than
it can in relation to freedmen. who are similarly unmentioned in Jewish catacomb
inscriptions in Rome; cf. G. Fuks, "Where have all the freedmen gone? On an
anomaly in the Jewish grave inscriptions from Rome," ]JS 36 (1985), pp. 25-32.
K. G. Kuhn points out a comparably surprising paucity of inscriptional references
to proselytes: of 554 Jewish inscriptions in Italy, only 8 or 9 mention proselytes, and
6 of these refer to women (TDNT 6, pp. 732f. ).
Ehrhardt (Acts, p. 54) illustrates the "punctiliousness and drabness" of the re-
ligious observances officially prescribed for Roman soldiers from the feriale or list
of feast days for the army discovered at Dura-Europos on the Euphrates (cf. R. 0.
Fink, AS. Hoey. and W. F. Snyder, "The Feriale Duranum," Yale Classical Studies
7 [1940], pp. 1-222). No wonder if, to satisfy their religious hunger, Roman soldiers
tended to look elsewhere-many to Mithraism; some, like Cornelius, to Judaism.
ouv rmvtl t0 o'ixcµ am:ou] Cf. 16:15, 32, 34.
JtoLwv 0 . ElJµoouvac; ... xal &EoµEvoc;] The association of prayer and almsgiv-
ing is common; cf. Tob. 12:8; Mt. 6:2ff.; l Pet. 4:7f.; Did. 15:4; 2 Clem. 16:4. On
almsgiving see K. Berger, "Almosen fiir Israel," NTS 23 ( 1976-77), pp. 180-204.
tcp >..a0] I.e., the people of Israel.
10:3 rv 6Q<iµun] Cf. 9:10, 12.
q,avEQ<iic;] "clearly," "distinctly"; the implication may be that Cornelius was
wide awake, that this was no dream.
woEl JtEQL WQav evatlJV tf]c; ~µEQac;] Luke likes to qualify his numerical data
with a cautious we; or woEL (see on 1:15). For the ninth hour, the hour of the eve-
ning oblation (about 3 p.m.), sec on 3: 1. Cornelius was duly observing this hour of
prayer (v. 30).
ayyE"A.oc; tou flwu] For angelic activity cf. 5:19; 8:26; 12:7-11, 23; 27:23.
253
10:4 a.tEvioa£] See on 1: 10.

'X'UQLE J"Sir," "my lord"; no theological significance here.
avE~t]oav] "have ascended," like the smoke of a sacrifice. Cf. the Heb. word
for "burnt-offering" - 'ollih, lit. "ascending."
EL£ µvt]µ<iouvov] "for a memorial": "a term from the cultic sphere like bExt6£
in Ac. 10:35" (K. Berger, "Almosen fiir Israel," p. 184). Cf. Lev. 2:2, 9, 16 LXX,
where µvt]µ6ouvov is used for that part of the cereal offering (min!Jiih) which was
burned, i.e., presented to God. For the sacrificial efficacy of such conduct as that
of Cornelius cf. Ps. 141 (LXX 140):2; Dan. 4:27; Tob. 12: 12 (Eyw :rcgoo~yayov to
µvt]µ6ouvov tfJ£ JtQOOE1J'X.T)£ uµwv EVOlJtLOV toii ayiou ); Phil. 4: 18; Heb. 13: 15f. In
v. 31 Eµ v~o0t]oav is substituted for a.ve~11oav EL£ µv11µ6ouvov.
10:6 :rcaga 0<i1.aooav J See on 9:43. Simon may have used sea water for his
tanning work.
10:7 t&v :rcgooxagtEgouvtwv amqi J A classical expression; cf. Pseudo-
Demosthenes, In Neaeram 120, 8Ega:rcaiva£ TU£ Nrnlgt;t totE :rcgooxagtEgouoa£.
Cornelius's :rcgooxagtEQOiivtE£ were "probably the equivalent of 'his orderlies'"
(LC), and, like his OL'XEtat (household servants), reckoned in his olxo£ (cf. v. 2); it
may be significant, therefore, that this man, like Cornelius, is called "pious."
2. Peter's Vision (10:9-16)

9 Tfi ()£ EJtU'IJQLOV Q()OlltoQO'UvtWV E'XELVWV 'XUL tfi JtOA.EL EYYL~OVTWV O.VE~l]
I1EtQO£ EJtL to bwµa ltQOOE'IJ;aoem ltEQ Lmgav E'Xtl]V. 10 EYEVEtO ()E JtQOOJtEL VO£
'XUL ~0EAEV yEUCJacr0av JtUQUO'XEUa1;6vtwv OE amwv EYEVEtO fit' amov E'XITTU-
OL£, 11 xal 8EWQEL tOV OUQUVOV O.VE(jlyµevov xal 'Xata~alvov O'XEUO£ tL 00£ o06Vt]V
µEyUATJV tfooagm v agxai£ xa0tEµEvov bcl tfJ£ YTJ£, 12 ev cµ u:rcfJQXEV :rc<ivta ti:t
tEtg<i:rcooa xal EQJtEta tfJ£ YTJ£ xal JtEtEL vi:t toii ougavoii. 13 xal EYEVEto qiwv~
ltQO£ am6v, 'AvaITTU£, ITEtQE, 0iicrov 'XUL qi<iyE. 14 6 OE ITEtQO£ ELitEV, Mt]Oaµfu£,
'X'IJQLE, OtL OlJ()EJCotE Eq>ayov :rciiv ')(Qt vov 'XUL a.m8agtov. 15 ')(UL qiwv~ JtUALV E'X
DEUTEQOU JtQO£ amov, "A 6 8EO£ E'XU0UQLOEV (J'l) µ~ 'XOLVOU. 16tout0 OE EYE VETO
EJCL tQL£, 'XUL E'IJ0'U£ a.vd~µq>0t] to O'XEUO£ EL£ tOV OUQUVOV.
10:9 tfi OE e:rcaugLov 'XtA) Cornelius saw his vision in the afternoon of Day
1, and gave the three messengers their instructions. If they set out on horseback
early on Day 2, they would arrive at Joppa (about 30 miles south) about noon (:rcEQL
wgav E'XTTJV), the time of Peter's vision. See further on vv. 23, 24, and 30.
E:rcl to &wµa] Peter probably went up to the roof for quietness and privacy.
(Probably it was covered by an awning, as protection against the midday sun.) For
visions during prayer cf. v. 30; 9: 1lf.
JCEQL mgav E'Xtl]V] Noontide was not one of the set seasons for public prayer
(cf. Schiirer II, p. 303, n. 40; see on 3: 1); but those who prayed privately three times
a day (cf. Ps. 55 [LXX 54]:17, EO:JtEQU£ xal JtQui'l: xal µrnt]~QLU£; also Dan. 6:10;
Did. 8:3, tQL£ TT)£ ~µEQU£ o&w JCQOOE'IJXEOOE) probably prayed then.
10: 10 :rcg6omtvo£] The only other known occurrence of this word is in a pas-
sage from Demosthenes, a first-century eye doctor, quoted by the sixth-century
medical writer Aetius (7.33). F. W. Dillistone suggested that Luke may have at-
254
10:9-16 PETER'S VISION
tended the lectures of this Demosthenes "or at least have read his book" ("n:QOmtEL VO£
[Acts x. 10]," ExT 46 [1934-35], p. 380).
yn,aaa0m] Noon was the usual time for the prandium at Rome. In Mod. Gk.
yEiiµa is the midday meal.
EYEVEtO En:' am:ov] ~).0Ev En:' am:ov P4 5 I E31:En:ECTEV En:' am:ov E '11 byz.
EXITTUCTL£] Lit. a state in which one stands outside oneself (lol;(ataµm ); cf. v. 45;
2:7, 12; 8:9, 11, 13; 9:21; 12:16), a trance (cf. 11:5; 22:17, and see on 12:11). "As
a medical term its use is frequent" (Hobart, p. 41 ). Elsewhere it has the more general
sense of"amazement" (cf. 3:10).
10:11 0EWQEI] Historic present, a rare feature in Luke (cf. v. 27).
Mta~aivov ... UQXUi£] tfoaaQCTLV UQXUi£ OEOEµEVOV CTXEUO£ tL P4 5 .
CTXEUO£ tL] "a certain object."
o06vT]v µqa1.T]V] It has been suggested that the great sheet in the vision was
due to Peter's having seen a sail on the western horizon just as he was falling asleep,
or that it might have had something to do with an awning above his head.
tfoaUQCTL v UQX<li(:;] "by (the) four comers." "If Galen expressly comments on
the customary use of UQXUL, by himself as previously by Hippocrates, to denote the
ends (rciQata) of a bandage (oi bt(brnµot, and often o06vta and o06vTJ), it is clear
that Acts x.11, xi.5 were written by a physician" (T. Zahn, INT III, p. 162). Hobart
(p. 218) uses the same argument, but it is not conclusive: the present context is not
medical. Another doubtful suggestion is that UQXUL here means "ropes," as in
Diodorus Siculus, Hist. 1.35.10 (on harpooning a hippopotamus, El0' evi tfuv
loµn:ayevtwv EVaITTOvtE£ UQXa£ ITTUMl Va£ cicpuiCTL µEXQl av otou 31:UQUA u0fi); cf. our
expression "rope-ends."
10: 12 n:avta ta tEt(.)(131:0ba )(UL EQ:rt:Eta t~£ Y~£ i«lL 31:EtEL va toU OUQUVOU l For
this threefold division of the animal world cf. Gen. 6:20 LXX, where xt~VTJ corre-
sponds to tEtQan:oba here. After tEtQan:oba byz continues: t~£ Y~£ xai ta 0T]Qta xat
ta EQ31:Eta xal ta 31:EtELVa toU OUQUVOU (cf. 11:6).
10:13 TIEtQE]omP45.
0uaov Ml cpayE] Cf. Dt. 12: 15, 0uaEL£ xaL cpayn. In this sense (of slaughtering
animals for food) 0uw has lost its original force of "sacrifice" (cf. 1 Mace. 7: 19;
Mt. 22:4; Lk. 15:23; Jn. 10:10).
10:14 µT]baµ&£, XUQLE xr).] Cf. Ezekiel's protest: µT]baµ&£, XUQLE 0EE tou
'laQa~).· d ~ ,pux~ µou ou µEµtavtm Ev cixa0aQCTLc;t, xai 0T]QLa1.wtov xal 0VTJCTLµaiov
OU ~E~QWX<l an:o YEVECTEW£ µou EW£ toU vuv, OUCE ELCTEA~AU0EV EL£ to ot6µa µou n:av
XQEU£ ew).ov (Ezek. 4:14).
ovben:otE ... n:iiv] This construction is a characteristic semitism, being
frequent in LXX, following Heb. usage (cf. Ezek. 4: 14 quoted above); but it can
also be paralleled from the vernacular papyri. Cf. also Aristophanes, Wasps 1091,
n:avta µ~ bEOOlXEVUL ("to fear nothing").
xoL vov Mi al«i0aQtov J Cf. Lev. 11 for the Jewish food laws. Those quad-
rupeds were clean which both chewed the cud and had cloven hooves; many of
those on the sheet were thus disqualified, not to mention most of the birds and
"creeping things."
255
10:15 mi)..t v EX bemegou] Pleonasm (contrast the simple h bemegou in

11 :9); so Mt. 26:42; cf. Jn. 4:54; 21: 16 (3tUALV l'lEutEQOV).
ixa0<iQLOEV] Cf. Mk. 7: 19, where the comment xa0aQ(twv n<ivra .o. PQwµma
appended to Jesus' words has been thought to reflect Peter's assimilation of his
present lesson. Is it animals for food or human beings that "God has cleansed" (ci
6 0Eoc; ixa0<iQLOEv)? In the immediate context of the vision it is animals for food,
but in the wider narrative it is human beings (cf. v. 28, µrioeva ... liv0gwnov), even
Gentiles, whose hearts God has purified by faith (15:9). But there is a connection
between the abrogation of the levitical food restrictions and the wiping out of the
distinction between believing Jews and Gentiles; it was in large measure the Gen-
tiles' eating of food which was "common" (not kosher) or "unclean" by Jewish law
that made association with them "defiling" for Jews (cf. v. 28 below).
au µ~ xo( vou] The pres. imper. means that Peter is not to go on doing what
he is already doing-counting "common" what God has cleansed, whether various
kinds of food ("cleansed" by dominical pronouncement) or human hearts (cleansed
by faith). In the light of his record of Peter's vision, it is difficult to maintain that
Luke did not believe in the abrogation of the levitical food laws (cf. H. Raisanen,
Paul and the Law, WUNT 29 [Tiibingen, 1983], pp. 9lf., with bibliographical
notes). See further on 15:20. But the animals in the vision are parabolic of human
beings: Peter is being prepared to accept Cornelius's invitation to visit him.
For the sense of xot v6w, "reckon common" (= xm vov ... )..tiyn v, v. 28), cf.
other verbs in -600, e.g. otxm6oo, "justify," i.e., pronounce or reckon righteous
(13:39). Elsewhere xotv6oo means "defile," "profane," like classical ~E~l])..600 (cf.
21:28 with 24:6).
10:16 xa\, di0uc;] P74 ~ AB C E 81 pc latvg copb 0 I xa\, nah v lJ1 byz I xa\,
(a.vE)..~µcp0lJ) 3tUALV DI xalJ:>4 5 36 307 453 1175 pc Iatd P syrpesh copsa.codd ho.cod.
3. The Messengers from Cornelius Arrive at Joppa (10:17-23a)

17 'Qc; OE EV fomqi 0Ll]3t0QEL 6 fIE'tQO£ 'tl av dl] "CO OQaµa OdOEV, ibou oi avbQE£
oi 0.3tEITT<lAµEVOL imo 'tOU KOQVl]AlOlJ 0LEQOO't~(J(lV'tE£ 't~V otx(av 'tOU Ltµoovoc;
inemrioav in\, 'tov nu)..fuva, 18 xaL cpoov~aavtE£ im,v0uvovro d Ltµoov 6 im-
xa)..ouµEvoc; Ilhgoc; EV0<ibE l;EVLsE'tUL. 19 Tou l'lE IlEtQOlJ bLEV0uµouµevou 3tEQL
'tOU 6Q<iµawc; El3tEV "CO 3tVEuµa [amqi]' 'Ibou UVc)QE£ 'tQE ic; tlJ'tOUvtE£ OE' 20 0.AAO.
UVUITTO.£ ?«l'tU~l]0L )((ll, 3tOQEUOU auv amoic; µl]OEV OLUXQL v6µEvoc;, O'tL iyw
0.3tEITTUAXU autouc;. 21 xat~o.c; l'lE IlE'tQO£ 3tQ0£ touc; livbgac; EL3tEV, 'lbou EYW
dµL ov slJ'tEL'tE· .(c; ~ UL'tl(l OL' ~v 3tUQEITTE; 22 oi OE dnav, Kogv~AL0£ EXU-
'tOV'tUQXl]c;, UV~Q b(xatoc; )((ll, cpopouµEvoc; 'tOV 0EOV µagrngouµEv6c; n imo o)..ou
'tOU i:evouc; 'tOOV 'Iouba(oov £XQl]µm(a0l] U3t0 ayyr)..ou ciy(ou µE'ta3tEµlj1aa0a( OE
Eic; 'tov olxov autou xal axouam g~µma naga oou. na doxa)..waµEvoc; oiiv
UUTOU£ il;EVLCJEV.
10:17 l'lLlJ3tOQEL] Cf. 2:12. Luke is fond of compounds with Ota (cf. also
OLEQW't~oavrEc; in this verse).
"Ct av Eiri] Potential construction in an indirect question, as in 5:24. There is
practically no difference in force between this and .(c; dri (21 :33).
256
10:23b-33 PETER ENTERS THE HOUSE OF CORNELIUS
10:18 En:uveavovro] En:u0ovto B C (followed by WH).

d] Probably introducing a direct question (cf. 1:6; 7:1; 19:2; 21:37; 22:25).
For direct questions aftern:uv0avoµm cf. 4:7; 23:19.
10:19 Eln:Ev to n:vEiiµa [amcj> ]] Cf. 8:26; 16:7; 19:21; 20:23 for such direc-
tion. B copb0 omit autcj>, P45 D 33 byz place it before to n:vEiiµa.
tQEL£] ouo BI om o byz. The reading of Bis adopted by WH, because it is the
most difficult (involving a discrepancy with v. 7 and 11:11); so also J. H. Ropes,
who suggests that the two servants alone (v. 7) may be thought of as responsible
messengers, the soldier acting as a guard (BC 1.3, p. 94). Cf. Homer, Od. 9.90;
10.102, UVOQE OOOl XQLVU£, tQLtatoV XtjQUX.' aµ' on:aaaa£.
10:20 a.vaata£] a.vama D (cf. 9:11). For avaata£ see on 5:6.
µT]OEV OtaXQLvoµEvo£] "without any misgivings" (see on 11:12).
Eym] The Holy Spirit. The relation between the Spirit who spoke to Peter and
the angel who appeared to Cornelius (v. 3) presents the same kind of question as
the relation between the angel and the Spirit who spoke to Philip in preparation for
his encounter with the Ethiopian on the Gaza road (8:26, 29). Also, whose voice
did Peter hear in his vision of the great sheet (vv. 13, 15)? The voice of one whom
he recognized as "Lord." As it is by the Holy Spirit that the risen Christ imparts his
presence to his disciples after the ascension, it is often very difficult to distinguish
(in Luke as in Paul) between the risen Christ and the Spirit (cf. 16:7, to n:vEiiµa
'IT]aoii). See also F. F. Bruce, "Christ and Spirit in Paul," BJRL 59 (1976-77), pp.
259-85.
10:21 UVOQU£] + to'U£ U:1tEITTUAµ£V01'£ an:o (toii) KOQVT]AL01J 3tQO£ aut6v H
2495 pc (the addition is included in TR, but rightly excluded from Z. C. Hodges
and A L. Farstad, The Greek New Testament according to the Majority Text.
tl£ ~ att(a J tl 0EAEtE ~ tL£ ~ att(a D syrhcl.mg_
10:22 £8VO£] For £8vo£ used of the Jewish nation cf. 24:2, 10, 17; 26:4;
28:19.
EX.QT]µat(a0TJ) "was (divinely) instructed"; cf. Mt. 2:12, 22; Lk. 2:26; Heb.
8:5; 11:7; 12:25 (also Rom. 11:4, X.QT]µanaµ6~); in LXX Jer. 32 (MT 25):30; 36
(MT29):23; 37 (MT 30):2; 43 (MT 36):2, 4. See on 11:26 for quite a different sense
of X.QT]µatitco. The sense "give a divine warning" is paralleled in papyri (see MM)
and in inscriptions (cf. SJG 3 1173). See B. Reicke, TDNT 9, pp. 450-52 (s. v.
X.QT]µat(tco ).
(ltjµma n:aQa ooii) Amplified in 11:14.
4. Peter Enters the House of Cornelius (10:23b-33)

23b Tfi OE E3t:UUQLOV UVUITT<l£ el;ijA0EV ai,v autoI~, xa( tL VE£ t(J)V a.l'>EA(j>fuv tfuv an:o
'I6:1t:1tT]£ a1JVijA00V am:cj>. 24 tfi 1'>£ E:1t<l'UQLOV daijA0Ev EL~ t~V KmaaQELav· 6 OE
KoQVtjALO£ ~v n:Qoal'>oxfuv am:ou;, auyxa1-EaaµEVO£ toi,; auyyEVEL£ am:oii xal
toll£ avayxa(o1!£ q>LAOU£. 25 'Q£ 1'>£ EYEVEtO toii ELOEA0EIV tov IlEtQOV,
auvavttjOU£ autcj> o KOQVtjALO£ 3tWWV en:t tO'U£ n:61'>a£ j[QOOEXUVT]OEV. 26 0 0£
ITEtQO£ ~YELQEV am:ov °JJ;ymv, 'AvaatTj0L· xal eyw (lllt0£ liv0QC0:1t0~ dµL. 27 xal
auvoµL1-fuv am:cj> EiaijA0Ev, xal EUQLOXEL OlJVEA TJA u06ta£ n:oUol)£, 28 Eq>TJ tE :1tQO£
257
U'l)to~, 'YµEl;; EJttotaCJOE <l>;; aOeµLtOV EotLV av6Ql 'loubat<p XOAA<lCJOm ~

JtQOCJEQXECJOUL aAi..ocpuA<p· X<lµOL o 0EO£ EbELsEV µT]bEVU )(OL vov ~ axaOaQTOV
AEYEL v iiv0QOl3tOV" 29 bLO )(UL <lVUVTLQQ~TW£ ~AOov µETUJtEµcp0Et£. n:uvOavoµm
ouv TLVL AOY<J) µEtrnEµ'IJaCJOE µE. 30XUL O KOQV~ALO;; Eq>T], 'An:o tETCtQtT];; ~µEQU£
µEXQL tautT]£ tij£ WQU£ ~µT]v t~v EVettT]v JtQOCJEUXOµEvo£ EV tiµ o'ixT]CJL, KoQV~ALE, ELCJT]XOOOOT]
CJOU ~ JtQOCJEUX~ )(UL al EAET]µoouvm (JOU EµV~CJOT]CJUV EVWJtLOV toii Ornu-
32 n:eµ'IJov oiiv d;; 'Ion:JtT]V xal µETaxaArnm Ltµwva 6£ imxa>.Eltm TIEtQo;;·
oirro;; sEVL~ETUL EV OlXL<;I LtµWVO£ ~UQCJEw;; JtUQ<l OetA.UCJCJUV. 33 Esautij;; oiiv
En:Eµ'lj)a JtQO£ OE, av tE xaA&£ EJtOLTJOU£ JtUQUYEVOµEVO£. vuv ouv Jta.vtE£ ~µEi:£
EVW:ITLOV toii emu JtCtQECJµEV <lXOUCJUL Jtetvta ta :ITQOITTEtayµeva CJOL 'IJJtO toll
XUQLOU.
10:23b tfl 6E EJtUUQLov] It was midday on Day 2 (cf. v. 9) before the mes-
sengers arrived at Joppa; by the time Peter had entertained them, it was too late to
set out for Caesarca, so they spent the night in Joppa and started their journey back
on Day 3. That Peter should provide them with bed and board was in itself a lib-
eral gesture toward Gentiles, though it did not involve the same risk of ceremonial
pollution as his acceptance of hospitality from a Gentile would involve.
xa( n VE£ t&v abdcp&v TCJlV an:o 'I6:1t:1tT]£ ouvijAOov amcµ] Six in number, ac-
cording to 11: 12. It was a wise precaution on Peter's part, in view of the criticism
which his action would inevitably incur, to take these men as witnesses. They must
have been sufficiently sympathetic with his intention to consent to go with him.
10:24 tfl bE EJtUUQLov] They set out for Caesarca on Day 3. There were ten
in the company altogether and, traveling more slowly than the three messengers
had done on Day 2, they spent the night somewhere on the way, and reached
Caesarca on Day 4 (cf. v. 30, an:o tEtetQtT];; ~µeQa;;).
ouyxaAECJetµEVO£] xaL ouyxa>.rnaµEvO£ 6 (D latP* syrhcl.mg al).
toll£ avayxa(OU£ q>LAOU£ l + JtEQLEµEl VEV b (D latP* syrhcl.mg al). For avayxafo£,
"intimate," "familiar," cf. New Docs. 1 (1976), § 84.14 (4th cent. A.O.), ou6a(va
ex]w <lVUXf(JJV iivOQon:ou (i.e., ou6EVU EXW avayxai:ov iivOQWJtOV), "I have no trusty
person."
10:25 0>£ 6E iyevEto xtA] 6, continuing its reconstruction from v. 24, gives
this verse thus: JtQooqy(~ovto£ 6E tou TIETQOU EL£ t~v Kmo<iQELav, JtQ06Qaµwv d£
TWV 601JA(JJV farnetcpT]OEV JtUQUYEYOVEVUL amov· 6 6E KOQV~ALO£ EXJtT]b~OU£ )(UL
CJUVUVT~OU£ autcµ JtECJWV JtQO£ tou;; n:66a;; JtQOCJEXUVT]CJEV UUTOV. This no doubt rep-
resents what actually took place.
W£ 6E iyevEto tou ELCJEA.0Elv] "when he was on the point of entering." In the
NT this construction is found only here and at 2:1 D (sec ad foe.); cf. Acta Bar-
nabae 7, w;; 6E iyevEto tou n>.eom amou£ 6t6aoxovta£ (quoted by LC). For other
constructions with tou and the infin. cf. 3: 12; 27: 1; Lk. 17: I. The plain in fin. (or
the infin. preceded by to) would have sufficed; we should then have had the com-
mon construction oHyevEto with the acc. and infin. (sec on 4:5).
CJUVUVT~OU£ amcµ] For ouvavtaw with dat. cf. Lk. 9:37; 22: 10; Heb. 7: 1, IO;
also New Docs. 2 (1977), § 77.2 (5th/6th cent. A.O.), ouv~vtT]CJetv µm ol otQUtLwtm.
258
10:23b-33 PETER ENTERS THE HOUSE OF CORNELIUS
JtQOCTEXUVlJCTEv] The verb is used of paying homage to someone of whom a

favor is asked (cf. Mt. 8:2; 9:18; 15:25; 18:26; 20:20), as well as in the general
sense of offering obeisance or worship. Cornelius recognized in Peter a messenger
of God, and greeted him (as he thought) appropriately.
10:26 <lV<lotl]0L· XUL iyw amoc; liv0QWJt0£ dµL] for Peter's protest cf.
14:14f.; Rev. 19:10; 22:9. Peter is no 0Eioc; av~Q.
10:27 auvoµL1,.wv amcp] "talking to him'' (see on oµLA~oac;, 20:11).
EUQLCTXEL] Historic present; see on 0EWQEi, v. 11.
10:28 EJttotaa0E] D prefixes ~EAtLOV (cf. xanwv, 25: 10), "you know very
well."
a0iµLtov] Not that all intercourse with Gentiles was absolutely forbidden, but
all such intercourse was liable to render a Jew ceremonially unclean, as did even
the entering of a Gentile house (cf. Jn. 18:28) or the handling of articles belonging
to Gentiles. The most ordinary kinds of food, such as bread, oil, or milk, coming
from Gentiles, could not be eaten by a strict Jew, not to speak of flesh, which might
have been offered in sacrifice to idols and which in any case was unlikely to have
had all the blood completely drained away from it (see on 15:20, 29). It was thus
a very difficult thing for Jews to travel in foreign lands, except where they could
find hospitality with fellow Jews (cf. Jos. Vita 14). To sit voluntarily at table with
Gentiles and share their food was well-nigh unthinkable: a0eµLtov in this context
might well be rendered "tabu" (cf. 1 Pet. 4:3).
<inoq,u1,.cµ J Common in classical and vernacular Gk. in the sense "foreigner."
Its use here may reflect its frequent LXX usage as the equivalent of "Philistine,"
i.e., "uncircumcised." Cf. anoyEv~c; in the temple inscription quoted in the note on
21 :28 below; Josephus (BJ 5.194), giving the sense of this inscription, replaces
<lAAOyEv~c; by <lAAOq>UAOc;.
10:29 avavtLQQ~twc;] "without demur," practically equivalent to µl]bEv bw-
XQLVoµEvoc; (v. 20), µT]bEV bLUXQLVavta (11: 12, q. v. ).
ttVL 1,.oycµ] "why," lit. "for what reason." Peter's request gives Cornelius an
opportunity to describe his vision, which Luke has already described in vv. 3-6-
a further indication of the importance which Luke attaches to this incident.
10:30 Mo tEtUQtl]c; ~µEQac;] Inclusive reckoning; we should say "three days
ago." D changes ntaQtl]c; to t~c; tQttl]c;, thus shortening the time taken for the jour-
ney from Joppa to Caesarea (see on vv. 23, 24). For<i1t6 in this sense cf. Mo JtEQUCTL,
"a year ago," in 2 Cor. 8:10; 9:2.
µiXQL rnmric; t~c; i.oQUc;] µEXQL t~c; liQtL WQac; D. Evidently it was again "the
ninth hour" (cf. v. 3).
~µriv t~v EV<ltl]V JtQOOEUXOµEvoc;] ~µriv Vl]otEuwv t~v EV<ltl]V tE JtQOOEUX6µEvoc;
Ac DIP byz. Note the pietistic addition of"fasting." It may be true enough, but the
b editor is unwilling to leave much to his readers' imagination (cf. v. 25).
EV fo0~n AUµJCQ(i] For angelic garb see on I: 10.
10:31 eµv~a0riaav] Representing ave~rioav Etc; µvriµoauvov of v. 4.
10:32 JtUQ<l 0UA.UCTOUV] + oc; JtUQUYEVOµEvoc; AUA~CTEL CTOL C D E tp byz,
amplifying from 11: 14.
259
10:33 EJtEµ1jla JtQO£ oi:] + :n:aQU'l!.UA.fov EA.0Eiv OE JtQO£ ~µii£ b (an unnecessary
addition).
ou be xaAiil£ EJCOLTJOU£ :n:ugayEVOµEVO£] "you have been so kind as to come"
(& adds Ev t<iXEt before :n:agayEvoµEvos). The aor. ptc. must be regarded as having
simultaneous force. This is an expression of thanks (cf. Phil. 4:14), just as 'II.UAW£
:n:ottjOEL£ with aor. ptc. is a means of expressing a polite request: "please do so and
so" (cf. 3 Jn. 6). The meaning ofdi :n:ga!;EtE in 15:29 (q.v.) is different.
1tcivtE£ J om P45.
EVW:n:LOV toll Ornll] om p45.
5. The Good News Preached to Gentiles (10:34-43)

34UVOL!;U£ be TIEtQO£ to ot6µa Ei:n:EV, 'EJt' UAT]8ELU£ XUTUA.Uµ/3civoµm Ott mix
fott v ltQ00(J)JtOA.tjµ:n:tT]£ 6 0EO£, 35 UA.A.' EV :n:avtl EOvEL 6 cpoflouµEVO£ UUTOV xal
EQyut6µEVO£ btXULOOUVT]V &EXTO£ aut<ji EITTL v. 36tOV A.Oyov [ov] UJtEITTElA.EV tOL£
lJLOi£ 'loga~A E1JUYYEALsOµEVO£ EL()tjVl]V bta 'll]CJOll XQLITTO'U, Out0£ EITTL v
:n:civtwv XUQLO£, 37UµEi£ o'ibatE, to yEv6µEvov gf]µa xa0' OAT]£ tfJ£ 'Iovba(as,
ag!;ciµEVO£ a:n:o Tl]£ foALAULU£ µEta TO ~ci:n:ttoµa o EXtjQll!;EV 'IcocivvT]£, 38 'll]OOllV
tov an:o NatagE0, W£ EXQLCJEV amov 6 0EO£ JtVEUµatt uy(cµ xal buvciµEL, 0£
IILf]Alkv E'IJE()YETWV XUL LWµEVO£ n:civtas TOU£ xatab1JVUITTE1JOµEVOll£ un:o toll
I\La~OAOlJ, OtL 6 0EO£ ~v µEt' amofr 39XUL ~µEL£ µcigtUQE£ n:civtcov div EJtOLT]OEV
EV tE tfl XWQ<;t tii>v 'Iovba(wv xal [Ev] 'IEQOlJCJUAtjµ· ov xal avEiAaV XQEµciaav-
,E~ EltL !;UAOlJ. 40to'UtOV 6 8EO£ ~YEL()EV tfi t()LTTI ~µ£()<;{ xal EbCOXEV amov iµq,avf]
YEVECJ0UL, 41 OU n:avtl t<ji AU(]) ana µciQtlJCJLV tol£ ltQOXEXELQOtOVl]µ£VOL£ un:o
io{i 0EOll, ~µiv, o'(tLVE£ OlJVEcj>ayoµEv xal OlJVEJtLOµEV am<ji µEta TO avaotf]vm
amov EX VEXQUJV' 42 xal :n:agtjyyELAEV ~µiv Xl]QU!;at t<ji AU(]) xal btaµagtugaa8m
on OU't0£ EITTLV 6 W()tCJµEVO£ u:n:o toll 0EOll X()lT~£ twvtcov xal VEXQWV. 43toutcµ
Jt(lvtE£ oi lt(>Oq>f]tm µagtU()Ollat v, acpwt v uµagtLUJV AU~ELV Iha to'U 6v6µato£
U'UtOll mivta tOV :n:LITTE'IJOVTU El,£ am6v.
10:34 avo(!;a£ be mt()O£ TO m6µa] P4 5 D latg have TO ot6µa before mt()O£.

The phrase is used to introduce some weighty utterance; cf. 8:35; Mt. 5:2. "The
address of Peter to Cornelius is peculiarly appropriate to the occasion" (Foakes-
Jackson).
oux i:mt v :rcgoow:n:oA~µ:n:tT]£ 6 0E6£] The only NT example ofn:QOCJW3toAtjµmT]£
and its earliest known occurrence in Gk. literature. This and kindred words are con-
fined to biblical and ecclesiastical Gk. writers; cf. Rom. 2: 11; Eph. 6:9; Col. 3:25;
Jas. 2:1; 1 Pct. 1:17; Ps. Sol. 2:19; 1 Clem. 1:3; Ep. Barn. 4:12; Ep. Polyc. 6:1.
They correspond to Heb. niisil pilnfm, "lift (someone's) face," i.e., "show favor";
and hence (in a bad sense) "show favoritism." This was literally rendered :n:g6acon:ov
Aaµ~civw (cf. Lk. 20:21; Gal. 2:6) and in LXX cf. Dt. 10:17 (6 0EO£ ... oott£ ou
Oauµa.sEL :rrgooco:rrov); Ps. 81 [MT 82]:2 (n:goow:rra aµagtCOAWV AaµflavEtE).
l0:35 l\txatoouvTJv] Primarily "righteousness" in the general ethical sense,
but in view of what has been said of Cornelius in v. 2 it is apposite to recall that in the
OT and later Hebrew t/<}iiqiih (LXX btxatoauvlJ) is commonly used with the more
specific sense of almsgiving (cf. Ps. 112 [LXX 111 ]:9, quoted in 2 Cor. 9:8; Dan.
260
10:34-43 THE GOOD NEWS PREACHED TO GENTILES
4:27; Mt. 6: 1, and see references in rabbinic literature cited in M. Jastrow, Diction-
ary of the Targumim, the Talmud, etc. [New York, 1926], s.v. ~e4iiqiih, pp.1263f.).
bncr:0£] Primarily "acceptable" but also "accepted"; cf. Lk. 4: 19, 24. While
divine salvation is according to grace (cf. 15: 11 ), the undeviating principle in divine
judgment is "to every one according to his works" (cf.Rom. 2:6; Rev. 20: 12f.), and
is so stated throughout the Bible, from Gen. 4:7 ("If you do well, will you not be
accepted?") to Rev. 22: 12 ("I am coming ... to repay every one for what he has
done"). Peter's statement that in every nation those who fear God and do what is
right are accepted by him is of great importance in introducing the role of God-
fearing Gentiles in Luke's account of the expansion of Christianity.
10:36 The summary of Peter's address (vv. 36-43) gives the apostolic ke-
rygma in a nutshell. If it contains more information about the ministry of Jesus than
Peter's previous addresses have given, that may be because a Gentile audience
might not be expected to have so much knowledge about this as an audience of
Jerusalem Jews. The scope of the kerygma, as outlined here, corresponds to the
scope of Mark (beginning with the activity of John the Baptist and going on to the
resurrection of Jesus), but the summary of the resurrection appearances follows the
narrative of Luke. C. H. Dodd, "The Framework of the Gospel Narrative," ExT 43
(1931-32), pp. 396-400 (reprinted in his New Testament Studies [Manchester,
1953], pp. 1-11), examining K. L. Schmidt's thesis (Der Rahmen der Geschichte
Jesu [Berlin, 1919]) that Mark consists of independent pericopae connected by
short editorial generalizing summaries (Sammelberichte) with no historical value
of their own, argued that these connecting summaries when put together form a co-
herent outline of the life and work of Jesus, such as formed the substance of the
apostolic preaching. This Markan outline, summarizing the course of events from
the preaching of the Baptist to the resurrection of Jesus, he found to correspond
closely to the present outline (vv. 36-43) and to that of 13:23-39. Fragments of such
an outline were discerned in 2:22-36; 3:13-21; 4:10-12; 5:30-32; 1 Cor. 15:3-7, the
recurring themes being the fulfilment of prophecy, the ministry of Jesus from his
baptism by John to his crucifixion, the act of God in raising him from death, to
which the preachers claimed to be witnesses, and the offer of salvation through
faith in him. Sec also C. H. Dodd, The Apostolic Preaching and its Developments
(London, 1936, reprinted 1944), and, for a critique of Dodd's argument, D. E. Nine-
ham, "The Order of Events in St. Mark's Gospel-an Examination of Dr. Dodd's
Hypothesis,'' in Studies in the Gospels: Essays in Memory of R. H. Lightfoot, ed.
D. E. Nineham (Oxford, 1955), pp. 223-39.
TOV )..oyov [ov] anfoTELAEV] Cf. Ps. 107 (LXX 106):20, <l1TEITTElAEV T()V )..oyov
amoii, and Ps. 147:18 (LXX ]47:7), anoatEAEL TOV )..oyov amou.
n'myyEAlsC>µEVO£ ELQtjVrJV l Cf. W£ n6bE£ Euayydtsoµi:vou (lXO~V ELQtjVrJ£, Isa.
52:7; oi nobE£ EuayyEhsoµhou xal a:rcayyi\novtO£ ELQtjVrJV, Nah. 1: 15 (LXX 2: 1).
TOV )..oyov ... 'Iriaoiiv TOV a.no NasaQE0] The rather awkward construction of
~ is recast in b so as to read more fluently: Tov yirQ )..oyov ov MEITTELAEV tol£ uloi£
'laQa~).. Et1ayydlsC>µEVO£ ELQtjvriv bui 'Iriaoii XQUTWV ( OVTC>£ EITTl V navt(llV XUQl0£)
llµEL£ o'ibaTE, TO YEVOµEVOV xaO' 0ArJ£ 'Ioubata£• O.Q1;CtµEVO£ YUQ a.no TT]£ raALAULU£,
261
µEta to ~futtwµa O EX~QUsEV 'Iwcivv11£, 'I1100U£ 6 U:ltO Na~UQES, ov EXQLOEV 6 8EO£

ayicµ JtVEuµatL xal ouvciµEL, 0&0£ OLf]1.8Ev Xl:A. (D has signs of contamination with
the~ text; see also MHT I, p. 240.) The omission of ov after tov 1.6yov ( X 1 AB 81
614 1739 pc lat cop) represents an attempt to make the~ text read more smoothly.
As it stands, it has been thought to reflect an Aram. original. C. C. Torrey (CDA,
pp. 27, 35f.) argues that, if ov be retained aftertov 1.6yov (so P74 X *CD E q, byz
late syrpcsh hcl**), the passage can be literally translated into grammatical and in-
telligible Aram., which may be rendered: "As for the word which the Lord of all
sent to the children of Israel, proclaiming good tidings of peace through Jesus
Christ, you know what took place .... " Without resorting to Torrey's expedient,
we can make good sense of the construction if the accusative tov 1.6yov is seen to
be resumed byto yEvoµEvov gf]µa in v. 37. J. A. T. Robinson takes v. 36 as "the title
of the kerygma that follows," representing "the considered theology of the Church
rather than part of the kerygma itself'; he compares Mk. 1:1 (also taken as the title
to what follows), finding that the occurrence of "Jesus Christ" as a proper name
both there and here is "a sure sign of a more developed stage" (Twelve New Testa-
ment Studies [London, 1962], pp. 140, 141 n. 7).
faa. 'I11oou XQLotoii, m'it6£ EotL v ncivtwv XUQLO£] The clause beginning with
0&0£ is parenthetic but nonetheless emphatic. M. Hengel relates this formulation
to Rom. 10: 12, and sees in its occurrence in this context evidence of the universal-
ist christology of the "Hellenists" which "exercised pressure towards a universal
mission without the limitations of the law"; he compares 11 :20, tov XUQLOV 'I11oouv
(Acts and the History of Earliest Christianity, E.T. [London, 1979], pp. 104f.).
10:37 uµEL£] om B.
'Iouoaia£ l In the wider sense, including Galilee-equivalent to Palestine or
the land of Israel (cf. Lk. 4:44); cf. v. 39.
UQsUµEVO£] + yciQ P74 AD lat lrenlat / UQsUµEVOV P4 5 81 byz, in concord with
gf]µa. But UQsciµEVO£ is a nominativus pendens, to be taken adverbially. "Beginning
from Galilee" characterizes Jesus' ministry as "beginning from Jerusalem" (Lk.
24:47) characterizes that of the apostles (with an allusion, perhaps, to Isa. 2:3 par.
Mic. 4:2, where the word of the Lord goes forth from Jerusalem).
µmi to ~cirmoµa xt1.] Cf. Mk. 1:4.
EX~QUsEV 1E~amwEv B
10:38 'I11oouv tov ano Na~aQE0] These words (synonymous with 'Ir1oouv
tov Na~wQaiov, 2:22), the logical object ofEXQLOEv, arc placed in the forefront of
their clause for reasons of emphasis, and arc then caught up by the pronoun am6v.
W£ EXQLOEV amov XtA] This noun clause is parallel to to YEVOµEVOV gf]µa and
is governed by o'ioatE. His anointing was his baptism (cf. 4:27; also Lk. 4:18, quot-
ing Isa. 61:1). For the possibility that Luke is here "commenting upon the mean-
ing and implications of an already accepted name of Jesus" (i.e., 6 XQLot6£) see
A. E. Harvey, Jesus and the Constraints of History (London, 1982), p. 139, n. 95.
JtVEUµau ayicµ xal ouvciµEL] Cf. Ps. Sol. 17:42, 6 0EO£ XatllQYUCTatO UlltOV
ouvatov EV JtVEUµatL ayicµ.
0Ll]"8Ev l JtEQLf]1.8Ev P45 vid Irenlat.
262
10:34-43 THE Gooo NEWS PREACHED TO GENTILES
EUEQYEtoov] Cf. the royal title EUEQYEtl]£ (Lk. 22:25). The verb appears in the
passive (tqi EUEQYEtl)0Evn) in New Docs. 1 (1976), § 19.10/11.
xatabuvaatEuoµevo1)£] The verb has one other occurrence in the NT (Jas. 2:6);
it appears in Gk. literature from Xenophon onward.
bta~M,ou] Lit. "slanderer," "false accuser," the Gk. equivalent of Heb. siifiin
(see on 5:3 for Totavci.£). For the sense of these words cf. Mk. 3: 11. In the Gospels
not only demon possession, but certain other ailments as well, are attributed to
Satanic agency (cf. Lk. 13:16), not to mention unbelief and falsehood (cf. Mt.
13:19, 39; Jn. 8:44).
10:39 ~µEL£ µUQtUQE£] Cf. 1:8, 22; 2:32; 5:32, etc., for this emphasis on per-
sonal testimony.
ev ... tfi X«>Q<;I t&v 'Iouooiwv] In the same sense as 'Ioubuiu£, v. 37.
XQEµcioavtE£ ertl !;ui..ou] See on 5 :30, where the same phrase occurs.
10:40 toiitov] Emphatic as in 2:32; 5:31.
tfi tQitn ~µEQ<;t] µmi t~v tQLtl)V ~µEQUV D* lat11 . Various expressions are used
when the resurrection day is foretold (e.g., µEta. tQEL£ ~µEQU£, Mk. 8:31, replaced
by tfi tQitn ~µEQU in Lk. 9:22, where, however, breads µE0' ~µEQU£ tQEi£) but after
the resurrection has taken place it is regularly dated "on the third day" (cf. 1 Cor.
15:4). This is because it was actually on the third day (by inclusive reckoning) from
Jesus' crucifixion and burial that his tomb was found empty and he was first seen
alive again.
ebwXEv umov eµ<j,uv~ yEvfoem] Forb([>wµL followed by acc. and infin. cf. 2:27;
14:3.
10:41 OUVEcj>ayoµEV 1!.UL OUVEJtlOµEV Uutq>] + ML OUVUVEITTQ<lcj>ljµEV µEta. tO
avum~vm ex VEl!.QOOV ~µEQU£ tEOOEQ<ll!.Ovt(l b (harmonizing with 1:3). For the risen
Christ's sharing food with his disciples cf. 1:4 (ouvai..tt6µEvo£); Lk. 24:41, 43. Luke
regards his eating and drinking with them as among the most convincing of the
many proofs of his bodily resurrection; so, at a later date, did Ignatius (Smyrn. 3:3,
"he ate and drank with them as a being of flesh, although he was spiritually united
to the Father").
10:42 JtUQ~YYELA.EV] EVEtELA.atO D. Cf. 1:2.
tqi i..uqi] "to the people" (of Israel); cf. 13:31. While the evangelization of
Gentiles is implied in 1:8, in Acts (as in Gal. 2:7-9) it is mainly reserved for Paul.
WQLoµevo£] Cf. 2:23; 3:20, and especially 17:31 (ev av[>Ql c)i WQLOEv), where
I the verb is used, as here, of his appointment as judge.

l!.QL t~£ twvtwv ml VEXQ&v] Cf. 2 Tim. 4: 1; 1 Pet. 4:5.
10:43 acj>EOL v aµaQtLfuv] For the forgiveness of sins as a subject of proph-
ecy cf. 3:18f.; Lk. 24:46f. The prophets, speaking in the name of God, proclaimed
the forgiveness of sins; the gospel declares that this forgiveness is received through
faith in Christ. Cf. 2:38 (if faith in Christ is not explicitly said there to be a condi-
tion of the forgiveness of sins, it is implied in the context; cf. 2:41, 44); 13:38f. (In
the latter passage Paul adds justification to forgiveness, but the basic gospel is the
same, whether preached by Peter or by Paul, and that not only on Luke's testimony,
but on Paul's own; cf. 1 Cor. 15:11.)
263
mmEuovta EL£ amov] Cf. 14:23; 19:4 (mmEuw EL£, "believe in"); also 9:42;
11: 17; 16:31 (mmEuw E:itt, "believe on"), and 5: 14; 8:12; 16:34; 18:8; 24: 14; 26:27;
27:25 (mmEuw with dat.). See on 5:14.
6. Gentiles, Receiving the Holy Spirit, Are Baptized (10:44-48)

44 "En A.UA.OUVTO£ TOU ITEtQOlJ ta Q~µata tuUtu EJtEJtWEV to JtVEiiµa to iiytov E:Jtt
mivtU£ toix; axouovtU£ tOV loyov. 45 xal El;EOTTJGUV oi EX JtEQLtoµfi£ JtLOTOt OOOL
auvfil0av tWQ buvatm XWA.UOa( Tl£ TOU µ~ ~a:it-
no0fivm TOUTOU£ ohL VE~ to JtVEiiµa to iiywv EA.~OV CJ)~ xal ~µEL£; 48 JtQOGEtu;EV
be amous EV t<p 6voµan 'IT]OOU XQLOTOU ~a:itno0fivm. TOTE ~QUlTTJGUV amov
tmµE i vm ~µEQUS n vci£.
10:44 E:itE:itrnEv to :itvEuµa to iiywv] F. H. Chase fittingly calls this event

"the Pentecost of the Gentile world" (Credibility, p. 79). As at Pentecost Peter, so
to speak, had used the keys of the kingdom to admit Jewish believers to the new
fellowship, so now he used them to open a door of faith to Gentiles. The falling of
the Spirit on these Gentiles was manifested by audible signs, as at Pentecost; how
else could Peter and his companions have instantly recognized what had happened,
while he was still speaking? The divine fait accompli with which they were pre-
sented left them with no option but to welcome Cornelius and his family and friends
as fellow believers.
10:45 E;EOTT]aav] Cf. 2: 12, E;imavto, of those who saw the first manifesta-
tion of the Spirit's descent.
oi Ex :itEQLtoµfi£ mmol] I.e., the Jewish believers (cf. 11 :2; Col. 4: 11 ). Out-
side Acts, the expression sometimes denotes Jewish believers who insisted on the
observance by Gentile Christians of circumcision and other requirements of the
Mosaic law. For the construction oi EX or oi a:ito cf. 12: 1 (n Va£ tciiv a:ito tfiS
EXXATJGias); also Aeschines, Timarch. 54, tciiv bE Ex tfiS btatQL~fiS tuUTTJ£. For the ab-
solute use of mmos in the sense of "Christian" see New Docs. 2 (1977), § 68.
10:46 µEyaAlJVOvtWV tOV 8Eov] Equivalent to A.UA.OUvtWV ta µEYUA.Eia TOU
emu, 2:11.
10:47 a:itEXQL0TJ] Cf. 5:8 for this use of a:itoxQivoµm, where nothing has ap-
parently been said which would require an answer in the strict sense. Translate
"spoke up" or simply "said."
xwluom ... mu µ~ ~amLa0fivm] For xwluw in a baptismal context see on
8:36. In classical Gk. xwluw normally takes the plain infin., as in 8:36. The longer
construction here may be due to the fact that xwluw has two objects-to iibwQ and
muµ~ ~amta0fivm. Cf. 14:18; 20:20, 27, and fortou with infin. see on v. 25.
oos xal ~µEL£] Cf. 11: 15, 17; 15:8. At the Council of Jerusalem Peter, speak-
ing of the conversion of Gentiles, says that "we (Jews) are saved by faith even as
they," xa0' ov tQo:itov xaxEivm (15: 11 ).
10:48 JtQOGEta;Ev CE Jton :itQOOEtu;Ev D latP syrpesh. The b editor is fond of
264
10:44-48 GENTILES, RECEIVING THE HOLY SPIRIT, ARE BAPTIZED
tOtE, using it in Acts about twice as often as the~ text docs. Was the order given to
the Gentile converts ("Be baptized") or to Peter's companions ("Baptize them")?
On the analogy of 2:38 and 22: 16, the former is more likely.
EV tcµ ovoµan 'IT]OO'lJ XQLITToiij As in 2:38 (there, as here, b adds toii X1JQLOlJ
before 'IT]OO'lJ XQLITTO'lJ, cf. 5:42). Sec also on 8: 16, ds to ovoµa toii X1JQLOlJ 'IT]OO'lJ.
Grammatically the phrase might be taken here with :7tQOCTEta;Ev, but the analogy of
2:38, etc., makes it fairly certain that it goes with ~a:n:tta0f]vm. There is no sugges-
tion that Cornelius was circumcised, or that the idea of such a requirement occurred
to anyone present.
On this narrative sec M. Dibclius, Studies in the Acts of the Apostles, E.T.
(London, 1956), pp. 109-22. He examines Luke's elaboration of the simple story
which he had received, a story, he suggests, parallel to that of Philip and the
Ethiopian (8:26-39). But the distinctive importance of this incident for Luke is that
the preacher was not Philip or any other free-lance witness, like those who evan-
gelized the Greeks of Antioch (11:20), but the leader of the apostles. When Peter
broke through the "middle wall of partition" and his action was underwritten by
his fellow apostles (11: 18), then the propriety of evangelizing Gentiles was con-
firmed by the highest authority on earth (under divine guidance, of course). Hence
Peter's action, rather than Philip's or that of the unnamed preachers at Antioch, is
treated as epoch-making by Luke and given such repeated emphasis in his history
(cf. 15:7-9, 14). See further K. Haacker, "Dibelius und Cornelius: Ein Beispiel
formgeschichtlicher Oberlieferungskritik," BZ NF 24 (1980), pp. 334-51.
265
ACTS 11
C. PETER'S ACTION ENDORSED BY JERUSALEM (11:1-18)

1. Peter Called to Account (11 :1-3)
I "Hxouaav l>E oi <'moOTOA.Ol xal oi al>EAcjJol oi ovw; xata t~V 'Ioubaiav Ott xal
ta E0Vl] EbE1;avto tOV loyov toii 0EOU. 2 "OtE bE <lVE~l] IlEtQO£ EL£ 'IEQOUCJaAtjµ,
btEXQL vovto JCQO£ amov oi EX JCEQLtoµf]; 3 AEyovtE£ Ott ELCJl)A.0E£ JCQO£ livbQU£
<lXQO~UOTLUV E)'.Ovta; xal CJUVEcjJayE£ amOL£.
11: I ~xouaav ... 'Ioubaiav] b (D syrpesh) has axouOTov bE EYEVEto toi£
UJCOOTOA.Ol£ xal toi:£ abEA.cjJOL£ tol£ EV tfi 'Ioubaic,x.
ta E0v11 EbE!;avto] ta E0v11 EbE!;ato D. The classical rule that neut. plur. sub-
jects have their verbs in the sing. is not always observed in Hellenistic Gk., espe-
cially when, as here, the noun denotes persons.
tov loyov toii 0wu] b (latg p(corr) vg.codd syrhcl**) adds (prematurely) xal
Ello!;al;ov tOV 0EOV (cf. v. 18).
11:2 otE bE avE~lJ I1EtQO£ XtA] In I\ (D and, as far as l\t&iaxmv amou£,
syrhcl**) this verse is recast as follows: 6 µEV ol)v I1EtQO£ bta ixavou wovou ~0EA1]CJEV
JCOQEU0fjvm EL£ <IEQOCJOAUµa· xal :rcgoacpwvtjaa£ tO'U£ aliEA.cjJOU£ xal EJCLOTl]QLsU£
amov; [E1;fjt..0Ev ], JCOA.'UV Aoyov JCOLO'IJµEVO£ bta tWV )'.WQWV, l\tbaaxwv autou;· 0£ xal
xattjvtl]CJEv m'.'toi£ xa1 cmtjyyELAEV am:oi:£ t~v xaet v toii 0wu. oi I\E ix mgttoµfJ£
abElcjJol liLEXQivovto :rtQO£ amov. Perhaps the reviser, shocked at the idea that such
a controversy followed so closely on the conversion of Cornelius, contrived to
make the transition less abrupt by introducing a passage in the style of 8:25 and
15:3. With this statement in[) that Peter taught in the districts between Caesarea
and Jerusalem, some have connected the appearance of the early disciple Mnason
who, according to the breading of 21:16, lived in a village between Caesarea and
Jerusalem. "It is a natural combination that Mnason was one of his converts"
(G. Salmon, "Blass's Commentary on the Acts," Hermathena 9 [1896), p. 235,
quoted with approval by F. Blass, PG, p. 129). The "natural combination" il-
lustrates the inner coherence of the[) recension, but the context of 21:16 implies
that Mnason was resident in Jerusalem, where he acted as host to Paul's Gentile
companions (see p. 443).
l>LEXQL vovto] "were divided (from him in opinion)" and so "disputed (with
266
11:4-17 PETER'SDEFENSE
him)." See on v. 12. Even Peter, and not only an evangelist like Philip (8: 14), is an-
swerable to Jerusalem for his actions.
ot EX :rttQLtoµiji;] See on 10:45. But it is possible that here the expression does
not simply mean (believing) Jews in general, like those who accompanied Peter
from Joppa to Caesarea, but those in particular who were especially zealous for the
Jaw and sticklers for circumcision, like the people mentioned in 15:5 and 21 :20.
Cf. Gal. 2:12, where ot EX :rttQttoµiji;, through fear of whom Peter abstained from
table fellowship with Gentiles at Antioch, are the "circumcision party" in the
church, those who insisted on the circumcision of Gentile converts as a condition
for their admission to Christian fellowship.
11:3 ott] om P4 5. If the following verbs are read in 2nd pers. (see next note),
on (o tt) may be the indirect interrogative pronoun, counterpart to the direct t(;
("Why?").
daijA.0E~ ... auvtq,ayEi;] P74 (vid) X AD 1739 byz lat syrhcl.mg;daijA.0Ev ...
ouviicpayEv P4 5 B 33 81 614 1175 al syrpesh hcl.
aXQof}uat(av iixovtai;] "uncircumcised"; cf. 7:51, UJtEQLtµl]tot. UXQof}uat(a
(Heb. 'orliih), used in LXX (e.g., Gen. 34:14, etc.), is probably a disguised form of
the etymologically clear UXQ0:1toa0(a, which is found in Hippocrates. Cf. MHT II,
p. 277.
auvticpayEi;] Entering a Gentile house was bad enough (see on 10:28), but eat-
ing with them was the last straw. The favor which the apostles had enjoyed in
Jerusalem was no doubt largely due to their strict adherence to the traditional Jewish
life-style; Stephen's attitude had gravely imperiled this favor, but it was too bad
that the leader of the Twelve should thus compromise their public standing. (It is
probably no accident that, shortly after this, the elder Agrippa could count on pub-
lic approval when he executed James the Zebedaean and imprisoned Peter; see
12:1-3.) There were many Jews in Caesarea, despite their unpopularity in that city;
the news of Peter's action soon got around, and preceded him to Jerusalem. While
eating with Gentiles was the main subject of inquiry on this occasion, when wider
issues were debated at the Jerusalem Council Peter used the Cornelius episode as
an argument against requiring Gentile converts to be circumcised (15:7-11).
2. Peter's Defense (11 :4-17)

4 UQ;aµEvoi; be ITEtQO~ E;Ett0Eto UlJtoii; XU0E;iji; A.Eywv, 5 'Eyw ~µl]V EV ltOA.El
'Io:1t:1tn JtQOCTEUXOµEVOS xal Elbov EV EXITTO.CTEl OQaµa, xataj3aivov CTXEOOS tl mi;
606vl]V µEYUAT]V tfoaaQat v UQXaii; xa0tEµEVl]V EX toii ouQavoii, xal ~A.0Ev UXQL
Eµoii- 6 di; ~v UtEVtaai; XUtEVOOUV xal dbov ta tEtQCmoba tiji; yiji; xal t<l 0l]QLU
xal ta EQ:rttta xal ta JtEtEl vu toii OUQUVOU' 7 ~KOOOU be XUL cpwviji; A.fYOUCTTJS µm,
'Avaat<is, IlEtQE, 0iiaov xal cpayE. 8El:1tov 6£, Ml]baµwi;, XUQlE, on )(()lVOV ~
cixa0aQtOV oubtltOtE doijA.0EV di; to at6µa µou. 9 UltfXQt0l] bE cpwv~ EX bEmEQOU
EX toii O'UQUVoii, "A 6 0EO£ ilxa0<iQLCTEV auµ~ xo(vou. JOtoiito be EYEVEto EltL
tQlS, XUL avrnn:a.a0T] JtO.A.l v an:avta di; tOV O'UQUVOV. 11 xal tbou E;amiji; tQEii;
avbQEi; EltEITTl]CTUV EltL t~V otx(av EV Tl ~µEv, UltEITTUAµEVOl (lJt() KatCTUQEtai;
JtQOS µE. !2ElJtEV bE to 31:VEiiµa µot CTUVEA.0Eiv amoii; µl]bEV btaXQlVavta. ~A.0ov
267
DE CT'UV eµoL )(UL oi Es abEA«jlOL 01JTOL, )(UL do~),8oµEV El£ TOV OLXOV TOU UVDQO£.
13an:~yyEL1,Ev bE ~µiv mil£ dbEv tov a.yyE),ov iv t<j) ob«µ am:ou ma0hta xaL
dn:6vm, 'An:6otELAOV EL£ 'I6n:m1v xat µrninEµ'ljJm Liµwva tov Emxa),ouµEvov
TIEtQOV, 140£ AUA~CTEL l'.>~µata JtQO£ OE EV OL£ awe~an av XUL JtU£ 6 oLXO£ aou.
15 EV bE T()) UQ;aaeai µE AUAELV EJtEJtWEV TO JtVEuµa TO aytov EJt' am:O'U£ WOJtEQ
xaL E«jl' ~µa£ EV CLQXTI· 16 Eµv~a0l]V bE tou l'.>~µato£ tou xugiou W£ EAfYEV,
'IwaVVl]£ µEv EPUJttLCTEV ubatL, UµEL£ DE pamLa8~arn8E EV JtVEUµaTL ay(cp. 17 d
oiiv t~v tol]V bwgEav EbW'Xf,V am:oi£ 6 8EO£ W£ xat ~µiv motEuaam v EJtL tov
XUQLOV 'll]CTOUV XQLITTOV, iyw TL£ ~µl]V buvatO£ XWAUCTaL TOV 0E6v;
This section repeats the story already told in ch. 10. Indeed, Cornelius him-
self in 10:30-33 has already retold the narrative of 10:3-8 (it is still more succinctly
summarized by his messengers in 10:22). It is therefore evident that Luke regards
the Cornelius incident as epoch-making in his history. In the retelling of the story
one can appreciate the skillful union of variety in expression with similarity in con-
struction. M. Dibelius (Studies in the Acts of the Apostles, E.T. [London, 1956], pp.
109f.) lists the main variations in Peter's speech (which "is certainly Luke's own
work") as compared with the foregoing narrative. (There are similar variations in
the three accounts of Paul's conversion.)
11 :4 ag~aµEVO£] Semitizing redundant participle (see on l :22; 2:4; 4: 19; 5:6).
According to Blass, it is used ''with a certain reference to xa8Esfi£ and occasioned by
that word" (Grammatik des neutestamentlichen Griechisch, § 419; cf. BDF § 419
[3]); that is to say, Peter told the whole story in order from the beginning.
11:5 xat ~A0Ev UXQL Eµofr EL£ ~v atEviaa£ XatEv6ouv xaL dbov JObserve the
vividness ot Peter's personal account compared with the relative colorlessness of
10:llf.
11 :6 tEtganoba tfi£ Yfi£] In 10: 12 tfi£ Yfi£ is attached not to TEtgan:oba but to
EQJtETU.
8l]Qia] Not in 10:12; these are to be distinguished from tEtQan:oba as in Gen.
1:24f., where 0l]QLU (Heb. ~ayyiih) are wild animals as distinct from TETQUJtoba or
xt~Vl] (Heb. behemiih), domesticated animals.
11:7 ~xouoa ... «pwvfi£ AfYOUOl]£] ~xouaa ... «pwv~v AEyouaav P45 D. Cf.
9:4, 7; 22:7, 9 for this variation.
avaota£] avama D. Cf. 10:13.
11:8 oubEJtotE dafjASEv EL£ to at6µa µou Jµou om P4 5 . Differently expressed
from 10:14; but cf. the quotation ad loc. from Ezck. 4:14, oubE dad~),u0Ev EL£ to
at6µa µou nav XQEU£ EWAOV.
11:9 «pwv~ EX DE1JTEQ01J] P4S. 74 X A 33 81 945 1739 byz I EX DE1JTEQ01J qiwv~
BE '11 36 453 pc. D recasts: eyEvEto «pwv~ EX tou ougavou JtQO£ µE. Cf. 10:15. Ex
DE1JTEQ01J occurs also in LXX (7 times) and papyri; sec BAGD (s. v. bEutEQO£).
11:10 bE]omP45.
avwn:aa0l]] "was drawn up," more expressive than avd~µ«jl0l] (10:16).
11:11 EJtEatl]aav] + µm P45.
EJtL t~v otxiav] The expression in 10: 17 is EJtL tov nu),wva, "at the street door,"
"at the cutside gate."
268
11 :4-17 PETER'S DEFENSE
~µEv] P74 X AB D pc I ~µriv P45 E q, 33 81 byz vers.omn.

11:12 µTJf>Ev f>taXQtvavrn] µ11f>Ev f>taXQLVovra X* I om D. "Making no dis-
tinction"; cf. 10:20, µ11f>Ev l\taXQLVoµEvos, "without any doubting" (also avav-
TLQQ~tws, 10:29).
oi el; af>d.cpoi. oirtoL] The wisdom of Peter's taking them with him from Joppa
to Caesarea now becomes evident. They were present in Jerusalem while he was
making his defense, witnessing to the truth of his account. With Peter himself there
were thus seven witnesses in all. LC compare the seven witnesses sometimes re-
quired in Egyptian documents, and the seven seals attached to a will in Roman law
(cf. Rev. 5:1).
11:13 tov ayyEA.ov] The art. (om P45 D) presupposes the previous mention
of the angel in 10:3, so far as Luke's readers are concerned; but so far as Peter's
hearers are concerned the implication may be that the story in some form had al-
ready come to their ears, although they were now for the first time hearing a full
and trustworthy account. Cf. the art. in toii avbQ6S, v. 12.
an6crtELA.ov] JtEµ,Pov B (from 10:5, 32).
av
11:14 os A.UA.~OEL Q~µata 3'CQOS OE EV ols aw0~an xai. nus 6 oix6s 00\J l Cf.
10:22, axoiiam Q~µata naQU aoii. The added words here indicate more explicitly to
Cornelius the purport of the words that he is to hear from Peter. With aw0~an av
xai. nus 6 oix6s aou cf. 16:31 (the same words with the omission of nas). The
"house" or household included not only the immediate family in our sense, but all
who were under the authority of the master of the house-slaves, attendants, and
other dependents (see on 10:7). Cf. also 16:15; 18:8.
11: 15 ev f>E t<µ a.Q);aa0ai µE A.<lA.ELV] Cf. 10:44, 1::n ";.,a";.,ouvros toii IlEtQOU (he
had been speaking from v. 34 to v. 43); O.Ql;aa0m is probably the semitizing redun-
dant auxiliary (see on 2:4) and should not be pressed to constitute such a contra-
diction with the statement of 10:44 as M. Dibelius discerns (Studies, p. 110). From
the pres. ptc. (";.,a";..oiivros) of 10:44 it is evident that Peter had not finished speak-
ing when the Spirit came on his hearers.
EV CtQX'fil I.e., on the day of Pentecost. In 10:44 there is no explicit compari-
son with the Pentecostal experience such as we find here (wanEQ xai. ilcp' ~µas iv
UQX'fi), but the language of2:4, llb is recalled in 10:46, which is not repeated here.
11:16 eµv~a811v xtA.] Cf. 20:35, of remembering "the words of the Lord
Jesus."
'Iwavvris µEv xtA.] Cf. I :5 for the uttering of these words ( cf. also 19:4). The
phrase mi µmx no";..";..as tamas ~µEQUS (1:5) is omitted here because it referred to the
impending day of Pentecost. Whereas iif>att and nvEuµan are contrasted here, they
are correlated in Jn. 3:5 (el; ul'latos xal nvEuµatos), where there seems to be an al-
lusion to the cleansing water and life-giving spirit of Ezek. 36:25-27. Nothing is
said here of the baptism of Gentiles in water (cf. 10:47f.), though it is probably im-
plied in v. 17.
11:17 ws xal ~µiv] Cf. 10:47 (ws xai. ~µEis); 15:8 (xa0ws xai. ~µiv).
mcrtEuaamv] Probably agrees with both amois and ~µiv. For mcrtEuw foi see
on 9:42 (cf. mcrtEuw Eis, 10:43).
269
r,yw TL£ ~µYJv buvmo; xi:)..] Double construction: (1) "Who was I that I should
hinder God?" (cf. Ex. 3: 11, TL£ dµt Eyw on JtOQEuooµm;), (2) "Was I able to hinder
God?" (note the emphatic position ofEyw).
TOV Oeov] + TOU µ~ bouvm am:oI; JtVEUµa aywv JtLITTEUOUCJL v EJt' am:cµ D
latvg.codd syrhcl** (representing b)-inappropriately, as they had already received
the Spirit.
3. Peter's Defense Accepted (11 :18)

l8UX01JCJUVTE£ bE rnfua ~crux.aaav xai. U,01;aaav TOV 8EOV AEYOVTE£, "AQa xat
TOL£ i:'Ovwt v 6 0EO£ T~V µrnivotav EL£ sW~V EbWXEV.
11: 18 ~auxaaav xai. Ebo;aaav TOV OEOV) Note the aorists, "~aux.aaav, nega-
tive: their opposition ceased; ib61;aaav, positive: their praise began" (T. E. Page,
ad foe.). Giving glory to God also involved a confession that Peter was right (cf.
Josh. 7: 19; Jn. 9:24; Rev. 16:9).
iiQa) "So then" (inferential particle).
T~V µrnivotav EL£ sW~V iibwxev l I.e., has given them the change of heart and
mind which results in spiritual and eternal life. Sec on 2:38. Grammatically, EL£
~w~v goes with iibwxEv rather than with t~v µrnivotav.
They accepted Peter's report; it was impossible to avoid the conclusion that
Gentiles were not outside the scope of the gospel. The resulting questions of the
terms on which Jewish and Gentile believers might associate and the relation of
Gentile believers to the Jewish law were not pressed at the moment, but they re-
mained to be solved. Even Peter on a later occasion wavered in his commitment to
the lesson he had learned on the housetop at Joppa (Gal. 2: 11-14 ). The question be-
came more acute than ever after Barnabas and Paul's return from their missionary
journey in Cyprus and Asia Minor (cf. 15:1-5).
D. ANTIOCH BECOMES A CHRISTIAN BASE (11: 19-30)

1. Gentile Evangelization in Antioch (11: 19-21)
19 O[ µEV O\JV btaCJJtUQEVTE£ MO Tl]£ OH 'lj)EW£ Tl]£ YEVOµEVl]£ EJtL LTEq>UVq.l
btf]Wov EW£ <l>ot VLXYJ£ xat KuJtQOU xai. 'AVTLOX,ELU£, µrJbEVL AUAOUVTE£ tOV Aoyov
El µ~ µovov 'Iouba(Ot£. 20 'Haav bE tt VE£ E; ffUT(J}V iivbQE£ KuJtQLOL xat
KUQYJVaiot, o'ttt VE£ iWoVTE£ EL£ 'A VTtoX.ELav i)..ci)..ouv xai. JtQO£ toix;
'EUl]VLITTU£, i::uayyEAtsoµEVOL TOY X1JQLOV 'll]CTOUV. 21 xai. ~v XELQ XUQLOU µet'
am:wv, Jt0A.1l£ TE ClQtOµO£ 6 JttITTE1JCTU£ EJtEITTQE'ljJEV EJtL tOV X1JQLOV.
11:19 oi µEV ouv btaaJtaQEVTE£] We revert to the point of departure already
indicated in 8:4, which commences with the same words (whether they were pres-
ent in Luke's source or, as is more probable, are his own composition). Here, as
there, µiov ouv marks the beginning of a new section. From here on we have a nar-
rative based on Syrian Antioch, containing four episodes: (1) the evangclization of
Antioch ( 11: 19-21 ). (2) Barnabas and Paul's ministry there (11 :22-26), (3) the
270
11: 19-21 GENTILE EVANGELIZATION IN ANTIOCH
famine-relief delegation to Judaea (11:27-30 and, after an interlude, 12:25),

(4) Barnabas and Paul's missionary tour of Cyprus and Asia Minor, based on An-
tioch (13:1-14:28).
a.n:o t~; Oi..L"ljJE0>£] The causal sense of a.n:o is both classical and vernacular (cf.
12:14; 22:11). The 0Ai"ljJL£ is the lhwyµo; of 8:1 (where b adds xai 8U"ljJL£, perhaps
from this place).
<roLVLXTJ£] Phoenicia, the coastal strip containing Tyre and Sidon, 120 miles
long by about 15 miles wide. To this period probably belongs the foundation of the
churches of Tyre (21:3-6) and Sidon (27:3).
'Avnoxda;J Antioch on the Orontes (modem Antakya in the Hatay province
of Turkey), at the foot of Mt. Silpius, some 18 miles upstream from its seaport
Seleucia Pieria (cf. 13:4), was founded in 300 B.C. by Seleucus Nicator, first ruler
of the Seleucid dynasty, and named by him after his father Antiochus. As the capi-
tal of the Seleucid empire it rapidly became a city of importance. In 64 B.C. it was
made a free city by Pompey in his reorganization of the Near East; it became the
seat of administration of the Roman province of Syria and the residence of the im-
perial legate. It was at this time the third largest city in the Roman world (surpassed
in population only by Rome and Alexandria). It was planned from the first on the
Hippodamian grid pattern; it was enlarged and adorned by Augustus and Tiberius,
while Herod the Great paved its main street with polished stone and contributed
colonnades on both sides of the street. It was a commercial center as well as a politi-
cal capital; the produce of Syria passed through it on its way to other Mediterranean
lands. Since it was near the frontier between the settled Graeco-Roman area and
the eastern states, it was even more cosmopolitan than most Hellenistic cities. Here
Christianity first acquired its cosmopolitan character.
Jews formed part of the population of Antioch from its earliest days. By the
beginning of the Christian era, proselytes to Judaism arc said by Josephus (BJ 7.45)
to have been especially abundant in Antioch (cf. Nicolaus, 6:5 above). Five miles
from Antioch lay Daphne, the seat of a cult of Artemis and Apollo (a Hellenized
version of the Syrian cult of Astarte and her consort), whence Daphnici mores be-
came a by-word for loose living. Antioch was sometimes called (by way of distinc-
tion from other cities of the same name)~ en:i Mqivn, whence Epidaphna (Tacitus,
Ann. 2.83.3). Conservative Romans viewed the decadence (as they saw it) of An-
tioch and other eastern cities as a threat to their own ancestral way of life; Juvenal,
e.g., complains that the Orontes is discharging its contents into the Tiber: "iam
pridem Syrus in Tiberim defluxit Orontes" (Sat. 3.62). Cf. 1 Mace. 11:41-51; Jos.
BJ 3.29; 7.41-62, 106-ll;Ant. 12.119; 16.148;Ap. 2.39; Strabo, Geog. 16.2.4-7.
See G. Downey,A History ofAntioch in Syria from Seleucus to the Arab Con-
quest (Princeton, 1961), abridged in Ancient Antioch (Princeton, 1963); W. A
Meeks and R. L. Wilken, Jews and Christians in Antioch in the First Four Centu-
ries of the Common Era (Missoula, MT, 1978); J. P. Meier, "Antioch," in R. E.
Brown and J. P. Meier, Antioch and Rome: New Testament Cradles of Catholic
Christianity (London, 1983), pp. 11-86; D.S. Wallace-Hadrill, Christian Antioch:
A Study of Christian Thought in the East (Cambridge, 1982).
271
Luke gives no account of evangelization east and south of the Holy Land; he
concentrates on the advance of the gospel toward the heart of the empire, and con-
cludes his history when he reaches Rome.
ELµ~ µovov 'Iouoa(ot£] In accordance with their practice elsewhere up to this
point; the idea that the gospel might be relevant to non-Jews did not naturally occur
to them. The Jews to whom they "spoke the word" might be Hebrews or Hellenists
(see on 6: 1), but in Antioch predominantly Hellenists.
11:20 Ku:rcQLOL] As Barnabas was (4:36).
KuQT]Vaim] Cf. 2: 10; 6:9; 13: 1. The sons of Simon of Cyrene were well
known in some areas of the early church (Mk. 15:21).
xal (om xc D 33 byz):rtQO£W1!£ '"EJ.J..T]Va£J"Et..t..T]VU£ P 74 xc AD* 1518 Euseb
Chrys/ 'Et..t..T]VLITTU£ B oc E lJ1 byz. The witnesses are fairly evenly divided between
these two readings (the aberrant d,ayyEt..LITTa£ of X * is usually thought to presup-
pose 'EA.t..T]Vtm:a£ and has in any case been influenced by the following word Euay-
YEt..tt6µEvot). The versions do not help here, because they make no distinction be-
tween '"EU..T]v and 'Et..t..TJVLITT~£- But the sense of the passage is determinant for
"EU..TJVU£. Since the companions of these Cypriots and Cyrenaeans had already
been preaching to Jews (who in that area would certainly be Hellenists), it would
be pointless to say that the Cypriots and Cyrenaeans preached also to the Hellenists
(see on 6: 1). What is meant is that they preached to Gentiles, i.e., to Greeks (:rtQO£
toll£ "EJ.J..T]VU£). (For this sense of"Et..t..T]V cf. 16:1; Rom. 1:16.)
EuayyEAL~OµEVOl tov XUQLOV 'I TJGOUV l "telling the good news of the Lord
Jesus.'' That Jesus is Lord is emphasized as in 2:36; 10:36; but to Gentiles, natu-
rally, he is not presented as the Messiah of Israel (as he is in 2:36; 5:42; 8:5; 9:22).
In their understanding XQWtO£ was an additional name of Jesus (see on v. 26). See
M. Hengel, Acts and the History of Earliest Christianity, E.T. (London, 1979), pp.
103f., 105f.
11:21 XELQ XtJQLou] I.e., his power; the expression can sometimes be used
as a metaphor for the Spirit of God; cf. 4:30; 13:11; Lk. 1:66. It is common in the
OT, e.g. Ex. 9:3; 1 Sam. (LXX 1 Kms.) 5:3, 6, 9; Isa. 59:1; 66:14; Ezek. 1:3. Cf.
also Lk. 11 :20, EV bmctut..q> 0rnu (cf. Ex. 8: 19), with Mt. 12: 18, EV :rtvEuµan 0rnii.
E:rtEITTQE1j!Ev] Here, as in 3:19, etc., of turning to the Lord for the first time;
elsewhere also of the recovery of a believer (e.g., Jas. 5:19f.), even of an apostle
(Lk. 22:32).
2. Barnabas and Saul's Ministry at Antioch (11 :22-26)

22 'Hxoua0Tj OE O AOYO£ EL£ ta. ciita tii£ EXXAT]GLU£ tii£ OUGT]£ EV 'IEQOtJGUt.. ~µ JtEQL
ammv, xal E1;a:rtEITTELAUV BUQVU~iiv [0LEA.0EIV] EW£ 'AvtlOJ(ELU£" 230£ JtUQU-
YEVOµEVO£ xal iowv t~V XUQLV t~V toii 0rnu EJC<lQT] xal JtUQE")((lt..El Jt<lvtU£ tfi
JtQ00EGEL tii£ XUQOLU£ JtQOGµEVEL v tcj'> XtJQLq>, 24 Otl ~v UV~Q uya06£ xal Jtt..~QT]£
JtVEuµato£ ayiou xal JtLITTEW£. xal JtQOGEtE0Tj OXt..0£ LXUVO£ tcj> XtJQLq>. 25 E1;'ijt..0EV
OE EL£ TaQOOV uva~T]tijam miit..ov, 26 xal EUQCllV ~yayev EL£ 'AvtLOJCELav. EYEVEtO
bE amoi£ xal Evtamov ot..ov auvax0ijvm EV tfi EXXATJGL<_:t xal btb<i;m OJCt..OV
[xavov, XQT]µat(am tE JtQttltW£ EV 'AvtLOXEL(.l tOU£ µa0l]ta.£ XQLatLUVOU£.
272
11:22-26 BARNABAS AND SAUL'S MINISTRY AT ANTIOCH
11:22 ~XOU00T] EL£ ta cbta l EL£ ta cbta is a phrase quite common in LXX, e.g.
Gen. 20:8; 50:4 (A.aA.~OatE JtEQl eµoii EL£ ta cbta <lillQUW ); 3 Krus. (MT 1 K.) 12:24;
Isa. 5:9 (quoted in Jas. 5:4). Cf. EL£ ta£ axoa£, 17:20; EL£ to oil£, Mt. 10:27 (of a
whispered report). Of its use here after ~xofo0T], C. C. Torrey says, "No Greek
writer would ever have perpetrated this-unless he had wished to create the im-
pression that he was using a Semitic 'source'" (CDA, p. 36), or unless (we may
add) he were writing deliberately in a septuagintal style.
tfJ£ EXXA.TJOLa£ tfJ£ OUOTJ£] For this use of the ptc. of ELµ( with EXXA.TJOLa see on
5:17; 13:1.
Esa:itEotELAav BaQva~av] The Jerusalem church wished to retain control over
every extension of the Christian mission (cf. 8:14). As Peter and John had been sent
to Samaria in the wake of Philip's mission, so Barnabas was now sent to Antioch.
He may even have volunteered to undertake this mission (cf. M. Hengel,Acts, pp.
lOlf.). A better man could not have been chosen for this delicate responsibility:
apart from his encouraging character (4:36), he was himself a Cypriot Jew by birth,
like some of those who had taken the initiative in this work of Gentile evange-
lization, and was more likely to sympathize with it than a more rigid Jerusalem dis-
ciple might have been.
{>LEA.0Eiv EU>£ 'AvtLOXELU£] l>LEA.0Eiv om P74 X AB 81 1739 pc latvg syrpesh
copb • The wording may imply that Barnabas followed the route taken by the itin-
0
erant Hellenists (cf. v. 19) until he reached Antioch, where he settled down to en-
courage and direct the new forward movement.
11:23 XUQLV ... EXUQTJ] Probably an intentional play on words; cf. Lk. 1:28,
xaiQE, XEXUQLtUJµEVTJ. God's grace (XUQL£) brings joy (xaQ<i) to the recipient and to
the sympathetic beholder. Barnabas's open-hearted spirit rejoiced at the spectacle
of God's free favor, unlimited by racial or religious frontiers, embraced and en-
joyed by all without distinction.
itaQEXUA.EL] Perhaps with reference to the meaning of his name (cf. 4:36 ); "he
encouraged them."
tfl :i,:goBfoEL TT)£ XUQ«'iLa£] "with purpose of heart," i.e., with fixed determina-
tion. The only other occurrence of the phrase in the Gk. Bible is in Ps. 9:38 (MT
10:17) in Symmachus's version.
JtQooµEvEL v t XUQL(!) J B '11 pc insert EV before t XUQLcµ. The sense is in any
case "to abide in the Lord" or "to adhere to the Lord"; cf. 13:43, JtQooµEvELV tfl
XUQLTL toii Omu.
11:24 aV~Q aya0o£] So another Joseph (of Arimathaea) is described in Lk.
23:50.
JtA~QT]£ JtVEUµatO£ ay(ou xal, JtLOTEUl£] Cf. Stephen, 6:5.
JtQOOEtEBT] OXA.0£ txavo£ t<j> XUQLOJ] B* omits t xuQicµ. Cf. the absolute use of
JtQootiBT]µL in 2:41, 47; also in 5:14, ift<j> XUQtcµ is construed there with motEUOVTE£
(if it is construed with JtQOOEti0Evto we have a parallel to JtQOOETEBT] ... t XUQ(cµ,
the reading of all our authorities here except B*).
11:25 EsT)A.0EV bE El£ TUQOOV ava~T]TT)OUL lilUAOV] For Toii)..ov P4S reads
lilO'lJA.. In b this sentence is recast: axolJOU£ bf OTL LUUA.0£ EOTL v El£ TaQOOV EsfJA.0Ev
273
avatTJtWV am6v, xal auvrnxwv :rtUQEl!.ClA.WEV EA.0Elv EL£ 'Avnoxuav. This statement
reinforces the impression received from 9:27, that Barnabas was previously ac-
quainted with Saul. He evidently knew that Saul was the right man to help him in
his work at Antioch. So he fetched him from Tarsus, where the narrative left Saul
in 9:30.
avatTJt~am] avam~am B* (an unsupported and clearly erroneous reading).
While avatritem "is capable of general use," MM conclude that in vernacular papyri
"it is specially used of searching for human beings, with an implication of diffi-
culty, as in the NT passages" (cf. Lk. 2:44).
11:26 Eyhno xtA.] In ti (as reconstructed by Ropes) this verse runs: o'tnVE£
:rtUQUYEVOµEVOL EVLUutOV OA.OV GUVEXU8l]GUV [tii El!.1!.A.l]GL<_L xal eb(baaxov] OXA.OV
ixav6v, xal tOtE :rtQfutov EXQl]µcinaav EV 'Avnoxd<.t oi µa8rital XQLattavoL Note the
twofold construction after EyevEto (1) dat. and infin., amoi:£ ... auvax8~vm ... xal
bLbci1;m, (2) acc. and infin., XQl]µat(am toll£ µa0T]tU£. The former might be literally
rendered, "It happened to them ... to meet ... and to teach."
auvax8~vm] For repeated action we might expect auvciyw8m, but the mean-
ing is made plain here by the addition of the note of time: evwmov oA.ov.
EV tfi EXXA.T]Ot<_L] The first occurrence of EXXA.T]Gta in Acts for a community
other than the original Jerusalem church, either in its pristine unity (see on 5: 11)
or in dispersion (see on 9:31).
ox1,.ov ixav6v] As in v. 24, OXA.O£ ixav6£.
XQT]µat(am] Lit. "transacted business" under the name Christians, i.e., were
publicly known as such. Cf. Rom. 7:3, µmxaA.1£ XQT]µattaEL. This intrans. use of
XQT]µatttm (from XQ~µata, "business") is to be distinguished from the trans. use of
10:22, etc., which in sense is akin to xgcioµm, "give an oracular response." Cf. MHT
II, p. 265; B. Reicke, TDNT9, pp. 480-82 (s.v. XQl]µatitm).
:ri:gcinm£] P45 X B (D*) 36 1739 pc I :ri:Qmtov P 74 A (De) E q, byz.
EV 'A vtLOXEL<.L toll£ µa0l]tct£] toll£ µa8T]tU£ EV 'A vtLOXEL<.L P45 .
XQLITTtavoll£] XQT]attavoll£ X* 81 (so also X* in 26:28; I Pet. 4:16). It was
naturally in Gentile circles that XQLITTO£ first came to be used as a personal name
rather than as a title (see on 2:36). The populace of Antioch (or perhaps the Roman
authorities), hearing the disciples use this designation so frequently, supplied it with
a Latin suffix (-Lav6£) and gave the appellation "Christians" to people who so ha-
bitually named the name of Christ. As the adherents of Herod were called Herodi-
ans ('HQcpbLavo(), so the followers of Christ were called Christians.
The use of the verbal adj. XQLITTO£ as a religious title meant nothing to pagan
Greeks, who confused it with the identically pronounced XQTJITTO£ ("useful," "ser-
viceable"), which, as they knew, was occasionally employed as a personal name
(cf.the form Chrestus in Suet. Claud. 25.4 [see on 18:2]; also in CIL 6.10233, where
it occurs as the cognomen of a Roman citizen). Similarly the variant spelling
XQT]ITTLav6£ is attested for XQLITTLUVO£ (cf.New Docs. 2 [ 1977], § 102; 3 [1978], §
98). The designation "Christians" does not appear to have been applied to them-
selves by the followers of Jesus until the second century; in the NT it is applied to
them by non-Christians (by Agrippa II in 26:28 and by their prosecutors in 1 Pet.
274
11:27-30 FAMINE RELIEF SENT TO JUDAEA
4:16, ws XQLCJ'tLUvos). Cf. Tac. Ann. 15.44: "Nero subdidit reos ... quos per flagi-
tia inuisos uulgus Christianos appellabat. auctor nominis eius Christus Tiberio im-
peritante per procuratorem Pontium Pilatum supplicio adfectus erat."
Other designations for Christians in Acts are µa01JtaL (6:1), iiyLm (9:13),
UOE11.cj>oi (9:30), mcn:oi (10:45), Na~WQULOL (24:5). See H.J. Cadbury, "Names for
Christians and Christianity in Acts," BC 1.5, pp. 375-92; W. Grundmann, TDNT 9,
pp. 536f. (s. v. XQiw ); E. J. Bickerman, "The Name of Christians," HTR 42 (1949),
pp. 109-24.
3. Famine Relief Sent to Judaea (11 :27-30)

27 'Ev tamms OE tais ~µEQULS xat~11.0ov (lJ't() 'lEQOOOA.lJj.LWV ltQOcj>*m ELS
'AvnoxELav· 28 avacn:as OE Els f~ am<iiv 6v6µatL 'Aya~os EO~µavEV OLU toii
JtVEUµatos 11.Lµov µqaA.T]V µEA.A.ELV forn0m Eq>' 011.T]V t~V OlX01JµEVTJV· ~tLS
EYEVEtO EltL K11.a1JOL01J. 29 t<iiv OE µa01]t<iiv xa0ws E1JltOQEit6 tL£ WQLOUV EXClCJ'tOS
am<iiv El£ OLUXOVLUV JtEµ'lpm to Is XUtOLXOUOL v EV tfl 'lovOUL<;l UOEA.cj>O 1£· 30 0 xal
EJtOLTJOUV anocn:Ei11.avtES JtQOS tous JtQE0~1JtEQ01JS OLa XELQOS BaQva~ii xal
LUUA.01J.
11:27 EV tam ms OE mis ~µEQULS J For the use of this expression to introduce
a new phase of the narrative cf. 1:15; 6:1. The "days" are those during which Bar-
nabas and Saul were ministering in the new church of Antioch.
JtQocj>*m J For the presence in the church of prophets (men and women who
spoke by the impulsion of the Spirit of God) cf. 13: 1; 15 :32; 21 :9-10. It was widely
believed that prophecy had ceased in Israel soon after the Babylonian exile (cf.
l Mace. 4:46; 9:27; 14:41; Jos.Ap. 1.41). It reappeared with John the Baptist (cf.
Mk. 11:32; Lk. 3:2; 7:26f.), Jesus is frequently called a prophet (cf. 3:22; 7:37; Lk.
7:16; 24:19), and in the church prophets ranked next to apostles (1 Cor. 12:28; Eph.
2:20; 4:11). See D. Hill, New Testament Prophecy (London, 1979); D. E. Aune,
Prophecy in Early Christianity and the Ancient Mediterranean World (Grand
Rapids, 1983).
11:28 avacn:as ... fo~µavEv] This is recast in o(D latP Aug al): ~v OE no11.11.~
ayaU.iaoLs· OlJVECJ'tQaµµEV(l)V OE ~µ<iiv Eq>T] Els El; am<iiv 6v6µatL 'Ay~os OT]µa(vwv.
This reading is important chiefly as constituting a "we" passage earlier than any in
the~ text. The introduction of~µwv here is probably due to the o reviser's acquain-
tance with the tradition that Luke was a native of Antioch (see pp. Sf.).
"Ay~os] The Gk. form of the name Hagab, Hagaba (Ezra 2:46; Neh. 7:48).
Agabus reappears at Caesarea in 21:10 (q.v.), in a "we" passage. G. W. H. Lampe
(St. Luke and the Church of Jerusalem, p. 24) suggests that Agabus is introduced
here from a tradition about Paul's last journey to Jerusalem, reproduced in its
chronological position in 21:10. (This suggestion is bound up with the improbable
view that the famine relief of vv. 29f. has been anachronistically transferred back
to this setting from Paul's last visit to Jerusalem, when, according to Rom. 15:25,
gifts from his Gentile mission field were brought for presentation to the mother
church; see further on v. 30.)
275
fo~µavEv] fo~µatvEv B latvg (significabat). Fora11µaivw cf. 25:27; Jn. 12:33;

l 8:32; 21: 19; Rev. 1: 1. Here it denotes oracular utterance.
<'iui wv nvEuµato~] Cf. 21:4 of similarly inspired prediction.
1..Lµov µEy<i1..11v] The gender oHLµo~ varies in the NT: here and in Lk. 15:14 it
is fem.; in Lk. 4:25 masc. Agabus perhaps envisaged this great and worldwide famine
as part of the woes of the end time (cf. Mk. 13:8); see M. Hengel, Acts, p. 111.
fow0m] Cf. 23:30; 24: 15; 27: I 0. Apart from ELCJEA.Euaw0m (Heb. 3: 18) and
XWQ~CJEL v (Jn. 21 :25), the fut. infin. in the NT is limited to Acts.
E<j>' 01..l]v t~v oixouµiv11v] Here, as in Lk. 2:1, the otxouµivl] is to be under-
stood of the Roman world, the orbis terrarum. The principate of Claudius was
marked by assiduae sterilitates (Suet. Claud. 18.2); under him famines occurred
not only in Judaea but in Rome, at the beginning of his rule (Dio Cassius, Hist.
60.11); in Egypt, in his fifth year (P.Mich. 123, 127); in Greece, in his eighth or
ninth year (Eusebius, Chron., anno Abr. 2065); and again in Rome, between his
ninth and eleventh years (Tac. Ann. 12.43; Orosius, Hist. 7 .6.17). Taken together,
these amount to something like an "ecumenical catastrophe" (G. Stahlin, Apostel-
geschichte. p. 164). C. C. Torrey's attempt to make "all the oixouµiv11" here (and
in Lk. 2: I) mean "all the land" of Judaea (CDA, pp. 20f.) is to be rejected (see the
critique by M. Wilcox, The Semitism.\· ofActs [Oxford, 1965], pp. 147f. ). Josephus
tells of a famine in Judaea about this time under the procurators Cuspius Fadus and
Tiberius Julius Alexander, i.e., between A.O. 44 and 48 (eni tomm~ <'i~ xai rov µiyav
t..Lµov xata t~V 'Iou<'ia(av CJUVE~l] YEVECJ0at, Ant. 20. IO I -for this, the reading of the
MSS, the Epitome reads E1Cl tomou, meaning "under Alexander"). He relates further
how Helena, queen mother of Adiabene, a Jewish proselyte, bought grain in Egypt
and figs in Cyprus, and had them taken to Jerusalem for distribu~ion in this famine,
while her son King Izates sent a large sum of money to the leading men in Jerusalem
to be used for public relief (Ant. 20.51-53). K. S. Gapp ("The Universal Famine
under Claudius," HTR 28 (1935], pp. 258-65), identifying this famine with that
mentioned in Jos. Ant. 3.320f., concludes that the famine extended to the spring of
A.O. 46 or 4 7. J. Jeremias ("Sabbathjahr und neutestamentliche Chronologie," ZNW
27 [ 1928]. pp. 98-103 = Abba [ Gottingen, 1966], pp. 233-38) points out that, if the
harvest failed in A.O. 46-47, the incidence of the sabbatical year A.O. 47-48 would
have intensified the scarcity of food; famine conditions would have prevailed until
the spring of AD. 49. (For a critique of Jeremias see A Suh!, Paulus und seine
Briefe: Ein Beitrag zur paulinischen Chronologie, SNT 11 [Giitersloh, 1975],
p. 59.) On the more general question see P. Garnsey, Famine and Food Supply in
the Graeco-Roman World (Cambridge, 1988).
~TL~] Regularly in the NT for the simple relative~ (see 9:36 for an exception
to this rule).
eni K1..auoiou J Claudius, the fourth Roman emperor, was the grandson
(through his father) of Livia (wife of Augustus) and (through his mother) of the tri-
umvir Marcus Antonius; he was the nephew of Tiberius. He succeeded his own
nephew Gaius in A.O. 41 and ruled until 54. He paid careful attention to the admin-
istration of the provinces and concerned himself with issues of public order in Alex-
276
11:27-30 FAMINE RELIEF SENT TO JUDAEA
andria and other great cities. During his principate Britain was conquered and made
a Roman province. Luke's wording (~n~ ryivEto ... ) may imply that the prophecy
was uttered before Claudius's accession in 41, but this is not a certain inference.
See A D. Momigliano, Claudius: The Emperor and his Achievement (Cambridge,
2 1961); also F. F. Bruce, New Testament History (London, 2 1971), pp. 275-87. See
further on 18:2.
11:29 EUltOQEito] "had plenty." Here only in the NT; cf. EUJtOQLU, 19:25. The
passive in this sense occurs in Aristotle and Polybius; cf. Lev. 25:26, 49 LXX. Cf.
also 1 Cor. 16:2, ott tav Euob&tm.
OJQL<Jav Exaoto~ amwv] EXUITTO£ OJQL<Jav P45 . Perhaps the meaning of OJQL<Jav
("they arranged") is that each one set aside a fixed sum out of income or property
as a contribution to the fund, much as the Corinthian Christians were advised to do
for the later collection for Jerusalem (1 Cor. 16:1-4).
EL£ bwxov(av J Cf. 12:25, ltAl]QW<JavtE£ t~v bLaxov(av. For this sense of bL-
axov(a ("ministry") cf. also 6: 1; Rom. 15 :31; 2 Cor. 8:4, 19f. It is not necessary to
suppose, with W. M. Ramsay, that Barnabas and Saul actually administeredtheAn-
tiochene gift in Jerusalem (SPT, p. 51 ).
11:30 aJtootELAavtE£ I Aor. ptc. with simultaneous force.
JtQ~ toll£ JtQWPutEQOU£] The ciders of the Jerusalem church are here men-
tioned for the first time; they appear again in 15:2, 4, 6, 22, 23; 16:4 (in associa-
tion with the apostles) and in 21:18 (without any reference to the apostles). They
probably functioned as a Nazarene Sanhedrin; possibly James the Just was already
their president (as in 15:13; 21:18). Perhaps the apostles arc not mentioned here
because they were not mentioned in Luke's source; in any case, their business was
not this bwxov(a but the bwxov(a toii 1,.oyou (6:2-4). The ciders were now re-
sponsible for those matters which were earlier superintended by the seven Hellenis-
tic almone,s (6:5f.).
bLa XELQO£) As in 5:12: 7:25, 35.
BaQvapa xat Tou1,.ou J (For Tou1,.ou P45 reads Toou>.., as in v. 25; 9:24; 13:7).
Two delegates are sent, as in 8:14; 9:38, etc. M. Hengel (Acts, p. 112) admits the
possibility that Barnabas was sent alone, and that Luke added the name of Saul ( cf.
his placing John alongside Peter in 3: 1-4:19; 8: 14-25). But this may be the occa-
sion referred to in Gal. 2: 1, when Paul went up to Jerusalem with Barnabas 14 years
(or in the fourteenth year) after his conversion; see F. F. Bruce, The Epistle to the
Galatians (Grand Rapids/Exeter, 1982), pp. 105-28.
If Agabus made his prediction a considerable time before the famine, the
delegation may have gone to Jerusalem before the emergency arose; on the other
hand, the Antiochene Christians may have started the relief fund when the proph-
ecy was uttered and continued contributing to it until the famine came. It is there-
fore difficult to fix the precise date of this visit to Jerusalem. It is not necessary to
date it earlier than the events of ch. 12 (which belong to the period of Herod
Agrippa's reign over Judaea, A.D. 41-44); Luke completes one phase of his narra-
tive before going back in time to deal with another phast:. But a date not later than
AD. 48, and possibly two or three years earlier, is probable.
277
There is no compelling reason to see in this visit a duplicate of that of 15:2,

when Barnabas and Saul (Paul) were deputed to go up from Antioch to Jerusalem
for another purpose, although the case has been argued attractively by P. Benoit,
"La deuxieme visite de Saint Paul a Jerusalem," Bib 40 (1959), pp. 778-92 (he
views 15:3ff. as originally following on from 11:30, the material of 12:25-15:2
being derived by Luke from another source and inserted in its present position out
of chronological sequence). Still less reason is there for viewing the famine relief
of 11 :27-30 as a redactional substitute, assigned to this earlier occasion, for the
Jerusalem relief fund to which Paul devoted so much thought and energy in the
closing phase of his Aegean ministry, and which Luke passes over in almost total
silence (see on 20:4; 24: 17). For this view see J. Knox, Chapters in a Life of Paul
(London, 1950), pp. 71f. See also C.H. Buck, "The Collection for the Saints," HTR
43 (1950), pp. 1-29 (especially pp. 15-21); J. Dupont, "La famine sous Claude,
Actes 11.28," RB 62 (1955), pp. 52-55 = Etudes, pp. 163-65; R. W. Funk, "The
Enigma of the Famine Visit," JBL 75 (1956), pp. 130-36; G. Strecker, "Die so-
genannte zweite Jerusalemreise des Paulus (Act 11,27-30)," ZNW 53 (1962), pp.
67-77 = Geschichte und Historie: Aufsiitze (Gottingen, 1979), pp. 132-41; G. Ogg,
The Chronology of the Life of Paul (London, 1968), pp. 43-57; R. Jewett, Dating
Paul '.s Life (London, 1979), p. 34; U. Borse, "Paulus in Jerusalem," in Kontinuitiit
und Einheit: Festschrift fur F. Mussner, ed. P.-G. Muller and W. Stanger (Frei burg
im Breisgau, 1981), pp. 43-64; G. Ludemann, Paul, Apostle to the Gentiles: Stud-
ies in Chronology, E.T. (London, 1984), pp. 13-15, 149-52; S. Dockx, Chronolo-
gies neotestamentaires et Vie de l'Eglise primitive (Leuven, 1984), pp. 62-69, 89-
95; A. Suh!, Paulus und seine Briefe, p. 63; N. Hyldahl, Die paulinische
Chronologie, Acta Theologica Danica 19 (Leiden, 1986), pp. 69, 81.
278
ACTS 12
E. HEROD AGRIPPA I AND THE CHURCH (12: 1-24)

1. Ma,tyrdom ofJames; Imprisonment of Peter (12:1-4)
I Kat' EXELVOV be tov XULQOV EltE~UA.EV 'HQcf>bTJ£ 6 ~UOLA.Eix; t<l£ XELQU£ xaxwaa(
tLVU£ tWV a:n:6 t~£ EXXA.TJOLU£. 2 UVELA.EV be 'la,W>~OV tOV abEA.q>OV 'lwavvou
µaxa(Qn. 3 tbwv be OtL CtQEITTOV EatL v tOL£ 'Iouba(OL£ 3tQOOE0EtO OUA.A.U~ELV xal
IIEtQOV (~oav be ~µEQUL twv utuµwv), 4 ov xal maOU£ E0Et0 EL£ q>UA.UX~V, 3t<lQU-
bOU£ tEOOUQOL v tEtQUMOL£ atQatLWtWV q,u1.aoOEL v am6v, ~ou1.6µEVO£ µEta to
:n:aoxa avayayELV amov t<jl A.U<Jl.
12:1 The narrative now leaves the advance of Gentile Christianity and re-
sumes the "Acts of Peter."
xat' ExEi:vov be tov XULQOV] A vague time-indication, with reference to the
events of 11: 19-30: after the cvangelization of Antioch and perhaps after the proph-
ecy of Agabus, but certainly before the famine. Cf. 19:23, where the same phrase
again introduces a fresh episode.
E:n:t~a1.Ev ... ta£ XELQU£] This phrase is used of hostile action in 4:3; 5:18;
21 :27 (as elsewhere in the NT, LXX, Polybius, and vernacular papyri); but this use
with infin. is peculiar. For its use with xaxwom here cf. 18: 10, oubd£ Em~oEtaL
am tou xaxwaa( aE.
'HQCJ}IITJ£ 6 ~am1.Eix;] Herod Agrippa I, born 11 B.C, son of Aristobulus (one
of Herod the Great's sons by the Hasmonaean princess Mariamne). His name as a
Roman citizen was M. Julius Agrippa, the cognomen being due no doubt to his
father's friendship with the Roman statesman M. Vipsanius Agrippa (died 12 B.C.).
After his father's execution in 7 B.C., Agrippa was sent with his mother Berenice
to Rome, where he grew up on terms of close friendship with the imperial family.
He became so heavily involved in debt that in AD. 23 he had to retire to ldumaea.
Through the influence of his sister Herodias he was granted asylum and a pension
at Tiberias from his uncle Antipas (see on 4:27), with whom, however, he eventu-
ally quarreled. In 36 he returned to Rome, but offended Tiberius and was impris-
oned. When Tiberius died in the following year, he was released by the new emperor
Gaius, who bestowed on him the title of king, the former tetrarchies of Philip and
Lysanias (cf. Lk. 3: 1), and a gold chain equal in weight to the iron one which he
279
had worn in prison. When Antipas was deposed and exiled in 39, Agrippa received,
in addition to what he held already, his tetrarchy of Galilee and Peraea. He was able
in 40 to dissuade Gaius from his intention to have his image set up in the Jerusalem
temple. He continued to enjoy the imperial favor under Claudius (41-54), who
added Judaea and Samaria to his kingdom, so that its extent, from 41 to 44, was
comparable to his grandfather's. In Palestine he sedulously cultivated the goodwill
of his Jewish subjects, observing their customs and showing preference for their
company, so that even the Pharisees thought well of him. On one occasion, when
he publicly read Dt. 17: 14-20 (the "law of the kingship") at the Feast ofTabernacles
in 41, he is said to have wept at the words of v. 15 ("you may not put a foreigner
over you, who is not your brother"), for he remembered his Edomite ancestry; but
the people called out repeatedly, "Be not dismayed; you are indeed our brother!"
(mSo!a 7.8). Cf. Jos. Ant. 18.126, 131-34, 143-69, 179-204, 228-56, 289-301;
19.236-44, 265, 274- 77, 288, 292-354; Philo, Flaccus 25-39, 103; Leg. ad Gai.
179, 261-333. See also Schurer I, pp. 442-54; A H. M. Jones, The Herods of
Judaea (Oxford, 1938), pp. 184-216; J. Meyshan, "The Coinage of Agrippa the
First," IEJ 4 (1954), pp. 186-200.
xaxwoa( n va; t&v &not~; EXXAl]CTta;] For this use of aJto cf. Ex in oi h :rtE-
Qttoµ~;, 10:45; 11:2. The "certain members of the church" who were the principal
targets of Agrippa's attack were the apostles, and he attacked them, evidently, with
popular approval (v. 3a). This change in the public attitude to the apostles since the
persecution that followed Stephen's death, when they appear to have been exempt
from molestation, may be ascribed to the action of Peter, their leader, in consorting
with Gentiles (members of the Roman army of occupation, at that) and to the others'
acquiescence in his action.
12:2 avEi:1.Ev bE 'laxw~ov] Thus was fulfilled for James his Master's proph-
ecy of Mk. 10:39. E. Schwartz, "Uber den Tod der Sohne Zebedaei," AGG, phil.-
hist. Kl. 7.5 (1904); "ZurChronologie des Paulus,"NGG (1907), pp. 266-69; "Noch
einmal der Tod der Sohne Zebedaei," ZNW 11 ( 1910), pp. 89-104, followed by a
number of others, argued that the original text said not "James the brother of John"
but "James and John his brother," or words to that effect. The basis for the argu-
ment is one manuscript (Codex Coislinianus 305, discovered in 1862) of the ninth-
century Georgios Hamartolos, Chron. 3.134.1, according to which Papias of Hier-
apolis, writing as an "eyewitness of John," recorded in the second book (of his
Exegesis of the Dominica! Orades) that John was "killed by Jews." This peculiar
reading may have been interpolated from a statement in an epitome of the fifth-
century Chronicle of Philip of Side: "Papias in his second book says that John the
divine and James his brother were killed by Jews" (published by C. de Boor from
the Bodleian MS Baroccianus 142 in "Neue Fragmente des Papias, Hegesippus
und Picrius," TU 5.2 [1888], pp. 165-84, especially p. 170). The evidence of early
church calendars and martyrologies has also been cited. But the "critical myth" of
John the apostle's early death rests on evidence so flimsy that it "would have pro-
voked derision if it had been adduced in favour of a conservative conclusion" (AS.
Peake, Holborn Review 19 [1928], p. 394). See J. H. Bernard, "The Traditions as
280
12: 1-4 MARTYRDOM OF JAMES; IMPRISONMENT OF PETER
to the Death of John, the Son of Zebedee," Studia Sacra (London, 1917), pp. 260-
84.
There is no means of knowing why James was singled out first for execu-
tion. It is unlikely that his being a "son of thunder" (Mk. 3: 17) had anything to do
with it. Nor is it probable that a deliberate parallel is drawn between Agrippa's be-
heading of James and Antipas's beheading of John the Baptist (Lk. 9:8). Eusebius
(HE 2.9.2f.) quotes from Clement of Alexandria'sHypotyposes 7 the tradition that
the officer in charge of James was so impressed by his witness that he professed
himself a Christian, "and so both were beheaded together."
12:3 otL UQEot6v EotL v tol<; 'Iouoo(m<;] 6 adds~ EJtLX.ELQl]OL<; m'rroii EJtl tou<;
motouc; (for moto( cf. 10:45). It is implied that James was not executed out of defer-
ence to Jewish opinion, but that his execution (whatever the charge against him
was) met with public approval (unlike the execution of James the Just some 20
years later, Jos. Ant. 20.200f.). Agrippa was thus encouraged to move against the
leader of the apostles.
JtQOOE0Eto ou11.11.a~Elv] Lit. "he added to seize," i.e., "he also seized": a Se-
mitic construction, common in the OT. Cf. Lk. 19: 11; 20: llf. (in the latter passage
JtQOOE0Eto ... mµ'lj!m = rtaALV aJtEotELAEV of Mk. 12:4 par. Mt. 21:36). This is
I frequently said to be the only Semitism found in the Gk. of Josephus (J. de Zwaan
cites W. Schmidt and A. Thumb to this effect, BC 1.2, p. 63, n. 2), but H. St. J.
Thackeray, "An Unrecorded 'Aramaism' in Josephus," ITS 30 (1929), pp. 361-70,
points out that the instances of JtQOotL0w0m with infin. in Josephus bear a differ-
ent meaning, and are not semitisms. (But Thackeray did trace in Josephus's use of
the otiose liQX,E00m with infin. of verbs of speaking in Ant. 1-13 and BJ 3.361 "an
instance of unconscious and involuntary retention of the author's native Aramaic
phraseology.")
xal IlEtQov] Probably because Peter was the acknowledged leader of the
Twelve; his removal, it may have been reckoned, would paralyze the whole move-
ment.
~oav 6E ~µEQm tfuv a~uµwv] The "days of unleavened bread" commenced on
Passover Eve, Nisan 14, and lasted until Nisan 21 (Ex. 12: 18; Lev. 23:5f.). Cf. 20:6.
The year may have been 42 or 43. Agrippa was in Rome in 41 at the time ofGaius's
assassination on January 24 and remained there long enough to see Claudius es-
tablished in the imperial authority. Then, having received Judaea as augmentation
to his kingdom, he made his way there to take up the reins of power, and no doubt
had more pressing matters to engage his attention before Passovertide in that year
than the repression of the church. He may have died before Passovertide in 44 (see
on v. 21); if so, 42 or 43 would be the date of the imprisonment of Peter.
12:4 ov ,ml maoa<; xtA] After the parenthesis (~oav DE ... ) the relative ov
catches up the antecedent IlEtQOV.
E0Eto EL<; <j>u11.ax~v] E0Eto Ev qiu11.axfl P4 5 E. Cf. 1:7; 4:3; 5:18, 25 for similar
phrases with the middle of tL01]µL.
Jtagabou<; ... qiu11.aoo£t v] For the infin. cf. 16:4, JtUQEb(6ooav ... qiu11.<iooEL v.
tEOOUQOL v tEtQab(ou; otganwtwv] One quaternion ( company of four soldiers)
281
for each watch of the night. Cf. Vegetius: "in quattuor partes ad clepsydram sun!
diuisae uigiliae ut non amplius quam tribus horis nocturnis necesse sit uigilare"
(De re militari 3.8).
µmi To :mioxa] Action such as Agrippa contemplated would be offensive
during the sacred season. Cf. Mk. 14:2, µ~ Ev Tfi EOQTfi, omitted in Lk. 22:2. (Did
Luke deliberately omit the phrase there in view of his intention to use a similar
phrase here? This idea may seem farfetched, but cf. 1:7; 6: 11-14; 9:40 for Markan
themes omitted in Luke but used in a new context in Acts. The outstanding ex-
ample of this phenomenon may be found in the "great omission," i.e., Mk. 6:45-
8:26, which has no parallel in Luke, possibly because it adumbrates Jesus' com-
munication of himself to the Gentiles, a theme reserved for full development in
Acts.)
The Passover strictly speaking was celebrated in the afternoon of Nisan 14,
and the Feast of Unleavened Bread on Nisan 15, but Luke uses mioxa in a wider
sense, of the whole festal season. Cf. Lk. 22:1 (~ EOQt~ twv a~uµwv ~ 1..qoµhl]
n
mioxa); 7 (~ ~µEQU TWV a~uµwv EbEL 0uw0m to mioxa), by contrast with Mk. 14:1,
to ltUOl(U xai ta ii~uµa.
avayayeiv autov tq.> 1..acj:l] For public trial and execution. MM quote from an
inscription of the first century A.D. (SIG 366.24 [= SfG3 799.24]) the phrase
aval(0Evta di:; tov bfJµov (not for execution but for sentencing to banishment).
2. Peter's Escape from Prison (12:5-11)

56 µEV ouv mtQO£ Etl]QELtO EV tfi ~u1..axfi· ltQOOEUl(~ {)f, ~v EXtEVOl£ yL voµevlj
imo tfJi:; EXXA.l]Otai:; ltQO£ tOV 0EOV JtE()l autoi.i. 6 OtE br ~µEA.A.EV Jt()Oayayfiv autov
0 'HQ0blJ£, tfi vuxti EXELVTI ~v O TIEtQO£ XOLµooµevoi:; µEta;u buo ITTQatLOltWV
brbrµe VO£ 111..uaEOL v buo (v, ~u1..aXEi:; tEJtQO tfJi:; 0UQU£ Et~Qouv t~v ~u1..ax~v. 7 xa i
tbou iiyyE1..0£ XUQiou EltEITTlJ, xai ~wi:; E1..aµ"1EV Ev tq.> otx~µan- rratci;a£ llE t~v
ltA.EUQav toii TIETQOU ~YELQEV autov 1..eywv, 'Avcima EV t<ll(EL· xai E;Errwav
autoii ai llA.UOEL£ EX tfuv l(EL()WV. 8 ElltEV be 6 iiyyEA.0£ ltQO£ aut6v, Zwom xai
lJJtObl]OUL ta oavbaA.L(l oou· EltOLl]OEV bE Out0l£. xai A.EYEL autq.>, flEQL~UA.OU tO
lµan6v oou XUL CtXOA.OU0EL µm· 9 XUL E;E1..0wv ~XOA.OU0EL, XUL oux t\{)EL OTL
ClA.l]0Ei:; EotL v TO YL VOµEVOV bLa toii ayye1..ou, EbOXEL bE OQaµa ~AEltEL v.
IO bLEA.00vtEi:; f>E ltQWtl]V q>UA.UX~V xai OEUtEQUV ~1..eav Eltl t~V lt'UA.l]V t~V OLOl]Q<lV
t~V ~EQOUOUV di:; t~V ltOA.L v, ~TL£ autoµcitl] ~VO (YlJ auto l£, xai E;EA.06vtE£
ltQOTJA.0ov QUf..tl]V µiav, xai EU0EOl£ ClltEITT'l'J 6 ayyEA.0£ arr' autoii. 11 xai 6 mtQOi:;
EV fomcj:l yEvoµEvoi:; drrEv, Niiv olba a1..ri0wi:; on i:!;amiotELAEV 6 XUQLO£ tov
ayyEt...ov autoii xai E;dt...at6 µE EX l(ELQO£ 'HQtj}bou xai JtUOlJ£ tfJi:; ltQooboxiai:;
toi.i 1..aoi.i twv 'Iouba(wv.
12:S EVtfi <j>u1..axfi] Some forms of b (latpvg.cod syrhcl**) add a cohorte reg is,
which Blass, Zahn, and A C. Clark restore as imo tfJ£ OJtELQlJ£ toii ~am')...ewi:;. See
further on 10: 1 for Agrippa's armed forces.
ltQOOEUl(~ OE ~v ... yL voµevri] A curious example of the periphrasis com-
mented on in the note on 1: 10; if there is any difference from ty(vEto, it must lie in
the special emphasis placed on the continuousness of the praying.
282
'
12:5-11 PETER'S ESCAPE FROM PRISON
EXTEVW£] "earnestly"; cf. 26:7 (Ev EXTEVEL«;:t ); Lk. 22:44 (bctEVECJTEQOV ); Judith
4:9 (xai avE~OT]CTUV ltO.£ O.V~Q 'laQa~).. ltQO£ TOY 0EOV EV EXTEVEL«;l µqat..n, xai
EtrutEL vouaav tU£ 'i'UXU£ amci>V EV EXTEVEL«;l µqat..n).
12:6 JtQOayayEiv] P 74 A36 81 al /JtQOayuv DE byz I JtQoaayayEiv B 33 pc
/ JtQoaayu v X q, 6 pc. Whatever the original reading may be, its force here is much
the same as that of avayayElv in v. 4. µtnm is used six times with the aor. infin. in
the NT (here and in Rom. 8: 18; Gal. 3:23; Rev. 3:2, 16; 12:4; also Lk. 20:36 D W
e Mcion); with pres. infin. 84 times; with fut. infin. three times (all in Acts: 11:28;
24:15; 27:10). See MHT I, p. 114, n. 1.
l>El>EµEv~ a)..uawt v buaiv] I.e., handcuffed to the two soldiers posted on
either side of him. For O.t..UCTL£ (a chain for the hands or arms) cf. 21:33; 28:20. For
l>Ew ("bind") cf. 21 :33 (Paul in the Antonia fortress, like Peter here, perhaps in the
same building, was bound with two a)..uaEt£); 26:7, 29; lgn. Rom. 5:1 (bEbEµEvo£
bixa t..EOJtaQbm£, o fott v otQattmttxov tayµa). Agrippa himself had been chained
to a soldier during his imprisonment in Rome (tov auvbEbEµEvov amcjl ITTQITTLWTTJV,
Jos. Ant. 18.196).
cput..aXE£ TE JtQO t~£ 0UQU£] If two members of the quaternion were on either
side of Peter, the other two probably guarded the door of his cell. Cf. 5:23, to~
cj>Ut..UXU£ ECTTWta£ EJtl TOJV !:hJQWV ).
12:7 xai Lbou a.yyEt..0£ XUQLOU EJtEITTTJ] Cf. Lk. 2:9, xai a.yyEt..0£ XUQLOU EJtECTTT]
(for EJttat~vm of divine or angelic appearances cf. also 23:11; Lk. 24:4). By his
language, and especially by the phrase a.yyEt..0£ XUQLOU (see on 5:19; 8:26), Luke
gives the naITative the form of an angelophany. For supernatural appearances in
sleep see New Docs. I (1976 ), § 6 (with similar use ofEJtEITTTJ); 2 (1977), § 2. Both
biblical and extrabiblical accounts of escapes from prison exhibit recurring simi-
larities in form and language; cf. 5: 17-23 (where the angel of the Lord also opens
the prison); 16:25f.; also Euripides, Bacchae 443-50; Ovid, Metamorphoses 3.696-
700. R. Reitzenstein, Die hellenistischen Wundererziihlungen (Leipzig, 1906), pp.
120-22, compares similar language in Acts of Thomas 118-22 (there, however, the
influence of our Acts may be discerned).
cpfu£ naµ'i'Ev] Cf. the continuation of the passage quoted above from Lk. 2:9,
b6sa xuQ(ou JtEQLEt..aµ,PEv amo1J£. C. F. D. Moule compares Eph. 5:14 (The Birth of
the New Testament (Cambridge, 3 1981 ], p. 34).
oix~µan] For the Attic euphemistic use of ofaT]µa ("room," "bedchamber")
for "prison cell" cf. Demosthenes, Zenothemis 29.
avaata] Cf. 9: 11.
xai EsEJtECTUV amou ai <lt..UCTEL£] Cf. 16:26, JtUVTWV ta bwµa O.VEOTj.
12:8 twam] I.e., "tie your belt round your tunic." He continued to wear his
undergarment (Xttwv), loosened, but kept his cloak (iµanov) to put on when going
out.
12:9 &ta tou ayyi)..ou] "by the agency of the angel"; his deliverance was the
work of God, whether the a.yyEt..0£ was human or superhuman.
iboxu l>E OQUµa ~t..EJtEL v] For OQaµa cf. 9: 10, 12; 10:3, 17. Since Peter could
be the only source of factual information about the deliverance, this comment on
283
his state of mind at the time discourages dogmatism about the nature of the ayyE1..os
or about other details of the narrative.
12: IO OtE1..86vtE£ OE JT{lWTlJV cpv1..m,~v xai OEVTEQUV J cpv1..ax~ should be treated
here as a collective noun: each cpv1..ax~ consisted of the sentries posted at the suc-
cessive points of exit or entrance. The description seems to reflect the account of
someone who knew the location. Peter's prison was probably in the Antonia
fortress, where Paul was later detained (21 :34-23:30). "There were obviously three
gates and three wards to pass (Peter was allowed to pass the first and the second,
being taken presumably as a servant); but no servant would be expected to pass be-
yond the outermost ward at night, and a different course was needed there)" (W. M.
Ramsay, SPT, p. 28). The outermost ward was at "the iron gate (or gate reinforced
with iron) which led into the city."
amoµatl] J Such "automatic" opening of gates and doors appears in Gk. lit-
erature from Homer on. Cf. the account in Jos. BJ 6.293 of how the heavy eastern
gate of the inner court of the Jerusalem temple opened amoµatw;. LC quote Arta-
panus, De ludaeis (ap. Euseb. PE 9.27.23): vvxt<)£ OE bttyEvoµeVl]£ ta£ TE 0UQU£
miaas autoµat(l)£ avotx0fivm toil brnµO>TTJQL01J xal 't(J)V cj)VAUX(!JV oils µEv 'tEAEVTijam,
TL vas OE {m:o TO'U U3tV01J 3tUQE8ijvm ta TE 03tAU xanayijvm. Cf. also the opening of
doors by angelic action in 5:19 and by earthquake action in 16:26.
e1;EA86vtE£ Jo (D latP) adds xa.e~rJaav rnus Ema (om latP) ~a8µou£ xai, an ad-
dition so circumstantial that it might well be taken for a genuine piece of local color
provided by someone who knew Jerusalem before its destruction in A.O. 70. The
flight of seven steps would be comparable to those flights discovered during ex-
cavations south and southwest of the temple mount since 1968 (see Y. Yadin [ed.],
Jerusalem Revealed [New Haven/London, 1976 J, pp. 25-30), but not identical with
any of them.
gvµl]v µ(av J Another detail possibly depending on local knowledge. The use
of the numeral EL£ practically as the indef. art. is a mark of koine Gk.
anfotl] 6 ayyE1..0£ an' amoil] The account of Sundar Singh's escape from a
locked well in Tibet (cf. B. H. Streeter and A. J. Appasamy, The Sadhu [London,
1926], pp. 30-32) presents remarkable parallels to this narrative. But "Peter thought
it was all a vision until he found himself safe and sound. The Sadhu thought the
rescuer was a man until he disappeared" (L. E. Browne, The Acts of the Apostles
[London, 1925], p. 205).
12:11 EV fovnµ YEVOµEvo;J "coming to himself' (lit. "in himself'); hitherto
he had been "outside himself' (h exataaEL, as on the housetop in Joppa; cf. 10: 10);
at least he was not sure whether he was asleep or awake. The angel and the state
of exm:aat£ left him simultaneously. With the phrase here cf. Lk. 15: 17, EL£ fomov
OE e1..8wv (describing a different kind of experience).
Esa3tEITTELAEV o XllQLOS TOV ayyEAOV autoii] 6 om X AD 81 byz I 6 0EO£ 36 323
453 945 1739 pc latP I XVQLO£ 6 0EO£ 1241. Cf. Dan. 6:23 Theod., 6 0E6£ µov
anEITTELAE rov ayyE1..ov amoil (which may have been responsible for the reading 6
8EO£ for 6 XllQLOS here).
JtQoaooxias] Objective (what they were expecting), not subjective (their ex-
284
12: 12-17 PETER REPORTS HIS ESCAPE
pectant attitude). C. C. Torrey unnecessarily sees behind it Aram. ma~sa/;Jtii, which

can mean "plot," "machination," as well as "thought," "opinion," "calculation"
(CDA, pp. 36f.).
3. Peter Reports His Escape (12:12-17)

12 ouvL&iiv tE ~WEv EltL t~v obr.iav tfJ£ MaQLU£ tfJ£ µT]tQO~ 'Iwcivvou toii Eltlxa-
1.ouµivou MciQXOll, oil ~oav ixavol 01lVTJ0QOLOµEvOL xai ltQOOEUXOµEVOL.
13 XQOUOUVto£ CE mh:oii t~v 0uQav toii nu1.wvo£ ltQOOl]A.0Ev nmcioxri i,naxoiiam
ov6µatl 'PoCT], 14 XUL imyvouaa t~V qiwv~v tof, IlEtQ01J UltO tfJ£ XUQU£ oux
~VOL);EV tov ltlJAWVU, EiobQaµouoa CE antjyyELAEV fotcivm tov IlEtQOV ltQO to'U
lt1JAWVO£. 15 oi CE ltQO£ am~v ElltUV, Ma(vn. ~ CE CL°LOXUQl~EtO OutW£ EXELV. oi
CE EAfYOV, 'O a.yyEA0£ £0tLV amoii. 160 bE IlEtQO£ fltEµEVEV XQOU(J)V• avoi1;av-
tE£ CE dbav amov XUL E);EatT]OUV. 17XUtUOELOU£ CE autOL£ tfl XELQL myav
CLTjytjoato autOL£ ltW£ () XUQLO£ amov E);tjyayEv EX TT]~ <jl1JAUXT]£, ELltEV tE,
'AnayyEit..atE 'Im@~(!) XUL tOL£ UCEt..q>Ol£ taiita. XUL E1;d0wv fltOQEUOT] EL£
EtEQOV tOltOV.
12:12 ouvLbwv J "having realized the position" or ''having taken stock of the
situation" (cf. 14:6).
~t..OEv Eltl t~v oixiav Tl]£ MaQLU£ tfJ£ µT]tQO~ 'Iwcivvou toii imxa1.ouµevou
MciQxm,] This house seems to have been a meeting place for a large group of dis-
ciples in Jerusalem, probably one of the houses indicated in 2:46 (xat' olxov). The
group that met here was evidently that to which Peter belonged. Presumably Mary's
husband (John Mark's father) was no longer alive. Mary is identified by the addi-
tion of her son's name: the readers of Acts were better acquainted with the second
than with the first generation of disciples (cf. Mk. 15:21, 40).
John Mark is one of the many Jews in Acts to have a Gentile as well as a
Jewish name (for various categories of double names see New Docs. 1 [1976], §
55). He reappears in v. 25; 13:5-13; 15:37-39, and is commonly identified with the
Mark (Marcus) of Col. 4:10; Phlm. 24; 2 Tim. 4: 11; 1 Pet. 5:13, and with the author
of the Second Gospel. According to later writers, he acted as Peter's aide-de-camp
and interpreter in Rome, reproduced his preaching in the Gospel which bears his
name, and later founded the church of Alexandria (this last tradition probably re-
flects the arrival in Alexandria of the Gospel of Mark). See the traditions of Papias,
Irenaeus, Clement of Alexandria, and others preserved by Euscbius (HE 2.15.1-
16.2; 3.39.14-16; 5.8.3; 6.14.6). See M. Hengel, Studies in the Gospel ofMark, E.T.
(London, 1985), pp. 2-14.
12:13 t~v 0'uQav toii nu1.rovo£] "the (smaller) door in the (large) gateway
(leading from the courtyard to the street)." The nut..wv might comprise a vestibule
or forecourt, as in the high priest's palace (Mt. 26:71); M. Hengel speaks of "the
splendid house of Mary ... , distinguished by its forecourt" (Between Jesus and
Paul, E.T. [London, 1983), p. 108).
vnaxouam] "to answer the door"; cf. Plato, Phacdo 59E, o 0UQWQO£, ciOJtEQ
dw0EL vnaxouu v. This was the duty of the 0UQWQO£, who might be a woman (cf.
285
Jn. 18: 16f.); the slave girl (n:m<'\(ox:r1) here is not explicitly called the 8uQwQ6i;, but
that word would designate her function (cf. New Docs. 2 [1977), § 53).
'Pobri) A Gk. name (ooboi;, "rose"), in common use, occurring, e.g., in Her-
mas,Shepherd 1.1. See W. M. Ramsay, "Rhoda the Slave-Girl," BRD, pp. 209-21.
12:14 an:o t~i; xaQdi; oux ~VOLsEV J Causal an:6 as in 11: 19; 22: 11.
12:15 J1:QO£ am~v drtav] ElJtOV JtQO£ am~v P4 5 33.
~ bE bLtoXUQttno] For bL°LOXUQttoµm ("insist," "confidently affirm") see New
Docs. 2 (1977), § 39.
EA.Eyov] drtav B. The imperf. implies repetition.
oayyE'A.oi; em:L v amoii] oom P45 X *. The angel is here conceived of as Peter's
spiritual counterpart, capable of assuming his appearance and being mistaken for
him, like the AvestanfravaiH Cf. Gen. 48:16; Dan. 3:28; 6:22; Tob. 5:4-16; Mt.
18:10; Heb. 1:14. See J. H. Moulton," 'It is his Angel,' ".ITS 3 (1902), pp. 514-27,
especially 5 l 6f.
12:17 xataodoai; <'iE amoii; rn XELQL myiiv) Another graphic touch which
brings the scene before the reader's eyes, as indeed the whole narrative does-the
delightful description of Rhoda's excitement, which makes her forget to open the
door; the incredulous reaction of those within, too surprised to believe that their
prayers had been answered so quickly; Rhoda's insistence that it really was Peter-
while all the time Peter himself stands anxiously but discreetly knocking for ad-
mission, unwilling to attract the attention of anyone in the vicinity. Now we pic-
ture him entering and hushing with a gesture the babel of excited questions about
to burst forth; for all he knew, his enemies might already be on his track.
OL yiiv] breads Yva m y<iowm v, and as in 16: 18 it reads Yva e1;1it..Sni; for e1;E'A.8eiv,
in both places after a verb of command or its equivalent. The infinitival use of ha
with the subjunctive is a step in the direction of Mod. Gk.
artayyEi'A.atE 'Iaxw~cp XUL toii; abe'A.qioii; tafua) Presumably James and the
"brothers" (James's fellow elders, possibly; see on 11:30) met elsewhere than in
Mary's house. James receives separate mention as an acknowledged leader; noth-
ing is said of Peter's fellow apostles, who had perhaps left Jerusalem because of
Agrippa's attack.
"James the Lord's brother," as Paul calls him in Gal. 1:19, was not one of
Jesus' associates during his ministry but saw him in resurrection (1 Cor. 15:7). He
quickly attained a position of leadership in the Jerusalem church; he is mentioned
first among the "pillars" of the church in Gal. 2:9, Cephas (Peter) and John being
the other two. Evidently he was not associated in the popular mind with the scan-
dal of consorting with Gentiles ( as Peter and the other apostles were); it is not sug-
gested that he was a target for Agrippa's attack. According to Hegesippus he was
generally known as "the just one" and "rampart of the people" (o b(xmoi; xal ...
rtEQLOX~ toii 'A.aoii), possibly because his righteous life and his intercessory prayers,
until he was removed by judicial murder in A.D. 62, were believed to ward off dis-
aster from the nation (ap. Euseb. HE 2.23.4, 7, 19). Cf. 15:13; 21:18 below. See
H.-J. Schoeps, "Jacobus o b(xmoi; xal w~'A.iai;," Aus fruhchristlicher Zeit (Tiibin-
gen, 1950), pp. 120-25; F. F. Bruce, Men and Movements in the Primitive Church
286
12:18-19 PETER'S ESCAPE DISCOVERED
(Exeter, 1979), pp. 86-119; M. Hengel, "Jakobus der Herrenbruder-der erste

Papst?" in Glaube und Eschatologie, ed. E. Grasser and 0. Merk (Tiibingen, 1985),
pp. 71-104.
ErtOQEU8lJ EL£ EtEQOV t6rtov] No one knows where this "other place" was; Peter
covered his tracks very successfully. His visit to Antioch (Gal. 2: 11) probably took
place a year or two later. It is unlikely that he went to Rome as early as this: the
tradition (recorded in Euseb. Chron., annoAbr. 2059) that he went there in A.O. 42
is probably due to the imagination of the authors of the Acts of Peter and the
Clementine Recognitions and Homilies, who brought him there in the principate of
Claudius to contend with Simon Magus (see on 8:9). Lactantius is probably right
in saying that Nero was already emperor when Peter came to Rome (De mart. per-
sec. 2.5). A date early in Nero's principate is probable. See G. Edmundson, The
Church in Rome in the First Century (London, 1923), pp. 80, 84; B. H. Streeter,
The Primitive Church (London, 1923), pp. 7-14 et passim; T. W. Manson, Studies
in the Gospels and Epistles (Manchester, 1962), pp. 38-45; J. W. Wenham, "Did
Peter go to Rome in A.O. 42?" TynB 23 (1972), pp. 94-102; F. F. Bruce, Men and
Movements in the Primitive Church, pp. 44-47.
Apart from his brief intervention at the Council of Jerusalem (15:7-11), Peter
now disappears from the narrative of Acts.
4. Peter's Escape Discovered (12:18-19)

18 revoµi VlJ£ 6£ ~µiQa£ ~v t<iQaxo£ oux 01..( yo£ iv rn ~ cn:Qattwtm£, ti iiQa 6
I1EtQO£ EyEVEtO. 19 'HQqibl]£ ?)E EmttJt~CTU£ amov xal µ~ E\JQOJV UVUXQLVU£ tDU£
q,u1..axa£ EXEAEU<JEV artax8fivm, xal xatE1..8wv arto tfi£ 'IoubaLa£ EL£ Km<J<lQEtav
?)LftQl~EV.
12:18 t<lQUXO£ oux 61..iyo£] "no little perturbation." This particular litotes
(oux 6Hyo£) is characteristic of Luke, as it was of Thucydides; it recurs in 14:28;
15 :2; 17:4, 12; 19:23f.; 27:20. Forother examples oflitotes see 14:17; 17:27; 19: 11;
20:12; 21:39; 26:19, 26; 28:2.
ti iiQa 6 TIEtQO£ EyEvEto] "what had become of Peter": a.Qa is inferential (cf.
11: 18); he was clearly not in the prison, so what had happened to him? Cf. Lk. 1 :66,
Tt iiQa To rtmb(ov tofuo foTat;
12:19 µ~ El!Qwv] µ~ with ptc., as regularly (cf. 9:9, 26).
civaXQLVa£] Cf. 4:9; 24:8; 28:18.
artax8fivm] artmcrav8fivm D (obduci d), interpreting artaxSfivat in the Attic
sense, of being led away to execution (as in Lk. 23:26). There is, however, evidence
in papyri and inscriptions for cirtayw as the ordinary word for "arresting," "leading
off to prison" (cf. Gen. 39:22; 40:3; 42:16 LXX). However, according to Roman
law, as eventually laid down in Justinian's Code (9.4.4), a guard who allowed a
prisoner to escape became liable to the same penalty as had awaited the prisoner.
XUTEA.8wv arto tfi£ 'Iouba(a~ d~ Kat<J<lQElUV btETQl~EV] Judaea is here used in
the narrower sense: politically Caesarea belonged to the province of Judaea, but as
a predominantly Gentile city it was not in "the land of the Jews." Cf. 21:10; also
287
Jos. Ant. 19.351, where Agrippa is said to have received from Claudius "Judaea,
Samaria, and Caesarea."
5. Death of Herod Agrippa I (12:20-23)

20 'Hv OE euµoµaxwv TUQLOL£ )((ll, LLOOJVLOtr;· 6µo0uµaoov OE JtaQfJoav JtQO£
mh:6v, ,mt JtELOUvtEr; m.amov TOV btl TOU l!.0LT(J)V0£ TOU ~aOLA.EOJr; TJTO'UvtO
ElQ~Vl]V bta TO TQEq>E00UL amfuv T~V XWQaV (l,Jt() Tijr; ~aOLA.LXijr;. 21 taxtfi bE ~µEQ<;t
6 '1--IQ<pol]r; EvOuoaµEvor; fo0fJTa ~aOLA.Ll!.~v xa0ioar; EJtt tau ~~µator; EOl]µl]yOQEL
ltQOr; amour;· 22 6 bE bfJµor; EJtEq>WVEL, 8rnu q>OJV~ l«ll Otll!. a.v0QwJtOU. 23 JtaQU-
XQfJµa be EJtaTa~EV UtlTOV ayyE1,,or; l!.UQLOU ave' <ilv Otll!. EbOJl!.EV T~V b6~av T(fl 0Ecµ,
xat yEvoµEvor; 0)!.(l)A. l]l!.O~QOJTO£ i~bpu~Ev.
12:20 0uµoµaxwv] "furious," "exasperated" (as in Polybius, Hist. 9.40.4;

Plutarch, Demetrius 22).
TUQtmr; xa't LL[)oovimr;] Tyre and Sidon were from ancient times the chief
cities of the Phoenician seaboard. Under the Romans they were free cities, but their
economic dependence on Agrippa's territory made it a matter of prudence to retain
his friendship. The cause of his anger with them is unknown. It was at Tyre that he
quarreled with Antipas (Jos.Ant. 18.150; see on v. l above).
6µo8uµa[)ov be] xat 6µo0uµabov P4S.
JtELoavtEr;] "having persuaded," i.e., having procured his good offices.
81,,amov] This Blasius is otherwise unknown; the name is common.
Tov EJtL wu l!.OLTfuvor; toii ~am1,,Ewr;] Lit. "who was over the king's bedcham-
ber," i.e., "the king's chamberlain"; the title is common in inscriptions and in the
Byzantine period.
~Toiivto] Middle voice: what they sought was in their own interest.
bta TO TQEljlw8m l!.TA.] As in the days of Hiram and Solomon (1 K. [LXX 3
Kms.] 5:9-11), Phoenicia depended on Galilee for its food supply.
12:21 taxtfi be ~µEQ<;t] According to Jos.Ant. 19.343, spectacles in honor of
the emperor were celebrated on this occasion. These are usually identified with the
quinquennial games which Herod the Great instituted at Caesarea in 9 B.C. in honor
of Augustus to mark the dedication of the new city (Jos. BJ l.415;Ant. 16.136-41).
We know from Eusebius (Mart. Pal. 11.30) that the dies natalis of Caesarea was
celebrated on March 5. Another possibility is that the occasion was Claudius's
birthday, August I (Suet. Claud. 2.1). But from Luke's account we should gather
only that it was a day appointed for the public reconciliation of Agrippa and the
Phoenician cities.
Evoua<iµEvor; fo0fJta ~amhx~v] Josephus says that on the second day of the
games Agrippa entered the theatre at daybreak, "clad in a robe made altogether of
silver, of quite wonderful weaving" (Ant. 19.344).
Ebl]µl]yOQEL JtQO£ amour;] b adds xmanayEvtor; be amou toir; TUQiotr;.
12:22 6 be bfJµor;] The populace of Caesarea, not the representatives of Tyre
and Sidon.
8rnu cpwv~ xal ovx av0QwJtou] What chiefly impressed them, according to
288
12:20-23 DEATH OF HEROD AGRIPPA I
Josephus, was the radiance of his silver robe when it was touched by the first rays
of the rising sun. This has led to the improbable view that Agrippa here played the
part of the sun god, and that the spectators hailed his epiphany; so S. Losch, Dei-
tas J esu und Antike Apotheose (Rottenburg, 1933), pp. 14f.; J. Morgenstern, "The
Chanukkah Festival and the Calendar of Ancient Israel," HUCA 20 (1947), pp. 1-
136, especially pp. 89f., n. 167; "The King-God among the Western Semites and
the Meaning of Epiphanes," VT 10 (1960), pp. 138-97, especially pp. 156-59. The
king's flatterers, says Josephus, addressing him as a god (0Eov JtQooayoQEUOvtE£),
said, "Be gracious to us! Hitherto we have reverenced you as a human being, but
henceforth we confess you to be of more than mortal nature." Rabbinical tradition
preserved the memory of this: "In the name of Rabbi Nathan it is taught: In that
hour the enemies of Israel earned destruction, for they flattered Agrippa" (Tos. Sofa
7.16; cf. bSofa 4lb).
12:23 fltUta;EV (llJtOV ayyEA0£ X1JQL01J l Cf. v. 7' ayyEA0£ X1JQL01J ... Jtat<i;a;'
a different kind of smiting! For this sense cf. 23:3; 1 Sam. (LXX 1 Krus.) 25:38;
2 Sam. (LXX 2 Krus.) 12:15; 2 K. (LXX 4 Krus.) 19:35; 2 Chr. 13:20; 2 Mace. 9:5.
av0' cllv] Cf. Lk. 1:20; 19:44; 2 Th. 2: 10.
oux libwxEv t~v bo;av tcµ BE<µ] See on 11: 18. Here the meaning is that he did
not give God the glory which had been improperly ascribed to himself (contrast
the action of Paul and Barnabas in 14: 14-18). Josephus says that Agrippa neither
repudiated the ascription of divinity nor rebuked the crowd's flattery.
xai yEvoµ.EVO£ OXWA.TIXO~QWto;] This is expanded in b (D Eph): xai xat~U£
alto tou ~~µato£, eyivno oxw1.rixo~QWTO£ fo 1;&v. The addition fo 1;&v emphasizes
the unpleasantness of his disease (cf. Herodotus, Hist. 4.205; Pausanias, Desc. of
Greece, 9.7.2; Tert. Ad Scap. 3). Theophrastus (Hist. Plant. 3.12.6) uses OXWA.l"!-
xo~Qwto; of diseased grain, a use which can be paralleled from papyri (cf. MM;
also S. Daris, Spoglio lessicale papirologico [Milan, 1968], p. 1422). This kind of
death is frequently mentioned by ancient writers, especially as having been endured
by people who were considered to have richly deserved it (see on 1: 18); cf. 2 Mace.
9:5-12 (of Antiochus IV); Jos. Ant. 17.168-70 (of Herod the Great); Lucian, Alex-
ander 59 (of Alexander the impostor); Euseb. HE 8.16.3-5 (of Galerius); Theodore-
tus, HE 3.9 (of the uncle and namesake of Julian the Apostate).
e~i,jm;Ev] b expands xai oiitw£ e~i,jm~Ev. Cf. 5:5, 10. Josephus (Ant. 19.346)
relates how, soon after the crowd's inapposite acclamation, Agrippa saw an owl sit-
ting above his head and recognized it to be a messenger of evil (ayyE1.ov xax&v
Elvm), as on a former occasion (Jos. Ant. 18.195) it had been a harbinger of good
fortune, and, being immediately seized with violent internal pains, was carried
home and died five days later. There is substantial agreement between Luke and
Josephus in their accounts of his death, but they evidently depended on different
sources.
From the imprecise data given, attempts have been made to diagnose
Agrippa's mortal complaint: peritonitis resulting from a perforated appendix was
suggested by E. M. Merrins, ''The Deaths of Antiochus IV, Herod the Great, and
Herod Agrippa I," Bibliotheca Sacra 61 (1904), pp. 561f.; arsenical poisoning by
289
1. Meyshan, "The Coinage of Agrippa the First," /EJ 4 (1954), p. 187, n. 2; acute
intestinal obstruction by A R. Short, The Bible and Modern Medicine (London,
1953), pp. 66-68.
With Agrippa's death, Judaea reverted to government by Roman prefects or
procurators (see on 25: 13).
6. Continued Progress of the Gospel (12 :24)

240be AOYO£ wii ernu l]UsaVEV xal EJ'tAl]8UVETO.
12:24 6 be ),,6yo£ xtA l This is the third of the brief reports of progress with
which the narrative of Acts is punctuated (cf. 6:7; 9:31 ), the prosperity of the work
of God being emphasized on this occasion by contrast with the persecutor's mis-
erable end.
emu] 'l!.UQLOU B latvg copbo.codd.
IV. CHURCH EXTENSION FROM ANTIOCH AND

APOSTOLIC DECREE AT JERUSALEM (12:25-15:35)
A. BARNABAS AND SAUL(12:25-13:3)
1. The Envoys from Antioch Return (12 :25)
2s BaQva~a£ bi xal LUUAO£ untCTtQE'l(Jav EL£ 'IEQouoa),,~µ J'tAl]QWOavtE£ t~v bla-
xoviav, ouµnaQaAa~6vtE£ 'Im<iVVl]V tov EJ'tLKAl]8Evta M<iQxov.
12:25 BaQVa~<i£ bi xal LUUAO£] b (614 latP syrhcl**) adds 0£ EJ'tE'l!.Atj8l]

ITaiiAO£ (cf. 13:9).
1.ll'tECTtQE'ljmv EL£ 'IEQouoa),,~µ l'tAl]QWOavtE£ t~v btaxov(av] This, the reading of
X B 81 byz syrhcl.mg eth, is best rendered "Barnabas and Saul returned, having
completed their ministry at Jerusalem." For El£ P 74 A 33 945 1739 al read es, D E
q, 36 614 1175 al read cm6, some minuscules substitute EL£ 'Avrt6xnav for EL£
'1£Qouoa)..tjµ, while E 104 323 945 1175 1739 1898 pc late P syrresh copsa exhibit
the conflate reading es (orfuto) 'IEQouoa),,~µ EL£ 'AvrtoxELav. WH suggest the emen-
dation t~v EL£ 'IEQOUoa),,~µ JtAl]QWOavtE£ btawviav, but this classical word order is
not likely to have been replaced by the inverted word order of our preferred text.
The replacement of EL£ by Es or ano arises from the attempt to construe Et£
'IEQouaa)..tjµ with 1JJ'tECTtQE'ljmv, which makes no sense in the context. J. V. Bartlet
(CentB, 1902) and L. E. Browne (1925) regard EL£ 'IEQouoa),,tjµ as a gloss (inserted
by a scribe in imitation of the expression in 1:12; 8:25; 13:13; 22:17; Lk. 2:45;
24:33, 52), but this cuts the knot instead of untying it (cf. Browne's similar expe-
dient in 9:28), and is quite unnecessary. (Bartlet had second thoughts; see his "Note
on Acts xi.25," JTS 4 (1903-4 ], pp. 438-40, for the tentative suggestion that the ref-
erence may be to a private, otherwise unrecorded, visit to Jerusalem). As H. H.
Wendt saw in 1913, El£ 'IEQouoa),,tjµ (in the pregnant sense of the envoys' having
290
12:25 TuE ENVOYS FROM ANTIOCH RETURN
journeyed to Jerusalem in order to discharge their ministry at Jerusalem) is to be

construed with the following 3tA.l)QwaavrE~ t~v bwxov(av, not with the preceding
i,,remQnjmv (Die Apostelgeschichte, KEK, pp. 199f.).
auµ,raQUA.af3ovrE~ 'Iw<ivvriv tov E3tlXA.l)0evra M<iQXOV) For the aor. E3tlXA.l)0Evra
p74 X A 33 81 1175 al read the pres. emxa1,.ouµEvov (as in v. 12). For auµ-
3tUQUA.af36vrE~ cf. 15:37f.; also Gal. 2:1, auµmIQaA.a~wv xai T(tov. After M<iQxov
Ephrem adds "and Luke the Cyrenean" ( see on 13: 1).
With this sentence Luke makes the transition from 11 :30 to 13: 1. In 11 :30
Barnabas and Saul arrived in Jerusalem; in 13:1 they are back in Antioch. As for
the auµ,rUQaA.a~ovtE~ clause, John Mark was mentioned in a Jerusalem context in
v. 12; in 13:5b he is in Antioch, from which he accompanies Barnabas and Saul to
Cyprus. Luke thus brings all three from Jerusalem to Antioch.
There is no need to suppose that i,,remQE'ljJav d~ 'IEQouaaA.~µ comes from an
inadequately assimilated source, in which it referred to a Jerusalem visit by Bar-
nabas and Saul ( either together or singly) after the fulfilment of an unspecified min-
istry ( such as that which they undertook in Gal. 2: 10). None of these suppositions
does justice to the additional statement that on this occasion "they took with them
John, surnamed Mark." See, e.g., C.H. Buck, "The Collection for the Saints," HTR
43 (1950), pp. 18, 20; R. W. Funk, "The Enigma of the Famine Visit," JBL 75
(1956), p. 133. An admirably satisfactory study of the sentence is 1. Dupont, "La
mission de Paul 'a Jerusalem' (Actes 12, 25)," Etudes sur !es Actes des Apotres
(Paris, 1967), pp. 217-41.
291
ACTS 13
2. Barnabas and Saul Sent from Antioch for Ministry Farther Afield
(13:1-3)
l ·Hauv bE fV 'AvtLOXELl,l xm;a T~V oiiauv E%%Al]CJLUV :n:goq>f]Tm %UL bLOUCJ%UAOL
o TE Bugvupa.; mt LUµEwv o xu1.0UµEVO£ NiyEQ, Mt AouxLO£ 6 KUQl]VUio£,
Muvu~v TE 'HQ<{Jbou tau Tnguagxou ouvtgoqio; xui Tou1.o;. 2 AELTougyouvtwv
bE m'rt:ciJv Tcji XtJQLf!l xai Vl]OTEU6vtwv dmv to :n:vEiiµa To iiywv, 'A<j>oQLOaTE b~
µOL TOV Bugvupa.v ML Toii1.ov El£ TO EQYOV () :11:Q00%E%Al]µm UUTO'll£. 3TOTE
VlJITTEuoavTE£ Mt JtQOCJEu);a.µEvoL xui E:n:t9EVTE£ TU£ XELQU£ amoi£ a:n:e1.uouv.
13:1 xma -c~v oiioav hx1.rioiuv] "in the local church" (cf. 11 :22; and see on
5:17).
:n:goq>f]Tm] In addition to those who came down from Jerusalem ( 11 :27); those
were temporary visitors, while the ones mentioned here belonged to the Antiochene
community. See the bibliography on p. 275.
btbaoxa1.0L J Sec 1 Cor. l 2:28f. and Eph. 4: I 1 for the place of teachers in the
church; for their activity cf. 11 :26; 15:35; 18: 11; 20:20; 28:31. By their ministry
the "apostles' teaching" (2:42) was perpetuated and transmitted. As the number of
converts increased, so did the need for more teachers to give them the instruction
they required, instruction in the principles of Christian faith and life. Paul assumes,
in writing to the Christians of Rome, that the "form of teaching'' which they had
received was adequate lo enable them to detect and refuse propaganda which was
inconsistent with it (Rom. 6:17; 16: 17). Timothy is later directed to pursue a teach-
ing ministry himself and also to entrust what he has learned "to faithful men who
will he able to teach others also" (1 Tim. 4: 13, 16; 2 Tim. 2:2); provision was thus
made for the continuity of the teaching in the next generations.
LUµEWV 6 xa1.ouµEVO£ N(yEQ] Another example of a Jew with a Lat. name as
well as a Heb. one (cf. 12: 12). His Lat. name (nige,; "black") was scarcely used as
an alternative to his Heb. name, but was a descriptive addition, given to him per-
haps because he was an African. It is tempting to identify him with Simon of Cy-
rene (Mk. 15:21 par.), but Luke does not suggest the identification (although he
mentions Simon ofCyrene in Lk. 23:26); and it is Lucius, the next man to be named
here, who is called "the Cyrcnacan."
292
13:1-3 BARNABAS AND SAUL SENT FROM ANTIOCH
Aot'ntto~ 6 KtJQtJVaio~] Possibly one of the men ofCyrene mentioned in 11:20.

There is nothing to connect him with the Lucius of Rom. 16:21; Lucius was a com-
mon Lat. praenomen. Nor is there any probability in the suggestion that he was
Luke the evangelist. This suggestion is at least as old as Ephrem: after adding "and
Luke the Cyrenaean" after "Mark" at the end of 12:25, he goes on: "And these were
both evangelists, and wrote before the discipleship of Paul."
Mava~v tE 'HQcpbou toii tEtQa<iQxou auvtQO<j>o~] For tou D reads xaL Mana en
is a Gk. form of Heb. Mena~em ("comforter"). The designation auvtQOq>O£ was
given to boys of the same age as princes and young nobles, who were brought up
with them. MM prefer the more general sense "courtier," "intimate friend," found
in inscriptions. To the instances cited by MM, New Docs. 3 (1978), § 9 adds a few
more, including one in the sense of "foster sister," from an inscription of Ayazviran
in Lydia. "Herod the tetrarch" is Antipas (see on 4:27). Josephus (Ant. 15.373-78)
tells of an Essene named Mena~em (Mav<it]µo~), who was honored by Herod the
Great for having foretold his rise to royal estate; as far as the chronology is con-
cerned, he could have been the grandfather of the present Manaen. Luke shows a
special interest in Antipas and his entourage (cf. Lk. 8:3; 13:32; 23:7-12); some of
his information could have come from Manaen (especially if Luke himself was an
Antiochene ). How a boyhood companion of Antipas became a leader in the church
of Antioch we have no means of knowing.
A remarkable reading of Ac. 13: 1 is given in a Lat. work apparently entitled
Prophetiae ex omnibus libris collectae, described by Zahn as a compendium of bib-
lical prophecy originating in the African church c. 305-325: erant etiam in eccle-
sia prophetae et doctores Barnabas et Sau/us, quibus imposuerunt manus prophe-
tae Symeon qui appellatus est Niger, et Lucius Cirenensis, qui manet usque adhuc
et Ticius conlactaneus, qui acceperant responsum ab spiritu sancto, unde dixerunt
Segregate et sqq. As this document is also a witness for the b reading at 11 :27f.,
the implication may be here that Lucius of Cyrene was Luke the evangelist (cf.
Ephrem's comment quoted above) and that Titus (here Ticius) was his brother. For
the connection of Titus with Antioch cf. Gal. 2:1. Zahn, however, discerns Gk.
auvtQo<j>o~ behind conlactaneus and, in reconstructing the presumed Gk. original
of the Lat. passage, supplies a reference to Manaen, which he believes to have fall-
en out: ~aav bE EV tfl EXXAlJCTL~ JtQo<j>fjtm xal blb<iaxa)..m BaQva~fi.£ xal fuii)..o~ ol£
EJtE0t]XUV ta; XELQU£ oi JtQo<j>fjtm Luµewv 6 MA01J!l.EVO£ NiyEQ xal Aouxto£
KUQlJVUio~ 0£ µivet eco~ ciQtt, xal Tito£ ['AvtLO):EU£ Mava~v tE 'HQ<pbou tou
tEtQUQ):Ou] ffUvtQO(j>o~, ohtvE~ EXQtJµatia8!]aav uxo toii xveuµato£ toil <'iy(ou, o0ev
dJto\' 'A(j>oQiaate xtA. (Die Urausgabe der Apostelgeschichte des Lucas [Leipzig,
1916], pp. 280f.). See also H.J. Cadbury, "Lucius of Cyrene," BC 1.5, pp. 489-95,
with Ropes, BC 1.3, p. 115, and Haenchen, Acts, p. 394, n. 5.
13:2 AELtouQyouvtcov] This verb was used in Attic Gk. of performing an un-
paid public service, e.g. helping to equip naval units or training choruses (dancing
choirs) for state festivals. In the NT it is used of service in the Christian communi-
ty, in a wider sense than that represented by the traditional Christian sense of "lit-
urgy." In the present context prayer may be the particular AELtOUQyia indicated; in
293
Did. 15.1 the bishops and deacons discharge the ministry (1.ELtOVQyoiim ... t~v 1.EL-
touQy(av) of the prophets and teachers.
Vl]m:Euovtwv] It may be implied that fasting makes one more alert for the re-
ception of spiritual communications; cf. 9:12; 10:10-16, 30 (b).
EiitEv to n:vEiiµa] Presumably through one of the prophets.
aq>OQLOatE btj µm] The addition of btj emphasizes the imperative (cf. 15 :36;
Lk. 2: 15); µm is the ethical dat.
BUQva~av l«lL fuii).ov] It is noteworthy that the two men to be released for more
extended missionary service were the church's most gifted and outstanding leaders.
EQyov] Cf. v. 41; 14:26; 15 :38. The work was the evangelization of the routes
to the west.
6] Acc., governed by 1tQO£ in 1tQoaxex1.11µm.
1tQoaxix1.11µm amou£] The call came from God; the church's responsibility
was to recognize the divine appointment and to act accordingly. This verb appears
in the NT in the middle voice only ("call to oneself," as in 2:39); the force here
may be "call to one's service."
13:3 Vl]ITTEUOUVTE£ XUL ltQOOEUs<lµEVOL] for the combination of fasting and
praying cf. 14:23; Lk. 2:37. After ltQOOEVs<lµEVOL Dadds 1tUVTE£, which is probably
a true interpretation. The whole church sent them forth, and it was to the whole
church that they gave their report when they returned (cf. 14:26f.).
em0EvtE£ t<l£ XEiQa£ amoi£] Not that they could by this act qualify Barnabas
and Saul for the work to which God had called them; but by this means they ac-
knowledged their recognition of the divine call and declared their fellowship with
the two men, who were thus not only called by God but commissioned by the church
(aitom:01.0L in the sense of 14:4, 14).
am'.1.uaav J "let them go," "released them" (cf. 4:23; 15:33). U. Borse,
"Lukanische Komposition im Umfeld der ersten Missionsreise," SNTU 11 (1986),
pp. 169-94, sees underlying the narrative of 11:27-15:35 a document comprising
some 25 verses which presented a summary of Paul's Gentile mission.
B. CYPRUS (13:4-12)
1. The Missionaries Arrive in Cyprus (13 :4-5)
4 Amoi µtv ouv exn:Eµq>0EVTE£ un:o toii ay(ou 1tVE1lµat0£ xatf]1.0ov El£ LEA.EUXELUV,
EXEi0Ev tE aitE1t1.rnaav EL£ KuitQOV, s xai yEVOµEVOL EV fu).aµivL xmtjyyEUov
tov 1..oyov TOU 0EOU EV Tat£ auvaywyai£ tciiv 'lovbaiwv· dxov be l«lL 'Iw<iVVl]V
llltl]QETl]V.
13:4 Exn:Eµq>0EvtE£ un:o toii ay(ou 1tVEUµatO£] A reference to his command in
v. 2.
xmf]I..Oov J Compounds in xm<i are regularly used of movement toward the
coast, either from inland (as here) or from the high seas (cf. l«lttjvt11aav, 18:19);
conversely, compounds in av<i are used of movement out to sea (cf. avax0EVTE£,
v. 13) or inland from the coast, up-country (cf. ava~<i£, 18:22).
294
13:4-5 THE MISSIONARIES ARRIVE IN CYPRUS
LEAEUXELuv] Seleucia Pieria, founded by Seleucus Nicator in 301 B.C., at or

near modern Samandag. It lay five miles north of the mouth of the Orontes and 16
miles west of Antioch, which it served as a port. Its harbor has long since been
silted up. Luke is usually careful to note such points of departure; cf. 14:25; 16: 11;
18:18.
KuitQov J Cyprus was an important island from early times. It figures in
cuneiform texts from the eighteenth century B.C. onward as Alashiya (cf. Elishah,
Gen. 10:4). Its principal export was copper, to which it gave its name (Lat. cuprum
= aes cyprium, "Cyprian bronze"). Its earlier inhabitants are known as Eteocypri-
ots, but in historical times it was extensively colonized by Greeks and Phoenicians.
The principal Phoenician settlement was Kition (modern Larnaka), whence Kittim,
the OT name for the whole island. It fell subject successively to the Assyrians, the
Persians, and the Ptolemies. The Romans annexed it in 57 B.C. In 55 B.C. it was in-
corporated in the province of Cilicia. After various changes, it was made in 27 B.C.
an imperial province, governed by a legatus pro praetore. Five years later Augus-
tus handed it over (and Gallia Narbonensis) to senatorial administration, in ex-
change for Dalmatia; from then on it was, like other senatorial provinces, governed
by a proconsul (Gk. uv0uxuto~), as is correctly indicated in v. 7.
13:5 To)..aµ'ivL] Salamis, a Greek city on the east coast of Cyprus, dating
from the seventh or sixth century B.C., was the seat of the governor of the island
under the Ptolemies, and retained much of its importance, although the capital of
the Roman province was New Paphos (cf. v. 6). It was a flourishing commercial
center; its Jewish colony, which (as is here implied) was large enough to require
more than one synagogue, probably dated from Ptolemaic times.
EV ta'i~ ouvuywyui:~] Cf. 9:10. Throughout his journeys, according to Acts,
Paul's settled policy was to visit the synagogue first in each city to which he came,
if there was a synagogue there (cf. v. 14 ), in order that the good news might be pre-
sented "to the Jew first" (Rom. 1:16; cf. v. 46 below, uµ'iv ... itQWtov). Even after
the Jerusalem agreement of Gal. 2:9, by which Paul and Barnabas were to concen-
trate on Gentile evangelization, Paul "was always sure of a good opening for his
Gentile mission among the 'God-fearing,' who formed part of his audience in every
synagogue" (Ramsay, SPT, p. 72).
According to W. Schmithals, who agrees that Paul, in starting a mission in a
new place, endeavored to establish a connection with the "God-fearers" living
there, and who supposes that Luke's source gave an account of his doing so, the
representation of Paul's preaching in synagogues is redactional; Luke envisaged
this as the way in which Paul got in touch with the oe~6µevm (Paul and James,
E.T., SBT 46 [London, 1965], pp. 46-61). But how could he more conveniently
have got in touch with them than by going to a place which they regularly
frequented? While the demarcation agreed upon in Jerusalem was certainly, as
Schmithals argues, ethnographical, a rigid demarcation between Paul's mission to
Gentiles and Peter's mission to Jews could be maintained only if the two commu-
nities were strictly segregated, and this they were not. Opportunities for misunder-
standing were bound to arise, as they did.
295
dx.ov CE ml 'Iw<ivvl]V UJtl]QEtl]V] For CE ,mi, cf. 2:26; 5: 16. "John" is the John
Mark of 12:12, 25. It has been suggested from time to time that he was a UJtl]QEtlJ£
in the sense of Lk. 1:2, UJtl]QEtm toii 1,.oyou. C. F. D. Moule (Essays in New Testa-
ment Interpretation [Cambridge, 1982], p. 47) quotes G. J. Paul (St. John's Gospel:
A Commentary [London, 1965], p. 26, n. 1) for the suggestion: "It may be that Mark
was taken on Paul's first missionary journey because his eye-witness reminiscences
supplied an element in the Gospel-preaching that neither Paul nor Barnabas could
supply." A. Wright (Composition of the Four Gospels [London, 1890), pp. 15f.) ar-
gues that Mark went along as a duly authorized catechist; cf. G. Salmon, Some
Thoughts on the Textual Criticism of the New Testament (London, 1897), p. 142.
As one brought up in a believing home in Jerusalem, Mark would have had access
to the details of the passion narrative; it is relevant also to recall that Peter was a
welcome visitor to his home.
2. The Incident at Paphos (13:6-12)

6 ~LEW6vtE£ CE OAl]V t~V v~aov U)(.QL II<icpou EiiQOV livbQa tL va µayov 1jJEU00-
JtQOcj>~tl]V 'Ioubaiov q> ovoµa BUQLl]GOU£, 70£ ~V GUV tcp av0uJtatcp liQy(cp
IlmJACJ), avbQl GUVEt<jl. oirW£ JtQOGXUAW<iµEVO£ BUQVU~av ,ml liIUAOV
EJtEstjtl]GEV axoiiam tOV Aoyov toii 8EOfr 8 av8(mato CE am:oi:£ 'EAlJµU£ 6
µayo£, OUtW£ yaQ µe8EQµl]VE'IJEtm to ovoµa atitoii, sl]tfuv CLUITTQE1j)m tOV
av8uJtatov MO t~£ JtLITTEW£. 9 li1UAO£ OE, 6 ml IIaiiAO£, JtAl]G8EL£ JtVEUµatO£
ayiou UtEVLGU£ EL£ am:ov !OELJtEV, 'Q JtAtjQl]£ JtUV't0£ COAOU xal JtUGl]£
Q<;tCLOUQYLU£, ULE CLU~OAOU, E)(.8QE JtUGl]£ CLXULOG'IJVl]£, OU Jtauan CLUITTQEcj>WV
ta£ oboll£ toii xuQ(ou ta£ eti0Eia£; 11 xal viiv lbou )(.ELQ XUQiou EJtl aE, ml fon
tucj)AO£ µ~ ~AEJt(l)V tOV ~ALOV U)(.QL XULQOU. JtUQU)(.Q~µa tE EJtWEV EJt' am:ov <l)(.AU£
xal GXO't0£, ,ml JtEQL<iywv ettjtEL )(.ELQUYWYOll£, 121:0tE tcmv 6 av8uJtUto£ to
yeyovo£ eJt(meuaev EXJtAl]aa6µevo£ EJtl tfi btbax.fi toii xuQiou.
13:6 U)(.QL II<icpou] I.e., New Paphos, the seat of provincial administration,
on the southwest coast ( modern Baffo ), by tradition a Greek settlement. It lay about
eight miles northwest of Old Paphos, of Phoenician origin. In both cities the chief
object of worship was the goddess commonly called "the Paphian," possibly of
Semitic origin, but identified with the Gk. Aphrodite.
euQov avbQa tt va µayov] Cf. 8:9-13, 18-24 for another µayo£. Luke is fond of
pointing parallels between Peter's work and Paul's, perhaps to show that the do-
minical commission of the one was as valid as that of the other (seep. 26). As this
man was a Jew, µ<iyo£ is not used here in its original or technical sense, but in the
more general sense of "magician." See A. D. Nock, "Paul and the Magus," Essays
on Religion and the Ancient World, ed. Z. Stewart (Oxford, 1972), I, pp. 308-30.
1jJeuboJtQOcptjtl]V] Not here one who foretells things which do not come to pass,
but one who claims falsely to be a medium of divine revelation.
cµ ovoµa] ov6µatt P4 5 431 latP I ov6µatL xaAouµevov D.
BaQLlJGOU£] I.e., son of Joshua (Jesus). BaQtl]aoiiav, the reading of D, repre-
sents an attempt to transliterate more accurately Aram. Bar Yesua ', supplied with
the Gk. acc. termination -v.
296
13:6-12 THElNCIDENTATPAPHOS
13:7 &veu:ruit(Jl] "proconsul" (avtt, "instead of'; ii:rcato£, lit. "highest," used
as equivalent of Lat. consul). See on v. 4; cf. 18:12; 19:38. The names of 46 pro-
consuls of Cyprus (about one-sixth of the total) are known from 22 B.C. to the end
of the Severan era (T. B. Mitford, The Inscriptions ofKouri on [Philadelphia, 1971 ],
pp. 169f.).
liQYLCJl IlaUA.CJl] Possibly Quintus Sergius Paullus, mentioned in an inscrip-
tion from Kythraia, north Cyprus, as holding office in the island apparently under
Claudius (IGRR 3.935, corrected reading in J. L. Myres, Handbook of the Cesnola
Collection ofAntiquities from Cyprus [New York, 1914), § 1903, pp. 319, 548). An
inscription from Soloi, north Cyprus, mentions a proconsul named Paullus who
held office in some emperor's tenth year (IGRR 3.930). If the emperor were
Claudius, the date (AD. 50/51) would be too late for the Sergius Paullus of Acts;
the writing, however, suggests a later date than the principate of Claudius (see T. B.
Mitford, "Notes on Some Published Inscriptions from Roman Cyprus," ABSA 42
[1947), pp. 201- 206, together with his latest thoughts in "Roman Cyprus," ANRW
2.7.2 [Berlin, 1980); note, e.g., p. 1300, n. 54, p. 1330, n. 195, for his conclusion
that the emperor named in IGRR 3.935 was Gaius, not Claudius). Others have
favored the identification of our proconsul with L. Sergius Paullus, a curator of the
Tiber under Claudius (CIL 6.31545); but there is no evidence connecting him with
Cyprus.
avbQl auvEtoo] "a man of good sense," and therefore not too susceptible to the
magician's persuasiveness.
TouA.ov] ToouA. P45 (cf. 9:24; 11 :30).
E:rcE~~tTJOEV a,')(()uam tov A.oyov tou ewu] It is outrunning the evidence to con-
clude, with W. M. Ramsay (SPT, pp. 75f.), that the proconsul recognized the two
visitors as teachers of "rhetoric and moral philosophy"; he at least wished to satisfy
himself that what they were propagating in public was not subversive.
13:8 'EA.uµa£ 6 µayo£, OU1:W£ YO.Q µE9EQµTJVE\JEtm to ovoµa amou] The sud-
den change of name is not explained: it does not appear to be due to a change of
source. Elymas is not a translation of Barjesus. The b reading seems to have been
'Etuµci£ or 'Etmµci£, the latter of which (cf. EtOLµo£, "ready") A. Klostermann and
T. von Zahn tried to connect with BUQLTJOoua(v), as if 'ITJaoua represented a deriva-
tive from the Heb. siiwiih ("be equal" and hence, by extension, "be ready"); cf. the
name Ishvah in Gen. 46:17 (LXX 'Irnoua); 1 Chr. 7:30. But the variants with tin
place of A may have been influenced by the name of Atomos, a Jewish magician
who is known to have been active in Cyprus within a few years of this time, ac-
cording to Jos. Ant. 20.142 (see on 24:24). Elymas is more probably a word of Se-
mitic origin, akin to Arab. 'allm, "wise," "learned," which Luke explains by adding
6 µayo£, "for so his name (Elymas) is translated."
btaatQhjml) "to pervert" (cf. v. 9).
O.l"CO t~£ 3'CLITTEW£] b adds El"CELb~ ~faata ~')(()UEV UlJtO>V ( a natural inference from
Luke's wording). The :rc(mu; is "his faith" (the subjective fides qua creditur rather
than the objective fides quae creditur). Elymas was evidently in the proconsul's
entourage, but scarcely a member of his official comitatus; he tried to prevent the
297
proconsul from giving too ready credence to the missionaries' message, suspect-
ing perhaps that if he paid serious attention to them he would be less inclined to
pay serious attention to him.
13:9 Tou1.0£ bE, 6 x.al Ilau1.0£] Here both his Jewish and Roman names are
given, and henceforth, as the environment is predominantly Gentile, he is called
by his Roman name. The transition from the one name to the other does not imply
a sudden change of source, any more than the transition from Barjesus to Elymas
in v. 8. As a Roman citizen, Paul had three names-praenomen, nomen (gentile),
and cognomen (cf. Quintus Sergius Paullus in note on v. 7). Paul (Paullus) must
have been his cognomen; what his praenomen and nomen may have been we can
only speculate. 6 xa( is the regular Gk. way of introducing a person's alternative
name; it might almost be translated "alias." Ignatius begins each of his letters with
'Iyvo.tLo£ 6 ,ml 0rn<j>6QO£, and there are many other examples, especially in inscrip-
tions and papyri. The Lat. equivalent is qui et, also frequent in inscriptions; so here
the Lat. versions have Sau/us qui et Paulus. See C. J. Herner, "The Name of Paul,"
TynB 36 (1985), pp. 179-83.
Jtl.T]08Et£ JtVEuµato£ ay(ou] Like Peter in 4:8.
aTEviaa~] Cf. 1:10; 3:4.
13:10 ditEv] Placed after b61.ou in P45.
Q<;tbLouQyLa£] "trickery," "deceitfulness" (here only in the NT, but cf.
Q<;tbtouQyl]µa, 18:14).
uiE bwp61.ou] Cf. Jn. 8:44; I Jn. 3:10 (see also on 10:38 above). Some have
seen in this locution an antithesis to "Bar-Jesus." In the Pauline corpus bLo.Po1.0£
occurs in Eph. 4:27; 6:11; 1 Tim. 3:6f.; 2 Tim. 2:26; Paul prefers ToTavii~ (see on
5:3 above).
ou nauan bLaatQE<j>cov] "will you not stop perverting?" -the volitive future,
with mildly impcratival force and an implied reproach.
TU£ obOU£ toU XUQLOU TU£ EU8ELU£] toU om p74 xc AC DE '11 81 byz. Cf. 6 be
bLaatQE<pCOV TU£ obOU£ amou yvcoa8~anm, Prov. 10:9; also bLOtL Eu8Eim ai obol toU
xuQiou, Hos. 14:9 (LXX 10).
13:11 xal vuv ibou] Cf. 20:22, 25, where again Paul is the speaker.
JCELQ XUQLOU] See on 11 :21-there of blessing, here of judgment.
EJtt OE] "against you."
xal fon tu<j>1.0£] "The apostle, remembering his own example, knew that from
the darkness of the eyes the mind's darkness might be restored to light" (Bede, ad
Loe.). Similarly Chrysostom, Hom. on Acts, 28.
µ~ P1.EJtcov] As in 9:9.
UJCQL XULQOU] Cf. Lk. 4: 13; also Ac. 22:22, liXQL tomou tou 1.6you.
JtUQUXQ~µo. tE] P45 X C '11 81 1175 pc I JtUQUJCQ~µa be P74 A B E byz I xal
EU8ECO£ D.
EJtEOEV] EltEJtEOEV P45 vid. 74 C E byz.
en' amov] om B.
ux1.U£] The medical use of this word for an inflammation which gives the eye
a cloudy appearance, cited by Hobart (pp. 44f.) from Hippocrates, Galen, and Dias-
298
13:13-15 ARRIVALATPISIDIAN ANTIOCH
corides, is different from this use, for which cf. Jos. Ant. 9.56, of the Syrian army
temporarily blinded at Elisha's request: TU£ Toov :n:01.Eµioov o\jlEL£ aµcxuQ&am Tov 8Eov
:n:UQEXUA.EL, <lX,A.UV UUTUl£ E:n:t~UA.OVTU acj,' ~£ ayvo~au v umov eµEA.A.OV (paraphrasing
2 K. [LXX 4 Kms.] 6:18).
ax6to£] It is unnecessary to look for medical parallels for a word so naturally
associated with blindness, though Hobart quotes Hippocrates for this use. "The in-
dication of the several stages of the coming of the blindness, first a dimness, which
is succeeded by total darkness, bears traces of medical writing. Compare the de-
scription of the healing of the lame man at the temple, ch. iii.8" (Hobart, p. 45).
:n:EQtayoov] "moving round" (intrans.).
X.ELQayooyo~] Occurs in Plutarch, De fortuna 98B; An seni respublica ge-
renda sit 7940. Cf. X.EtQayooyoiivrE£, 9:8.
13: 12 E:n:iamJaEv] Amplified in o to ESuuµaaEv xul, E:n:LatEUCTEV. The nature
and depth of his belief have been debated. Ramsay suggested that for Luke belief-
in this instance the :n:(att£ from which the magician had tried to tum the proconsul
away-is the first stage of the process of which the second is "turning to the Lord"
(as in 11 :21), with accompanying baptism, and the third is the settled Christian life
of the mmatrnXOTE£ (BRD, p. 165). LC thought that Barnabas and Paul "may have
mistaken courtesy for conversion"! But if the proconsul had already been impressed
by their teaching, that impression could well have been confirmed by the blinding
of the magician.
EXJtA.l]C1C10µEVO£ EJtL Tfi Otbax.fi TOU XUQLOU] Cf. E;EJtA.~(J(JOVTO EJtL Tfj &tbax.fi
umou, Mk. 1:22 par. Lk. 4:32; Mk. 11:18; Mt. 7:28; 22:33; also Mk. 6:2 par. Mt.
13:54; Lk. 2:48. EJtL is common in Hellenistic Gk. after verbs of emotion. The
authoritative teaching is accompanied by power (e;oum'.u), which is manifested in
miracles (cf. Mk. 1:22, 27).
Ramsay thought he had found epigraphic evidence of the presence of Chris-
tianity in the family of Sergius Paullus in later generations; his arguments are more
ingenious than convincing (BRD, pp. 150-72).
C. PISIDIAN ANTIOCH (13:13-52)

1. Arrival at Pisidian Antioch (13: 13-15)
13 'Avux.8evtE£ OE (lJt() TT]£ nacpou ot JtEQL Iluu).ov ~).8ov El£ mQYTJV TT]£ Iluµ-
<pUA.LU£" 'IooaVVl]£ bE <lJtOX,OOQ~C1U£ alt' um&v 'IJJtEITTQE\jlEV EL£ 'IEQOC10A. uµa.
14 Amol bE btd.86vtE£ (lJt() TT]£ IlEQYTJ£ JtUQEYEVOVTO El£ 'AvtLOX,ELUV T~V
mmMuv, xul. daEA.86VTE£ EL£ T~v auvayooy~v Tfi ~µEQ<;I TWV au~~aToov
EXU8taav. 15 µEta bE T~V avuyvooat v TOU v6µou xul TOOV JtQOcjll]TWV a:n:EatELA.UV
ot <lQX,LCJUVayooyot JtQO£ UU1:0U£ AEYOVTE£, 'AvOQE£ <lOEA.cjJOl, e'( TL£ EITTLV EV uµlv
A.OYO£ :n:UQUXA.~(JE(1)£ JtQO£ TOV A.UOV, A.EYETE.
13:13 ava,:8evtE£ bE] "and putting out to sea"; for compounds with ava and
XUTa see on xaTf]A.8ov, v. 4. P4 5 reads (xal, av)ax.SevtE-an accidental conformity
to the classical dual rather than a deliberate reproduction of it.
299
oi itEQL IlaiiA.ov J "Paul and his company"; the construction, as in classical

Gk., includes Paul and marks him out as leader of the company. The narrative no
longer speaks of "Barnabas and Saul": a change of perspective is indicated, if not
a change of source. See, however, on 14: 12 below.
IlEQYlJV] The name of Perga proclaims the city to be pre-Greek. It was
colonized by Greeks from the end of the Mycenaean age, and from Alexander on-
ward it was thoroughly hellenized. Its principal deity from ancient times was
Vanassa Preiia ("Pergaean Queen"), hellenized as Artemis. According to Strabo
(Geog. 14.4.2) one reached it by sailing 60 stadia (c. seven miles) up the Cestrus
(modern Aksu). It stands on a flat-topped hill some three miles west of the nearest
point on the Cestrus, where it may have had a landing stage and port facilities.
IIaµqiuA(a£] Pamphylia was a district of Asia Minor between the Taurus range
and the Mediterranean, bordered on the west by Lycia and on the east by Cilicia.
From A.D. 43 to c. 68 it formed part of the Roman province Pamphylia-Lycia. W. M.
Ramsay (SPT, pp. 94-97) supposed that Paul caught malarial fever here, and went
to recuperate in the high country of Pisidian Antioch (cf. Gal. 4:13)-an interest-
ing speculation, but nothing more.
'foHiVVlJ~ {)i; arroxwQ~a~ air' ain:ciiv uitEITTQE'I/JEV d~ 'IEQoaoAuµa] The reason
for his return is not mentioned-it may have been because the original itinerary
had not included a journey up-country into Asia Minor, or because he resented his
cousin's falling into second place, or something else: we do not know. Paul evi-
dently found the reason inadequate, whatever it was (cf. 15:38).
13:14 ain:oi {)i;) (omot {)i; P4 5), "But they themselves" (emphatic), i.e., Paul
and Barnabas.
btEJ..00vtE~ airo T~~ mQYTJ~] "crossing [the Taurus range] from Perga." For
the route sec T. R. S. Broughton, "Three Notes on St. Paul's Journeys in Asia
Minor," in Quantulacumque: Studies presented to K. Lake, ed. R. P. Casey etc.
(London, 1937), pp. 131-38, especially pp. 131-33. (He suggests that they went
by the Klimax pass to Prostanna, at the southern end of Lake Egridir, and thence
along the southeastern shore of the lake to the Anthios valley.) They are not said to
have preached the gospel in Perga on this occasion, as they did later (14:25), but it
would be surprising if they did not. See, more generally, S. E. Johnson, "Early
Christianity in Asia Minor," ]BL 77 (1958), pp. 1-17, and "Unsolved Questions
about Early Christianity in Anatolia," in Studies in the New Testament and Early
Christian History, ed. D. E. Aune= NovT Sup. 33 (Leiden, 1972), pp. 181-93.
d~ 'Avnoxuav t~v mou'\(av] The acc. t~v IItmb(av (P4 5 74 X ABC pc) is
more accurate than the gen. t~~ ITtatMa~ (D E q, 33 81 byz), which implies that
Antioch was in Pisidia, which at this time it was not. ITtmb(av is an adj. here: Pisid-
ian Antioch was so called because it was near Pisidia, as Strabo indicates when he
calls it~ 'Avrtoxua ~ itQo~ (tfi) mmbi<;1 (xaAouµEvlJ) (Geog. 12.3.31; 6.4; 8.14).
Pisidia was one of the regions of the Roman province of Galatia. Pisidian Antioch
was actually in the adjoining region, probably called Phrygia Galatica; it was the
civil and military center of that part of the province. It lay 3,600 feet above sea
level; its ruins arc still to be seen near the Turkish village of Yaiva<;;. Augustus made
300
13:13-15 ARRIVALATPISIDIAN ANTIOCH
it a Roman colony (Colonia Caesarea) in 25 B.C. Other Roman colonies where Paul
preached were Lystra, Philippi, and Corinth, but Philippi is the only one to be ex-
pressly called a colony by Luke (see on 16:12). Well before Roman times Pisidian
Antioch was the principal cult center of the deity Men Askaenos. In AD. 295 it be-
came the metropolis of the enlarged province of Pisidia (hence probably the read-
ing "Antioch of Pisidia"). See W. M. Ramsay, The Cities of St. Paul (London,
1907), pp. 245-314, and "Colonia Caesarea (Pisidian Antioch) in the Augustan
Age," IRS 6 (1916), pp. 83-134; W. M. Calder, "Colonia Caesareia Antiocheia,"
IRS 2 (1912), pp. 78-109; B. Levick, Roman Colonies in Southern Asia Minor(Ox-
ford, 1967), pp. 34f., 58-67, 130-44 et passim. On the Men cult see New Docs. 3
(1978), § 6 (pp. 20-31, especially pp. 30f.).
tfl ~tJ.fQ<;I t&v oaf3~atmv] So in 16:13. The form o<i~~atu seems to be mod-
eled on Aram. sabbefii, the emphatic state of sabbii~ but was declined as a neut.
plur., despite its sing. meaning. From the plur. o<i~~ma was formed a sing. a<i~~a-
tov, as in vv. 27, 42, 44; 1:12; 15:21; 18:4 (see also on 17:2; 20:7). For Paul's use
of the synagogue as a base see on v. 5.
13:15 µt:ta bE T~V av<iyvmmv TOU v6µou l«ll TUl\l lt()Ocj>Tttcilv] The synagogue
service in the first century appears to have begun with the Shema' ("Hear, 0 Israel:
the LoRD is our God; the LORD is one"), followed by prayers (conducted by one of
the leaders of the congregation), the reading of the Law (the Pentateuch) and the
Prophets, a sermon by any suitable member of the congregation (often taking the
form of an exposition of one or both of the Scripture lessons), the whole being con-
cluded with the priestly blessing (Num. 6:24-26). In Palestine and farther east (and
possibly also in some "synagogues of the Hebrews" throughout the dispersion) the
worship was usually conducted in Heb., the Scripture lessons being followed by
an Aram. paraphrase or targum; in the Gk.-speaking dispersion (and in Hellenistic
synagogues in Palestine) the language used was Gk. (the lessons being read in the
LXX version). In Palestine and farther west the Pentateuch was read according to
a triennial lectionary, being divided into 154 :f<}iirim for the purpose; beyond the
Euphrates it was read according to an annual lectionary, being divided for this pur-
pose into 54 piiriisiyyof. The annual lectionary finally prevailed and is to this day
followed in orthodox synagogues throughout the world. See bMeg. 29b;
A Bi.ichler, "The Reading of the Law and the Prophets in a Triennial Cycle," ]QR
5 (1892-93), pp. 420-68; 6 (1893-94), pp. 1-73; J. Mann, The Bible as Read and
Preached in the Old Synagogue (Cincinnati, 1940); J. Heinemann, "The Triennial
Lectionary Cycle," JJS 19 (1968), pp. 41-48.
The readings from the Prophets (haft.iiro!) are in the modern synagogue not
consecutive but selected (sometimes, it appears, because of affinity in subject mat-
ter to the preceding lesson from the Law). It is not known if they were officially
selected in synagogues of the first century, or were left to the choice of the reader.
See I. Abrahams, "The Freedom of the Synagogue," Studies in Pharisaism and the
Gospels, I (Cambridge, 1917), pp. 1-17. When it is recorded in Lk. 4: 17 that Jesus,
in the Nazareth synagogue, was handed an Isaiah scroll and "found the place" from
which he wished to read, it may be implied that he chose this haft.iiriih himself.
301
On synagogue worship in the first century see Philo, Spec. Leg. 2.62; Hy-
pothetica ap. Euseb. PE 8.7.12f.; alsoSomn. 2.127. A comprehensive survey of the
evidence, with bibliographical references, is given in Schurer II, pp. 447-54.
aJtEcnn1..av oi UQX,LauvaywyOL] An UQX,LOuvaywyo£ (Heb. ro s hakkf!nese!.,
"head of the synagogue"; cf. Lk. 8:41, UQ)'..WV t~£ auvaywy~£) was chosen from the
elders of the congregation to take charge of public worship, appoint members of
the congregation to lead the prayers and read the lessons, and to invite suitable per-
sons to address the company (cf. Philo, Spec. Leg. 2.62: avacnu£ bE tL£ t&v
EµJtELQot<itwv Vq>T]yEitm ta UQLcrta xal auvoiaovta). There seems to have been usu-
ally one UQX,Lauvaywyo£ in each congregation (cf. 18:8, 17; Lk. 13: 14), but there
were sometimes more, as here (cf. Mk. 5:22). Sometimes the title was honorary,
and might be held by women and children. There is epigraphic evidence for its use
in the context of pagan worship; cf. New Docs. 1 (1976), § 5 (pp. 26f.). Epiphanius
later attests its use in some Jewish Christian congregations in Palestine (Pan. 30.18:
JtQW~utEQOU£ YUQ otrtoL i:x_ouaL xai ctQX.LOUvaywyou£). See B. Lifshitz, Donateurs et
fondateurs dans les synagogues juives, CRB 7 (Paris, 1967); Schurer II, pp. 433-
36; New Docs. 4 (1979), § 113; also the note on 14:2 below.
1..6yov JtUQUXl..~OEW£] Cf. Heb. 13:22; perhaps a synagogue expression for the
sermon which followed the Scripture lessons.
2. Paul's Sermon in Pisidian Antioch (13:16-41)

a. Exordium (13:16)
16avacrta£ bio Ilm}1..0£ xal xm:aaEtOa£ tfi X.ELQL EiJtEV, 'AvbQE£ 'laQUT]I..Ltm xal
oi qio~O'UµEVOL tov 0E6v, axouaatE.
13:16 avacrta£] Cf. the quotation from Philo, Spec. Leg. 2.62 in the note on
v. 15. Jesus sat while teaching (Lk. 4:20; cf. Mt. 26:55); this, indeed, seems to have
been the normal posture of Jewish teachers-in Palestine, at any rate. Probably
there were differences of convention in this regard between Palestine and the west-
ern dispersion.
xataadaa£ tfi X.ELQL] Cf. 12: 17; 21 :40. The gesture was an appeal for silence
and attention (that of 26:2 had another significance).
avbQE£ 'laQUT]I..Ltm] Cf. 2:22.
oi qio~ouµEvoL tov 0r,6v J Cf. vv. 26, 43, and 50. For Gentiles who attached
themselves to Jewish worship see on 10:2. Josephus (Ap. 2.282f.) attests Gentile
adherence to Jewish religious observances.
b. The mighty works of God in Hebrew history (13:17-22)
17 'O 0EO£ toU 1..aou tO'UtOU 'laQU~I.. E1;EAE1;ato toU£ JtatEQU£ ~µ&v' ,ml tOV 1..aov
ihjJWOEV EV tfi JtUQOLXL~ EV Yfi Atyumou, xal µEta ~QU;(LOVO£ ll1/JT]A01J e1;~yayEV
autOU£ Es aut~£, ,m( W£ tWOEQUXOVtaEt~ XQOVOV EtQOJtOcj>OQl]OEV UU't'OU£ EV tfl
EQ~µcp, 19 ,ml xaBdwv EElVT] iima EV yfl Xavaav xatEXAT]QOVOµT]OEV t~V y~v
amciiv 20(1)£ EtWL tEtQUXOOLOL£ xal JtEvt~XOVta. ,mi, µEta tauta EbWXEV XQLta£
EW£ Toµou~). [tau] JtQOcj>~tou. 21 xaXEL8Ev nt~aavto ~aatAfo xal ebwXEv autoL£
302
13:17-22 THE MIGHTY WORKS OF Goo IN HEBREW HISTORY
6 0Eoi; tov Toou).. ulov Kii;, avb(>a EX q>UA~i; BEvl<lµL v, Etr) tEOOEQ<l'>I.Ovta· 22 ')!.(ll,
µEtaot~oai; amov ~YELQEV tov flaulb amoii; di; ~acnAia, qi xal El:n:Ev µaQ-
tUQ~oai;, EiJQOV &tulb tOV toii 'Iwoa(, avb(>a Mta t~V X<lQbt<lV µou, oi; :n:oL ~OEL
mivta ta 0£)..~µato. µou.
13:17 6 0Eoi; toii )..aoii t0mou 'laQa~)..] Like Stephen's defense (7:2-53), this
sermon takes the form of a retrospect on Israel's history, followed by a practical
application. But Stephen's survey of his people's past was negative, emphasizing
their repeated apostasy, which had recently reached its climax in their rejection of
Jesus; Paul's, on the other hand, is positive, emphasizing the faithfulness of "the
God of this people" in the past and supremely in the present, through the fulfilment
in Jesus of the ancient promises. Stephen holds out no hope for the Jewish nation;
Paul holds out every hope for it. Through the rejected Jesus, now raised from the
dead, forgiveness is offered to believing Jews and Gentiles alike.
The survey of God's mighty acts in OT times stretches from the Exodus to
the reign of David-the period covered in such a proclamation or kerygma as that
of Ps. 78. From David Paul moves directly to the Son of David in whom the prom-
ises to David were fulfilled, thus introducing the kerygma of the new age (cf. G. E.
Wright, God Who Acts, SBT 8 (London, 1952], pp. 76-81).
J. W. Doeve, who finds that the sermon is based on 2 Sam. (LXX 2 Kgs.)
7:6-16 (God's promise to David through Nathan), concludes that whoever com-
posed it "must have had an excellent command of hermeneutics as practiced in rab-
binic Judaism" (Jewish Hermeneutics in the Synoptic Gospels and Acts (Assen,
1954], pp. 175f.). More specifically, J. W. Bowker finds in the sermon a "proem
homily" form, based (it may be) on Dt. 4:25-46 as seder and 2 Sam. 7:6-16 as
haft.iiriih, with 1 Sam. (LXX 1 Kms.) 13:14 (apparently in targumic form; see on
v. 22 below) as the proem text ("Speeches in Acts: A Study in Proem and Yelam-
medenu Form," NTS 14 [1967-68], pp. 96-111, especially pp. 101-10). (A. Guild-
ing, The Fourth Gospel and Jewish Worship (Oxford, 1960], p. 78, suggests that
the seder was Dt. 1; see on v. 18 below.)
Luke includes this sermon as a sample of gospel preaching to a synagogue
congregation. Can it be accepted as a sample of Paul's preaching to a synagogue
congregation? Paul's reference to the five beatings he received at the hands of the
synagogue authorities in the course of his apostolic ministry (2 Cor. 11 :24) indicates
that he maintained his membership in the synagogue, to the point of submitting to
its discipline-in order, certainly, to seize opportunities of Christian witness in that
setting. (It is impossible to know if the five beatings were all administered before
the apostolic agreement of Gal. 2:9.) There is no other NT passage which purports
to describe in some detail how he would have presented the gospel to a synagogue
congregation. If affinities are discerned between this sermon and Peter's preaching,
that may be due partly to the fact that both are recorded by Luke; but how else would
one have presented the Christian message to such a congregation than by showing
how Jesus had fulfilled the divine promises made in OT times?
:n:aQOLXL(.l] See on :n:6.Qotxoi;, 7:6, 29.
µEta ~Qax.(ovoi; mjJT]AOU Es~Y<lYEV amoui; Es aut~i;] Cf. Ex. 6:1 (EV ~Q<lX,LOVL
303
u,pTJ>..cp Exj3a>..oo au1ou£ EX Tij£ Yii£ au1ou); 6:6 (xai >..mQwooµm i,µa.£ Ev ~QaxfovL
U'lj)T]A()l ); Ps. 136 (LXX 135): I If. (xaU!;ayay6vu 'laQa~Hx µfoou amoov ... iv XELQL
XQUTUL(l xal, EV ~Qax(ovL U'lj)TJA()l ).
13:18 W£ TEOOEQaXOVTaETij wovov] W£ om D cop 53 bo. Note again Luke's
fondness for qualifying a numeral by W£ (cf. v. 20).
ETQOJtOq>OQTJOEV autOU£ ev Tfl EQ~µq>] For ETQOJto«j>6QTJOEV ( X Ac B cz D 81 byz
latvg [mores eorum sustinuit]) P 74 A* C* E \JI 1175 pc latd (ac si nutrix aluit eos)
syr cop read ETQo<j>oq,6QTJOEv. The same variation is found in Dt. 1:31 LXX (to which
Paul is here alluding), although there TQOq>o«j>oQEW ("carry like a nurse") is much
better attested than TQOJtOq>OQEW ("put up with someone's moods"). The Heb. verb
in Dt. 1:31 is niisii', which may mean either "carry" or "endure," and could be rep-
resented by either of the Gk. compounds. R. P. Gordon draws attention to Targ. Dt.
2:7, sopiq [j6r/sii/s, "he supplied your need" ("Targumic Parallels to Acts XIII 18
and Dfdache XIV 3," NovT 16 [1974], pp. 285-89).
13:19 xal, xaSE>..wv] xat om B 6 81 pc. It was easily overlooked in copying,
coming as it does before a word beginning with the same two letters.
ESVTJ ima] They are enumerated as the Hittites, Amorites, Girgashites,
Canaanites, Perizzites, Hivites, and Jebusites in Dt. 7:1, the wording of which is
reflected here: e!;aQEL ESVTJ µqaA.a (lJt() JtQOOWJtOU oou, ... EJtTa ESVT] JtOA.A.U XUL
toxuQOTEQa i,µoov.
fV yfl Xavaav xamtA.T]QOVOµT]OEV [XUTEXA.T]QOOOTT]OEV TR] T~V yijv amoov]
"gave (them) their land as a possession in the land of Canaan"; cf. Josh. 14: 1: oin:m
oi xaTaXA.T]QOVOµ~oaVTE£ UL(J)V 'laQU~A. EV Tfl yfl Xavaav, Ol£ XUTEXA.TJQOVOµT]OEV
amol£ 'EA.rntaQ 'XTA.. The LXX passage shows how XUTaXATJQovoµiw is used in two
senses: "take as a possession" (representing Heb. niil}al in the Qal conjugation) and
"give as a possession" (representing the same verb in the Pi'el conjugation).
13:20 W£ ETEm v TETQaxoo(m£ xal JtEVT~xovTa. xal µETa rnfua] According to
this reading (P74 X AB C 33 81 1175 pc latvg) the period of 450 years has some
definite connection with the giving of the land as a possession. It is best explained
as covering the 400 years of sojourning (the JtaQOLXLa ofv. 17; cf. 7:6), the 40 years
in the wilderness, and the time that elapsed between the entry into Canaan and the
distribution of the land (Josh. 14: 1-17:18). The dat. implies point of time, not du-
ration, although the sense would have been clearer if ordinal numerals had been
used ("he gave them their land as a possession in the 450th year"). It is not surpris-
ing that attempts were made to simplify the rather complicated wording: in o v. 20
runs: xal, W£ ETEOL v TETQUXOOLOL£ xal, JtEVT~xoVTa EOWXEV autoi:£ XQLTU£ EW£ Toµou~>..
Tou JtQOq>~TOu (so also byz, with µET<i 1afua from the~ text inserted before W£ ETEOL v).
By this reading, if the dat. be taken exceptionally to indicate duration, the judges
are said to have judged for about 450 years. This would be approximately the total
of the periods of alternate oppression and "rest" in Judges, if they were reckoned
consecutively, together with the 40 years assigned to Eli in 1 Sam. 4:18 MT (20
years in LXX 1 Kms. 4: 18). But according to 1 K. 6: 1 MT Solomon's 4th year was
the 480th year since the Exodus (the 440th year in LXX 3 Kms. 6:1), whereas the
reading of ll byz here would make it the 574th year.
304
13:17-22 THE MIGHTY WORKS OF Goo IN HEBREW HISTORY
EW£ Toµou~"' [tou] JtQocp~tou] Samuel was regarded as the last judge (1 Sam.
[LXX 1 Kms.] 7:15 and as the first in the prophetic succession after Moses (1 Sam.
3:20).
13:21 flt~oavto ~aotA.fo] Middle voice: "they asked for themselves." Cf.
1 Sam. (LXX 1 Kms.) 8:6.
tov Laov).. ulov Kt£, livbQa ix cpu).. ft£ BEvwµ( v] The speaker was also one Saul,
"a man of the tribe of Benjamin" (cf. Rom. 11:1; Phil. 3:5). See on 9:4 for the form
Tom,,., (so in LXX; Josephus hellenizes it to TooiiA.0£).
Etl] tEOCJEQUXOVta] So Jos. Ant. 6.378, where the Lat. version gives 20 years,
as does Ant. 10.143. The length of Saul's reign can no longer be ascertained from
the OT; it was certainly greater in duration than the two years of 1 Sam. 13:1 MT
(generally regarded as corrupt). J. A Bengel (Gnomon Novi Testamenti, ad Loe.)
thought that the 40 years of the present text covered the administration of Samuel
as well as the reign of Saul.
13:22 µEtaot~Oa£] This may refer to his rejection (1 Sam. [LXX 1 Kms.]
15:23, 26; µE0totl]µL is similarly used in Lk. 16:4) or to his death; Josephus uses
the verb in both senses.
~YELQEV] Both EYELQOl and avtotl]µt are used in Acts (1) of raising someone
up to occupy a certain position ( as here), and (2) of raising someone from the dead
(as in v. 30); see further on vv. 33f.
EL£ ~aot)..fo] The construction is best explained here as a Hebraism from LXX
(cf. v. 47; 7:21; Mt. 21:46). But it is found also in the Hellenistic vernacular, e.g.
in a papyrus of the second century A.O. (BGU 1.171) cited by MM (s. v. EL£), EL£
bUVELOV, "as a loan."
<ii ,mi Elm,v µaQtUQ~Oa£] The dat. <ii is to be taken with µaQtUQ~Oa£, not with
dJtEV, for the words were spoken to God's "faithful ones" (Ps. 89: 19 [LXX 88:20]).
In EiJtEV µaQtUQ~OU£ we have a further example of the simultaneous aor. ptc.: the
meaning is the same as iµUQt'UQT]CJEv AEywv (Jn. 1 :32) or iµaQtUQTJOEV xai ElJtEV (Jn.
13:21).
EilQOV l\auib] From Ps. 89:20 (LXX 88:21), EiJQov l\auib tov boiiAOV µou.
livbQa xata t~v XUQblav µou] From 1 Sam. (LXX 1 Kms.) 13:14, tTJt~<JEL
XlJQLO£ foutcµ liv0QOJ3tOV xata t~V XUQb(av amou] M. Wilcox, pointing out that livbQa
(om B) in the present quotation is a closer equivalent of Heb. 'is than LXX
av0QOl3tOV, adds that the following clause, 0£ 3tOL~<JEL 3tUVtU tCl 0EA.~µata µou, Con-
forms to the Aram. wording ('iif;,f4 r'u1eh) in which the Targum of Jonathan para-
phrases Heb. kilef:!iil!o ("according to his heart"). This is more significant than the
verbal resemblance (pointed out by WH) between 0£ JtOL~<JEL xt).. and Isa. 44:28,
JtaVta ta 0E)..~µata µou JtOL~<JEL (in reference to Cyrus). As for the plur. 0EA~µata
(for which cf. Mk. 3:35B; Eph. 2:3), Wilcox notes that the targumic equivalent
might be vocalized ra 'wa1eh, lit. "his wills," as well as r 'u1eh, "his will" (The Sem-
itisms ofActs [Oxford, 1965], pp. 21-24). The quotations of Ps. 89:20 (LXX 88:21)
and 1 Sam. (LXX 1 Kms.) 13:14 are joined as they are here in 1 Clem. 18:1, where
livbQa also takes the place of LXX liv0QOJJtov. Either Clement has been influenced
by the text of Acts, or both are dependent on a collection of testimonia (cf. also
305
1 Clem. 2: 1 with Ac. 20:35, q. v. ). If such a composite testimonium was originally

based on a Gk. textual tradition akin to the targumic tradition, then it would have
been later adapted to the LXX form by the addition of xata t~v XUQbiav µou.
c. History and prophecy fulfilled in Christ (13:23-37)
23 toutou 6 0EO£ aJto tou OJttQµat0£ xat' EJtayyEAL<lV ~yayEv t<jl 'loQ<l~A orot'ijQ<l
'Irioouv, 24 JtQOXl]QU!;avtO£ 'Iwavvou JtQO JtQOOOlJtOlJ tft£ Eioobou amou
~a.Jtnoµa µEt<lVOL<l£ Jt<lvtl t<j} A<l<J} 'loQatjA. 25 Ol£ f>E £JtAtjQ01J 'lwavVl]£ tOV
bQ6µov, EAEYEV, Ti eµe UJtOVOEitE dvm; oux dµl, eycii· an' iooi, EQXEtm µEt'
EµE OU OtlX dµl, ci!;l0£ to UJt<X>T)µa t<i.>v Jtob<i.>v ).uom. 26 "Avc'\QE£ abEA+o(, \JLOL
yEVOU£ ·~Q<l<lf.t xal, ot EV uµiv q,o~OUµEVOL tov 0E6v, ~µiv 6 ).6yo£ tft£ OWtl]QL<l£
taUTTJ£ e!;a:1twta1.1J. 2rni yaQ xatotxouvtE£ ev 'IEQouoa).~µ xal ot ciQxovre~
<lutWV toutOV ayvotjoavtE£ XUL TC!£ q>WVO.£ t<i.>V JtQOq>l]tWV TC!£ X<lt<l miv OU~~a-
tOV avayt vwoxoµEV<l£ XQLVUVTE£ EJtAtjQ(J)O<lV, 28 X(ll, µl]beµ(av ah(av eavato\J
E"UQOVTE£ flttjoavto IltAiitOV UV<lLQE0ijvm am6v· 29 Ol£ bE EtEAEO<lV Jtavta ta JtEQL
amou yeyQUµµEVa, xa0EAOVTE£ aJto tou !;u).ou ii0l]xav EL£ µvl]µEi:ov. 30 6 bi: 0Eo£
~YELQEV amov £)( VEXQWV' 31 0£ wq,0l] EJtL ~µEQU£ JtAELOU£ toi:£ ouvav~iiot vam<jl
(lJt() tft£ f'aALA<lL<l£ EL£ 'IEQO\JOUAtjµ, o'(n VE£ vuv ELOL v µa.Qt\JQE£ amou JtQOpov
1.a6v. 32 xal ~µe~ {,µii£ eooyyEAL~6µe0a t~v JtQO£ toiJ£ JtatEQ<l£ £:1tayyeHav
YEVOµE Vl]V 33 Ott tautl]V 6 0EO£ EXJtEJtAtjQWXEV to i£ tEXVOL£ [(llJt(t)V] ~µiv
avaottjoa£ 'Irioouv, W£ xal, iv t<j} 1jla).µ<jl yiyQUm:m t<j} brntEQ<Jl, Yt6£ µou d
OU, iym otjµEQOV Y£YEVVl]XU OE. 34 OTL bE UVEOtl]OEV amov £)( VEXQWV µl]XEtt
µeHovta UJtOOTQEq>ELV EL£ btaq,0oQ<iv, OutW£ E'iQl]XEV Ott LWow uµiv ta OOL<l
L\aulb ta mota. 35 bt6n xal EV ETEQ<Jl AEYEL, Ou bOJOEL£ tOV OOLOV 00\J tbeiv bta-
q,00QUV" 36 L\aulb µi:v yo.Q ib(q. yeve<'.i UJtTJQEttjoa£ tfi tou 0rnu ~ou).fi hmµtj0T]
,ml JtQOOEtE0l] JtQO£ TO'U£ Jt<ltEQ<l£ amou xal dbev btaq,0oQUV, 370V be 6 0EO£
~YELQEV oux dbev btaq,0oQ<iv.
13:23 toutou] Taken from its natural position with aJto tou OJtEQµatO£, on
which it is a dependent gen. ("from this man's seed"), and placed at the beginning
of the sentence for emphasis. For Paul's affirmation of the Davidic descent of Christ
cf. Rom. 1:3; 15:12.
xat' e:1tayyE).iav] Cf. 2:30; 2 Sam. (LXX 2 Kms.) 22:51; Ps. 132 (LXX
131): 11, 17 for this promise.
~yayEv] ~YELQEV CD 33 614 al TR syrpesh hcl cop 5 a arm (cf. 5:30; also Judg.
3:9, xal ~YELQE XUQLO£ owt'ijQa t<j} 'loQatj).).
awtijQa] Cf. 5 :31.
13:24 JtQOXTJQU!;avto£ 'Iroavvou] Vv. 24-31 contain an outline of the Chris-
tian kerygma comparable to that ascribed to Peter in 10:36-43, from the preaching
of John to the appearances of the risen Christ. See on 10:36.
JtQO JtQOOOJJtOlJ t'ij£ ELOOOOlJ amou] For the Semitic idiom JtQO JtQOOOJJtO\J (no
different in force from the simple JtQ6) cf. Lk. 1:76; 7:27; 9:52; 10:1, and, for the
present context, Mal. 3: If. (JtQO JtQOOOJJtou µou ... ~µEQav do6bou amou). Cf. also
UJtO JtQOOWJtO\J (3:20; 5:41; 7:45); xata JtQOOWJtOV (3:13).
f!aJtttoµa µernvoia£] The baptism was the "outward and visible sign" of their
repentance (cf. 19:4; see further on 2:38).
306
13:23-27 HISTORY AND PROPHECY FuLFILLED IN CHRIST
13:25 i:n:l~QOU tov bQ6µov] "was finishing his race" (cf. 20:24; 2 Tim. 4:7).
For the metaphor cf. Jer. 8:6, btelt:n:Ev 6 tQe:x.wv wto tou bQ6µou aurou.
lilqEv] Imperf., implying iteration: "he used to say."
ti iµE u:n:ovoEitE dvm; mix dµi iym] For ti P45 CD 11' byz lat syrpesh read tiva.
If the question mark after Elvm be deleted, the sense would be "I am not what you
think I am" (for the Hellenistic use of the interrogative pronoun as a relative cf. Mt.
10:1%; Mk. 14:36; Lk. 17:8); but the punctuation in the text is preferable. For oux
Elµl Eyw, "I am not he" (i.e., the coming one) cf. Jn. 1:20, Eyw oux Elµl 6 XQtotoi;
(similarly Jn. 3:28). This account of John's ministry combines features from the
Synoptic record-the baptism of repentance (cf. Mk. 1:4 par.) and the impending
advent of the greater and stronger one than John (cf. Mk. 1:7 par.; also Jn. 1:27)-
with features peculiar to John, especially John's denial that he was the Messiah
(see further on 19:4). The implications of these Johannine affinities for the evalua-
tion of Jn. 1:19-27 are considered by C.H. Dodd,Historical Tradition in the Fourth
Gospel (Cambridge, 1963), pp. 253-59.
an' ioou EQ:X.Etm µu' EµE OU oux dµl li;toi; to 'lJJtObljµa tfuv :n:obfuv )..uom] For
oux dµl li;toi; P45 reads li;toi; oux dµl iyw. Cf. Mk. 1:7 par.: Jn. 1:27. This text
agrees with John against the Synoptic wording in having li;toi; in place of their
lxavoi;, and with Matthew (3:11) against the others in omitting tov lµuvta ("the
thong") and the final aurou which in Mark, Luke (3: 16), and John repeats the sense
of the relative ou (for this construction see on 15:17).
13:26 livbQEi; ,ct)..] The words of address with which the sermon began
(v. 16) are repeated with variations to emphasize the personal application of the
message to the audience.
xai ot] om xai P45 B.
~µiv] p74 X AB 011' 33 81614 latsinw syrhcl.mgcop5 a/uµiv P4 5 CE byz lat
syr copb 0 • In such a context it is very difficult to decide whether i,µEii; or the inclu-
sive ~µtii; is the original reading. (In the preceding phrase AD 81 read EV ~µiv for
iv uµiv.)
6 )..oyoi; a:n:EotUATJ] See on 10:36.
tfJi; owtT]QLai; tautTJi;] Cf. (ta Q~µam) tfJi; ~wfJi; tautT]i;, 5:20. In Acts and even
more so in Paul owtl]QL<l is commoner than the personal noun awt~Q.
13:27 ot yaQ xatotxouvtEi; xt1.] The b text of vv. 27-29 has been recon-
structed as follows by Ropes (BC 1.3, p. 261): ot yaQ xatotxouvtEi; EV 'IEQOU<Ja)..~µ
xai oi UQ:X.OvtEi; ClutfJi;, µ~ (JUVLEvtEi; tai; YQ<l«p<ll, tfuv :n:QO«pljtOOV tai; xata :n:iiv (J(l~~(l-
TOV avayt vwoxoµi vai; E:n:1.~Qwoav, xal µljbEµ(av ah(av 0av<itou EtJQOvtEi; EV aurcp,
XQL VClvtEi; Cl'UtOV, :n:ClQEbwxav ITt1.Ut<J) Eii; UVClLQE<JL v· wi; OE ETEAOUV :n:avta ta :n:EQL Cl'UtO'U
YEYQ<lµµEva, fltouvto tov fit).a.tov µEta to otClUQW0f}Vm ClutOV a:n:o tO'U ;u).ou xa-
0atQE0ijvm, xal £:n:ttU:X.<>vtEi; xa0Ei1.ov xai li0Tjxav di; µvT]µtiov. The text of D as it
stands is corrupt and conflate; the b text has to be reconstructed with the aid of
syrhcl** hcl.mg_ The ~ text is difficult but intelligible: "For the inhabitants of
Jerusalem and their rulers, failing to recognize this man and the voices of the proph-
ets which are read every sabbath, fulfilled them by condemning him .... "
ayvo~oavtEi;] For the insistence on their ignorance cf. 3:17. They neither rec-
307
ognized him as the one to whom the prophets bore witness, nor the prophets as
having foretold him.
Jtiiv aci~~atov] aci~~atov Jtiiv P45.
xeivavtE~] Blass emended this toµ~ avaxeivavtE~, "not discerning." Lach-
mann had earlier transposed it to make it come immediately after ayvo~aavtE~ xai,
"by condemning him in their ignorance" (so Moffatt).
13:28 µT]OEµiav attiav 0avcitou EUQOVTE~] With the emphasis on Jesus' in-
nocence, and its acknowledgment by the authorities, cf. 3:13; Lk. 23:4. This is in
keeping with one aspect of the apologetic of Acts; cf. the authorities' explicit or
implicit acknowledgment of the innocence of Christian preachers (e.g., in 16:35-
39; 18:14-16; 19:31, 37; 23:29; 25:14-19; 26:31f.). But the implication here that
the Jewish authorities "found no cause of death" in Jesus (cf. the absence of any
explicit mention of the court's condemnation in Luke's account of the trial before
the Sanhedrin) has seemed so unacceptable to some translators and interpreters that
they have understood the words in another than their natural sense (cf. RSV:
"though they could charge him with nothing deserving death"). See A E. Harvey,
Jesus and the Constraints of History (London, 1982), pp. 21, 174f.
flt~aavto IlLAiitov) See on 3:13 (also 2:23, OLO. JCELQO\; av6µrov).
13:29 W\; OE ETEAEOav mivta ta. JtEQL autoii yqgaµµha] Cf. Lk. 22:37; Jn.
19:28.
xa0£AOvtE\; ... £0T]xav] Generalizing plur.: in Lk. 23:53 it is Joseph of Ari-
mathaea who took the body down and laid it in a tomb; in Jn. 19:38-42 Nicodemus
is associated with him in doing so. As both of them were members of the Sanhe-
drin, their action could have been seen as undertaken on behalf of the court as a
whole (there is no change of subject from ETEAwav to E0T]xav).
!;uAou] For this term for the cross cf. 5 :30; 10: 39.
E9T]xav EL\; µVT]µEiov) The burial of Jesus was emphasized in the primitive
preaching (cf. 1 Cor. 15:4), as though to underline the finality of his death, and
therewith the reality of his resurrection. The burial as well as the hanging on a gib-
bet (!;uA.ov) is included in the context of Dt. 21:23 (see on 5:30).
13:30 o OE 0EO\; ~YELQEV amov ex VEXQv] The action of God is set over
against the action of "the inhabitants of Jerusalem and their rulers" (v. 27); cf. 2:24;
3:13; 4:11; 5:30f.; 10:39f. Contrast the force ofEyEiQW here with that in v. 22.
13:31 O\;] Demonstrative rather than relative.
oolj>0T]] "appeared"; intrans. use with dat., as in 9:17 (cf. 1 Cor. 15:5-8).
EJtL ~µEQU~ JtAEiou~) Cf. 1:3, OL' ~µEQVTEOOEQcixovta.
toi\; ouvavajiiim v am<j>] I.e., before his crucifixion. They included those men-
tioned in Lk. 23:49, 55; Ac. 1:13f., who, in Luke's eyes, are the primary guaran-
tors of the gospel. Luke records only Judaean appearances of the risen Christ (con-
trast Lk. 24:6 with Mk. 16:7). It is evident from 1 Cor. 15:3-8 that the primitive
kerygma proclaimed not only the events of Jesus' death, burial, and resurrection,
but also (and emphatically) his appearance to eyewitnesses named and unnamed;
Luke reproduces this emphasis faithfully (cf. Ac. 2:32; 5:32; 10:41).
viiv] om B byz/ UJCQL viiv D latvg_
308
13:23-27 HISTORY AND PROPHECY FuLFILLED IN CHRIST
µciQt'UQES] While Paul may well have referred to the earlier witnesses to
Christ's resurrection, he would certainly have added ( and, we may be sure, did add),
"last of all he appeared also to me" (1 Cor. 15:8).
)...uov] As usual, )...uos denotes the Jewish nation. Cf. 10:2, 42.
13:32 xul fJµei;] "and we for our part": Paul speaks for himself and others
who did not go up with Jesus to Jerusalem and did not see him on Easter Day, but
are nonetheless witnesses to his resurrection and commissioned preachers of the
gospel.
ElJUYYEALsOµt0u) With three objects: (1) uµa.;, (2) t~V ... btuyyd.(uv, and
(3) the on clause: "we tell you the good news of the promise made to the fathers-
namely, that God has fulfilled it. ... " The promise is that referred to in v. 23. For
constructions with euayyEAtsoµm see on 8:25.
13:33 toi~ tixvm~ [uutci>V] fJµiv] C 3 E byz syr. This reading ("to us their
children") makes better sense than the more strongly attested to~ tExvms fJµwv (P7 4
X AB C* D al lat): "to our children" does not suit the context. "It can hardly be
doubted that fJµciJv is a primitive corruption of fJµiv," says Hort; but an even more
probable reading is that conjectured by F. H. Chase (Credibility, p. 187, n. 1)-
fJµiv xul toi; ttxvms fJµfuv, "to us and to our children" (inclusive fJµei;), which is
to the same effect as 2:39, uµiv ... xul toi; ttxvms uµfuv (cf.also Ps. Sol. 8:39, fJµiv
xul to~ tEXVOL£ fJµfuv TJ EUOOXLU ds tOV ulfuvu).
avum:~aus] I.e., (probably) by raising him up in the sense in which he raised
up David (v. 22, where the verb is eydQw, but for avLatTJµL in this sense cf. 3:22;
7:37). The promise ofv. 23, whose fulfilment is here announced, points forward to
the "bringing to Israel of a Savior, Jesus." The resurrection of Jesus, in further ful-
filment of the divine promise, finds its place in the next sentence (v. 34).
'I11aouv] t, has the reverential amplification tov XllQLov 'I11aouv XQLatov ( see
also on 1:21; 2:38; 7:55).
Ul£ )((ll, EV tij> 'IJUAµij> YEYQUITTUL tij> bEutEQ<µ l Ul£ )((ll, EV toi; ljlaA.µois YEYQUJtt<ll
P4 5. b (D latd g) reads oiitw; yaQ Ev t(!} 31:QWt(Jl ljlu)...µcµ yiyQcmtm. This was the read-
ing of Latin codices known to Bede. Origen (on Ps. 2) says he has seen two Heb.
MSS, in one of which Pss. 1 and 2 were joined as one. Justin, Tertullian, Cyprian,
Eusebius, and Hilary also testify more or less explicitly to this practice of regard-
ing these two psalms as one. In bBer. 9b "Blessed is the man ... " (Ps. 1) and "Why
do the nations conspire? ... " (Ps. 2) are said to form "one chapter." See BC 1.3, pp.
263-65. There are other indications int, of knowledge of the Heb. scriptures and
language (note how in Mk. 15:34 par. Mt. 27:46 aa~ux.0uv(, representing Aram.
se/Jaqtani, is replaced in D lati vg.codct by saq,0av(, representing Heb. 'iiza/Jtani of
Ps. 22:1).
ul6s µou El au, eyw a~µEQOV YEYEVVTJ>«l OE] Ps. 2:7, quoted also in Heb. 1:5;
5:5; and in Lk. 3:22 bas the words spoken from heaven on the occasion of Jesus'
baptism. See on 4:25f. for another quotation from Ps. 2. This psalm is interpreted
messianically in Ps. Sol. 17:26 and in several early rabbinical texts (cf. Dalman,
Words of Jesus, pp. 268-73). But Ps. 2:7 (from which come some at least of the
words addressed to Jesus by the heavenly voice, according to Mk. 1: 11 par.) greatly
309
influenced the course of NT christology, especially in the use and understanding

of the title "the Son of God" (see on 9:20).
Perhaps with reference to the Gentile mission, b continues the quotation from
Ps. 2:7f. by adding a'itl]OUL j[UQ' Eµou l«lL &iiaw CTOL E8Vl] t~V KAl]QOVoµiav aou, l«lt
t~v Kata.axEmv aou ta j[EQata t~£ Y~£. The original setting of the oracle was prob-
ably the anointing of the Davidic king; that "was ideally the day in which he, the
nation's representative, was born into a new relation of sonship towards Jehovah"
(Chase, Reliability, p. 126). We may think of the day when "God anointed Jesus of
Nazareth with the Holy Spirit and power" (10:38), i.e., his baptism.
13:34 civfot11aav airrov EK VEKQv] The addition of EK VEKQv here differ-
entiates this sense of civtatl]µL from that in v. 33. In Rom. 1:4 Paul, who certainly
believed that Jesus was already the Son of God, speaks of the resurrection as the
event by which he was "designated Son of God in power." In Heb. 1 :5 and 5 :5 the
oracle of Ps. 2:7 is applied to Jesus at his exaltation to the right hand of God. C. F. D.
Moule suggests that "Ps. 2:7 may well have been in Paul's mind in Rom. 1:4, if not
elsewhere" ("The Christology of Acts," in Studies in Luke-Acts, ed. L. E. Keck and
J. L. Martyn [Nashville, 1966], p. 174). See also A E. Harvey,Jesus and the Con-
straints of History, pp. 166f.
bLaq,8oQa.v] From Ps. 16 (LXX 15):10, quoted in v. 35.
on] recitantis.
bwaw {,µIv ta oma !laulb ta mata.] Isa. 55:3 LXX, ml bta8~aoµm uµ'iv
bLa8~KlJV atwvtov, ta oma L'laulb ta mata.. The common factor between this testi-
monium and that quoted in v. 35 is the adj. oOLO£. This is the word regularly used
in LXX as the equivalent ofHeb. lµ'isf4, as in Ps. 16 (LXX 15):10, but only in Isa.
55:3 is it used as the equivalent of !Jese(j. It may be that the LXX translator took
!Jasde, the construct plur. of !Jese(j (!Jasde l)awi(j hanne 'emtinim, KJV "the sure
mercies of David"), as a form of lµ'isi(j (or even read it by metathesis as lµ'isi<J), and
translated accordingly. In any case, the fulfilment of God's promise of perpetual
loving-kindness (Heb. !Jese<},, LXX EAEO£) to David (Ps. 89:24, 33 [LXX 88:25,
34]), inaugurated at Jesus' baptism, was consummated by his resurrection. The sub-
stitution of bwaw for LXX bta8~aoµm may be due to the influence of bmaEL£ in the
next quotation.
13:35 EV EtEQ<Jl] "in another place" (than that quoted in v. 34) or "in another
psalm" (than that quoted in v. 33); the former is more probable.
AEYEL] The subject is~ yQaq,~ understood, not o 8EO£, since it is to God that
the words are addressed.
OU bwaw; tov OOLOV aou LOE IV bLaq,8oQ<iV] Ps. 16 (LXX 15): 10, quoted in this
sense in 2:27 (q. v. ).
13:36 L'laulb µiv yaQ xtA] The argument is much the same as in 2:29-31.
David died and was not raised; the words quoted do not therefore apply to him in
his individual experience, but to that descendant of David who, as a matter of ac-
tual fact, was raised again and did not undergo corruption.
tbig. yevE{j. lJj[l]QEt~Oa£ tfi tou 8wu ~ou11.fi] lbig. yevE{j. may mean either "his
own generation" as indirect object of Uj[lJQEt~Oa£ or "in his own generation," in
310
] 3:38-41 PERORATION
which case the object of UJtT]QEt~Oa£ is ~ouJ..fi. That David served the will of God
is in accord with v. 22, 0£ Jtot~OEt mivra ta 0EA~µatci µou.
Exmµ~0TJ xal JtQOOEtE0T] JtQO~ to~ :rmtEQ~ autoli] Cf. 1 K. (LXX 3 Kms.)
2:10 (xal Exotµ~01] .t1aull> µEta twv :n:ategwv autoii) and Judg. 2: 10 (xai. YE Jtftoa ~
yEvEa EXELVTJ JtQOOEte0'r]oav JtQO£ to~ JtateQa£ amwv).
13:37 ov be] l>E is adversative to µiv in v. 36: with David (on the one hand)
Christ (on the other hand) is contrasted.
om El&v l>taq,0oQ<iv] Cf. 2:31.
d. Peroration (13:38-41)
38 rvwatov ot'iv EatW uµiv, avl>QE~ al>EJ..cj,OL, Ott l>ta tO\JtOU uµiv acj,EOL£ aµagn&v
xatayyeAAEtm, xal Mo mivtwv cliv om ~l>u~0'r]tE EV voµq> Mwuaiw£
l>txmw0fjvm 39 EV toutq> Jtft£ 6 matEuwv l>txmolitm. 40 ~AEJtEtE ot'iv µ~ EJtEA0T!
to ELQT]µEvov EV tOL£ JtQOcj>~taL£,
41 "ll>EtE, oi xatacj>QOVT]taL, xal 0auµcioatE xal acpavi.o0T]tE,
Ott EQYOV EQY<l~oµm Eym EV tai~ ~µEQUL~ uµ&v,
EQYOV o OUµ~ J'tL<J'tE'UOT]tE E<lV tL£ E'Xl>tT]yfjtm uµiv.
13:38 yvwatov ol)v eatw uµiv] Cf. 2:14; 4:10; 28:28.
l>ta toutou] "through this man" (P74 B l>La tolito, "for this reason").
acprnt~ aµagn&v] As in 2:38; 10:43.
13:39 xal Mo Jtavtwv XtA] Paraphrased in l>: xal µEt<ivma MO Jtavtwv cliv
om ~l>u~0'r]tE EV voµq> Mwiiaiw£ l>txatoo0fjvm, ev toutq> ow mi~ 6 matEoov
l>txatolitm Jtaga 0Eq:, (with JtaQa 0Eq:, cf. Rom. 2:13; Gal. 3:11, also with reference
to justification).
Grammatically, this sentence is capable of two meanings: (1) the Mosaic law
provided justification from some things, but from all those things from which it
could not justify, everyone who believes in Christ is justified through him; or (2)
the Mosaic law could never justify from anything, but complete justification is pro-
vided through Christ to everyone who believes in him. The former interpretation
is accepted by (among others) B. W. Bacon, The Story of St. Paul (London, 1905),
p. 103; A. Harnack, Date of the Acts and of the Synoptic Gospels, E.T. (London,
1911), p. 58; P. Vielhauer, "On the 'Paulinism' of Acts" (1950-51), E.T. in Studies
in Luke-Acts, ed. Keck and Martyn, pp. 41f.-the conclusion being drawn that the
words represent Luke's misunderstanding of Paul's position (so far, at any rate, as
Jewish Christians ?.re concerned). Another way of taking the former interpretation
would relate it to the sacrificial law: sin offerings were provided to expiate inad-
vertent offenses, but no sin offering could expiate those committed "with a high
hand"; through faith in Christ, however, the slate was wiped clean, however fla-
grant one's previous offenses had been. But nothing in the context suggests that
the sacrificial law is in view.
The context is in favor of the latter interpretation: at the climax of the argu-
ment one expects a total and not a partial claim for the power of the gospel. The lat-
ter interpretation is closer to Paul's teaching on justification, although in expound-
ing his teaching Paul does not use l>Lxatoiio0at aJt6 (the construction in Rom. 6:7, 6
311
yaQ an:o0avwv bEbtxaiwtm am'> tfJ£ aµaQtLU£, has different force: "a dead man is no
longer answerable for his sin," NEB). Luke intends to express Paul's teaching here
(just as he expresses his teaching on another subject in 9:20), and btxmofu8m should
not have its force weakened, as it is in RSV, by being rendered "be freed." The only
other place in the Lukan writings where the verb is used of an act of God is Lk.
18:14, where the man who confessed his sin and cast himself on the divine mercy
went home bEbtxmwµtvo£ (here RSV properly translates it "justified").
Ev tomeµ ... EV voµcµ] EV of instrument or agent, found with btxatow also in
Paul (e.g., Ev XQtotcj}, Gal. 2:17; Ev voµcµ, Gal. 3:11; 5:4). The present statement
may be compared with Peter's argument in 15:7-11: in both passages faith accom-
plishes what the law cannot do. For the phrase Ev voµcµ ... btxmw8fJvm cf. 2 Bar.
51 :3, where God speaks of "the glory of those who have now been justified by my
law." Contrast 4 Ezra 8:32-36, on the necessity of justification by grace for those
who have no store of good works. Paul in his letters goes far beyond this, seeing
all human beings, irrespective of their works, as equally in need of justification by
grace. See J. J. Kilgallen, "Acts 13,38-39: Culmination of Paul's Speech in Pisidia,"
Bib 69 (1988), pp. 480-506.
13:40 EV toi£ JtQOq>~tm;] Cf. 7:42, where the book of the 12 prophets is also
more specifically meant. The quotation is from Hab. 1:5. It was in Habakkuk that
Paul found his key text for the exposition of justification by faith (Hab. 2:4, quoted
in Rom. 1: 17 and Gal. 3: 11; cf. also Heb. 10:38).
13:41 tbEtE, oi xataq>QOVT]ta(, XtA.] LXX runs: 'LbEtE, oi xataq>QOVT]ta(, xal
E3tl~A.E1j)atE xal 8auµaaatE Sauµama, xal a4>av(a8T]tE, btott EQYOV EYW EQY<itoµm EV
tai£ ~µEQUt~ uµwv, o ou µ~ matEUOT]tE Eav tt; EXbtT]yfJtm. oi xata(j>QoVT]tat
("despisers") presupposes Heb. habbogegim rather than MT baggoyim ("among
the nations"). This variant reading is attested here in the Qumran commentary on
Habakkuk ( I QpHab 2.1, 3, 5). Although xataq>QOVEW ("despise," "scorn") might be
thought an unlikely rendering of bgd ("break faith," "commit treason"), it is so used
by LXX in Prov. 13:15; Hos. 6:7; Hab. 1:13; 2:5; Zech. 3:4. There is nothing in
MT corresponding to <iq,av(a8TjtE ("vanish away"). Habakkuk's words in their his-
torical context pointed to the imminent Chaldaean invasion of Judah. The Qumran
commentator interpreted them of the occupation by the Romans (Kitti'im) in 63
B.C. Paul applies them in an eschatological sense, of the judgment about to fall (cf.
Peter in 2:40).
After the quotation Dadds xal fo(yT]aav (xal ECTLYTJCTEV 614 syrhcl**).
So ends Paul's first reported speech in Acts. Luke may well give its "general
purport" in the Thucydidean sense (see p. 34), with some characteristically Pau-
line phraseology (e.g., in v. 39), although other Pauline emphases are missing
which might be expected ( e.g., his personal testimony to the resurrection of Christ).
In addition to references given in notes on v. 17, see M. Dumais, Le langage
de I' evangelisation: L 'annonce missionnaire en milieu juif(Act es 13, 16-41) (Tour-
nai/Montreal, 1976); K. Haacker, "Urchristliche Mission und kulturelle Identitat:
Beobachtungen zu Strategic und Homiletik des Apostels Paulus," Theologische
Beitriige 19 (1988), pp. 61- 72.
312
13:42-43 RESPONSE TO PAUL'S SERMON
3. Response to Paul's Sermon (13:42-43)

42 'E;tovtWV l>E (l'IJtO)V lt<lQEXOA.OUV El£ ,:o µnu;u oaf3~utov A.UA.'l)Oijvm (llJ'CO~
,:a Q~µa,:a ,:aum. 43 1.. u0EiorJ£ l>E tfi£ ouvuywyfi£ ~xoA.ou9r]ouv itoUo 1 i:&v
'Iouoo(wv XUL 'tWV OE~oµevwv ltQOO'IJA.U'tWV ,:<j.> IIuuA.cµ ')((ll ,:<j.> BUQVU~(i, o'(ttVE£
ltQOOA.UA.OUvtE£ (llJ'CO~ EltEt0ov <l'U"COU£ ltQOOµEVEl v tfi x<iQm 'tOU 0Eou.
13:42 E;lOvtWV l>E am&v lt<lQEXUA.OUV xtA.] B omits lt<lQEXUA.OUV and adds
~;(ouv after oa~~utov. This led Hort to suggest an emendation: "Perhaps 'A;touvtwv
should replace 'E;tovtwv, and JtUQEXaA.ouv and the stop at the end of the verse should
be omitted. The language of vv. 42f. would then be natural if the requests for another
discourse on the following sabbath were interrupted by the breaking up of the con-
gregation by the UQXtouvaywym (v. 15), e.g. for prudential reasons (cf. v. 45)."
El£ to µnu;u oa~~<l'tOV l µE't<l;U originally meant "between," but in common
parlance came to mean "next" (so Plut., Instituta Laconica 240B; Ep. Barn. 13:5;
1 Clem. 44:2; frequently in Josephus; cf. also 23:25 l>).
13:43 i:&v oE~oµivwv JtQOOrJA.mwv] "of the worshipping proselytes." Since
JtQOOrJA.mwv is expressly written, these are full converts to Judaism who were mem-
bers of the synagogue congregation on this occasion. Although OE~6µEvot fre-
quently denotes God-fearing Gentiles who did not bec,ime full converts (the
cpo~ouµevot i:ov 0Eov of vv. 16, 26), it is not a technical term restricted to them. See
K. Lake, "Proselytes and God-fearers," BC 1.5, p. 88. It is not necessary, with
Haenchen (Acts, p. 413, n. 5), to suspect that ltQOOrJA.mwv is a gloss (similarly K. G.
Kuhn, TDNT 6, p. 743, § 4, s. v. ltQOO~A.uto£). See further on 20: 15.
EltEt0ov] "urged": the imperf. does not mean "persuaded," as the aor. does.
JtQooµEVEL v tfi XUQL tt rou 0rnu] See on 11: 23. After 0rnu the l> text adds eyE VETO
l>E ')((le' oA.rJ£ tfi£ itoA.EW£ l>tEA.0Elv i:ov A.oyov rou 0Eou, in preparation for v. 44.
4. Gentile Interest Arouses Jewish Opposition (13:44-52)

44 T<j.> l>E EQXOµEVCJ) O(l~~a,:cµ OXEl>oV lt<lO(l ~ ltOA.l£ ou~x0rJ axouom tov A.oyov
TOU XUQLOU. 45 il>ovtE£ l>E OL 'Ioooulot TOU£ OXA.01)£ EltA.~00rJOUV s~A.OU ')((ll
avtEA.Eyov tol£ 'Ult() Iluu1..ou A.UA.OuµEVOl£ ~A.UOq>'l]µOUV'tE£. 46 lt<lQQ'IJOl<lO<lµEVOL
'tE 6 IIuuA.0£ XUL 6 BUQVU~ti£ Elituv, 'Yµi:v ~v avuyxai:ov ltQWTOV A.UA.rJOijVm 'tOV
A.oyov 'tOU 0rnfr EltELl>~ (lJt(JJ0Et00E (llJ'COV X<lt O\JX a;LOU£ XQLVE'tE EUU'tOU£ i:ij;
(lL(l)VLOU sWii£, il>ou ITTQEq>6µE0U El£ 't(l E0VrJ' 470utW£ YUQ EvtE't<lA.'t<ll ~µiv 6
XUQl0£,
TWnxa OE El£ <j>&£ Wv&v
'tOU dvu( OE fl£ OW't'IJQLUV EW£ foxai:ou i:ij; yij;.
48UXOUOvt(l l>E 't(l ESV'I) EXULQOV ')((ll EOO!;a~ov 'tOV 1..oyov TOU XUQLOU, ')((ll
EltLITTEUOUV OOOl ~ouv 'tE't<lYµEVOl El£ sm~v (ll(I)VlOV' 49 l>tEq>EQETO l>E 6 A.OYO£
TOU XUQLOU l>t' OA.'1)£ tij; XWQ<l£. 500L l>E 'Ioooui:ot lt<lQW'tQUVUV 'tCl£ OE~oµivu;
yuvui:xa; 'tCl£ Euox~µov<l£ ')((ll 'tOU£ ltQWTOU£ tfi£ ltOA.EW£ ')((ll, Elt~YElQUV fawyµov
Eltt i:ov IIaiiA.ov xu1 BUQv~iiv, ')((lL E!;E~aA.ov umou; aito i:wv 6Q(wv um&v. s1 ol
l>E EX'ttvu!;aµEVOl 'tOV XOVlOQ'tOV ,:ci)v Jtol>wv fa' (l'IJtOU£ ~A.Sov El£ 'Ixovtov, 520'(
'tE µa0r],:al EltA.rJQOUV'tO XUQU£ XUL ltVEllµ<l't0£ ay(ou.
313
13:44 bE] tE B E P byz.

EQ;(oµtvcµ] E;(OµEvcµ p7 4 A C 2 E* 33 pc, idiomatic Gk. but probably an emen-
dation (cf. 20:15, where Dal have EQ;(oµtvn for exoµEvn. The same variation oc-
curs in MSS ofThuc.Hist. 6.3; Jos.Ant. 6.174, 235.
axEbov :n:iiaa ~ :n:61..L; auv~xStJ] The Gentiles who attended the synagogue pre-
sumably spread the news through the city. Cf. v. 43 b.
axoiiam] D adds Ilau)..ou· JtOAUV tE 1..6yov JtOLl]OUµEVOU :n:EQL tOU XUQLOU.
tov 1..6yov toii XUQtou] For xUQiou (P74 X A B 2 33 81 323 945 1175 1739 al
latg vg.st copsa) 0EOii is read by B * CE IJI byz latvg.cl syr copb 0 ( cf. similar variation
in v. 48).
13:45 1..a1..0UµEVOL£] )..qoµtvm;] p74 CD byz.
~1..aa<1>11µoiivtE£] "speaking evil," "slandering," perhaps defaming the name
of Jesus ( cf. 26: 11 ). Before ~)..amptJµoiivtE£ b (D PS byz latP* syrhcl) inserts avtLAE-
yovtE£ xai, tautologically after avtEAfYOV. For the tendency to amplification in b cf.
8:1.
13:46 :n:UQQl]OLamiµEVOL] See on 9:27.
uµiv ... JtQ&tov] Cf. 3:26; for the principle that the gospel should be pre-
sented to Jews first see Rom. 1:16. Luke relates consistently how in almost every
place the Jewish community had the first opportunity to hear the good news; only
when it proved unresponsive did the missionaries turn to the Gentiles. Had the Jews
accepted it, theirs would have been the privilege of evangelizing the Gentiles. As
Paul came to see it, while the order of presentation was "to the Jew first, and also
to the Gentile," the order of acceptance, by divine providence, was "by the Gen-
tile first, and also by the Jew" (Rom. 11:25-27; cf. J. Munck, Paul and the Salva-
tion of Mankind, E.T. [London, 1959], pp. 42-49 et passim).
emLb~] X * B D* 36 pc/ e:n:El be P4 5 74 C Ec 81 326 pc/ EJtELb~ be xc ADc E*
IJI byz. The reader is conscious of the need of an adversative particle: if the origi-
nal text were foEl bf., E:n:ELb~ would be a secondary reading and e:n:ELb~ bi a tertiary.
a:n:w0Eia0E] Cf. 7:27, 39; Rom. 11:lf.; 1 Tim. 1:19.
oux a!;iou; tf]; atwviou [atwvia; P45 Jtwf];] "Eternal life" (in Acts only here
and in v. 48) is to be understood, as in the Synoptic Gospels, of "the life of the age
to come" (so it would be understood by Jewish hearers); since the coming of Christ,
however, with the good news of the kingdom of God (see on 1:3), this life may be
enjoyed in anticipation here and now by those who receive it in faith. Those who
believe in Christ experience already in him the life of the resurrection age (cf. Rom.
6:8, 13; 8:10; Col. 3:1; Eph. 2:5f.). With oux a!;LOU£ cf. Mt. 22:8, ol be XEXAl]µEVOL
oux ~aav a!;Lm (which also has a Jewish reference); those who are worthy are
spoken of in Lk. 20:35, ol bE xata!;Lw0EvtE£ toii at&vo; EXEivou tU;(Eiv xal tf];
avamaaEW£ tf]; EX VEXQWV.
ITTQE<j>oµE0a d; ta ESvtJ] Presumably leaving the synagogue (cf. 18:6f.; 19:9;
see also 28:28).
13:47 ~µiv] The words which follow (from Isa. 49:6) are addressed by
Yahweh to his Servant. They are alluded to in the words of Simeon of Jerusalem
(Lk. 2:32, cp&~ d; a:n:oxci1..mjnv E0v&v), who applied them to the infant Jesus. Here
314
13:44-52 GENTILE INTEREST AROUSES JEWISH OPPOSITION
Paul and Barnabas take them as addressed to themselves, and by implication to

other servants of Christ. There are reminiscences of Isa. 49:1-6 (the second "Ser-
vant Song") in Paul's account of his call and commission in Gal. 1:15f. Others
might take up that part of the Servant's vocation which had to do with Israel; Paul
knew himself called to undertake that part of it which involved the carrying of
God's saving light among the Gentiles. The prophetic figure of the Servant had be-
come concentrated in Jesus; once he had accomplished the Servant's crucial min-
istry by giving his life as a sin offering for many, others were made participants in
his further ministry of making the benefits of his passion accessible worldwide. As
he was the light of the world (Jn. 8: 12), so his followers were in their turn to be the
light of the world (Mt. 5:14).
tE0rnui oE ds <j>oos E8vfuv] b reads ibou cpfus tE0mui OE to is E0vwt v. The clause
is contracted from Isa. 49:6 LXX, tbou te0m«i [ X A] OE ds bta0~XT]V yivoll£, ds
cpws E0vfuv, omitting the Gk. words (imported from Isa. 42:6) which have no coun-
terpart in MT here. The following clause, toii dvai OE (om P4 5 242 522) ELS
OWTT]Qiav EW£ foxa.wu TT]£ YTJ£, is quoted verbatim from LXX. The quotation is in
the style of those in Rom. 15:9-12, where the evangelization of the Gentiles is fore-
shadowed. With EWS eoxcitou tfJS yf]s cf. 1:8.
13:48 eoo!;a~ov] ebi!;avto D latg (cf. 8:14; 11:1; 17:ll).
XUQLOU] P45 X AC 33 81 byz latvg copsa Chr / 0rnu B DE 049 323 pc copb 0 •
For the variation cf. v. 44; in both places xuQiou is more probably to be read.
TEtayµivoL EL£ ~w~v atwvwv] "appointed for eternal life," but here perhaps
the verb has the sense "enrolled," "inscribed," which is found in papyri; cf. Dan.
6:12 (Theod.), 6Qwµov Eta!;as, "you have signed (Aram. rsamtii) a decree." K. L.
Schmidt, TDNT 3, p. 491 (s. v. xa)iw ), compares the rabbinical use of zimmen. For
this divine enrollment cf. Lk. 10:20; Phil. 4:3; Rev. 13:8; 17:8; 20:12; 21:27. The
idea appears also in Ex. 32:32f.; Ps. 69:28 (LXX 68:29); 139 (LXX 138):16; Isa.
4:3 (where the "life" for which some are recorded [LXX ol yQU<j>EvtE£ ds ~w~v] is
interpreted as "eternal life," J:tayye 'iilmti, in bRosh ha-Shtintih 16b; l.9.57a); Dan.
12:1; 1 En. 47:3; 104:1; 108:3; Jub. 30:20, 22. Those here referred to showed by
their faith that they had been so enrolled, in contrast to the unbelievers of v. 46.
13:49 tou xuQiou] om P45 pc
bt' OAT]£ TTJS XWQas] Ramsay and others have regarded ;(WQU in this kind of
context as a technical term for an administrative division of a Roman province (a
sense attributed, with doubtful accuracy, to Lat. regio), in which case the reference
would be to eastern Phrygia-that part of the ancient kingdom of Phrygia which
was now part of the province of Galatia (see on 16:6). But the word has no techni-
cal sense here.
13:50 TO.£ CTE~oµiva£ yuvaixas TO.£ Evox~µovas] "the God-fearing women of
high station." Since these women were attached to the Jewish form of worship
(aE~oµEvm) and well-to-do (for EUO):~µwv see Mk. 15:43, where it corresponds to
n1..ouaws of Mt. 27:57), the synagogue authorities could use them as intermediar-
ies in influencing their husbands, who would be men of power in the city. "The in-
fluence attributed to the women ... is in perfect accord with the manners of the
315
country. In Athens or in an Ionian city, it would have been impossible" (Ramsay,

SPT, p. 102). Cf. also 16:14; 17:12.
TOU£ J1{JOJtoU£ ,~£ JtOA.EW£] I.e., the magistrates ( duumvirs; cf. 16:20) and
others in places of authority, some of whom would have been husbands of the
women just mentioned. For JtQWTO£ in such a sense cf. 28:7 (q. v. ); Jos. Vita 169
(TOU£ JtoHou£ rnii 6~µou JtQOJtoU£ i'iv6Qa£). Luke carefully absolves the civic
authorities in most places of responsibility for the attacks mounted against Paul
and his companions; even so, it is the civic authorities who are the subject of
EsE~UA.OV in this sentence.
6twyµov] 6 inserts {Ri'ljJt v µi-:yci).. riv xa i before 6twyµov ( cf. the similar inser-
tion in 8: 1 6). In spite of the impression received by some readers that the journey
recorded in this chapter and the next is presented as a kind of "triumphal proces-
sion," C. K. Barrett points out that "Luke docs make it clear that the road his heroes
were travelling was the way of the cross" ("Theologia Crucis-in Acts," in Theo-
logia Crucis-Signum Crucis: Festschrift fur E. Dinkier, ed. G. Andresen and
G. Klein [Tiibingen, 1979], p. 79). Cf. 14:5, 19, 22.
13:51 bcnvasciµEvm TOV XOVLOQTOV TWV Jto6wv J For this gesture cf. Mk. 6:11
par. Mt. 10:14 and Lk. 9:5 (also 10:11 ); for similar gestures in Acts cf. 18:6; 22:22f.
It originally symbolized consignment of a place to divine judgment, and its very
dust was shaken off lest some of the judgment should adhere to it. The significance
here is not so drastic: the missionaries left a group of believers in the city, whom
they revisited a few weeks or months later (14:21 ).
'Ixovtov] Modern Konya (c. 90 miles east-southeast of Pisidian Antioch), in
NT times the easternmost city of Phrygia (see on 14:6), as it had been since the
time of Xenophon, the first historian to mention it (Anab. 1.3.19). Strabo (Geog.
12.6.]) describes it as JtOA.LXVLOV di CJUVCJ)XLCJµEVOV X<ll XWQUV E'IJ'tUXEITTEQUV exov
(where XWQa, as in v. 49 above, is nontechnical in sense). Since the third century
B.C. it had passed successively under the rule of the Seleucids, Pergamenes, Gala-
tians, and Mithridates VI, king of Pontus. It was liberated from Mithridates by Pom-
pey's victory over him in 64 B.C. In 39 B.C. Antony gave it to Polemon of Cilicia,
and three years later to Amyntas of Galatia. Under Claudius the city was allowed
to use his name as an honorary prefix and became known as Claudiconium. Possibly
then or at the latest under Hadrian (AD. 117-138) it became a Roman colony. See
W. M. Ramsay, The Cities of St. Paul, pp. 317-82; S. Mitchell, "Iconium and
Ninica: Two Double Communities in Roman Asia Minor," Historia 28 (1979), pp.
435-38.
13:52 o'iTE µa0l]TUL x,11.] Forn: (AB 33 36 453 945 1739 al) X CD E IP 81
byz read 6E, P45 yE. The joy with which the disciples were filled was the joy, in face
of persecution, inspired by the Holy Spirit (cf. 2:46; 4:31; 5:31; 7:55; 8:39; Rom.
5:3-5; 15:13; Phil. 2:17.
316
ACTS 14
D. ICONIUM, LYSTRA, DERBE (14:1-28)

1. Adventures in I conium (14: J. 7)
I 'Eyevno be EV 'Ixov(qi xata to <l'UtO ELCTEA.0ELV <l'Ut0ll£ EL£ t~V ouvaywy~v tfuv
'Iouooiwv mt A.aAf]am oiitms matE matEiiom 'louba(mv tE xat 'EH~vmv rro)..i,
ltAf]0o;. 2 oi be arrEL0~a<lvtE£ 'Ioubaim Elt~YElQ<lV i!.(ll, EXUX(J)(J<lV ta; 'lj)uxa; tfuv
£0vfuv i!.<lta tfuv <lOEA<j>fuv. 3 iMVOV µev oiiv XQOVOV bLEtQl'ljJ<lV lt<lQQ'l]CTl<lsoµEVOL
Errl tijl XUQL<Jl µaQtUQOiivtl tijl )..oyqi tf]; XUQlto£ am:oii, blb6vn CT'l]µEL<l xal, tEQ<lta
y(vw0m bla tfuv XElQWV am:fuv. 4 fox(a01] be to ltAf]0o; tf]£ ltOAEW£, X<lL oi µEV
~aav auv toL£ 'IoubaLOl£ oi bE auv toi; arroatOAOl£. 5 W£ be EyEVEto OQµ~ tfuv
E0vfuv tE X<lL 'Iouoo(wv auv toi£ UQXOUCTlV am:fuv 'U~QLCT<ll i!.(ll, Al00~0A.f]am
am:oll£, 6 auvLb6vtE£ xate<j>uyov EL£ ta£ rr6AEl£ tf]£ Auxaovia£ AuatQ<lV xai
t.EQf\'l]V xal t~V ltEQLX(J)QOV, 7XUXEL EuayyEAlsoµEVOL ~aav.
14:1 xata to am:o] "after the same manner" as in Pisidian Antioch. Cf. Mta
to ELw06;, 17:2; xma ta m'mi, Lk. 6:23, 26; 17:30. See E. Nestle, "Acts xiv.I," ExT
24 (1912-13), pp. 187f.
xat 'EAA~vmv] These would be the Greeks who attended the synagogue, the
so-called God-fearers. "Indeed, the term 'Greeks' found in Acts 11:20 was some-
times used to describe this class of persons" (S. Brown, The Origins of Christian-
ity [Oxford/New York, 1984], p. 98; he compares also 18:4; 19:10).
14:2 oi be aJtEL0~aavtE£ xtA] The relation of v. 2 to v. 3 has been felt to pres-
ent difficulties. V. 2 appears to anticipate v. 5; and after the Jews had stirred up the
Gentiles against the missionaries, why did the latter remain "a considerable time"
(v. 3) instead of departing as they had done from Pisidian Antioch? Ramsay re-
garded v. 3 as an early gloss (SPT, pp. 107-109); others, like Moffatt, have trans-
posed vv. 2 and 3. b tries to mend matters by recasting v. 2: oi be aQXLauvaywym
tfuv 'Iouba(wv xal oi liQXOvtE£ (tfJ£ auvaywyfJ£) Err~yayov am:oi£ bLwyµov xata tfuv
bli!.<ll(J}V, X(ll, E)«l'X(J}CT<lV ta£ 'ljJUXa£ tfuv E0vfuv xata tfuv abEA<pWV. 6 bE X1J(ll0£ EbWX.EV
mxu ELQ~V1JV. This reads more smoothly, when followed by v. 3, but involves a
double persecution: a brief one at the beginning of the visit (v. 2) and a more vi-
olent one at the end (v. 5). The greater smoothness of the b reading is probably a
mark of its secondary character. It requires no excess of imagination to suppose
317
that the Jewish authorities of Pisidian Antioch communicated with those of

Iconium, who proceeded at once to prejudice the civic leaders against Paul and
Barnabas: v. 2 will then indicate the immediate Jewish hostility, v. 5 the success of
the attempt to stir up the magistrates and the populace. But until the Gentile op-
position broke out, the missionaries ignored the Jewish hostility and carried on the
work of evangelization for a considerable time.
oi bE rutn0rjoavtE£ 'Ioubaim xt>.] "But the Jews who had disobeyed ... ": un-
belief and disobedience are both involved in the rejection of the gospel (cf. 19:9;
Jn. 3:36; 2 Th. 1:8; Heb. 3: 18f.; 1 Pet. 2:7f.). The words substituted in D (oi bE UQXL-
ouvaywym to>V 'Ioubaiwv xal oi liQXOvtE£ tfJ£ ouvaywyf]£) seem to make a distinc-
tion between liQXOvtE£ and UQXLOuvaywym (see on 13:15 above). According to CIG
9906 ('lou).wvo; LEQEU; UQXWV . . . uio; 'IouA.LUVOU O.QXLOUvaywyou) and CIL
10.3905 (A/flus Juda arcon arcosynagogus) the functions of the two offices, even
if they could be distinguished, might be united in the same person. The liQxovtE£
were the chief members of the congregation, the governing body in whose hands
lay the general direction; their head was sometimes called the YEQOUOLUQX1J£ (cf.
CIG 9902, KuvttaVO£ YEQOUCHUQX1J£ ouvaywyf]£ Auyoot11oiwv). See K. Lake, EEP,
p. 104, n. 1; Schurer II, pp. 433-36.
EJt~YELQUV KtA.] Cf. 1 Chr. 5:26 LXX, EJt~YELQEV 6 eEo£ to JtVEiiµa cl>llA.WX ~a<JLA.EW£
'AoooUQ. Dreads EJt~yayov amoi£ (cf. 13:23, where breads ~YELQEV for ~yayEv of~),
where EJt~yayov is conceivably a corruption of EJt~yELQUV ( as for amo 1£, C. C. Torrey,
DPC, pp. 125, 138, 147, suggests that it represents the Aram. ethical dat.).
Exaxwoav xt>.] Lit. "made the minds of the Gentiles evil against the brothers";
for this sense cf. Ps. 106 (LXX 105):32, Exaxw01] Mwiiof]£, "Moses was enraged"
(KJV "it went ill with Moses"). This sense of xaxow appears also in Josephus (Ant.
16.10, 205, 262) and in papyri. Elsewhere it means "ill-treat," as in 12:1; 18:10,
and in classical Gk.
14:3 µ£V ouv] With resumptive force: "so then," "well, then" (suggesting
that v. 2 is parenthetical, preparing the way for v. 5).
JtUQQ1JOLa~6µEvOL EJtttcjl XUQtCJJ) With this use oUJtt cf. 4:17, >.aA.Eiv EJtt tcjl
ov6µan tOut(Jl. It is used of "the ground or foundation upon which some feeling or
act is based" (T. E. Page); cf. also 3:10, 12, 16; 4:9; 5:28, 40; 15:31; 20:38.
tcjl µUQtUQoiivrL ,c,:).] Cf. Gal. 3:5, probably addressed to Christians in Iconium
(among others).
tcjl A.OYCJl tfJ£ XUQLt0£ amou] Cf. 20:32; also 20:24, to EUUYYEA.LOV tfJ£ XUQLt0£
mu emu. The gen. is objective: the message (>.6yo£) proclaims the grace of God.
OT]µEla xal tEQata] See on 2:22, 43.
14:4 foxiae11 bE J ~v be foxtoµivov D (as though the populace had taken
sides before the events of v. 2).
ouv tol£ rutOITTOA.OL;] + XOA.A.WµEVOL flux tov 1..6yov tou emu D. Only here and
in v. 14, where Barnabas and Paul are called "the apostles," isa.Jtooto>.o; applied in
Acts to anybody outside the circle of the Twelve. The usage in these two places has
been thought to point to a separate source (see on v. 28 below), a supposition sup-
ported by the unusual order "Barnabas and Paul" in v. 14 (cf. J. P. Meier, in R. E.
318
14: 1-7 ADVENTURES IN ICONIUM
Brown and J.P. Meier, Antioch and Rome [London, 1982), p. 36, n. 85). In 9:27
both Barnabas and Saul are distinguished from "the apostles" (i.e., the Twelve). Here
the two men are a:n:6otoAot in the sense of commissioners from the church of An-
tioch on the Orantes (cf. 13:3, 4; 14:26). Nowhere in Acts is Paul called "apostle"
in the special sense in which he uses the designation of himself in his letters.
14:5 oirv to~ liQ;icoum v am:&v] The leaders both of the Gentiles and of the
Jews seem to be meant-the :n:Q&tm t~£ :n:6A.EW£ (13:50) and the liQ;icovte£ t~£
ouvaywy~£ (v. 2 b).
u~Qiom )((11. AL0o~oA~am amo1J£] "to assault and stone them" -not, of course,
the Jewish judicial stoning, but mob violence. See on v. 19, h0uoavte£.
It has been thought that the description of Paul in Acts of Paul 3.3 may rest
on local tradition, reflecting the impression he made in Iconium: "a man small of
stature, with a bald head and crooked legs, in a good state of body, with eyebrows
meeting and nose somewhat hooked, full of friendliness; for now he appeared like
a man, and now he had the face of an angel." But it might equally well be based
on the author's imagination.
14:6 ouvLl>6vtE£] "getting wind of it." See on ouvLl>wv, 12: 12; also
emyv6vtE£, 9:30. The <'>Qµ~ of v. 5 was probably a plot to attack the missionaries
(cf. <'>Qµ~, "movement," Jas. 3:4) rather than the attack itself; the carrying out of the
attack was prevented by their escaping. See on AL0aoavte£, v. 19.
,mi:iq,uyov] "fled for refuge" (the classical sense).
EL£ ta£ :n:6A.EL£ ,:~£ AU)«lov(a£] The implication is that Iconium was not in Ly-
caonia. As it was a frontier town between Phrygia and Lycaonia, and commonly
shared the fortunes of the latter region, it is frequently called a Lycaonian city by an-
cient writers (e.g., Cicero, Fam. 15.4.2; Pliny, NH 5.25). But strictly it lay in Phryg-
ia: not only does Xenophon call it t~£ «1iQuy(a£ :n:6ALV eo;icui:riv (Anab. 1.2.19), but in
the mid-second century A.D. Hierax, one of Justin Martyr's companions, tells the ex-
amining magistrate in Rome that he was "dragged away from Iconium in Phrygia"
(Acta lustini 4), and in A.O. 232 a provincial church council was held at "Iconium, a
place in Phrygia" (Cyprian, Ep. 75. 7, from Firmilian). (When, in A.D. 295, an enlarged
province of Pisidia was formed, with Pisidian Antioch as its capital, Iconium was as-
signed to it as its second city.) The missionaries would have known that they were
leaving one region for another by hearing another local language spoken: Phrygian
was spoken in Iconium until the end of the second century, as inscriptions show (see
W. M. Calder, "Corpus Inscriptionum Neophrygiarum," JHS 31 [1911 J, pp. 159-215,
especially 188-94; W. M. Ramsay,BRD, pp. 39-78).
The name Lycaonia is probably related toLukka, an Anatolian territory men-
tioned in Hittite texts (cf. P.H. J. Howick ten Cate, The Luwian Population Groups
of Lycia and Cilicia Aspera during the Hellenistic Age [Leiden, 1961 ], pp. 195f.;
L. R. Palmer, The Greek Language [London, 1980], p. 20). The western part of
Lycaonia had been incorporated into the kingdom of Galatia, and therefore passed
into the Roman province. On the analogy of "Pontus Galaticus" (CIL 3.6818) it
might be referred to as Lycaonia Galatica, as distinct from Lycaonia Antiochiana
farther east, which at this time belonged to Antiochus IV, king of Commagene.
319
Aum:QaV] Lystra, along with Pisidian Antioch, was made a Roman colony by
Augustus in 25 B.C., for the more effective suppression of the Homonadenses (cf.
B. Levick, Roman Colonies in Southern Asia Minor [Oxford, 1967], pp. 37, 52,
154, 195-97; A.H. M. Jones, The Cities of the Eastern Roman Provinces [Oxford,
21971 ], pp. 134f.). The two colonies were connected by a military road, which did
not pass through lconium. Lystra lay about 18 miles south-southwest of Iconium.
Its site was identified by J. R. S. Sterrett in 1885 at Zoldera or Zostera (metathesis
from Lystra; cf. B. Levick, Roman Colonies, p. 183 with n. 5), near Hatunsaray, on
the strength of a Latin inscription found there (CIL 3.6786), naming the place
Col(onia) Jul(ia) Felix Gemina Lustra. See W. M. Ramsay, HGAM, p. 332.
Mgfh1v] According to Stephanus of Byzantium, the name represents Ly-
caonian delbeia, "juniper." Like Lystra, Derbe had belonged to the kingdom of
Galatia. Its site was identified by M. H. Ballance in 1956 at or near Kerti Hiiyiik,
c. 13 miles north-northeast of Karaman (ancient Laranda). In "The Site of Derbe:
A New Inscription," AS 7 (1957), pp. 14 7-51, Ballance identified Derbe with Kerti
Hiiyiik itself; in "Derbe and Faustinopolis," AS 14 (1964), pp. 139f., he argued
rather for its identification with Devri ~ehri, 2 1/2 miles south-southeast of Kerti
Hiiyiik. See also G. Ogg, "Derbe," NTS 9 (1962-63), pp. 367-70; B. Van Elderen,
"Some Archaeological Observations on Paul's First Missionary Journey," inApos-
tolic History and the Gospel, ed. W. W. Gasque and R. P. Martin (Exeter/Grand
Rapids, 1970), pp. 156-61. Derbe lay on the frontier between the province of Gala-
tia and the kingdom of Antiochus. Strabo knew it as belonging to Galatia (Geog.
12.6.3); it has been asked whether, like Laranda, it belonged to the kingdom of An-
tiochus between 41 and 72, and whether its amplified name Claudioderbe was given
to it by Claudius or by Antiochus in honor of Claudius. More probably the name
Claudioderbe dates from the time "when, about the year 41, it became the Roman
frontier post facing the kingdom of Commagene" (A. D. Momigliano, Claudius:
The Emperor and his Achievement, E.T. (Cambridge, 2 1961 ], p. 118).
t~v TrEQLJ(.WQOV] Probably "the surrounding region" in a general sense, rather
than, as Ramsay thought, the region Lycaonia Galatica as such (SPT, pp. llOf.).
14:7 EuayyE1..LtoµEvm ~oavJ Amplified in vv. 15, 21. For the construction
see on 1: 10. &adds xal EXL v~eti OAOV to TrAij0os errl tfi bLOOJ(.fi. 6 be Tiaii1..os xal Bag-
va~as bLEtQL~OV EV AUOTQOLS.
2. Miraculous Healing at Lystra (14:8-13)

8 Ka( ns UV~Q abuvatos EV A.uOTQOLS tois rroolv b«i01]to, )(.WA.OS EX XOLALU£
µTjtQOS avtoii, 0£ ovbf:rrotE TrEQLETrcttTJOEV. 9 omos ~XOUEV toii Tiau1..ou
1,.a1,.oiivtos· os atEv(oas am<j) xal iowv otL EJ(.EL rrtm:L v toii ow0ijvm 1odrrEv
µqctATI q,wvfi, 'Av<im:TJ0L fal to"U£ rr6&as oou OQ06s· xal ~Auto xal TrEQLETrcttEL.
11 o'( tE ox.1..m LOOvtE£ o irro( TJOEV Ilaii1..os irrijgav t~v q,wv~v amciJv Auxaovtm:l
AEYOvtES, Oi 0rnl 6µmw0EvtE£ av0QOJ:7IOL£ xatE~TJOUV TrQOS ~µas, 12EXctAOUV tE
tOV Bagv~av ~(a, tOV l>E Ilaii1..ov 'EQµijv, ETrELb~ amos ~v 6 ~YOuµEVO£ toii
1.6you. 13 o tE iEQE"U£ toii ~LO£ toii ovtos TrQO tii£ rr61..EW£ ta'UQOU£ xal m:iµµa,;a
irrl tolJS rru1..ciJvas EVEYXUS O'lJV tois OJ(.AOL£ ~0EAEV 0uELV.
320
14:8-13 MIRACULOUS HEALING ATLYSTRA
In this miracle, and in the language describing it, there are several parallels
to the incident of 3: 1-11. See pp. 26f. for parallels between Peter's work and Paul's.
See also K. Haacker, "Vollmacht und Ohnmacht in Charisma und Kerygma:
Bibelarbeit iiber Apg 14,8-20," Theologische Beitriige 19 (1988), pp. 317-24.
14:8 aouvato£] "powerless," "weak." Cf. Rom. 15:1 where, however, it is
used of spiritual immaturity, not (as here) of physical incapacity.
AuotQOL£] As if from the neut. plur. AuotQa, while AuotQav (v. 6) is from the
fem. sing. AuotQa. For a similar heteroclite declension see on Aoooa, 9:32.
xw1.0£ EX xotA.LU£ µT]tQO£ aurou] The same words are used in 3:2 (q. v.). Here the
threefold emphasis, &ouvat~ ... to~ ooa(v, xw1.0£ Ex xot1.(~ µT]t~ aurou, and O£
ouoE:n:otE :n:EQLEJtcttT]CJEV, stresses the reality of his trouble and therefore of his cure.
14:9 A.UA.O'Uvt0£] o adds \JJtUQXWV EV <j>o~qi.
atEVLCJU£] Cf. 3:4, and for the verb see on 1: 10.
:n:(ott v toii aw0fjvm] Primarily, aw0fJvm here means "to be healed" in the
bodily sense, but even when the word is used in a Gentile context "there lies latent
in it some undefined and hardly conscious thought of the spiritual and the moral,
which made it suit Paul's purpose admirably" (W. M. Ramsay, The Teaching of
Paul in Terms of the Present Day [London, 21914], p. 95). See on Mov awtl]QL~,
16:17. Cf. also H. C. Kee, Miracle in the Early Christian World (New Haven,
1983), p. 101, where aw0fjvm is cited in the sense of healing in the Asklepios cult
( as in Aelius Aristides, In Defence of Oratory 70-72). For the element of faith in
healing cf. 3: 16; also Lk. 5:20; 7:50; 8:48; 17:19; 18:42 (in the Gospels the faith is
frequently exercised by someone interested in the sick person).
14:10 avaotl]0t] o prefixes aol A.EYW h tq.> ov6µatt tou XUQLOU 'IT]CJO'U
XQtotou, a pietistic addition which makes the parallelism with the healing in the
temple court more complete (cf. 3:6).
OQ06£] o adds xal JtEQt:n:<im (cf. 3:6).
xal ~A.ato xal :n:EQLE:n:atEt] Cf. 3:8. o continues its amplification of this verse
by expanding these words to xal Eu0EW£ JtUQUXQfJµa av~A.ato xal JtEQtEJtatEL (for
ltUQUXQfJµa cf. 3:7). Observe that ~A.ato is aor. ("he jumped up") and JtEQLEJtcttEL is
imperf. ("he proceeded to walk," "he walked about").
14:11 e:rtf]QaV t~v <j>wv~v ... A.EyovtE£] See on 2:14.
Auxaovtml] These people were not the aristocracy of Lystra, the Roman
colonists, whose language was Latin (as appears from funerary inscriptions), but
the native inhabitants (the incolae). The missionaries evidently did not at first un-
derstand what they were saying (though they may have been able to distinguish
their language from the Phrygian which they had heard in Iconium); they realized
what they meant only when they saw the preparations that followed.
oi 0rnl 6µoLw0EvtE£ av0QW:n:Ot£ xatE~11aav :n:QO£ ~µii£ l Cf. the second reaction
of the Maltese in 28:6. For the identification of the missionaries with Zeus and
Hermes we may compare the story of Philemon and Baucis, an aged couple of that
region who gave hospitality unawares to these two deities when they visited the
place incogniti (Ovid, Metamorphoses 8.620-724; cf. W. M. Calder, "New Light
on Ovid's Story of Philemon and Baucis," Discovery 3 (1922], pp. 207-11). Of two
321
inscriptions of Sedasa, near Lystra, dating from c. A.O. 250, discovered by W. M.

Calder, one records the dedication to Zeus of a statue of Hermes, along with a
sundial, by men with Lycaonian names; the other mentions "priests of Zeus." See
W. M. Calder, "A Cult of the Homonades," CR 24 (1910), pp. 76-81 (especially
pp. 77-79), "The Tears ofNannakos," CR 38 (1924), p. 113, and "Zeus and Hermes
at Lystra," Exp. 7, 10 (1910), pp. 1-6. A further indication of the joint worship of
Zeus and Hermes in those parts is probably to be found in a stone altar discovered
near Lystra by W. M. Calder and W. H. Buckler in 1926, dedicated to the "Hearer
of Prayer" (bt~xoo;, presumably Zeus) and Hermes (MAMA 8 [Manchester, 1962],
§ 1; cf. W. M. Calder, quoted in an editorial note in Discovery 7 [1926], p. 262).
14:12 ~(a ... 'EQµfjv] Zeus was the chief god in the Greek pantheon;
Hermes, the messenger of the gods, was his son by Maia. These names may repre-
sent native Anatolian gods identified with the Greek Zeus and Hermes. Jupiter and
Mercury were the Roman equivalents. ·
6 ~youµEvo; tou 1.6you] Lit. "the leader of the speaking." According to Iam-
blichus (De mysteriis Aegyptiacis 1) Hermes was 0EO£ 6 T&v 1.6ywv ~yEµwv. Barna-
bas may have presented a more majestic appearance than Paul.
14:13 o TE i.Egeu; Tou ~LO£ tou ovto; JtQO TTJ£ JtoAEw~] "the priest of Zeus
Propolis," lit. "of Zeus who was (i.e., whose temple was) in front of the city." b has
oi be LEQEL£ Tou ovto; ~LO£ J"CQO J"COAEW~, "the priests of the local Zeus Propolis,"
which is idiomatic Gk. and accords with the practice of having a college of priests
at great temples, especially in Anatolia (cf. C/G 2963c, Tfi£ µEy<iATJ£ 0Ea~
['AQttµL]oo; J"CQO n6A[Ew]; tEQEi~). Ramsay (CRE, p. 51) quotes from the Isaurican
Claudiopolis, southeast of Lystra, a dedication ~LL IlQoacrt(cµ. Cf. the phrase rnu
J"CQO J"COAEW£ ~wvuaou in JG 12.3.420, 522. While J"CQO locates the temple in front of
the city, it may also mark out Zeus as the protector of the city ( cf. Aeschylus, Sep-
tem c. Thebas 164; see further B. Reicke, TDNT 6, pp. 684f., s. v. J"CQO ). See W. M.
Calder, "The 'Priest' of Zeus at Lystra," Exp. 7, 10 (1910), pp. 148-55.
crttµµata] Woolen wreaths or fillets for the sacrificial oxen.
nu1.&va~] It is not clear whether these portals were those of the temple, the
city, or the house where the missionaries were lodging ( cf. 10: 17). Perhaps, as in
3:2, the lame man lay at the temple gates. But Ephrem Syrus thinks the ox was
brought to the door of the house where they were; this probably agrees better with
Esm~bl]OUV, v. 14.
0unv] tm0UELV, D, referring, in Ramsay's opinion, to a special sacrifice, in ad-
dition to (tn() the regular ritual (SPT, p. 118). It is not clear thatEm0UELV has this mean-
ing (laid h read simply immolare); but W. M. Calder supports it ("The 'Priest' of Zeus
at Lystra," p. 153). G. D. Kilpatrick, "tm0unv and EJ"CLXQLVELV in the Greek Bible,"
ZNW74 (1983), pp. 151-53, suggests that the compound denotes a pagan sacrifice.
3. Proclamation of the Living God (14:14-18)

14 UXO'IJOUVTE~ OE oi ClJtOCJ'tOAOL Bagvaf3a~ xal. Ilau>..o~, blaoo~sUVTE~ TU iµana
am:&v Esrn~bT]OUV EL£ TOV ox>..ov, XQ<l1;,0VTE£ 15 xal. AEYOVTE£, 'Avb()E~, TL taiita
322
14:14-18 PROCLAMATION OF THE LIVING Goo
:11:0LELtE; l«J.L l]µEt£ 6µown:a0E~ foµEv uµtv liv0QW:1tOL, Ewyyd.t~oµEVOL uµci£ an:6
tom:wv tfuv µata[wv EJtLITTQEq>ELV fol 0tov ~fuvta 0£ E:11:0LT)OEV tov oUQavov ,ml
t~v yijv xai t~v 00.1. aaaav ,ml mivta ta ev am:oi:£· 160£ iv tai£ :1ta(.)cp;(T)µevm£
YEVEUt£ E'inOEV mivta ta E0vT) :1t0QEUE00at tat£ Mot£ am:fuv· 17 l«J.LtOL O'UX
<lµ<l(.)tll(.)OV atn:OV aq>ijXEV aya0oll(.)yfuv, OU(.)UV00EV uµtv UEtol)£ OLOOU£ 'l!.UL
XUL(.)OU£ 'l«l(.):11:0q>0(.)01!£, iµmn:i..fuv t(.)Oq>ij£ xal E'Uq>(.)OOUVT)£ ta£ l«J.(.)0LU£ uµfuv.
18 xai taiita i..EyovtE£ µ6AL£ XatE:1tauaav toil£ ox;i..01J£ tou µ~ 0uEL v am:ot£.
14:14 axouaavtE£ OE ot OJtOO'tOA.OL Ba(.)va~U£ xal TiaUA.0£] UXOUOU£ OE B.
xal. II. D (cf. the omission of an:oITT6i..wv in 1:260). See on v. 4 for the designation
of Barnabas and Paul as "apostles." The view that Luke has drawn on a separate
source for this designation may be strengthened somewhat by the unusual order
"Barnabas and Paul." "Paul and Barnabas" is the usual order when the name "Paul"
is used; when the name "Saul" is used, "Barnabas and Saul" is the usual order. (The
order "Barnabas and Paul" in 15:12, 25 is intelligible in a Jerusalem context.)
OLUQQ~;avtE£ ta tµcitta am:fuv] For am:fuv xc AB 33 36 453 pc read fomruv
(if the shorter form be retained it may be provided with a rough breathing, autruv).
It was in any case their own clothes that the missionaries tore. The pronoun ex-
presses the shade of meaning which in classical Gk. would be expressed by the use
of the middle voice. The action indicated their horror at blasphemy (cf. Mk. 14:63).
(The action in 16:22 is quite different.) Cf. 13:51; 18:6 for similar gestures.
E;E:11:~0T)OUV] ELOE:11:~0T)OUV byz. Cf. Judith 14: 16f., OLE(.)(.)T);EV ta tµ<itta amou
... l«J.I. E;E:11:~0T)OEV Et£ tOV i..aov X(.)U~(l)V.
14:15 tL tauta n:oLEttE;] "Why are you doing this?" or (better) "What's this
you're doing?" Cf. Demosthenes,Ad Callie/em 5, TELa[a, t( taiita :1tOLEi£; Cf. also
Lk. 16:2, tL toiito axouw; "What's this I hear?"
xai iJµEl£] om P45.
oµmon:a0El£] Cf. Jas. 5: 17. Here perhaps in distinction from God, who is
an:a0~£ (Christ, by contrast, is n:a8T)t6£, 26:23). For the expostulation cf. 10:26;
Rev. 19: 10; 22:9. Paul and Barnabas, like Peter and his fellow apostles, are far from
being presented as 8EtOL livSQwn:oL.
twyyEi..tt6µtvm xti..] This is Luke's first report of the proclamation of the
gospel to an audience of pagans. The appeal is made to such knowledge of God as
they might reasonably have derived from "natural revelation"; cf. the longer speech
at Athens (17:22-31); also Rom. 1:19-21; 2:14-16. See B. Gartner, "Paulus und
Barnabas in Lystra: Zu Apg. 14, 8-15," SEA 27 (1962), pp. 83-88.
an:o tOlJt(l)V tfuv µataiwv E:11:LO't(.)Eq>EL v E:1tL 0EOV ~fuvta] P4 5 puts an:oatijvm before
an:6 and l«J.L before E:1tLat(.)Eq>ELV. Cf. 1 Th. 1:9, E:1tEat(.)E1jlatE 31:(.)0£ tOV 8EOV OJ(() truv
dbwi..wv ooui..EuEtv 0E<j> ~wvtL l«J.L ai..T)Stv<j>, words which might appropriately have
been addressed to any of Paul and Barnabas's present hearers who made a positive
response to their message. To Jews and God-fearing Gentiles the gospel proclaimed,
"Jesus is the Christ, the Son of God"; to pagans it must begin by saying, "God is one
(cf. Dt. 6:4), the living and true God, and has not left himself without witness"
(aµ<iQt1JQO£, v. 17). For µcitma meaning "idols" or "idol-worship" cf. LXX 3 Kms.
16:2, 13, 26; 4 Kms. 17:15; Esth. 4:17; Jer. 2:5; 8:19; 3 Mace. 6:11.
323
0EOV ~<iivta] X c ABC D2 I 0EOV tOV ~<iivta X * I tOV 0EOV ~<iivta D* I tOV 8Eov
tov ~<iivta P45 byz.
O£ EltoLl]CJEV xt1..] See on 4:24; 17:24 and cf. references given in notes ad loc.;
the wording is distinctly OT in character (cf. Ex. 20:11).
14:16 O\; EV tai\; ltUQ<Jl'.XlJ1-1£VUL£ YEVEUL£ xt1..] With the teaching of this verse
cf. 17:30, where the meaning is similar; also Rom. 1:18-32, where the meaning is
somewhat different. Here and in the Areopagitica at Athens the point is that, until
the full revelation of God came to the Gentiles, he overlooked their errors insofar
as these arose from ignorance of his will; in Rom. 1:18-32 God's giving them up
to their own devices is the penalty for their rejecting even the limited revelation
which was available to them.
The :JtUQ<Jll(tJµEvm ytvrn( (cf. l(QOVOL£ aiwvtOL£, Rom. 16:25; EtEQUL£ ytvtal£,
Eph. 3:5) are the "times of ignorance" of Ac. 17:30 (cf. Rom. 3:25f.,bta t~vnaQwtv
tWV 11:QOYfYOVOt(l)V aµUQtl]µO:tWV EV tfi o.voxfi toii 8Eoii). The word 1tUQ<Jll(l]µEVO£ is
literary (cf. Jos. Ant. 8.301; in grammar, 61tUQ<Jl'.XtJ!l£VO£ l(QOVO£ is "the past tense").
14:17 xahm] "and yet." For this (the reading of xc ABC 33 81)P45 DE
read xa( yt, X * byz xaftotyE (there is a similar variation at 17:27).
om o.µciQtuQov] Lukan litotes; cf. 12:18, etc. (om 61..fyo£); 21:39 (oux
aatjµou ). Cf. Rom. l :20 for Paul's insistence that the creation bears witness to God
so clearly that those who reject its witness are "without excuse."
o.ya8ouQY<iiv] The literary contracted form is rare; for the uncontracted aya-
0oEQYElv cf. l Tim. 6:18.
oliQav60tv] An early poetical form (cf. 26:13), equivalent to i!; ouQavoii. See
the quotation from 4 Mace. 4:10 in the note on 9:3 above.
XUQ1tocp6gou£ l Literary, from Pindar onward.
Eµmn1..<iiv tQO<l>TJ£ xat tu<j>QoauvtJ£ ta£ XUQbta£ uµ<iiv] "filling your hearts (i.e.,
satisfying you) with food and gladness," with reference probably to the harvest re-
joicing (cf. Pss. 67:4f.; 126:5f.). On the OT flavor of the speech see M. Dibelius,
Studies in Acts, p. 71, n. 23.
14:18 toii µ~ 0un v m,tol£] For the construction cf. 10:47. b (represented by
C 6 33 36 81 431 614 1175 1739 allath syrhcl.mg arm) adds O.J..J..O. ltOQEUw0m EXUCJ-
t.Jv EL£ ta. Lbta. The missionaries may not have persuaded their hearers (or most of
them) to turn to the one true God who had revealed himself in creation and provi-
dence, but they apparently did persuade them that they themselves were not divini-
ties in disguise.
4. Persecuted at Lystra, the Missionaries Go On to Derbe and Then

Retrace Their Steps (14:19-23)
19 '&fJ1..0av bE am'> 'Avttol(ELU£ xal 'Ixov(ou 'Ioubalot, xal ndaavtE£ tou£
Ol(AOU£ ML J..L0a:CJUvtE£ tOV Ilaii1..ov EOUQOV e!;w tfJ£ 1t0J..E(I)£, voµ(tovtE\; atitov
tE0Vt]XEVUl. 20XlJ'KJ..(1)00:vt(l)V bE tfuv µa0t]tWV atitov UVUatU\; ELCJT)J..8EV EL~ t~V
ltOAL v. xal tfi EltUUQLOV E!;fJJ..0Ev CJUVt<j> BaQvafi(i EL£ &Q(it]V. 21 EuayyEAtmiµEVOL
tE t~v it6hv EXELVtJV xat µa0tjtEuaavtE~ ixavo~ u:rtEatQE'ljJav d~ t~v AuatQUV
xal EL£ 'Ix6vwv xal EL~ 'Avtt6l(ELUV, 22 EJtLatl]QL~OvtE~ ta.~ 'ljJUl(a~ tfuv µa0t]t<iiv,
324
14: 19-23 PERSECUTED AT LYSTRA, THE MISSIONARIES Go ON TO DERBE
JtUQ<IXUAOUYtE£ EµµEVEL v tfl JtLotEL, XUL Otl OL<l JtOAAWV 0AL\jJEUJV OEL ~µa.£
EL<JEA0Eiv EL£ t~v ~a<JLAELav tou 0rnu. 23 JCELQotov~aavtE£ bE m'.rtoI£ xat'
rxx1.1Jaiav JtQE<J~utEQou; Jt{_)oarn!;aµevm µeta VTJotELwv JtaQESEvto amoU£ t
X'IJ{.)l<p EL£ ov JtEJtlotEUXEl<JUV.
14:19 £JtijA0av OE aJto 'AvtLOJCELU£ xul 'Ixov(ou 'Ioubuim] D begins the
verse, OLatQL~ovtwv um:wv xul OLOO<Jxovtwv £JtijA06v tl VE£ 'loubaim aJtO 'Ixov(ou
xul 'AvtLOJCELU£, xul lmadaavtE£ toU£ ox1.ou;. More than 100 miles separated Lys-
tra from Pisidian Antioch, but there was considerable communication between the
two colonies, illustrated by a statue of Concord erected in Pisidian Antioch by Lys-
tra to honor the former city (Ramsay, CRE, p. 50).
JtE (aavtE£ toll£ ox1.ou;] The original b text of this verse is probably preserved
in the reading of C 6 33 36 81 323 1175 1739 al lath syrhcl.mg arm, xul bLUAEyoµEvwv
autwv JtUQQTJ<Jl<;I EJtEl<JUV (UVEJtEL<JUV 81) tOU£ OJCAOU£ UJtootijvm a:n:' autwv AE')'OvtE£
on oooEv a1.1J0E£ AEyoumv &na Jtavta \jJEuoovtm.
AL0a<JavtE~] This must be the occasion referred to in 2 Cor. 11:25, <iJtU!;
EA.t0aa01Jv (<i:n:u!; supports the view that the plot at Iconium mentioned in v. 5 was
not carried into effect). There is grim irony in the quick reversal of the inhabitants'
appraisal of the two visitors (cf. 28:4-6 for a reversal in the opposite direction).
This was certainly one of the occasions when Paul received the ot(yµata of Gal.
6:17. For a recollection many years later of what he endured at Pisidian Antioch,
Iconium, and Lystra cf. 2 Tim. 3:11.
14:20 µa01Jtwv] Evidently, then, some converts were won at Lystra in spite
of the general hostility. P4 5 D E follow with umou (a corruption of autov, the ob-
ject of xux)..waavtwv), as though they were Paul's disciples, but (as is usual in
Acts) theµu01Jtu( are disciples of Jesus. Cf. the "brothers" at Lystra mentioned in
16:2.
avaot~] + "at evening" lath copsa (this addition is implied also by Ephrem's
paraphrase).
l!;iji..0Ev ... EL£ ~Q~TJV] "he set out ... for Derbe," "he departed ... for
Derbe." Translations which suggest that the journey from Lystra to Derbe was
completed in one day belong to the time before the location of Derbe was known.
Derbe lay 60 miles southeast of Lystra and, tough as Paul's constitution must have
been, he was in no condition after the previous day's stoning to attempt anything
like that distance, whether mounted or on foot. The missionaries' coming to Derbe
and preaching there has been mentioned already in vv. 6f. in a "redactional pre-
view" (G. Ludemann, Paul, Apostle to the Gentiles: Studies in Chronology, E.T.
(London, 1984], pp. 27f.).
14:21 EU<l')' )'EA.L<J<lµEVOL tE t~V :n:oAL v EXE (VTJV] Anticipated in v. 7, XUXEL Euay-
yEAL~OµEVOl ~<JUV.
µa01JtEU<JUvtE£ lxuvou£] "having made many disciples" (cf. Mt. 28:19,
µa01JtEU<JatE :n:avtu ta E0vTJ.
EL£ 'AvtLOJCEtav] The omission of EL£ before 'AvtLOJCELav in B 81, implying a
closer association between Iconium and Antioch, was supposed by Ramsay to be
due to these two cities' being in Phrygia, while Lystra (in Lycaonia) is kept apart
325
from them (BRD, p. 422). But P4 5 D byz omit Els before 'btovLov as well, causing
all three place names to come under the regimen of a single preposition.
Derbe marked the eastern limit of this missionary journey: on arriving there
they reached the frontier of the province of Galatia (if indeed they did not cross it)
and now returned by the way they came. Luke makes no comment on their courage
in revisiting so soon cities in which they had received such shameful treatment; his
matter-of-fact statement that they stopped at each of them is eloquent enough.
14:22 EmITT'l')Qil;ovtES ra.s 'J!uxa.s r&v µa811rmv] Cf. 18:23, ITT'l')Qil;cov mivras
tous µa811ras .
1mQUxaAoiivrEs eµµEvu v rfi JTLITTEL J ct. 11 :23; 13:43.
OTL l'lu't JTOAAWV 8Ai 'JJECOV l'lEi ~µas ELOEl..0EiV ELS t~V paaLA.ELUV TOU 0EOU. As ~µas
indicates, this is direct speech, introduced by on recitantis. Translate: "saying,
'Through many tribulations we must enter the kingdom of God.'" For the sense cf.
Phil. 1:28-30; 1 Th. 3:3; 2 Th. I :5. "No cross, no crown" (cf.also Rom. 8: 17; 2 Tim.
2:11). Luke records the triumph of the gospel, but he does so in no triumphalist
spirit; see on 13:50 (with quotation from C. K. Barrett).
The kingdom of God is here something yet to be manifested (its regular Pau-
line sense), not something already realized (see on 1:3).
14:23 XELQOTOV~OUvtES l'lE amois xar' EXXA.l')OLUV ltQEOPutEQOUS] Although
the etymological meaning of XELQOtovico is "stretch out the hand(s)," hence "elect
by show of hands" or "ordain by the laying on of hands" (cf. G. W. H. Lampe,
Patristic Greek Lexicon [Oxford, 1968], p. 1523), its regular sense in the NT is "ap-
point," "designate" (cf. its use with prefix JTQO- in 10:41). The reader might infer
that JtQWPvtEQOL were appointed in these churches on the model of those in the
Jerusalem church (cf. 11:30; the background of the term thus used is Jewish [see
on JtQWPutEQOUS, 4:5]). But it is commonly held that the mention of elders, and of
their appointment, reflects the situation presupposed in the Pastoral Epistles rather
than that of Paul's early ministry. It may be granted that JtQWPvtEQOL was Luke's
term for the people marked out as leaders (in 20: 17-38 he gives the designation
JtQWPvtEQOL to those leaders of the Ephesian church whom Paul in his Miletus
speech describes as EJt(axoJTOL and, by implication, JtmµivEs). What Barnabas's
policy or practice may have been in such a matter we have no independent means
of knowing; as for Paul, he made provision for spiritual guidance in the churches
he founded (1 Cor. 16:15-18), and encouraged the members to recognize and pay
heed to their JtQO"Cm<iµevm (1 Th. 5: 12). The church at Philippi even had its EJtiaxo-
JtOL (Phil. 1:1; cf. also Phil. 2:29, tous tOLOVTO'lJS Evtiµous EXEtE). Leadership might
emerge initially from the consistent exercise of helpful and necessary functions in
the community (but the apostle-founder would indicate which functions were most
helpful and necessary); in the next generations it would involve appointment to es-
tablished positions. See G. Schneider, "Die Entwicklung kirchlicher Dienste in der
Sicht der Apostelgeschichte," Theologisch-praktische Quartalschrift 132 (1984),
pp. 356-63; C. K. Barrett, Church, Ministry, and Sacraments in the New Testament
(Exeter, 1985), pp. 49-53.
ltQOOEU1;aµEVOL µEta Vl')ITTELWV] For this combination cf. 13:3.
326
14:24-28 RETURN TO ANTIOCH ON THE 0RONTES
JtE:rttITTEUXELaav] Plupf. without augment (cf. 4:22). D has perf. JtEJtLITTEuxam v

(cf. latvg crediderunt). For JtLITTEOO EL£ cf. 10:43; 19:4.
5. Return to Antioch on the Orontes (14:24-28)

24 ,ml bLEf..0ovtE£ tTJV Titmb(av ~,.,euv EL£ tTJV IIaµcpuHuv, 2s xal ,.,u,.,~aavtE£ EV
TIEQYTI tov t,,Oyov xatE~l]CJUV EL£ 'Amiutuv, 26 xaXEWEV UJtEJ'tf..EOOUV EL£
'AvtLO)'..ELUV, o8Ev ~CJUV Jt<lQUOEOOµEVOL tfl x.oem TOU 8EOU EL£ to EQYOV o
EJ'tf..~Q(l)CJUV. 27 Il<lQ<lYEVOµEVOL OE xai auvayuy6vtE£ tljV EXXf..l]OLUV av~yyEnov
oaa EJtOLl]CJEV 6 8Eo£ µEt' am<iiv X(ll, on ~VOL;EV tOL£ E8VECJLV 8uQUV JtL<J'tE(1)£.
280LETQL~OV OE X.QOVOV oux oHyov (J'IJV TOL£ µa8l]tai£.
14:24 OLEf..86vtE£ tTJV TILmbtuv] Pisidia was the southernmost region of the
province of Galatia; immediately to the south of it lay Pamphylia (see on 13:13,
14).
14:25 ,.,u,.,~oavtE£ ev IlEQYTI tov ,.,6yov] They preached in Perga now,
whether or not they had done so on the earlier occasion (13:13f.). For EV IIEQYTI
(P74 [ +tfl] X c B C D E q, byz) A reads EL£ IlEQYlJV, X * 81 read EL£ tTJV IlEQYlJV. For
this encroachment of EL£ on EV before names of cities cf. 8:40.
'Ano.,.,nuv] Modem Antal ya, on the Gulf of Antal ya. It was founded and for-
tified by Attalus II of Pergamum c. 158 B.C. Pompey used it as a base of operations
in his campaign against the pirates in 67 B.C. Situated at the mouth of the Cataractes
(modern Diiden-su), it was the chief port of Pamphylia. This is a further instance
of Luke's interest in ports of embarkation and disembarkation (see on 13:4). b im-
proves the occasion by adding EuayyEf..L~oµevm umo1J£.
14:26 aJtEJtuuaav EL£ 'Avttox.Etav, oSEv ~oav Jta(_)aoEooµevm ,a,.,
J Cf. 13:2f.
Since the Antiochene church had commissioned them, at the instance of the Holy
Spirit, it was natural and proper that they should render an account of their com-
mission to that church.
14:27 av~yyEnov) "they reported" (cf.Attic aJtayye,.,,.,w ).
oaa EJtOLlJOEv 6 8Eo£ µet' amwv] Cf. 15:4. The idiom has been regarded as
translation-Gk. (cf. the Hebraizing idiom of Lk. 1:72, JtotfJom Ef..EO£ µeta t<iiv
JtatEQWV ~µ<iiv), meaning "all that God had done to (or for) them"; it may, however,
imply that they were God's co-workers (cf. 2 Cor. 6:1), in which case the literal
rendering "all that God had done with them" may be retained. For µet' um<iiv the b
text has the semitizing µua t<iiv 'lj1UX,<iiv amwv (cf. Ps. 66 [LXX 65):16). In accor-
dance with his theory of the origin of the b text, C. C. Torrey supposed that µEt'
um<iiv was targumed into Aram. 'ii/Ja{j. 'amhon napff!hon, which was then turned
back more literally into Gk. µEta trov 'lj1ux.wv amfuv- (DPC, p. 146).
8uQav JtLITTEW£] A favorite Pauline metaphor; cf. 1 Cor. 16:9; 2 Cor. 2: 12; Col.
4:3.
14:28 XQovov oux 6Hyov] For the litotes cf. 12:18. The incident of Gal.
2: 11-14 may be dated to this period. On the view that the churches planted in Pisid-
ian Antioch, Iconium, Lystra, and Derbe are those addressed in Gal. 1:lf. see F. F.
Bruce, The Epistle to the Galatians (Exeter/Grand Rapids, 1982), pp. 5-18.
327
M. Dibelius recognized in the framework of 13:1-14:28 part of the travel

document which formed one of Luke's major sources (the fact that it is not a "we"
narrative seemed unimportant to him). Into this framework the author, he believed,
inserted the sermon at Pisidian Antioch and the episode at Lystra (Studies in Acts,
pp. Sf.). He may well have been right in discerning a travel document behind the
narrative of these two chapters, but there is no good reason for relating it to the
"we" source. See on 13:3 for U. Borse's theory.
328
ACTS 15
E. THE COUNCIL OF JERUSALEM (15: 1-35)

As time went on, the problems raised by the inclusion of increasing numbers
of Gentiles within the church could not be avoided. For many disciples of Jewish
birth, the solution was simple enough: Gentiles should be admitted into the church
in the usual manner in which proselytes were adopted into the Jewish common-
wealth-not only by baptism (in acknowledgment of their faith in Jesus as the
Christ) but by circumcision (if they were males) and an undertaking to obey the
Mosaic law (see on 2: 10). It is clear, however, that outside Jerusalem these condi-
tions for the admission of Gentile converts had not been insisted on. Peter had
learned the lesson that no one should be called "common" or unclean (10:28); he
had seen that God was as ready to accept believing Gentiles as believing Jews, and
there is no suggestion that the necessity or even desirability of circumcision had
been urged on Cornelius. The church at Antioch seems to have adopted this liberal
attitude from the first, and the churches planted in Asia Minor during the mission-
ary tour of Paul and Barnabas consisted for the most part of Gentiles, who were
not required to be circumcised or otherwise to observe the Mosaic law.
There were, indeed, some Jews who thought that the physical rite of circum-
cision might be neglected, provided its spiritual significance were appreciated; but
the vast majority, including even so liberal a Jew as Philo of Alexandria, insisted
on circumcision as indispensable. Philo (Mig,: Abr. 89-94) criticizes those who
would give up the literal observance of ceremonial laws on the plea that it is enough
to learn and practice their spiritual lessons: "nor, because circumcision signifies
the cutting away of pleasure and all passions and the destruction of impious
glory ... , let us do away with the law of circumcision" (92). Cf. also Jos. Ant.
20.38-46, where Ananias, the Jewish instructor of King Izates of Adiabene, advised
him to worship God according to the Jewish religion without being circumcised,
but a stricter Jewish visitor, Eleazar, persuaded him to be circumcised, since other-
wise God would be displeased with him.
The necessity of circumcision for Gentile converts was probably taken for
granted by the rank and file of believers in Jerusalem. Unless, therefore, the prob-
lem was thoroughly discussed and decided, there was grave danger of a division
329
between the Jewish churches of Jerusalem and Judaea on the one hand and the more
liberal Gentile church of Antioch with its daughter churches on the other.
The danger was increased by the action at Antioch of some visitors from
Judaea. Evidently without authorization from the church leaders in Judaea, these
men took matters into their own hands by insisting that circumcision and obedience
to the Mosaic law were necessary for salvation. Such men would naturally refuse
all social intercourse with uncircumcised persons, including joint participation in
the memorial breaking of bread. They thus introduced an awkward situation into
the Antiochene church in regard both to the fundamental question of the way of
salvation and to the practical question of fellowship between Jewish and Gentile
believers. Some who would have refused to compromise on the fundamental ques-
tion were disposed to give way on the other. For example, Peter, who was in An-
tioch at the time (on the view of the sequence of events adopted here), had eaten
at table freely with Gentile Christians until the arrival of "certain persons from
James" (Gal. 2: 12). Whether these were identical with the visitors from Judaea
mentioned by Luke cannot be determined with certainty (more probably they were
not); at any rate, after their arrival he withdrew from Gentile society and ate with
Jews only, thus appearing to forget the lesson he had learned at Joppa and Caesarea.
The spectacle of Peter's concession was bound to influence other Jewish Chris-
tians; even Barnabas followed his example.
In this situation Paul was clear-sighted enough to see that in the long run the
concession on the question of fellowship compromised the fundamental principle
of salvation by grace. Ultimately, the only valid reason for making circumcision a
condition of table fellowship must be that it was necessary for salvation. Peter's
concession was the thin end of the wedge; refusal to share a meal with uncircum-
cised believers would be followed before long by refusal to acknowledge them as
members of the church or to regard them as really saved. Paul therefore opposed
Peter publicly, for his behavior logically implied that circumcision, even if not a
condition of salvation, was nonetheless necessary in practice (Gal. 2:11-14).
This is probably the background against which the Jerusalem meeting of vv.
6-29 is to be understood. It was a meeting of the leaders of the Jerusalem church;
it was not an interchurch or "ecumenical" consultation, even if messengers of the
church of Antioch, including Paul and Barnabas, were present. The question natu-
rally arises of the relation of this meeting to the conference at Jerusalem described
by Paul in Gal. 2: 1-10, at which he and Barnabas met the "pillars" of the Jerusalem
church-James, Peter, and John. That was a private conference; the meeting of Ac.
15 was held in public, in the presence of the general membership (miv to n:1,.fj0o;,
v. 12). That conference dealt in the main with the demarcation of missionary
spheres between Paul and Barnabas on the one hand and the Jerusalem leaders on
the other; this meeting was concerned with terms of fellowship between Jewish
and Gentile believers. Even so, the majority view is that we have to do with vari-
ant accounts of the same occasion. If so, then one or both accounts must be held to
be so heavily biased in the interest of one position or another as to give quite a dis-
torted picture of what actually happened. As for the view that Gal. 2: 1-10 records
330
15:1-29 THE COUNCIL OF JERUSALEM
a private session convened to reach an agreement which could then be set before
a larger body (the itA.ij0o~), the remark of W. L. Knox is apposite: "We have no rea-
son for supposing that the Church had by this time reached that state of democracy
in which the public meeting registers its assent to a decision reached in advance by
its leading members" (The Acts of the Apostles [Cambridge, 1948), p. 42).
The view taken here is that the conference of Gal. 2:1-10 was an earlier oc-
casion, which preceded the controversy raised at Antioch by the arrival of mes-
sengers from James and Peter's withdrawal from table fellowship with Gentiles,
whereas the meeting of Ac. 15 followed that controversy and may have been large-
ly a reaction to it.
Peter, no doubt, was distressed by the dismay and confusion caused by his
breaking off table fellowship with Gentile Christians at Antioch, and would have
been eager to have an agreement, endorsed by the highest authorities in the
Jerusalem church, which would (it was hoped) prevent such trouble in the future.
It was James who summed up the findings of the meeting and secured their adop-
tion, but in his summing-up speech he took his cue from Peter, agreeing with him
that neither circumcision nor the obligation to keep the Mosaic law should be im-
posed on Gentile converts.
There remained the question of terms on which Jewish and Gentile believ-
ers could share table fellowship and other forms of social intercourse, which Jews
had traditionally been taught to avoid (see on 10:28). In return for the waiving of
the circumcision requirement and all that went with it, Gentile Christians (it was
resolved) should accept conditions similar to those on which synagogues of the dis-
persion found it possible to have some measure of fellowship with God-fearing
Gentiles-abstention from sexual irregularity, from everything that savored of
idolatry, and from animal meat from which the blood had not been completely
drained.
Peter would have been well pleased with this resolution of an embarrassing
problem. As for Paul, he agreed wholeheartedly with part of the contents of the
decree: in the most peremptory terms he directed his Gentile converts to avoid for-
nication and idolatry (1 Cor. 6:18; 10:14). He was the most conciliatory of men
where no compromise of gospel liberty was at stake. In his letters he urges that
those whose faith is robust should voluntarily restrict their freedom in food and
other neutral matters, to avoid causing spiritual harm to their fellow Christians with
weaker consciences (cf. Rom. 14:1-15:6; 1 Cor. 8:7-13; 10:25-11:1). But to food
as such-even the flesh of animals offered in sacrifice to pagan divinities-he
offered no objection. Wherever he deals with issues covered in the apostolic decree,
he never refers to it: he argues from the order of creation and the ethical implica-
tions of the gospel.
It has been widely held that Ac. 15 combines records of two meetings at
Jerusalem-one at which Paul was present, and the other (at which the apostolic
decree was promulgated) from which he was absent-or at least that the apostolic
decree was devised at Jerusalem after the conference at which Paul was present.
See H. Lietzmann, "Der Sinn des Aposteldekretes und seine Textwandlung," in
331
Amicitiae Corolla ... presented to J. R. Harris, ed. H. G. Wood (London, 1933),

pp. 203-11; H. W. Beyer, Die Apostelgeschichte (Gottingen, 1951), pp. 91-97;
0. Cullmann, Peter: Disciple-Apostle-Martyr, E.T. (London, 1953), p. 49;
M. Dibelius, Studies in the Acts of the Apostles, E.T. (London, 1955), pp. 93-111;
T. W. Manson, Studies in the Gospels and Epistles (London, 1962), p. 186; F. Hahn,
Mission in the New Testament, E.T., SBT 47 (London, 1963), pp. 77-86. If the meet-
ing of Ac. 15 is not identified with that of Gal. 2: 1-10, the arguments for such a
conclusion lose much of their cogency.
On the Council and the decree see also K. Lake, "The Apostolic Council of
Jerusalem," BC I.5, pp. 195-212; B. Reicke, "Der geschichtliche Hintergrund des
Apostelkonzils und der Antiocheia-Episode," in Studia Paulina in honorem
J. de Zwaan, ed. J. N. Sevenster and W. C. van Unnik (Haarlem, 1953), pp. 172-
87; E. Haenchen, "Quellenanalyse und Kompositionsanalyse in Act 15," inluden-
tum, Urchristentum, Kirche: Festschrift fur J. Jeremias, ed. W. Eltester (Berlin,
2 1964), pp. 153-64; M. Simon, "The Apostolic Decree and its Setting in the An-
cient Church," BJRL 52 (1969-70), pp. 437-60; G. Zuntz, "An Analysis of the Re-
port about the 'Apostolic Council,'" Opuscula Selecta (Manchester, 1972), pp.
216-49; T. Holtz, "Die Bedeuting des Apostelkonzils fiir Paulus," NovT 16 (1974),
pp. 110-48; D. R. Catchpole, "Paul, James and the Apostolic Decree," NTS 23
(1976-77), pp. 428-44; E. Bammel, "Der Text von Apostelgeschichte 15," in Les
Actes des Apotres, ed. J. Kremer (Gembloux/Leuven, 1979), pp. 439-46;
A. Strobel, "Das Aposteldekret als Folge des antiochenischen Streites," in Kon-
tinuitiit und Einheit: Festschrift fur F Mussner, ed. P.-G. Muller and W. Stenger
(Freiburg, 1981), pp. 81-104; J. Murphy-O'Connor, "Pauline Missions before the
Jerusalem Conference," RB 89 (1982), pp. 71-81; A. Weiser, "Das Apostelkonzil,"
BZ 28 (1984), pp. 145-67; C. K. Barrett, "Apostles in Council and in Conflict,"
Freedom and Obligation (London, 1985), pp. 91-108; also F. F. Bruce, Galatians,
NIGTC, pp. 105-34.
l.Judaizers Visit Antioch (15:1-2)

I Kai TL VE£ XUTEA.06vtE£ a:n:o "[~£ 'Ioubaia£ lbibaaxov WV£ (l()EA.cj>OU£ OTL 'Eav
µ~ :n:EQLtµl]0~tE t<j> E0EL tcjl MwiiaEW£, O'U ovvaa0E awe~vm. 2yEVOµEVlJ£ OE
crraaEw~ xal ~TJT~aEw~ oux oAiyTJ~ t0 Ilau)..cµ xal t0 Bagvaf}(i :n:QO£ amou£
hal;av avaf}aivEL v IlaiiAOV xai Bagvaf}av xai "Cl VU£ UAA.OU£ El; amwv 3tQO£ WU£
a:n:ocrr6)..otl£ xai :n:gwf}mEQOU£ EL£ 'IEgouaa)..~µ :n:EQL toii ~l]t~µato£ tomou.
15:1 xa( TL VE£ XUtEA.!:)ovtE£ a:n:o "C~£ 'foubULU£] + (from V. 5) "CWV 31:E:n:LO-
"CEUXO"CWV a:n:o t~£ aiQEOEW£ t&v <liagLaaiwv 1P 383 614 pc syrhcl.mg (probably repre-
senting b). These men may have been the messengers from James (Gal. 2:12); if
so, they exceeeded the terms of their commission (cf. v. 24 below). More proba-
bly, perhaps, they were the "false brothers secretly brought in" of Gal. 2:4; where
those ,jJEUOOOEAcj>OL tried to "spy out" the liberty which Paul and his colleagues and
converts enjoyed "in Christ Jesus" is not expressly said, but Antioch would have
afforded them more opportunity for such spying than Jerusalem. They were in all
332
15 :3-5 PAUL AND BARNABAS Go UP TO JERUSALEM
likelihood representative of the many "zealots for the law" in the Jerusalem church
(21:20).
on] recitantis ( cf. 14:22).
tcj'l ii BEL t<j> M(l}UOE(l)£] The law of circumcision is embodied in the Mosaic law,
e.g., in Lev. 12:3, "not that it is from Moses, but from the fathers" (Jn. 7:22); cf.
the covenant with Abraham (Gen. 17:10-14). D copsa (probably representing b) ex-
pand to ML t<j> £8EL M(l}UO£(l)£ JtEQLJtatfJtE (cf. 21 :21, toi£ £8wL v JtEQLJtatEiv).
15:2 mm OALYTJ£] See on 12:18; 14:28 for the litotes.
JtQO£ amou£] b reads auv amoi£ and continues, EA-EYEV yag 6 IIaiiAO£ µi\vuv
Out(l)£ xa00>£ EltLatEUaav bL°tOXUQLsOµEVO£, ot bE EAT)Au00tE£ (lJ't() 'IEQOUOUA~µ
JtagtjyyEtAav amoi:£ t<j'> IlaUA(j) xal Bagvafl<,i xa( nmv iiHm£ avafiaivuv JtQO£ tOU£
aJtoat61,.oU£ Ml JtQEO~trtEQOU£ EL£ '1Egouaa1,.~µ Olt(l)£ XQL0fumv EJt' auto~ JtEQl toii
sTJttjµato£ tomou (amoi£ before t<j> IIauA(j) xai Bagvafl(i may reflect the Aram. pro-
leptic pronoun; cf. Torrey, DPC, p. 138). The secondary character of this reading
is evident from the dependence of µ€vu v out(l)£ xa00>£ EJtLatrnaav on 1 Cor. 7:20,
24 (and, for the specific sense, on 1 Cor. 7:18). Its last words echo Ac. 25:9b.
iita!;av avaflaivu v] There is no explicit subject for iita!;av, but it is plain from
v. 3 that it was the church of Antioch that took this action (not, as the b text has it,
the visitors from Judaea).
xai n VU£ liUoU£] If this was the occasion mentioned in Gal. 2: 1, then Titus
was one of these "others." But the visit of Gal. 2 was undertaken (so far as Paul
was concerned) xma a:1toxa1,.u'ljnv, whereas here he was a delegate sent by the An-
tiochene church.
JtQO£ toiJ£ a:1toat6AoU£ Ml :1tgwfim€go1!£] For JtQO£ with acc. of person after
ava~a(v(l} see New Docs. 1 (1976), § 15; 2 (1977), § 20. For the elders at Jerusalem
see 11:30 (where they are mentioned alone); this is the last occasion on which the
apostles appear in Acts.
EL£ 'IEQ01Jaa1,.~µ] Whether the primacy of Jerusalem was formally recognized
or not, it was unquestionable that a ruling from the church authorities there would
carry more weight in the matter under dispute than anything else. Barnabas no
doubt regarded himself as answerable to Jerusalem (cf. 11 :22), and while Paul held
himself answerable to none but the Lord who had commissioned him, he attached
great importance to the maintenance of fellowship with Jerusalem (cf.Gal. 2:2, µtj
lt(l)£ EL£ XEvov tQEX(l} ~ iibgaµov). See B. Holmberg, Paul and Power (Gleerup, 1978),
pp. 14-34. The church at Jerusalem had no doubt regarding its authority in this and
every other issue arising in the course of the mission and expansion of Christian-
ity, and the church of Antioch would have felt it wise to keep in step with Jerusalem.
2. Paul and Barnabas Go Up to Jerusalem (15:3-5)

3 O[ µi\v ot'iv JtQOJtEµ<j,0EVtE£ u:1to tfJ£ EXXATJOLU£ bLtjQXOvto ttjv tE <lioL VLXTJV xai
ToµUQElUV £Xbll]yOUµEVOL t~V £JtlatQO<j)~v tfuv E0vfuv, ML EltOL01JV xagav
µey<iAT)V Jta.m tOL£ abd.q,ou;. 4 JtUQUYEVOµEVOL bf EL£ 'IEQOlJOUA.~µ JtUQE-
Mx0T]aav a:1to tfJ£ EXXAT]aia£ xa1 tfuv a:1toat6A(l}V xa1 tfuv JtQWfiutEQ(l}V,
avtjyyELAUV tE oaa 6 0EO£ EltOLTJOEV µEt' amfuv. 5 'E;avECTtl]OUV bE tlVE£ t(J)V
333
(lJ"C() tf]£ aLQEOEW£ tciJV <l>aQLCTafwv JtEJ"CLITTE'UXOtE£, HyovtE£ on DEL JtEQLtEµvELV

am:OU£ JtaQayyEA.A.EL v tE tl]QELV tov v6µov MwiiCTEW£.
15:3 bltjQxovi:o] Imperf., because the manner of their journey is described

(cf. v. 41, DLtjQXEto); contrast aor. DLf]A.0ov in 16:6, where the bare fact is stated.
i:tjv tE <roL vtXT]V xal Toµ<iQELav J For the evangelization of Phoenicia see 11: 19
(the church of Tyre is mentioned in 21 :3-6); for the cvangelization of Samaria see
8:5-13. Since both areas were evangelized by Hellenists, the Christians there would
have found special pleasure in the report of Paul and Barnabas about the conver-
sion of the Gentiles. It may be significant that they are not said to have gone through
Galilee. M. Hengel points out that, in contradiction of a popular misinterpretation
of Lk. 17: 11, this note shows that Luke knew that Samaria lay immediately north
of Judaea and also that one could move directly between Samaria and Phoenicia
(Between Jesus and Paul, E.T. (London, 1983], p. 123).
15:4 ano] B C 36 453 1175 pc I {mo P 74 ~ AD E q, byz. For an6 of the
agent cf. v. 33; 2:22; 20:9.
tf]£ £ititA.T]CTLa£ ital i:wv anoai:61,,wv ital tfuv JtQWPmEQWV] "the church and (in
particular) the apostles and the ciders." For the special mention of the leaders after
the reference to the whole community cf. Phil. 1:1, toi:£ ayfoL£ ... auv £JtLait6JtOL£
ital DLait6vOL£.
avtjyyELA.UV tE oaa 6 0EO£ E:rtoLT]CTEV µn' amwv] See on 14:27, from which byz
adds ital on ~voL~Ev toi:£ ESvwL v 0uQav nfatEW£ ( a clause which Blass thought more
appropriate here than in 14:27). For avtjyyELA.av tE P45 D* have anayyEfA.avtE£, and
for 6 0Eo£ EJtOLTJCTEV P45 D 33 614 have EJtOLTJCTEv 6 0EO£.
15:5 i~avEITTT]CTav ... A.EyovtE£] D, identifying these with the Judaeans who
went down to Antioch in v. 1, changes this to oi DE JtaQayyd1,,avtE£ amoi:£
ava~aLVELV J"CQO£ WU£ JtQECT~'UtfQO'U£ E~aVEITTT]CTav A.EYOvtE£, to which D, by an
awkward conflation with ~, adds n VE£ an:o ti']£ aLQEOEW£ t(J)V <l>aQLCTa(wv J"CEJ"CLCT-
tE'UitOtE£. The original Dtext is probably represented by those witnesses which trans-
fer these last words to v. 1 (q. v. ). The words added in D from~ omit i:wv before an:o
tf]£ aiQEOEW£, an omission found also in P4 5 .
aiQEOEW£] See on 5: 17.
<l>aQwa(wv] See on 5:34. These believing Pharisees would probably be fore-
most among the "zealots for the law" of 21 :20. A Pharisee could add acceptance
of Jesus as Messiah to his existing beliefs without ceasing to be a Pharisee.
amol!£] The Gentile converts; there is no explicit antecedent (unless the byz
reading at the end of v. 4 be adopted).
DEL J"CEQLtEµvEL v amou£ n:aQayyEtJ..ELVtE ittA.] Whether these requirements were
deemed necessary for salvation or necessary for table fellowship and the like is not
expressly said.
The degree of repetition in the textual traditions of vv. 1-5 suggests that they
are largely redactional, forming a transition from the Anatolian mission to the
Jerusalem council. But Paul and Bamabas's going up to Jerusalem (via Phoenicia
and Samaria) is not rcdactional.
334
15 :6 THE COUNCIL MEETS
3. The Council Meets (15:6)

6 LUV~X0TJOUV tE oi a:n:6atOA.OL x.ai oi :11:QEO~'lJ'tEQOL LOELV :n:EQL toii )...oyoutomou.
15:6 auv~x0T]aciv tE OL a:n:oatOA.OL x.ai OL 31:QEO~Ut:EQOL] Apparently other
members of the church were present (cf. :n:av to :n:)...ij00£, v. 12; auv o)...n EX.X.A.T]OL<,l,
v. 22), although the deliberation and decision rested with the leaders. How many
of the apostles were still resident in Jerusalem is uncertain; probably those who
were accessible were brought together for this consultation. The elders were led by
James (v. 13; cf. 21:18). The authority of the two groups was evidently unques-
tioned; whether or not either group had overriding authority in case of disagree-
ment cannot be determined.
ll'>Eiv :n:EQi toii )...oyou tomou] Cf. the conversational Eng., "to see about this
matter." J. L. North, "Is L!IBIN IlEPI (Acts 15:6; cf. 18:15) a Latinism?" NTS 29
(1983), pp. 264f., suggests that it is a coinage on the analogy of Lat. uidere de (he
finds two other examples of the Gk. phrase: Epictetus, Diss. 1.17.10; 4.8.24). The
question was whether Gentile converts must conform, like proselytes, to the Jewish
law in order to enjoy the privileges of church fellowship, or indeed (as the stricter
sort insisted) to be saved at all.
4. Peter's Speech (15:7-11)

7 IloA.A.ij£ OE tTJt~OEW£ yEvOµEVT]£ avaat<l£ mtQO£ Ei:n:Ev :n:QO£ U'IJtO'IJ£, "AvOQE£
al'>EA.cj>OL, 1J!.LEL£ EJ'tLataa0E Ott <W ~µEQWV UQXUL(J)V EV uµiv E;EA.E!;ato 6 8EO£ l'>ta
toii at6µat6£ µou ax.oiiam ta £8VT] tov A.oyov toii EuayyEA.LOU x.ai matEiiam,
8 x.ai 6 X.UQOtoyvOOatT]£ 0EO£ EµUQtllQT]OEV amo 'i£ OOU£ to :n:vEiiµa to aytov x.a0W£
X.UL ~µiv, 9 XUL ou8Ev bLEXQLVEV µEta!;i, ~µwv tE )Ull UutOJV, t'fi JtlatEL XU8UQLOU£
t<l£ X.UQl'>LU£ amciJv. lOVUV oilv tl :n:ELQU!;EtE tOV 0EOV E:n:t0Eivm suyov E:n:i tOV
tQUXTJA.OV tciJv µa0T]tcilv OV OutE oi :n:atEQE£ ~µciJv OutE ~µE'i:£ ioxuaaµEv ~aata-
om; 11 UA.A.<l l'>ta tfi£ XUQLto£ toii X.UQLOU 'Il]OOU :n:tatElJOµEV ow8ijvm x.a8' ov
tQ6:n:ov x.aXEivot.
15:7 sT]ttjoEW£ YEVOµEVTJ£] Cf. v. 2. P4 5 addsttj'J ITaUA.(Jl x.ai ttj'J BaQVU~~ :n:QO£
ati(toii£ x.tA., conflating with v. 2.
avaot<1£] ClVEotT]OEV EV :n:vEuµatL D* 614 syrhcl.mg (representing o). Cf.bad-
ditions in vv. 29, 32.
IlEtQO£] "Peter as well as Paul and Barnabas interrupted his missionary ac-
tivity to go to the Council at Jerusalem" (0. Cullmann, Peter: Disciple-Apostle-
Martyr, E.T. (London, 1953], p. 50). In fact, Peter may have gone straight back to
Jerusalem from Antioch to play a leading part in arranging the consultation. "The
figure of a Judaizing St. Peter is a figment of the Ttibingen critics with no basis in
history" (Lake, EEP, p. 116).
amoii£] (tOU£) Cl3tOotOA.OU£ P45.
acp' ~µEQciJv aQxaiwv] The events of ch. 10 may have taken place anything up
to ten years earlier. We might translate "in the early days" (sc. of the church's life);
cf. &Qxaio£ of Mnason, "a disciple from the beginning" (21:16).
335
EV uµiv E1;d.i\1;m:o 6 0Eo£] Perhaps a Semitism (cf. Torrey, CDA, pp. 21f.):
"God chose you (i.e., the apostles in particular), that through my mouth (as your
representative) the Gentiles should hear.... " In the Gk. Bible EXA.Eyoµm EV repre-
sents Heb. bii~ar be; cf. 1 Sam. (LXX 1 Kms.) 16:9f.; 1 K. (LXX 3 Kms.) 8:16, 44;
1 Chr. 28:4f.; Neh. 9:7 (LXX 2 Esdr. 19:7), E;d.i\1;w EV 'AflQuaµ = bii~artii
be'a{Jriihiim ("thou didst choose Abraham"). See G. Zuntz, Opuscula Selecta, pp.
250f.
EuuyyE>..iou] Only here and in 20:24 (cf. 1:2 I'>) does Luke use the noun
EUUYYEA.LOV.
15:8 6 XUQOLOyvmm:TJ£ 0Eo£] Cf. the same adj. in 1:24.
m1w~] Probably, like its correlative ~µiv, to be taken with both EµUQtUQTJGEV
and bou£.
boii£] Simultaneous or coincident aor. ptc., like xu0UQLGU£ in v. 9.
xu0m£ xul ~µiv] Cf. 10:47 (00£ xul ~µEi£); 11: 15 (waJtEQ xul Ecj>' ~µ<i£), 17 (00£
xul ~µiv). Other reminiscences of the Cornelius narrative are mentioned below, on
v. 9. Note that, by the end of his speech, Peter says not "they (in their turn) like us
(at the beginning)" but "we, like them" (xa0' ov tQOJtOV xaxeivoL, v. 11).
15:9 oul:lev] B byz I oubev P74 X AC DE 'P 33 81 al. As the form oul:li\v
(cf. 19:27; 26:26; also µTj0i\v, 27:33) "was obsolete long before our oldest MSS.,
we should incline towards accepting it as often as good uncials show it" (MHT II,
p. 111, where it is suggested as the true reading also in 20:33; 27:34).
oul:lev bLEXQL vEv] "made no difference." The only other examples of l'>LaXQi vw
in Acts are at 10:20; 11:2, 12, in connection (as here) with the Cornelius episode.
xa0UQLGU£] Simultaneous aor. ptc., like OOU£ in v. 8. As with OLUXQLVOJ, so the
only other occurrences of xal:laQ(~w in Acts are in connection with the Cornelius
episode (10: 15; 11 :9). For the association between the giving of the Spirit and puri-
fication cf. the reading of 162 700 Mcion Greg.Nyss and Max.Conf at the end of
Lk. 11:2, EA.0EtOJ to ayLOv JtVEfJµa GOU Eq>' ~µ<!£ xal xul:laQLGatOJ ~µ<i£. This may well
be Marci on 'swording, although B. H. Streeter (The Four Gospels [London, 1924 ],
p. 277) considered it highly probable that this is what Luke himself wrote. See also
G. Schneider, "Die Bitte um das Kommen des Geistes im lukanischen Vaterunser
(Lk 11,2 v. l .)," in Studien zum Text und zur Ethik des Neuen Testaments: F estschrift
zum 80. Geburtstag von H. Greeven, ed. W. Schrage= BZNW 47 (Berlin, 1986),
pp. 344-73. For purity of heart cf. xa0uQO£ tfi XUQbt~, Ps. 24 (LXX 23):4; XUQl'>(av
xal:lUQav xriaov Ev Eµoi, Ps. 51 (LXX 50):12; axo xaalJ£ cq.tUQtLU£ xul:laQwov
XUQl'lluv, Sir. 38:10; µuxaQLOL oi xu0UQOL tfi XUQOL~, Mt. 5:8.
15:10 ti JtELQa~EtE tov 0Eov xt>..;] For this OT expression (e.g., Ex. 17:2; Ps.
77 [LXX 76]:41) cf. 5:9. To impose conditions on believers over and above those
which God has required is to stretch his patience or invite his judgment.
i\m0Eivm] Epexegetic infin., explaining wherein their tempting God lay:
"why do you tempt God by imposing ... ?" God had declared his satisfaction with
the Gentiles' faith by giving them the Spirit; to add conditions (e.g., circumcision)
to the one that satisfied him would incur his displeasure.
~uyov] This word (Heb. 'al) was used by Jewish writers in the sense of ob-
336
15:7-11 PETER'S SPEECH
ligation, e.g. "to take upon oneself the yoke of the Torah" (Pirqe 'Abot 3.5); "to
take upon oneself the yoke of the kingdom of heaven," i.e., by reciting Dt. 6:4f.
(the Shema'), and "to take upon oneself the yoke of the commandments," i.e., by
reciting Dt. 11: 13f. (mBer. 2.2). In the light of this idiom one may understand the
words of Jesus in Mt. 11:29f., UQatE tov tuy6v µou iq>' uµii; ... 6 ya.Q tuy6; µou
XQ'IJO'tO£. But Peter uses the term here in the sense of an intolerable weight (cf. Mt.
23:4 par. Lk. 11:46; also Gal. 5:1 ). Other Jews rejoiced in the "weight" of the law.
R. Hananya ben Aqashya, quoting Isa. 42:21 in this sense, held that God honored
Israel by increasing the law and the commandments given to it (Pirqe 'Abot 1.19);
a century earlier, Philo (De praem. et poen. 80) explained Dt. 30:11 by saying that
"the commandments are not too excessively enlarged or too heavy for the strength
of those who are to make use of them."
Peter's attitude was probably that of the Galilaean 'am hii'iire~ of the time.
Such a person knew that one should refuse non-kosher food and should not frater-
nize with Gentiles (10: 14, 28), but could not be expected to know or practice the
refinements of legal tradition.
His present question ("Why ... ?") is turned into a positive (if qualified) re-
assurance in the letter to the Gentile churches (v. 28): "it has seemed good ... to
lay upon you no greater burden than .... "
On the place of the law in first-century Jewish life see Schurer II, pp. 464-
87; E. P. Sanders, Paul and Palestinian Judaism (London, 1977), pp. 33-428; W. D.
Davies, Jewish and Pauline Studies (London, 1984), pp. 3-26, with bibliography
on p. 303.
15:11 [>La t'ij~ xaQLto£ xt>..] Salvation by the grace of God, to be received by
faith, is thoroughly Pauline doctrine. Paul insists (1 Cor. 15: 11) that the foundation
of his gospel is the same as that preached by Peter, James, and others; but for Paul
a major element in salvation is the present assurance and experience of justifica-
tion before God: sinners are "justified by his grace" and "justified by faith" (Rom.
3:24, 28). With Peter's words here cf. Eph. 2:8; 1 Pet. 1:8-12.
mcntuoµEv aw0'ijvm] Either (1) "we believe we shall be saved" (for the aor.
infin. in this future sense cf. 2:30; 3: 18), (2) "we believe we have been saved," or
(3) "we believe (so as) to be saved" (epexegetic infin.), i.e., we are saved by faith.
The last interpretation seems best. That this was indeed Peter's position is ap-
parently implied by Paul in Gal. 2:15f., whether or not these two verses are part of
Paul's direct address to Peter.
xa0' ov tQ<>Jtov xaxti:vm] "even as they also" (i.e., the Gentiles), sc. are saved
by faith. Hitherto it has been emphasized that Gentile believers share the same
privileges as Jewish believers (cf. vv. 8f.; 10:47; 11:15, 17); now it is emphasized
that Jewish believers share the same privileges as Gentile believers.
What Peter's agreement amounts to in the context of the current dispute is
that circumcision (with the concomitant obligation to observe the law of Moses;
cf. Gal. 5 :3) should not be required of Gentile converts. "Peter was probably in fact
and effect the bridgeman who did more than any other to hold together the diver-
sity of first-century Christianity" (J. D. G. Dunn, Unity and Diversity in the New
337
Testament [London, 1977], p. 385). This is his final appearance in Acts; as far as
Luke is concerned, "the legitimation of the mission to the Gentiles is virtually
Peter's last work" (M. Hengel, Acts and the History of Earliest Christianity, E.T.
[London, 1979], p. 125).
5. Paul and Barnabas Address the Council (15:12)

12 'Ea( YTJCTEV be miv to Jt11oij80£, xai ~xouov BaQVU~U xai ITUUA.011 E!;T]youµivoov
oaa iito( T]lJEV 6 0EO£ CTT]µEia xai tE(l<ltU EV to u; E0VECTL v bt' at'n:v.
15:12 fo(yl]CTEV be] auyxatatE0Eµivoov be tv ltQECT~lltEQOOV tOL£ 'U3t0 toii
ITEtQOU ELQT]µEVOL£ fo(yl]CTEV ... D syrhcl* (representingb).
Jtav to Jt11oij80£] The word might be used in its general sense of the company
gathered together on this occasion, but probably (as in 4:32; 6:2, 5) it refers more
specifically to the Christian community; cf. v. 30, of the church at Antioch.
BaQva~a xai Ilau11oo11] This is the order to be expected in a Jerusalem setting;
so also in the apostolic letter (v. 25). After 13:2 the only other occurrence of this
order is in 14:14, where it may have been influenced by the sequence Zeus-Hermes
in 14:12.
oaa EJtOLTJCTEV 6 8Eo~ i<t11o] As they had told their story at Antioch (14:27) and
to the apostles and elders at Jerusalem (15:4), so now they repeat it to the whole
believing community at Jerusalem. The wording is made more explicit by the ad-
dition of CTT]µEia xai tEQUta (see on 2:22, 43); here the conversion of the Gentiles
must have seemed to many to be greater than any other sign or wonder.
The report of Gentile evangelization in Cyprus and Anatolia could but
strengthen Peter's argument; to the example of Cornelius, adduced by Peter, Paul
and Barnabas could add many more. But they spoke as witnesses, not as consul-
tants, and at Jerusalem their words could have carried nothing like the authority of
Peter's.
6.James's Summing Up (15:13-21)

13 Mrn'.t bE to CTL yijam m'rroU£ UJtEXQL0T] 'Icixoo~O£ 11oeyoov, ''AVbQE£ abE11ocpo(,
axouaatE µ011. 14 LllµEWV E!;T]y~aato xa0W£ JtQO>tOV 6 8EO£ EJtECTXE'\jJUtO A.U~ELV
Es EflvciJv A.UOV tqi 6v6µatl autoii. 15 xai tomeµ auµcpoovoiiCTL v oi 11o6yot tV
JtQOcj>T]tfov, xa0W£ yeygamm,
16 MEt<:t taiita avaatQE'\jJoo
XUL avmxoboµ~CT(J) t~V CTXT]V~V t;aulb t~V JtEJtt(J)XlJLUV
XUL ta. XUtECTtQUµµEVU autij£ UVOLXOboµ~aoo
XUl UVOQ0WCTOO Uut~V,
17 OltOO£ av E~T]t~CTOOCTLV oi XUt<lA.OlltOL t<iiv av0QWJt(J)V tOV XUQLOV,
xai mivta ta. ESVT] Ecp' OU£ EJtl'KEXA.T]tUL to ovoµOlJCTL v EJtL tOV
0EOV, 20&.Ua. EJtlatELA.Ul U1JtOL£ toii MEXECT0m t<iiv a11otayT]µ<itoov tUJV dbco11ooov
xai tij£ Jtogvda;; xai toii Jtvtxtoii xai toii a'i'.µato;;· 21 Moouaij;; yag EX yEvEwv
338
15:13-21 JAMES'S SUMMING UP
agxaiwv xatct JtOA.L v tOU£ XTJQUOOOVta£ amov EXEL EV tai:£ auvaywyai£ xata miv
Oct~~atOV avayL VWOXOµEV0£,
15:13 µEta oi: to myf]om autoU£] Luke notes that Barnabas and Paul
addressed the council, but when they had finished speaking no one appears to have
taken any notice of what they said.
an:ExgiOrj ... tiywv] This may be the pleonastic use of an:oxgivoµm (cf. 3: 12).
It was certainly not to Barnabas and Paul that James made reply. Hort (CE, p. 80)
says the reply was made to the believing Pharisees of v. 5; more probably it was
made to the debate as a whole.
'Iaxw~o£] See on 12: 17; cf. also 21 :18-24, where his relations with the stricter
members of the Jerusalem church are reflected. He was not an apostle in Luke's
sense of the term, although Paul appears to count him as one (Gal. 1: 19), probably
because he was a witness to the risen Christ (1 Car. 15:7). His commanding stat-
ure in the Jerusalem church was probably due more to his personal qualities than
to his being the Lord's brother. According to Marius Victorinus ( on Gal. 1: 19), the
Symmachians (Ebionites) counted him as the twelfth apostle (MPL 8.11558).
Josephus (Ant. 20.200) tells how, during the interval between the death of the pro-
curator Festus (see on 24:27) and the arrival of his successor Albinus (c. A.O. 62),
the high priest Ananus II "convened a judicial court and brought before them a man
called James, brother of Jesus the so-called Christ, and some others, and having
charged them as law-breakers, he delivered them over to be stoned." Hegesippus
(ap. Euseb. HE 2.23) relates how he was held in high respect by the people of
Jerusalem, and how he suffered martyrdom in a manner similar to Stephen.
UVOQE£ UOEA.q>Ol, axouaatE µou] Cf. Jas. 2:5, axouoatE, UOEA.q>OL µou ayaJtTjtol.
J.B. Mayor (The Epistle of St. James [London, 2 1897], pp. iiif.) thinks it a "remark-
able coincidence" that there should be so many contacts in wording between that
epistle and the present speech of James (with the apostolic letter of vv. 23-29).
15:14 Luµewv] I.e., Simon Peter (cf. 2 Pet. 1:1, LuµEwv I1EtQO£). LUµEc.iiv is
the LXX rendering of Heb. sim 'on, the E representing the Heb. 'ayin (which has no
equivalent in the hellenized Ltµwv). James takes his cue from Peter's argument,
and reverts to it in v. 19 (µ~ n:agevoxleiv).
xa0w£] "how."
EJtEOXE'ljlato] This verb is used of providential visitation in Lk. 1 :68, 78; 7:16.
lafleiv] Epexegetic infin., as in vv. 10 and 11.
i; E0vwv laov] "Egregium paradoxon" (Bengel), for la6£ is the word regu-
larly used of the Jewish people, ESvTJ of the Gentiles. In Ex. 19:5; Dt. 14:2 Israel is
Yahweh's A.UO£ 3tEQLO\JOLO£ (cf. Dt. 26:18f.; 32:8f.; Ps. 135 [LXX 134]:4) an:o
n:avtwv t<iiv E0v<iiv, a special people selected for himself from among the Gentiles.
Here the language is similar, but the meaning is different: this people for God's
name comprises believing Gentiles. For la6£ of this new community cf. 18: 1O; also
Rom. 10:25 (quotation from Hos. 2: 1); Tit. 2: 14; 1 Pet. 2:9f., and Jesus'words about
the "other sheep ... not of this fold," who were to be brought into his "one flock"
(Jn. 10:16). See N. A Dahl," 'A People for his Name' (Acts xv.14)," NTS 4 (1957-
339
58), pp. 319-27; J. Dupont, "Un Peuple d'entre Jes Nations," NTS 31 (1985), pp.
321-35.
11µ ov6µan amoii] Cf. Isa. 43:21, "the people whom I have formed for my-
self' ("for my name" is a targumic replacement for "for myself'). N. A. Dahl points
out that, unlike the frequent "a house for my name" (e.g., 1 K. 5:5), "the phrase 'a
people for His name,' which is found neither in the Hebrew Bible nor in the Sep-
tuagint, is a standard idiom of the old Palestinian Targum" (" 'A People for his
Name,'" p. 320).
15:15 i:out<J) auµq,wvoiim v ol 1..6yoL ,:ii:,v rrgoq,T]tiilv] The reference is to the
Book of the Twelve Prophets, which includes the prophecy of Amos (cf. 7:42;
13:40).
J. W. Bowker, "Speeches in Acts: A Study in Proem and Yelammedenu
Form," NTS 14 (1967-68), pp. 96-111 (especially pp. 107-109), finds that James's
speech, with its appeal to scripture as confirming what has been said or done al-
ready and what is about to be decided, "must be understood as a genuine yelam-
medenu response" -so called because it is derived from a request for instruction:
yelammegenu rabbenu ("let our teacher instruct us").
15:16 µei:a ,:afua xi:1..] The quotation in vv. 16-18 comes substantially from
Amos 9: 11 f. LXX: EV ,:fi ~µEQ<;t EXEL vn avam~CJ(l) ,:~v CJXT]V~V ti.au lb ,:~v ltEITTWXlJLUV,
XUL aVOLX06oµ~CJ(l) TU ltEITTWXOta Uut~<;, XUL TU XatECJXaµµEVU aut~<; aVUITT~CJ(l), XUL
avoLxoboµ~CJ(l) au,:~v xaSro<; al ~µEQUL 1:0'U atiilvo<;, 0:1t(l)£ av EXtTJT~CJ(l)CTL v oi XU"tUA.OL-
ltOL ,:ii:,v av0gcimwv, xal mivrn ,:a EElVT] Eq>' OU<; EmXEXAT]"tUL "[() ovoµa µou Eit' autou<;,
A.EYEL XUQLO£ 6 rrm&v i:afua. This oracle, which is here interpreted of the rise of Gen-
tile Christianity, is interpreted in 4QFlor 1.12 and CD 7.16 of the rise of the Qum-
ran community and the restoration of the Torah to its rightful place. J. de Waard, A
Comparative Study of the Old Testament Text in the Dead Sea Scrolls and in the
New Testament (Leiden, 1965), p. 25, exaggerates when he says that "the text form
of the Amos quotation in Acts ... is exactly identical with that of 4QFlor." It takes
more than the omission of "in that day" and the insertion of "and" before "I will
(re)build" to provide an adequate basis for such a conclusion.
µna rnii,:a avamgE'ljlm] These words do not appear in Amos, but cf. Jer. 12:15,
xal EITTUL µti:a ,:o Ex$a1.E1v µE amoiJ<; EmITTQE'ljlm ... xal xawLxL&, where EitLITTQE'\jJW
... xal xatoLxL& (Heb. 'asufJ wahiisi/Jofim) means "I will settle them again"; so here
aVUITTQE'\jJW xal avOLxoboµ~CJ(l) means "I will build up again."
avmxoboµ~aw ,:~v CJXT]V~v ti.au lb] The rebuilding of David's tent in the orig-
inal intention of the oracle involved the restoration of the undivided kingdom of
Israel under the Davidic dynasty and the bringing back under its domination of the
neighboring non-Israelite nations (especially Edom) which David had once ruled.
xai:rnxaµµiva] P 74 AC D byz I xai:Emgaµµeva X (B) lJI 33 326 pc. The same
variation appears in LXX manuscripts.
15:17 orrw<; av EXtTJT~CJ(l)CTL v ol XU"tUAOLrrOL "[{J}V av0gcimwv ,:ov XUQLOV] MT
means "that they (the house of David) may possess the remnant of Edom and all
the nations which are called by my name." LXX presupposes Heb. yi{j,.esa ("will
seek") for MT yir.rn ("will possess") and 'acjam ("mankind") for 'ecJom. Moreover,
340
§e'eri1 ("remnant") is clearly the object of the Heb. verb in MT, being preceded by
the accusative indicator 'e1. LXX provides no explicit object in its rendering, "that
the remnant of mankind may seek," but since the speaker is Yahweh, the implied
object is probably "me." Thus LXX depoliticizes and spiritualizes the text, making
it refer to the turning of the Gentiles ("the remnant of mankind") to seek the God
of Israel. This version lends itself admirably to James's argument. But C. C. Tor-
rey argued that even MT would have served his purpose, "since it predicted that
'the tabernacle of David,' i.e. the church of the Messiah, would 'gain possession
of all the nations which are called by the name [of the God of Israel]'" (CDA, pp.
38f.). Similarly C. Rabin says that "MT would actually have supported the exege-
sis here offered"; he suggests a common textual tradition behind the-present quo-
tation and that in CD 7.16 (The Zadokite Documents [Oxford, 2 1958], p. 29). See
=
J. Dupont, "Je batirai la cabane de David qui est tombee (Ac 15,16 Am 9,11),"
in Glaube und Eschatologie: Festschrift fur W. G. Kummel, ed. E. Grasser and
0. Merk (Ti.ibingen, 1985), pp. 19-32.
xal mivm ta E0vll] xa( epexegetic: "even."
rep' oil£ rrnxEXAlltm to ovoµa µou be' m1tou£] The antecedent to oil£ (aurou£)
is E0vll (neuter), but the nations comprise human beings; hence, by a sense con-
struction, the relative OU£ (with the resumptive aurou£) is masc. LXX follows the
Heb. idiom, which repeats the personal or demonstrative pron. after the relative
'ii§er (cf.Mod. Gk. construction with :n:oii). Cf. for the sense Jas. 2:7, to xa),,ov ovoµa
to rmXAl10Ev tcp' uµa£ (sc. in baptism).
15:18 HyEL XUQLO£ :n:ou:ov taiita yvwata. a:n:' at&vo£] The quotation, which
ends with taiita, is rounded off with language reminiscent of Isa. 45:21, 'tva yv&m v
iiµa tL£ axouata r:n:o(llarv taiita a:n:' UQX:fi£, implying that the inclusion of Gentiles
in the church was revealed of old (cf. Paul's arguments in Rom. 15:8-12). o com-
menced a new sentence after taiita, thus: yvwatov a:n:' ULWVO£ ECJtL v tip XlJQL()) to
EQyov amoii (so substantially P74 AD latvg syrhcl.mg Irenlat; A omits Eatt v, syrhcl.mg
omits tip xuQicµ). byz makes the subject plur.: yvwma. a:n:' at&v6£ Eattvtcp Heep :n:avm
ta EQya amoii. The fuller wording of o byz may have been regarded as a suitable
lectionary-type clausula for a biblical quotation.
a:n:' ULWVO£] Cf. 3:21; also al ~µEQUL toii UL(J)V0£ in Amos 9: 11 LXX (not in-
cluded in James's quotation). In New Docs. 2 (1977), pp. 24f., the occurrence of
a:n:' at&vo£ in IGRR 3. 733 is cited as an example worth adding to those given in
MM.
15:19 EYWXQLVW] "I for my part judge" (Lat. egocenseoor Irenlat egosecun-
dum me iudico), "this is my ruling." James winds up the debate and formulates the
motion to be put to the meeting; it is a positive counterpart to Peter's question in
v. 10.
µ~ :n:aQrvox11.elv] "to stop troubling"; here the verb has much the same force
as Peter's E:n:t0elvm tuy6v (cf. G. Zuntz, Opuscula Selecta, p. 240 with n. 3).
tol£ a:n:o t&v E0v&v xr),,) It is not contemplated here that Jewish believers are
to be equally emancipated (cf. 21:25, where the concession is confined to Gentile
believers). Peter might have accepted the abrogation of the levitical food restric-
341
tions (I 0: 15; 11:9), but James has no such thought. But it is going beyond the evi-
dence to conclude that two separate peoples (1,.ao() of God, a Jewish and a Gentile,
are here envisaged.
15:20 EJtLITTELAm] "to send them a letter" ( an lmo,;01,.~).
toii <lltfX,W0m t&v a).,tayl]µatwv t&v dbw).,wv xal tfJ~ JtOQVELa~ xal JtVLxtoii xal
toii a'iµai:o;. The four things from which they are to refrain are repeated, with slight
variations, in v. 29 and 21 :25. P4 5 omits xal tfJ£ JtOQVELa~, D g Iren 131 (representing
I'>) omit JtVLXtoii. Aftera'iµai:o;, [) (D 322 323 945 1739 1891 pc latvg.codd copsa eth
Iren 1a1) adds xal oaa µ~ 0i1,.oumv fomoi:; y(vw0m, EtEQOL£ µ~ :1totEi:v, a negative
form of the Golden Rule. The b reading thus makes the decree a purely ethical one:
"to abstain from idolatry, fornication and blood (i.e., bloodshed), and not to do to
others what they would not like done to themselves." Idolatry, fornication, and
murder were the three cardinal sins in Jewish eyes: abstention from these was re-
garded as binding on the whole human race from the days of Noah (Gen. 9:4-6) if
not from creation itself; it was required of "strangers within the gates," i.e., Gen-
tiles residing in the land of Israel. Cf. J. W. Hunkin, "The Prohibitions of the Coun-
cil at Jerusalem (Acts xv.28-29)," JTS 27 (1925-26), pp. 272-83. The b text here as
elsewhere shows familiarity with Jewish thought ( cf. Pirqe 'A bot 5.11; bSanh. 74a).
Even so, it is secondary, dating from a time when the relevance of the food restric-
tions implied by the ~ text was no longer evident. The ~ text is to be accepted as
original.
It has already been proposed that no conditions over and above faith in Christ
are to be laid down for the admission of Gentiles to the church; if this proposal is
carried, then the demand for their circumcision is refused. But there remains the
practical question of social intercourse (and especially table fellowship) between
Jewish and Gentile believers: it seems reasonable to require Gentile believers to
abstain from certain practices which would scandalize their Jewish brothers and
set up social barriers between them. The basic ethics of the gospel involved the ab-
juring of such practices as idolatry, fornication, and murder: no special mention
needs to be made of these.
a1,.wy~µata t&v d&t>).,wv] "pollutions of idols" -i.e., pollutions resulting
from contact with idol worship, especially in relation to food. The phrase is re-
placed in v. 29 and 21 :25 by dbw).,o8ma, "things sacrificed to idols." Whether or
not Christians should eat such food was a live issue in some Gentile churches ( cf.
I Cor. 8: 1). a1,.ioy1Jµa is a hapax legomenon. It is derived from a1,.wyew, a verb of
late attestation, occurring six times in LXX (Dan. 1:8; Mal. 1:7 [ter/, 12; Sir. 40:29),
each time in relation to food.
xal tfJ£ l'tOQvEia;] om P45 . It seems strange to find an injunction against for-
nication coupled with food regulations. Irregular sexual relations were indeed re-
garded very lightly in the Greek world, and JtOQVELa was involved even in some re-
ligious festivals. But Gentile converts were taught as a matter of course to avoid
JtOQVELa. Its special mention here points to its use in the narrower sense of marriage
or sexual union within prohibited degrees (as laid down in Lev. 18:6-18); this use
is found in 1 Cor. 5:1 and possibly in Mt. 5:32; 19:9. Compare the similar use of
342
the corresponding Heb. noun z<'nuf in CD 4.17, 20-5.1. See F. Hauck/S. Schulz,
TDNT6, p. 593 (s.v. 3tOQVELa); W. K. L. Clarke,New Testament Problems (London,
1929), pp. 59-65; J. Bonsirven, Le divorce dans le Nouveau Testament (Paris,
1948), pp. 46-60; also the careful discussion in W. A. Heth and G. J. Wenham, Jesus
and Divorce (London, 1984), pp. 153-68. G. Zuntz dismisses this restricted inter-
pretation of ltOQVEta as "wishful thinking"; he follows p45 in rejecting xal tfjc;
XOQVEL~ (Opuscula Selecta, pp. 227-29). For XOQvdac; here and in the parallel pas-
sages J. Halevy, "Notes evangeliques, 4. Le Concile de Jerusalem et sa decision,"
Revue semitique 10 (1902), pp. 228-40 (especially pp. 238f.), conjectured ltOQXEtac;
("swine-flesh"; cf. the emendation XOLQEL~ attributed to R. Bentley by J. J. Wett-
stein); but XOQXELa is not found in Gk., and ltOQXO£ only as a transliteration of Lat.
porcus (Plutarch, Publicola 11).
xal xvLxtoii xal toii a'iµatoc;] Eating flesh with blood in it (which is inevitable
when the animal has died by strangulation) was expressly forbidden in the Noa-
chian decrees (Gen. 9:4) and in the Jewish law (Lev. 17:10-14), because the life or
soul (Heb. nepef) resided in the blood. Some critics who do not accept the b text's
reinterpretation of the decree nevertheless regard its omission of xal xvLxtou as
original (cf. P.H. Menoud, "The Western Text and the Theology of Acts," Bulletin
of SNTS 2 [1951 J, pp. 19-32, especially pp. 22-28; he also follows p45 in omitting
xal tfjc; ltOQVELU£, thus envisaging only two original prohibitions-idol food and
flesh with blood). Of xvLxtov F. C. Burkitt remarks: "The word is technical and un-
familiar outside the poultry-shop and the kitchen" (review of BC 1.3 in JTS 28
[1927], p. 199). See also H. Bietenhard, TDNT6, pp. 455-58 (s.v. itviyoo); C. S. C.
Williams, Alterations to the Text of the Synoptic Gospels and Acts (Oxford, 1951 ),
pp. 72-75.
As for the negative Golden Rule, added in the b recension, its best-known
instance is Hillel's reply to an inquiring proselyte (bShab. 31a): "What is hateful
to yourself, do not to your fellow; this is the whole law (toriih); all else is commen-
tary (perusii)." Cf. Tob. 4: 15 (6 µwEic;, µT]bEvL xot~onc;); Did. 1.2, mivm bt oaa Eav
0E>..~onc; µ~ yivw0ai am, xal au lin<J) µ~ itoiEL, where it follows immediately on the
words of Lev. 19: 18, as in the Jerusalem Targum on that text. The negative form
has frequently been thought to be characteristic of Judaism -AJ:iad Ha-Am, e.g.,
declares that the positive form (cf. Mt. 7:19) is alien to the true spirit of Judaism
("Judaism and the Gospels," E.T. in Nationalism and the Jewish Ethic [New York,
1962], pp. 301f.)-but the positive form is found in Maimonides, Misneh Torah
2: HW!co! 'Apel 14.1 (= The Code of Maimonides, E.T., 14 [New Haven, 1949],
p. 200), and elsewhere in Jewish literature (I am indebted for the Maimonides ref-
erence to the late S. Rawidowicz). See H.-W. Bartsch, "Traditionsgeschichtliches
zur 'Goldenen Regel' und zum Aposteldekret," ZNW75 (1984), pp. 128-32.
15:21 Moooofjc; yag xt>..] The ubiquity of Jewish communities, and there-
fore of synagogues where the Torah was read and expounded, throughout the
Graeco-Roman world at this time is well attested. But the exact force of ycig is
disputed. J. H. Ropes, "Acts 15:21," JBL 15 (1896), pp. 75-81, takes the meaning
to be that, since synagogues where Moses is proclaimed are to be found every-
343
where, the expression "all the nations on whom my name is called" evidently
covers the whole known world. Erasmus supplies some words to make the argu-
ment clear: "nee est metuendum ne Moses antiquetur, habet enim illc ... " (sim-
ilarly R. B. Rackham, Acts, p. 254: "Moses, so to speak, would suffer no loss, in
failing to obtain the allegiance of those who had never been his"). Moses is by no
means left without witnesses in the Gentile world: "The alleviation [proposed in
James 's taqqiiniih] is not so drastic as it seems, because the full law of Moses is
still maintained in every synagogue sabbath by sabbath" (J. W. Bowker,
"Speeches in Acts," p. 108). "We do not need to preach Moses, but we must bear
in mind the fact that there are those who do" (C. K. Barrett, Freedom and Obliga-
tion [London, 1985], p. 99).
Ex yEvEwv UQXaiwv] The origin of the synagogue "may go back to the age of
Ezra, or even to that of the exile .... Josephus and Philo, and later Judaism in
general, trace the whole system back to Moses himself' (Schurer II, pp. 426f.).
xm:a J'tOA.LV] om P45 . Cf. Philo, ta ... Xatct J'tOA.ELS Jt()OCJE1JXT~()La (Vtt. Mays.
2.210); xata miaav JtoA.tv (Spec. leg. 62).
7. The Apostolic Letter to the Gentile Christians (15:22-29)

22 TotE H\o);E to"u; UJtOITTOA.OLS xal tois J't()ECJ~lJTEQOLS CJUV OA.TI tfl EXXA.l]CJL(.l
EXA.E1;aµEVOU£ avb()US E); am:wv JtEµ1jlat Els 'AvttOXELUV CJUV T(!> Ila'IJA.<J) xal Ba()-
v~(i, 'loubav TOV XUA.O'llf.lEVOV BaQCJU~~iiv XUL LLA.iiV, avb()as ~youµevous EV
toi£ abEA.<jlois, 23 YQ<l1j)UVTES bLct XELQOS amwv, ot UJtOITTOA.OL )I.UL OL Jt()ECJ-
~'IJTE()OL U<'iEA.q>OL tois xata t~V 'AvtLOXELUV xal LlJ()LUV xal KtA.LXLUV abEA.<jlois
tois E); Wvwv xat()EL v. 24 'E3tEtb~ ~xouaaµEv ott TL ves E); ~µwv h<iQa);av uµiis
A.OYOLS CLVUCJXE1J(l~OvtES tas 1Jl1lXUS uµwv, Ols O'IJ btECJTELA.UµE0a, 25 Ebo);EV ~µi V
yEVOµEVOL£ oµoeuµabov EXA.E);aµevms avbQUS Jteµ1jlm Jt()OS uµas CJUV mis
ayaJtl]TOiS ~µwv Ba()VU~(i xal Ila'IJA.CJ), 26UV0()WJtOLS JtU()UbEbWXOCJL tas 1Jluxas
amwv 'UJtE() tou ovoµmos tou X1J()L01J ~µwv 'll]CJOU XQLCJTOU. 27 UJtECJTUA.XUµEV
oilv 'Ioubav XUL LLA.iiv, XUL am:ous fact A.oyou anayyEA.A.OvtUS ta ama. 28 ebo);Ev
yct() tcji JtVE1J!-LmL tcji ay(<J> xa1 ~µiv µl]<'iEv JtA.fov Emt(0rn8m uµiv ~UQOS JtA~V
TO'IJT(J)V t&v EmivayXES, 29 UJtEXECJElat dbwA.o0mwv XUL a'iµatos xal, JtVLXtii>v XUL
J'tO()VELUS· E1; chv btatl]()OUvtES eamous di J't()U);EtE. "EQ()WCJ0E.
15:22 ebo);E to"u; UJ'tOCJTOA.OLS ... EXA.E);aµevous ... Jt£µ1jlat ... YQ<l1j)UvtES]
With this breach of concord cf. Thuc. 3.36.2, Ebo);Ev amou; ... anoxtEivm ... Em-
xa1,.ouvtE£.
'Ioubav tov EmxaA.O'llJ.LEvov BaQCJa~~iiv] For the surname cf. Joseph Barsab-
bas, 1 :23 (q. v. ). Of this Judas nothing is known beyond his present mission.
LLAiiv] If this Silas is identical with the Silas who soon afterward became
Paul's missionary colleague (v. 40), as Luke clearly implies, he is the man to whom
Paul refers as Silvanus (1 Th. 1:1; 2 Th. 1:1; 2 Cor. 1:19). "Silas" may have been
a familiar abridgment of "Silvanus"; F. C. Burkitt, pointing out that Silas W'fla) is
attested as a Jewish name, meaning "Little Saul," thinks it likely "that like Paul he
was a Benjamite, which may have helped to cement the friendship of the two men."
He adds: "If I may hazard a final guess, I should say that Silas had heard St. Stephen
344
15:22-29 THE APOSTOLIC LETTER TO THE GENTILE CHRISTIANS
gladly" (Christian Beginnings [London, 1924 ], pp. 132f.). It is a natural inference

from 16:37f. that, like Paul, he was a Roman citizen. His identity with the Silvanus
of 1 Pet. 5: 12 cannot be established with certainty.
<'ivbQac; ~youµivouc;] "leaders" (cf. Heb. 13:7, 17, 24).
h tote; ab!J,q,oic;] I.e., the "brothers" of the Jerusalem church; cf. 12: 17.
15:23 ol fut6oto>..m xul ol (om P4 5) :rtQEO~utEQOL abE>..q,ol] byz inserts xa(
ol before abE>..q,oL This is the only NT occurrence of the phrase "the elder brothers."
But LC may be right in taking abE>..q,o( in apposition with both a:rt6oto>..m and
:rtQEO~utEQOL. C. C. Torrey maintains that in Aram. (seli~ayyii wqassfsayyii 'a~ayya)
"brothers" would naturally refer to both of the preceding nouns (CDA, p. 39).
bui XELQO<; autwv] "by them" ( cf. 11 :30). b inserts imoto>..~v before bui and
adds :rtEQLEXOooav t<ibE afteramwv. Of this letter and of the letter of Lysias (23:26-
30) E. A. Judge says, "We must ask ... whether the author of Acts did not mean
his readers to take them as the direct citation of transcripts available to him" (New
Docs. 1 [1976], § 26, p. 78).
xata t~v 'AvnoxELav xal ( + t~v P45) LUQiav xal KL>..Lxiav] Antioch was the
administrative capital of the united province of Syria and Cilicia ( cf. v. 41; Gal.
1 :21). Cf. 1:8 for the name of a city followed by that of the united province in which
it was situated.
xaiQEL v] Imperatival use of infin.; cf. 23:26 and Jas. 1: 1 (epistolary usage);
also Rom. 12: 15; Phil. 3: 16; Tit. 2:2. This construction is common in both classi-
cal and Hellenistic Gk. In general this letter is composed "on a good Greek model"
(H. D. Wendland, Die urchristlichen literaturformen [Ttibingen, 1912], pp. 2f.).
15:24 tLVE<; Es ~µv] ThenvEc; ofv. 1 (cf. Gal. 2:12, nvac; a:rto 'Im,w~ou).
avaoxrna~ovtEc;] "subverting," a military metaphor for plundering a town.
E. K. Simpson ("Vettius Valens and the New Testament," EQ 2 [1930], p. 397)
compares avaoKEual :rtQayµatrnv, "ruination," in Vettius Valens 2.7; 176.9; 199.33.
tac; 1jJuxac; uµv] + A.EyovtEc; 3tEQLtEµvw0m ( + bEL E) xal tT]QELV tov v6µov CE
IJ1 byz syrresh hcl arm Chr (this, though absent from D, may have been part of the{)
text).
ol:c; ml bLEotEL>..<iµe8a] If they went to Antioch on some official business, as
the "certain persons from James" in Gal. 2: 12 apparently did (whether or not they
were identical with the "certain persons" mentioned here), they exceeded the terms
of their commission by urging the necessity of circumcision.
15:25 EKA.E!;aµivmc;] P4 5 vid AB L q, 33 81 al I ix>..E!;aµivou; X CD E byz
(anacoluthic, as in v. 22).
yEvoµivmc; 6µo8uµabov] "unanimously" (BAGD); see on 1: 14.
aya:rtT]totc;] Only here in Acts; its occurrence in a letter is noteworthy, since
in most of the NT letters it appears in a similar setting. With its application to Bar-
nabas and Paul cf. 2 Pet. 3: 15, 6 aya:rtl]toc; ~µv abE>..q,oc; nau>..oc;.
15:26 3tUQUbfc'\(J)XOOL tac; 1jJUXa<; UUTWV] "who have devoted their Jives" ( or
"devoted themselves"); for this sense of ,tuQabibrnµL cf. Gal. 2:20.
u:rtEQ tou ov6µatoc;] Cf. 5 :41.
XQLotOu] + de; :rtavta 3tELQUoµ6v DE 383 614 syrhcl.mg (representing b).
345
15:27 UJtEotaA.xaµEv] Epistolary perf.; the tense indicates the perspective

of the readers, not of the writers.
xal amous Iha A.oyou a.nayyEA.A.Ovtas T<l aura] "who will themselves also
deliver the same report by word of mouth": UJtayyEA.A.OVTU£ is an example of the use
of the pres. ptc. to denote purpose. In classical Gk. the fut. ptc. was used in this
way, but its use was decaying by this time.
15:28 E1'1o!;Ev YCJ.Q xTA.] The apostolic decree is now communicated.
A. Deissmann compares a decree of Domitian beginning uisum est mihi edicto sig-
nificare . .. (LAE, p. 444). F. J. A. Hort (CE, pp. 82f.), pointing out that no verb of
command is used, treats El'>o!;Ev xtA. as "a strong expression of opinion, more than
advice and less than a command." But no one would interpret Domitian's uisum
est mihi in this way. The terms of the present resolution are stringent enough, espe-
cially as they invoke the authority of the Holy Spirit and not simply that of the apos-
tles and elders; besides, the decree goes on to characterize the various abstentions
specified as "necessary," or indeed "compulsory" (emivayXE;).
T!Jl nvEuµau T!Jl o.y(<Jl xal ~µiv] This assigning to the Holy Spirit of prior author-
ity in the issuing of the decree is eloquent of the practical awareness of his pres-
ence in the primitive church (cf. 5:3, 9; 13:2; 16:6f.). G. W. H. Lampe thinks they
knew it seemed good to the Holy Spirit because of his spontaneous coming on the
believing Gentiles (St. Luke and the Church ofJerusalem, p. 25); but that action of
his in no way implied that any abstentions were to be required.
EntTL0E08UL ... ~<lQO£] Cf. V. 10, Ent0EiVm tuyov (and V. 19, 3tUQEVO)CA.Eiv).
wmwv tci>v in<ivayxEs] X 2 BC tp 81 614 945 1175 1739 al I wmwv in<ivay-
XE£ X * D 33 pc I TOlV en<ivayXES P74 (e1;<ivayXE£) A 36 pc I TOlV £3t(lVUYXES TOU't(J)V
byz. tci>v may have been omitted after wv,wv by haplography or inserted by dit-
tography. If wmwv t&v in<ivayxE£ be retained, in<ivayxE£ is an adv. ( consisting of
the indeclinable neut. of an adj. inavayxris) here treated as a substantive; if ,wv
be omitted, we should put a colon after wmwv and construe in<ivayXES with
a.nE)CE00m ("to lay no further burden on you than these things: you must ab-
stain ... "). This last construction is implied by Clem. Alex., eµ~vuoav yag en<ivay-
XE£ a.nE)CE00m bEiv dbwA.o0mwv xrA. (Strom. 4.15.97), and most probably repre-
sents the original text.
15:29 0.3tE)CE00m dbwA.o0mwv xal a'(µmos xal 3tVL1aOlV xal 3tOQVELU£] b
omits xal nvtx,wv and adds xal oaa µ~ 0EA.ETE fomois y(vw0m ETEQ<Jl µ~ nmEiv (see
on v. 20). Tert. omits xal nvLxtci>v but does not add the negative Golden Rule (De
pudicitia 12, etc.). For nvtxtci>v J,7 4xc Ac E tp byz lat syr arm Did Chr al read the
sing. nvtxroii, as in v. 20. J. R. Harris, "The Blood-Accusations against the Jews in
Southern Russia," ExT25 (1913-14), pp. l 99f., compares the list of forbidden foods
in the Qur'an, sura 5.3, which includes both the flesh of strangled animals and of
animals sacrificed to idols. dbwA.o8mwv replaces a.A.Loyriµa,wv ,wv dbooA.wv in v. 20.
It was a term used by Jews ( and, following them, by Christians), to whom the divin-
ity to whom the animal was sacrificed was only an "idol"; a pagan would say
iEg60mov ( cf. 1 Cor. 10:28). The dbwA.60mov need not be an animal, for other kinds
of food were offered to divinities, "but an animal would constitute the only offer-
346
15:30-35 THE CHURCH OF ANTIOCH RECEIVES THE APOSTOLIC LETTER
ing of sufficient size that a saleable portion would be left over following the sacri-
fice" (New Docs. 2 [1977], § 7, p. 37).
fomo~] In Hellenistic Gk. this form serves as the reflexive of the 1st and
2nd persons as well as of the 3rd (cf. 5:35; 13:46; 20:28).
di JtQ<l;EtE] "you will prosper," according to the regular Gk. usage; but in Ig-
natius, Eph. 4.2; Smyrn. 11.3; Justin, I Apo!. 28.3, di JtQaTtoo can mean only "do
right," which may be the sense here. Cf. XUAW£ JtotE'itE, Jas. 2:8. ti adds q>EQ6µevm
EV t<j} ay(cp xvevµatt (for similar interpolated references to the Spirit cf. vv. 7, 32;
20:3). Cf. 2 Pet. 1:21.
EQQOJ08E] "farewell" (perf. imper. of QWVvuµt, "be strong"; cf. Lat. ualete);
cf. sing. EQQOJOO, 23:30 (~ E 1P byz).
Although circumcision is not mentioned in the decree, the fact that it is not
included among the "necessary" things for Gentile converts to observe means that
the demand for its observance (vv. 1, 5) was disallowed. In view of the environ-
ment from which the decree came, one must agree that it "bears witness to an as-
tounding magnanimity that can hardly be explained on other grounds than the sense
of obligation felt even by the 'pillars' at Jerusalem (Gal. 2:9) to follow the intent
of Jesus' message" (M. Hengel, Victory over Violence, E.T. [London, 1975], p. 87).
Peter was no doubt well pleased with the decision, and probably recom-
mended its terms independently in the course of his missionary journeys, at Corinth
and elsewhere (cf. H. Lietzmann, The Beginnings of the Christian Church, E.T.
[London, 1949], p. 151; C. K. Barrett, "Things Sacrificed to Idols," NTS 11 [1964-
65], p. 150 = Essays on Paul [London, 1982], pp. 40-59).
The terms of the decree are regarded as binding in the letters to the seven
churches of proconsular Asia (Rev. 2:14, 20); from there they were probably com-
municated to the churches of the Rhone valley, where they were still held to be ob-
ligatory in AD. 177 (Euseb. HE 5.1.26), as they were in the province of Africa a
decade or two later (Tert. Apo!. 9.13). Toward the end of the ninth century they
were incorporated, with the negative Golden Rule, in the law code of Alfred the
Great, king of England.
8. The Church ofAntioch Receives the Apostolic Letter (15:30-35)

30Qi. µEv ouv axo1,.u8EvtEc; xat~1,.8ov de; 'AvttO'.)(.Etav, xat ouvayay6vtec; to
JtA~Soc; EJtEbooxavt~V EJtLotOA~V· 31 avayv6vtE£ bE Ej(.<lQTJOUV EJtL tfi JtUQUKA~OEL.
32 'Iovooc; tE Kat LLAac;, X<lL am:ot JtQOq>~tm OVTE£, bta Aoyou JtOAAO'U
JtUQEK<lAEOUV touc; a[>e).q,ouc; X<lL EltECTt~Qt!;av· 33 JtOL~OUVTE£ c5E XQOVOV
UltEA.1J9rJoav µet' ELQ~VT]c; UJT() tv ac5e).q,G.Jv JtQOc; touc; a.JtOotELAavtac; amouc;.
35 TiauAo£ c5E xal Bagva~<i£ btETQL~ov EV 'AVTLOXEL<:I btoooxovtEc; xa t Euay-
YE1.t~6µevm µEta xal ETEQOJV JtOAAWV TOV )..6yov TOU K1JQL01J.
15:30 oi µEV ouv WT01.u8EvtEc;] The reference is primarily to Judas and Silas,
since it was they who handed over the letter. But Barnabas and Paul, with the "cer-
tain others" of v. 2, may have gone with them (cf. v. 22). The aor. ptc. UJT01.u8Evtec;
("having been let go") has a wide range of meaning: it may refer to people being
347
formally commissioned (as in 13:3), to accused persons being discharged (as in 3: 13;
4:21, 23; 5:40), or simply to those of whom one takes one's leave at their departure
(as when Judas and Silas leave Antioch after completing their business, v. 33).
10 Jtt.ij0o<;] Here the gathered church of Antioch, as in v. 12 it was used of the
Jerusalem congregation.
EJtebwxav] "handed over": EmbtbwµL is technical in later Gk. for sending in a
report or (as here) handing over a letter (cf. avabtbwµL in 23:33).
15:31 EX.UQTJGUV EJtL ,fi JtaQaxt. ~cm] For the twofold meaning of JtUQUXATJGL<;
see on 4:36. Herc it may include the exhortation in the letter and the relief experi-
enced at its contents. The Antiochene Christians might well rejoice at the reading
of the letter: it promised to relieve the embarrassment which they had felt as a re-
sult of Peter's recent withdrawal from table fellowship with Gentiles. They had
now received acceptable terms on which table fellowship between Jewish and Gen-
tile believers might be resumed.
This is much more probable than the view that Judas and Silas, on their pres-
ent visit to Antioch, were the men "from James" whose arrival led to the crisis at
Antioch of Gal. 2: 12-14, as proposed by H. Lietzmann, The Beginnings of the
Christian Church, p. 108; cf. D. W. B. Robinson, "The Circumcision of Titus, and
Paul's Liberty,'' Australian Biblical Review 12 (1964), pp. 40f. (reading n va and
not n va<; in Gal. 2: 12, he takes it as neut. plur., "certain things," i.e., the contents
of the decree); also D.R. Catchpole, "Paul, James and the Apostolic Decree," NTS
23 (1976-77), pp. 428-44; J. D. G. Dunn, "The Incident at Antioch," JSNT, issue
18 (June 1983), pp. 3-57.
15:32 XUL amo1 JtQO<j>ij,m OvtE<;] ( + JtA~QEL<; JtVE{,µmo<; ay(ou D) "they them-
selves also being prophets," i.e., in addition to those mentioned in 13:l. Alterna-
tively, JtQO(j>ij,m ovtE<; might be parenthetical and xal amo( be construed with
JtUQEX<lt.rnav, i.e., the exhortation of Judas and Silas was added to that conveyed
in the letter.
bui t.6you rroUoii] Cf. bLa 1,.oyou, v. 27.
n:nQEX<lArnav J For the close relation between prophecy and exhortation see
1 Cor. 14:3.
15:33 rrm lJCTnvtE<; OE wovov] "having spent some time." This use of Jtmew
is classical; cf. 20:3; Mt. 20:12; 2 Cor. 11:25. For X.QOVO<; used thus cf. 19:22,
EJt£aXEV XQOVOV.
aJt£t.1JOl]m1v] See on v. 30.
µET' ELQ~VTJ<;] I.e., with the words "Go in peace" (EQX.ECT0£ Ei<; ELQ~VTJV) or
"Peace to you" (dQT]VTJ ~µiv).
JtQo<; tou<; aJtoatdt.avrn<; autoU<;] I.e., the apostles and elders at Jerusalem. b
adds Ebo~Ev bf nj> LLA~ tmµEivm amoii (CD 33 614 al latg syrhcl**copsa arm eth),
µ6vo<; bE 'Io,,ba<; EJtOQEUOTJ (D latg w Eph). This addition contradicts v. 33, but was
intended to case the transition to v. 40 (q. v. ).
15:35 ITaiit.o<; bE xal BaQva~a<; xt:A J This generalizing statement repeats
more fully the sense of 14:28.
348
I 5 :36-4 I PAUL PARTS COMPANY WITH BARNABAS AND TAKES SILAS
V. PAUL, LEAVING ANTIOCH, MOVES TO

THE AEGEAN WORLD (15:36-19:20)
A. RECENTLY PIANTED CHURCHES REVISITED (15:36-16:5)

1. Paul Parts Company with Barnabas and Takes Silas as His
Colleague (15:36-41)
36 Mmi bf n va£ ~JIBQU£ Elm:v n:Qo£ BaQva~av IlauA.0£, 'En:LITTQE'ljJavtE£ b~
En:LOXE'lj)WµE0a tOU£ abEA.q>OU£ Xata 31:0A.L v n:aaav EV al£ XatlJYYELA.UµEV tOV
A.oyov to'U XUQLOU, 3tW£ EJ(OOOLV. 37 BaQVU~i'i£ bE E~OUA.EtO auµn:aQUA.U~EiV )((ll,
tOV 'Iw<iVVl]V tOV XUA.OIJµEVOV M<iQXOV' 38 IlaUA.0£ bf ~);(ou, tOV an:ocn:<ivta an:'
amwv an:o Ilaµq>UA.LU£ xai. µ~ OUVEA.0ovta U1JtOL£ EL£ !0 EQYOV, µ~ auµ-
31:UQUA.aµ~<iVEL Vtoiitov. 39 Eye VEtO bf 3tUQO);uaµo£ WITTE CtJtol(WQL00f]vm U1JtOU£
an:' <lA.A.~A.WV, tOV TE BUQVU~av :rtUQUA.~ovta tov M<iQxov EX:rtA.E'UOUL EL£
KUJtQOV. 40 IlaUA.0£ bf EJtLA.E);<iµEVO£ LLA.i'iv Es~A.0Ev :rtUQabo0EL£ tfi JC<lQLtl toii
XUQLOU {mo tWV aldq,wv, 41 bL~Ql(EtO bf t~V LUQLUV xai. t~V KLA.LXLUV
imcn:l]QLswv ta£ exxA.l]OLU£.
15:36 µEta bf n VU£ ~µfQU£] µEt<i with a note of time, or µEta rniita, is used
in the second half of Acts to begin a new section much as µi\v oiiv is used in the
former half (see on 1:6). Cf. 18: 1; 21 :15; 24:1, 24; 25:1; 28:11, 17.
b~] Adding emphasis to the hortatory subjunctive (emaxE'lj)mµE0a), as in 13:2
( q. v.) with the imper.
xma n:6A.t v :n:aaav tv ai£ I Although the antecedent is grammatically sing., the
relative pron., by a sense construction, is plur.; several cities are referred to. Cf.
8:5; 16: 10; 20:2.
15:37-38 auµ:rtUQUA.U~ELV ... auµ:rtaQUA.U~<lVELV] For the verb cf. 12:25.
Notice the variation of tenses here; a "delicate nuance," J. H. Moulton called it:
"Barnabas, with easy forgetfulness of risk, wishes auvn:aQaA.a~Eiv Mark-Paul re-
fuses auvn:UQaA.aµ~avetv, to have with them day by day one who had shown him-
self unreliable" (MHT I, p. 130).
toiitov] om P4 5 . The position at the end of the sentence is very emphatic. D
spoils the emphasis by addingµ~ dvm auv amoi:£. (See on 13:13 for Mark's leav-
ing the earlier expedition.)
15:39 :rtaQo);uaµo£] "irritation," "provocation," "sharp disagreement" (in
LXX Dt. 29:28; Jer. 32 [MT 39]:37); cf. :rtUQw);uveto, 17: 16. (For a more pleasant
form of n:aQo);uaµ6£ see Heb. 10:24.) Luke does not depict his heroes as free from
human passions; he uses a strong term to describe this quarrel. Probably family
feeling influenced Barnabas to some extent: Mark was his cousin (Col. 4: 10). But
the dispute would perhaps not have been so bitter had Barnabas-"even Barna-
bas" - not gone along with Peter a short time before in what Paul regarded as the
charade (un:6XQLOL£) of separate tables at Antioch (Gal. 2: 13). Paul could never have
the same confidence in Barnabas after that. It is good to know, however, that Mark
later redeemed himself in Paul's eyes (as a result, no doubt, of Barnabas's encourag-
349
ing tutorship) and was acknowledged by him as a valued fellow worker (Col. 4:10;
Phlm. 24; 2 Tim. 4:11).
EXJtA.Eiiam EL£ KuJtQOV] Barnabas and Mark had visited Cyprus previously
along with Paul (13:4f.). It was Barnabas's native island (4:36), and there, accord-
ing to the late Periodi Barnabae, Barnabas remained until his death. The dispute
had at least one good effect, that instead of one missionary expedition there were
now two.
15:40 EXAE~fl£VO£ LtA.iiv] For Silas see vv. 22, 32f. G. J. Paul (see on 13:5
for reference) suggests that Silas, a Jerusalem man like Mark, was chosen because
of his firsthand knowledge of certain phases of the gospel story. It was in any case
useful for Paul at this stage to have a member of the church of Jerusalem as his
companion. The idea that Silas was sent as an agent of the Jerusalem church to keep
some kind of check on Paul is given no countenance either by Luke or by Paul. If
Silas was a Roman citizen (cf. 16:37f.), Paul would be spared the embarrassment
of claiming for himself privileges which could not be claimed for his colleague.
Since Silas had returned to Jerusalem after completing his mission in Antioch, the
reader is left to infer that Paul sent to Jerusalem an invitation to Silas to come and
join him, or even went to Jerusalem in person to fetch him (which is less likely).
The hiatus between Silas's return to Jerusalem and his joining Paul is due to Luke's
using another source from v. 36 on than that which he followed for his account of
the Jerusalem Council. (For the attempt of the[) text to bridge the hiatus after v. 33
see ad loc.)
is~WEv rtUQUOo0E l£ tfi J(<lQLtt toii XUQLOU UrtO tWV MEA.q>WV] Presumably they
set out from Antioch; the wording is repeated in part from 14:26. But the church at
Antioch no longer served Paul as a base of operations: for several years to come he
had to find new bases in the Aegean world-first at Corinth and then at Ephesus.
15:41 t~v LUQiav xa1. t~v (om X AC E 33 81 byz) Kthxiav] See on v. 23
(from c. 25 B.C. to A.D. 72 eastern Cilicia was united in one province with Syria).
P45 has the peculiar reading bta t~£ LUQLU£ xai, t~£ KtA.txia£.
imotl]Qi~wv ta£ EXXA.lJGLa~J Cf. v. 32; 14:21. [) adds rtagabtboi,~ ta~ ivtoA.ct~
tfuv rtQW~utEQWV, which is either deduced from v. 23 or reproduced from 16:4.
350
ACTS 16
2. Paul and Silas in South Galatia; Timothy Joins Them (16: 1-4)
1 Kat~vtljOEV be xal EL£ fiE~l'JV XUL EL£ AUatQUV. XUL tbou µa01'jt~£ tL£ ~v EXEL
6v6µan TLµ60EO£, ULO£ yuvmxo£ 'Ioubaia£ matij£ :rmtQO£ bE "EAA1'JVO£, 20£
EµUQtUQEito u:rco t&v EV AuatQOL£ xal 'Ixovicµ abEAq>fuv. 3 toirtov ~0EA1'JOEV 6
IlaiiAO£ auv autcji E;EA0Eiv, XUL AU~WV :rtEQLEtEµEV autov bta WU£ 'IoubatOU£
tOU£ OVCU£ EV toi£ tO:rtOL£ EXELVOL£, fibELOUV ya(> ci:rtavtE£ OtL "EAAl'JV 6 :rtat~(l
amoii u:rtijQXEV. 4 'Q£ bE bLE:rtOQEUOvtO ta£ :rtOAEL£, :rtUQEbtbooav autoi£
q>UAUOOELV ta b6yµata ta XEXQLµEVU u:rco t&v a:rcoatoAWV XUL :rt(lEO~utEQWV t&v
EV 'IEQ000AllµOL£.
16:l xat~vtlJOEv bE] "Then he arrived" (cf. 18: 19, 24; 27: 12). b reads
bLEA0wv bE ta E0vlJ tairta xat~vtlJOEV. The sing., continued from 15:40f., indicates
that Paul is the leader.
EL£ Af~TJV xal EL£ AuatQav] See on 14:6, where they are named in the reverse
order, as Paul then approached them from the opposite direction. On this occasion
he and Silas crossed the border between Syria and Cilicia and then crossed the
Taurus range by the Cilician Gates. On journeys from east to west Paul apparently
preferred to go by land, since traveling by sea in that direction was liable to be
delayed by contrary winds (J. Murphy-O'Connor, "On the Road and on the Sea
with St. Paul," BR 1.2 [1985], p. 46). On this occasion, however, he would proba-
bly have gone by road in any case, since he wished to revisit the young churches
of South Galatia before going on (as he hoped) to evangelize proconsular Asia. See
W. M. Ramsay, "St. Paul's Road from Cilicia to Iconium," Pauline and Other Stud-
ies (London, 1906), pp. 273-98 (the only serious modification to this study arises
from the discovery of the site of Derbe in 1957).
exei] Probably in Lystra, the common term between "Derbe and Lystra" (v. 1)
and "Lystra and Iconium" (v. 2). But Orig.lat. on Rom. 16:21 calls Timothy Der-
baeus ciuis (see on 20:4).
6v6µatL] om P45.
u[O£ yuvmxo£ 'Ioubaia£ matij£ :rcatQO£ bi "EUTJVO£] That a Jewess should
marry a Gentile reflects a less rigid degree of social separation than was customary
in Jewish Palestine. In Phrygia, says W. M. Ramsay (and the same was evidently
true of Lycaonia), "there can be little doubt that the Jews married into the domi-
351
nant families" (BRD, p. 357). According to 2 Tim. 1:5, Timothy's mother was
called Eunice; there Timothy is reminded of her faith and that of his grandmother
Lois. Probably both women had believed the gospel during Paul's first visit to their
city, together with Timothy himself. (His father's name is not given: he was not a
believer.)
16:2 0£ tµaQtUQElto] For Luke's interest in personal reputations cf. 1:21;
6:3; 10:22; 22:12.
EV AU<J't'QOL£ xal 'Ixov(cp] Iconium was nearer to Lystra than was Derbe, al-
though Iconium was in Phrygia and Lystra and Derbe in Lycaonia. For the declen-
sion of AU<J't'Qa see on 14:8.
16:3 1,.apwv ltEQLEtEµEv m'n:ov] Et..aPEv ,ml ltEQLtEµwv amov P4 5 . By Jewish
law Timothy was a Jew, because he was the son of a Jewish mother (this is denied
by S. J. D. Cohen, "Was Timothy Jewish [Ac. 16:1-3)?" JBL 105 [1986], pp. 251-
68), but he was technically an apostate Jew because he was uncircumcised. Jn the
eyes of Gentiles he was practically a Jew because he was brought up in his mother's
religion (cf. 2 Tim. 3:15). If Paul wished to have him as a junior colleague in his
missionary work, he was bound to circumcise him; otherwise "he would have sup-
ported apostasy and would no longer have been allowed to appear in any syn-
agogue" (M. Hengel, Acts and the History of Earliest Christianity, p. 64; see also
A E. Harvey, The New English Bible: Companion to the New Testament [Ox-
ford/Cambridge, 1970], p. 459). Timothy's situation was quite different from that
of the Gentile Titus (Gal. 2:3). Circumcision, in Paul's eyes, was per sea matter of
indifference (Gal. 5:6; 6:15); only when it was held to affect a believer's accep-
tance by God did it involve a lapse from grace and an obligation to keep the whole
Jewish law (Gal. 5:3f.). Timothy's circumcision was a minor surgical operation
carried out for a purely practical purpose. There could have been no point in Luke's
inventing the incident, after his account of the victory won in Jerusalem over those
who insisted on circumcision as necessary for salvation.
lila to~ 'Ioulia(ou£ tOU£ ovta£ Ev toi£ t6ltOL£ E')(.ELVOL£] Not necessarily in Lys-
tra itself (Jews of Lystra are not mentioned in 14:8-20) but in the district as a whole.
~[maav yag ciitavtE£ fru "E).J,riv 6 itat~Q m'n:ou UltTJQXEV] and therefore that
Timothy himself was uncircumcised. The tense of uitiJQXEV probably indicates that
his father was now dead; otherwise the pres. rather than the imperf. would have
been more natural after ~liELaav.
16:4 W£ liE liLEJtOQEUOvto ta£ Jto)..rn; xtt..] Ii reads liLEQ:(OµEVOL liE tU£ JtOAEL£
E'lC.~QUOOOV µEta Jt0.011£ ltUQQllOLU£ tOV 'lC.\JQLOV 'Irioouv XQL<J't'OV, ciµa JtUQUliLliOvtE£
xal ta£ EvtOAU£ aito<J't6)..wv xal JtQEOPutrgwv tmv ev 'lEQOOOt..UµOL£. The cities were
those evangelized earlier by Paul and Bamabas-Derbe, Lystra, Iconium, and
(possibly) Pisidian Antioch. Sec E. Delebecque, "De Lystres a Philippes avec le
Codex Bezae," Bib 63 (1982), pp. 395-405.
JtUQEli(liooav Xtt..] The sing. verbs which have been constant since 15:40 (with
Paul as subject) now give way to the plur. verbs liLEJtoQEUOvto ... JtUQEliLlioaav (with
Paul and Silas as subject). The handing over of the terms of the apostolic letter was
Silas's responsibility, if he thought that a letter addressed to the Gentile Christians
352
16:5 THE CHURCHES GROW IN FAITI-1 AND NUMBERS
of Syria and Cilicia should be shared with those of South Galatia (since that area
had been evangelized from Antioch). But if it was to those Christians that Paul's
letter to the Galatians was sent, how would they have reacted now to the spectacle
of Paul acting as letter carrier for the church of Jerusalem? Since 3tUQEbtooaav ,ai.
is a doublet of the b addition at the end of 15:41 (except that there it is the churches
of Syria and Cilicia that receive the "commandments" whereas here it is the Chris-
tians of Derbe, Lystra, etc.), it may be best to conclude "that 16:4 is a later addi-
tion by the simple process of transplanting 15:41" (A. S. Geyser, "Paul, the Apos-
tolic Decree and the Liberals in Corinth," in Studia Paulina in honorem J. de Zwaan
[Haarlem, 1953], p. 137), and that it is no more part of the original text than 15:41.
auto~] Masc. by a sense construction after fem. :1tOA.EL\; (it was to people in
the cities, not to the cities as such, that the council decisions were handed over).
ta b6yµarn] "the resolutions"; ooyµa is derived from the stem of boxeiv, the
verb used in the letter (15:28). The same noun is used of imperial decrees in 17:7;
Lk. 2:1.
3. The Churches Grow in Faith and Numbers (16:5)

s Ai µev oilv EXXA.lJULat fotEQEOfivto tfl :1tLatEL )((IL E3tEQ(aawov tcp UQLSµcp )((10'
~µEQUV.
16:5 al µtv oi'Jv EXXA.TJULUL xri.] This is the third of six brief progress reports
which punctuate Luke's narrative (for the previous two see 6:7; 9:31 ). For µEv oilv
see on 1:6. The scene now shifts to the Aegean world.
B. PHILIPPI (16:6-40)
1. The Missionaries Are Called to Macedonia (16:6-10)
6 t.tfJi.0ov b£ t~v <l>Quyiav )((IL f'ai.attx~v XOOQUV, xwi.u0EvtE\; i,,co rou ayiou
,cveuµatO\; i.ai.fJam tov i.6yov EV tfl 'Aat<;i, 7 Ei.06vtE\; bE )((lt<l t~v Mua(av
E:1tELQU~OV EL\; t~V Bt0uv(av 3tOQEtJ0fJvm, )((ll, OU)( EfoOEV UutOU\; to 3tVEuµa
'll]OO'U" 83tUQEA.00vtE\; be t~V Muaiav XatE~TJUUV EL\; TQq.><Xba. 9XUL O()aµa bta.
Vt))(tO\; rep Ilau)..q.i wcp01'], U~Q Maxeboov tL\; ~v EatW\; )(UL :1tagaxai.ciJv amov )(UL
i.eywv, t.La~U\; EL\; MaxEooviav ~o~0T]UOV ~µiv. 10 W\; bE to ogaµa fLbEV, EU0EW\;
i~T]t~aaµev e!;Ei.0Eiv EL£ Maxebov(av, auµtit~<i~ovtE\; on 3tQOUXEXA.1']tat ~µa\; 6
0EO\; EuayyEi.iaaa0m autOU£.
16:6 btfJA0ov] btEi.06vtE\; byz, altering the order of events (see below on
xwi. u0e vtE\;).
r~v <l>Quy(av )((IL [+ r~v byz] f'a)..anx~v XWQUV] "the Phrygian and Galatian
region" (for the construction cf. Lk. 3:1, tfJ\; 'ItouQata\; )((IL TQaxwvtribo\; XOOQa\;),
<l>Quyiav, like f'a)..anx~v, is an adj. in fem. sing. <l>Quyto\; is used in fem. as well as
masc. with reference to music (<l>Quyto\; agµovia, the "Phrygian mode") or dialect,
but<l>Quyia is the regular fem. form of the adj. when used with reference to a woman
or a country (cf. A. S. F. Gow, "t.OOQLO\; Aubto\; <l>Quyto\; [Theocritus Epigr. 18]," CR
59 [1945), pp. 5f.). C. J. Herner, "The Adjective 'Phrygia' ," ITS n.s. 27 (1976), pp.
353
122-26, and "Phrygia: A Further Note," ITS n.s. 28 (1977), pp. 99-101, adduces 31
examples of adjectival <IiQuy(a. See also New Docs. 4 (1979), § 90. The "region
which is Phrygian and Galatian" is not necessarily a distinct administrative divi-
sion: it is that area of the Roman province of Galatia which was inhabited by Phryg-
ians, perhaps called Phrygia Galatica, on the analogy of the attested Pontus Gala-
ticus, that part of the province of Galatia which had once belonged to the kingdom
of Pontus (C/L 3.6818), or of Phrygia Asiana (~ 'Aatuv~ <IiQuy(a, Galen, De ali-
ment. facult. 1.13.10), the part of Phrygia included in the province of Asia.
When the Romans reduced the former kingdom of Galatia to provincial sta-
tus in 25 B.C.. on the death of Amyntas, the last king, that kingdom included much
territory that was not ethnically Galatian. Augustus transferred some of that terri-
tory to the rule of his ally Archelaus, king of Cappadocia, in particular Eastern Ly-
caonia (later called Lycaonia Antiochiana, as in CIL 5.8660) and Cilicia Tracheia.
Even so, the province comprised much territory in its southern area that had never
been part of ethnic Galatia-Pisidia and the adjacent region which Strabo calls
"Phrygia towards Pisidia" (Geog. 12.8.13), with Isaurica and Western Lycaonia.
On the north the province had a common frontier with Pontus; on the south, in
Pliny's words, "Galatia touches on Cabalia in Pamphylia" (NH 5.147). By the time
of Claudius at least the province was called simply ra1.anx~ EJtctQ:X.ELU (so in an in-
scription of Iconium, C/G 3991 ), the equivalent of Lat. prouincia Galatica, "the
province of Galatia." In an inscription of A.O. 57 a man of Apollonia in Phrygia
Galatica thanks Zeus for bringing him back safely (ra1.atfuv ya(TJ~ ~yayE~ E~
nutQlOU) "to my home in the land of the Galatians" (MAU4 4 [Manchester, 1933),
§ 140). See W. M. Ramsay, Historical Commentary on the Epistle to the Galatians
(London, 1899), pp. 45-234; R. Syme, "Galatia and Pamphylia under Augustus,"
Klio 27 (1934 ), pp. 122-48; W. M. Calder, "The Boundary of Gala tic Phrygia,"
MAMA 7 (Manchester, 1956), pp. ix-xvi.
xw1.u0EvtE~] They completed their journey (bt~1.0ov) through the "Phrygian
and Galatian region," which took them through Iconium and presumably Pisidian
Antioch, and would have crossed the provincial frontier into Asia had they not al-
ready received a prohibition (xw1.u0EvtE~) from preaching in the latter province.
The prohibition had perhaps been given at Lystra; the Pastoral Epistles contain
reminiscences of prophetic utterances on the occasion when Timothy joined the
missionary company (1 Tim. 1:18; 4:14; cf. 2 Tim. 1:6). They were not faced sud-
denly with the necessity of changing their traveling plans. From Pisidian Antioch
they could turn north and cross Sultan Dag into Phrygia Paroreios. From
Philomelium (modern Ak§ehir) they would then travel northwest toward the Bi-
thynian border.
'Aa(<;t] The Roman province of Asia was formed from the kingdom of Per-
gamum, which was bequeathed to the Roman state by its last king, Attalus III, at
his death in 133 B.C. The name Asia was previously applied to a more restricted
area, bounded on the north by Mysia, on the south by Caria, and on the east by
Phrygia. This narrower sense might be the one intended here, if the language of vv.
7f. implies a distinction between Asia and Mysia (which was included in the Roman
354
16:6-10 THE MISSIONARIES ARE CALLED TO MACEDONIA
province of Asia). See C. Habicht, "New Evidence on the Province of Asia," JRS
65 (1975), pp. 64-91.
16:7 xata T~v Muo(av] Opposite the eastern border of Mysia: "when they
had reached such a point that a line drawn across the country at right angles to the
general line of their route would touch Mysia" (Ramsay, CRE, p. 75n.; he com-
pares X(lta Kv(l'iov, 27:7; X(lT<l :itvwxriv, Herodotus, Hist. 1.76), "in the latitude of
Mysia" (W. M. Calder, letter dated 18 February 1953), possibly at Dorylaeum
(modern Eski§ehir) but more probably at Cotiaeum (modern Kiitahya) "or some
point only slightly south of it" (T. R. S. Broughton, "Three Notes on St. Paul's Jour-
neys in Asia Minor," in Quantulacumque: Studies presented to K. Lake [London,
1937], p. 135). Mysia, the northwest part of proconsular Asia, received its name
from the Mysi, a Thraco-Phrygian people who belonged originally to Europe and
gave their name also to Moesia, south of the lower Danube.
Bt0uv(av] Bithynia was a senatorial province, formed in 74 B.C. when
Nicomedes IV, the last king of Bithynia, bequeathed his kingdom to Rome. In 65
B.C. Pompey united it with Pontus, farther east. Its chief cities were Nicomedia and
Nicaea. Cf. 1 Pet. I: I.
oux ELaaEv auto~ to :1tvEfµa 'Iriaoii) om 'Irioou byz. What distinction, if any,
there is between "the Spirit of Jesus" here and "the Holy Spirit" who forbade them
to preach in Asia (v. 6) is not clear; probably on both occasions the vehicle of the
Spirit was prophetic utterance-Paul (13:1) and Silas (15:32) were both proph-
ets-but this time the prophecy may have been uttered expressly in the name of
Jesus. See also G. Stiihlin, "To :1tvEiiµa 'Iriooii, Apostelgeschichte 16:7," in Christ
and Spirit in the New Testament, ed. B. Lindars and S. S. Smalley (Cambridge,
1973), pp. 229-52.
16:8 :1tUQd.0oVTE~] l'i has l'itEl..0oVTE~. They could not get to Troas without
passing through part of Mysia, but :ltUQEA.0oVTE~ ("passing by," "skirting") may be
intended to indicate that they did not stay to preach in Mysia (cf. a similar use of
the verb in 17:15 l'i).
XatE~T]aav] X(lT~VTTJOUV D (cf. v. 1). "xati\~rioav does not certainly imply that
Troas was the first point he [Paul] touched upon the coast after coming down from
the interior," says T. R. S. Broughton ("Three Notes ... ," p. 135); he suggests that
Paul and his companions followed the most southerly route from Cotiaeum by way
of Aezani to the lake of Synaus and the upper Macestus valley, which would take
them to Hadrianutherae (modern Balikesir); they could then have gone on to Troas
via Adramyttium and Assos (pp. 137f.). See W. P. Bowers, "Paul's Route through
Mysia," JTS n.s. 30 (1977), pp. 507-11.
EL~ TQ<J><il'ia] Troas (its full name was Alexandria Troas, 'AfE;<ivbQEta ~ TQ<J>~)
was founded by Antigonus (323-301 s.c.) and refounded by Lysimachus (300 s.c.).
It was a free city under the Seleucids, the Pergamene kings, and the Romans. Augus-
tus made it a colony. It was an important center in the Roman system of communica-
tions. Traces of its harbor and other buildings are to be seen at modem Dalyan. Cf.
20:5-12; 2 Cor. 2:12f.; 2 Tim. 4:13. See J.M. Cook, The Troad (Oxford, 1973), pp.
16-21; C. J. Herner, "Alexandria Troas," TynB 26 (1975), pp. 79-112.
355
16:9 OQaµu] Cf. 9: 10, 12; 10:3, 17; 18:9; 22:17 for other visions.
av~Q MaXEO(I)V tL£] Many words have been wasted on the attempt to explain
how Paul knew that the man was a Macedonian. The man's words were a sufficient
indication.
The Macedonians, though the Greeks considered them barbarians in classi-
cal times, were progressively hellenized. Macedonia became the dominant power
in the Greek world under Philip II (359-336 B.C.); after the conquests of his son
Alexander, Egypt and Syria were ruled by Macedonian dynasties. After three wars
with the Romans, Macedonia was finally conquered by them in 168 B.C. and made
a province in 146 B.C. See N. G. L. Hammond and F. W. Walbank, A History of
Macedonia, III (Oxford, 1988).
16:10 CO£ OE to oQaµa dbEv xtA] b recasts this verse: OLEYEQ0EL£ ol)v
c'iLTJY~Oato to OQaµa ~µiv, xai EVO~oaµEv Otl JtQOO'KEXAT)tUL ~µa£ 6 XUQLO£
EuayyEAL(JU00m toll£ EV tfl MaXEOOVL(.l.
E~TJt~oaµev] This verb (in the 1st pers. plur.) marks the commencement of the
first "we" section, which continues to v. 17. "The first 'we' indicates the point at
which Luke [the 'I' of 1 :1; Lk. 1:3] comes into the story" (J. H. Ropes, "St. Luke's
Preface: amj,aAELa and JtUQaxoA.ou0Eiv," ITS 25 [1923-24], pp. 70f.). His personal
involvement in the course of events "for a long time back" (c'ivoo0Ev) started at this
point. The prima facie sense of the passage is that the narrator joined Paul, Silas,
and Timothy at Troas and accompanied them from there to Philippi.
ouµl3~a~ovtE£] Cf. 9:22; 19:33. In LXX the word regularly means "instruct"
( cf. I Cor. 2: 16 from ~sa. 40: 13). Its normal sense is "put together" (Eph. 4: 16; Col.
2:2, 19), from which is derived its sense "infer" in this verse, a sense for which LSJ
give seven examples from Aristotle (cf. the similar derivative use of Eng. "gather,"
Lat. colligo).
2. Troas to Philippi (16:Jl-12a)

11 'Avax0EvtE£ miv aJto TQ<JJUOO£ Eu0ul'>Qoµ~oaµev El£ Thµo0QC;XXTJV, tfl OE
bnouon EL£ Nfov I16ALV, 12a xaXEi0Ev EL£ <f>LA.LJtJtoU£, ~tl£ ECJtLV JtQ(I)tTJ[£]
µEQLOO£ tfJ£ MaxEoov(a£ JtOAL£, xoAoov(a.
16:11 avax0EvtE£ ol)v] o has tfl OE EJtUUQLOV avax0EvtE£.
Eu0uOQoµ~oaµev] I.e., before a favorable wind. Samothrace was a good day's
sail from Troas, as was Neapolis from Samothrace. In 20:6 the reverse journey from
Philippi to Troas took five days.
ThµoSQ(.lXTJV] This mountainous island, rising to 5,000 feet, forms a conspicu-
ous landmark. It was famous in antiquity as the home of a highly prized mystery
cult.
NEav IT6t..tv] NEaxoA.tv CD E 'I' 81 byz. The spelling of the name as two
words conforms to classical usage; cf. "AQELO£ IT<iyo£, 17: 19, 22; 'IEQ~ II6A£t, Col.
4:13 WH (where the reading is less easily determined, as there would be no differ-
ence in spelling in uncial MSS). Neapolis (modem Kavalla) was the port of Phi-
lippi, which lay some ten miles inland. At Neapolis the Via Egnatia from Dyr-
356
16: ll-12a TROAS TO PHILIPPI
rhachium on the Adriatic (modern Durres in Albania) reached the Aegean, after
passing through Thessalonica, Amphipolis, and Philippi. Luke likes to mention
ports of arrival and departure (cf. 13:4); his interest in sea itineraries is especially
marked in the "we" sections.
16: 12a <1>1,).. (:,mo~] Philippi was originally the Thasian settlement of
Crenides, founded in connection with the gold mines of the neighboring Mt. Pan-
gaeus. Philip II of Macedonia seized the gold mines and fortified the city, calling it
after himself. With the rest of Macedonia it passed under Roman control in 168 B.C.
In the vicinity (two miles west-southwest of the city) was fought the battle where
Brutus and Cassius were defeated by Antony and Octavian (later the Emperor
Augustus) in 42 B.C. After the battle Philippi was made a Roman colony (Colonia
Victrix Philippensium) and the victors settled a number of veterans there; more
colonists were settled there by Octavian after his defeat of Antony and Cleopatra at
Actium (31 B.C.) and the place was renamed Colonia Iulia Philippensis (Augusta
was inserted after Iulia when Octavian took the title Augustus in 27 B.C.).
~TL£ fodv Jt()(lltTJ[£] µtQtb~ tfJ£ Maxtbovta£ JtOAL£] For JtQWtTJ[£] µtQtboc; tfJ£
P74 X AC 'I' 33 36 81 323 945 1175 1891 pc have JtQWtTJ tl]£ µtQLOO£, B has JtQWtTJ
µtQtbO£ tfJ£, byz has JtQWtTJ tfJ£ µtQLOO£ tfJ£, E copsa.codd have JtQWtTJ µEQL£, 614 1241
1739 2495 pc syrhcl have Jt()(lltTJ tfJ£, D syrpesh have xtqial~ tfJ£. The bracketed[£] of
Jt()(lltTJ[£] is a conjectural but convincing emendation, proposed by F. Field, F. Blass,
and C.H. Turner, stating that Philippi was "a city of the first division of Macedonia."
In 167 Macedonia was divided by its conqueror L. Aemilius Paullus into four ad-
ministrative districts or republics. Philippi lay in the first of those districts (Livy,
Hist. 45.29), but the chief city of the district was Amphipolis. Ramsay puts down
the statement of the Gk. MSS, that Philippi was "the first city of its district of Mac-
edonia," to Luke's special interest in the place; Luke need not have meant that it was
actually the capital or seat of administration. But he expressed himself misleadingly,
if Ramsay is right. Although the proposed emendation is attested by no Gk. MS, it
is supported by some Vulgate codices, which read primae partis (8 c Par.lat. 115052)
or (in) prima parte (A Par.lat. 342); this reading is reproduced in some mediaeval
European versions, e.g., uersio prouincialis lugdunensis, en la primiera part de
Macedonia; gertepl, in deme ersten teile zu Macedon. The reading of D, XE(j>at..~ tf]c;
Maxebovta£, is of interest because of its suggestion of Semitic (Aramaic/Syriac?)
influence on the b text (cf. syrpesh rfsii d'Maqedoniya); it is a mis-statement, for
Thessalonica, not Philippi, was the capital of Macedonia.
xolwv(a] Transliteration of Lat. colonia. A Roman (or Italian) colony was
like a piece of Rome (or Italy) transplanted abroad; its citizens enjoyed the same
rights as they would have had at home. They lived according to Roman law, and
their constitution was modeled on that of Rome (see on otQUtTJYO'i£, v. 20). The
original purpose of colonies was military; it was obviously an advantage to have
settlements of Roman ( or Italian) citizens planted at strategic points throughout the
empire. Other Roman colonies mentioned in Acts are Pisidian Antioch, Lystra,
Troas, Corinth, and Ptolemais, but Philippi is the only place which Luke expressly
calls a colony.
357
3. The Faith of Lydia (16:12b-15)

12b 'HµEv l'lE EV rnmn tfi l'tOA.EL l'ltatQl~OvtE£ ~µEQU£ tL VU£. 13 tfi tE ~µEQ<;t t&v
aa~~utwv Es~AOOµEV E~ t~£ l't'IJA.l]£ l'tUQU :n:otaµov oil Evoµi~OµEV ltQOCTEllX~V
El vm, xal xa0iaavtE£ EAUAO'UµEV ta~ auvE1..0ouam£ yuvm;i v. 141«.lL tL£ yuv~
6v6µan J\.u/')(a, l't0Qq>llQOl'tWAL£ l't0AEW£ 8uatELQWV, CTE~oµEVl] tov 0E6v, ~'KOlJEV,
~£ 6 'K'IJ()LO£ I'll ~VOL;EV t~V l«lQl'l(av l'tQOCTEXEL v to L£ A.UJ..01.lµEVOL£ u:n:o IlmJJ..Oll.
1s W£ bE E~am(aOtJ xal 6 ofxo£ am~;, :n:UQEXUAECTEV 1..£youaa, Et XEXQixatE µE
mm~v tcp XUQLCJ> dvm, EiaE1..06vtE£ Ei~ tov olx6v µou µEVEtE· xal :n:aQE~Luaato
~µa;.
16:12b ~µEV ... l'ltatQi~ovtE~ ~µEQU£ n VU£] For the periphrastic construc-
tion see on 1: 10. For the indefinite ~µEQU£ n VU£ cf. 10:48.
16:13 tfi tE ~µEQ<;t t&v aa~~utwv] See on 13:14.
:n:aQU :n:otaµov] The Gangites, a tributary of the Strymon; it flowed west of
the city, outside the walls.
Evoµ(~oµEv :n:QOCTEUX~V dvm] ~ (-~Ev) NC \JI 33 81 pc copb0 arm/ Evoµ(~oµEv
l'tQOCTEUX~ dvm B pc (perhaps hoµ(~oµEv l'tQOCTEUXfi d vm, "we supposed they would
be at prayer") I Evoµ(~Eto l'tQOCTEUX~ dvm P74 (-~Ev) A *vid E byz I El'loXEL l'tQOCTE1.JX~
dvm D. It is difficult to ascertain the original text: probably, with H. von Soden
and J. H. Ropes, one should prefer byz (cf. KJV "prayer was wont to be made").
This reading is presupposed by that of D, which misinterpreted Evoµi~Eto as "it was
thought" and paraphrased it as El'loXEL. The recognition of the dat. ltQOCTEUXfi in the
reading of Bis supported by cop 5a, "we were accustomed to be at prayer."
There is no thought of a synagogue congregation here, since women only are
mentioned. A synagogue service traditionally requires a quorum (minyiin) of ten
men. When used of a building, ltQOCTEUX~ is a synonym for auvaywy~ (cf. Schurer II,
pp. 439f.); the oldest Gk. references to such a building, from Egypt (late 3rd cent.
B.C.), call it a l'tQOCTE1.JX~ (CIJ 2.1440; CPI 3, App. l.1532a; cf. New Docs. 3 [1978],
§ 94). (B. Schwank, "Qualis erat forma synagogarum Novi Testamenti," v1) 3
[1955], p. 279, suggests that l'tQOCTEUX~ is used here rather than auvaywy~. which is
used elsewhere in Acts, to indicate an informal place of prayer which these prose-
lytes or God-fearing Gentiles had constructed for themselves.)
16:14 J\.ul'lia] Lit. "the Lydian woman" (her native place, Thyatira, was in
Lydia); Lydia, however, is elsewhere attested as a personal name for women of high
station as well as for slaves or freedwomen (cf. C. J. Herner, New Docs. 3 [1978],
§ 17, pp. 53-55).
:n:0Qq>1JQ6:n:w1..L£] A trader in that purple dye for which the Lydians and their
neighbors had been famed since Homer's day. Cf. fl. 4.141f.:
ros b' OtE tLS t' EA.Efj>avca yvv~ fj>OLVLXL µL~vn
Mnovls ~E KaELQU.
The dye was manufactured from the juice of the madder root which, according to
W. M. Ramsay (HGAM, p. 123), was still produced in abundance in the Kara Ta§
district, 50 miles east of Thyatira, in the 1880s, for use in the dyeing of carpets. A
358
16:16-18 THE PYTHONESS
mutilated Lat. inscription from Philippi (CIL 3.664) attests the presence there of a
guild of purple merchants,pujrpurari[i.
:rt6A.Ew~ 0uatdQO>v] Thyatira was founded by Seleucus Nicator early in the
third century B.C. as a garrison city to defend his realm against Lysimachus. Its orig-
inal settlers were Macedonians. It passed under Roman control in 190 B.C. and was
included in the province of Asia when that province was constituted in 129 B.C.
Lydia may have become acquainted with the Jewish religion in Thyatira, where
there was probably a Jewish community (cf. Schurer II, p. 440, n. 63). The church
founded in Thyatira at some date subsequent to this (see on 19:10) was one of the
seven addressed in the Johannine Apocalypse.
aE~oµevTJ tov 0E6v] See on 10:2; 13:43. In the second half of Acts aE~6µEvm
is used in this sense, as against q,o~ouµEvm in the earlier half.
bt~vm!;Ev t~v xa{.)biav] Cf. bt~vm!;Ev m'rcfuv tov voiiv, Lk. 24:45; bmvoi!;m t~v
X<XQbtav 1Jl.lWV, 2 Mace. 1:4.
:rtQOOEXEL v toi~ ).,a).,ouµivm£] :rtQOOEXEL v is epexegetic infin. Cf. :rtQOOE ixov ...
tol£ A£Yoµivm;, 8:6; here at any rate the phrase denotes full belief.
16:15 e~a:rttia0Tj xal ( +:rta.; D* pc) 6 olxo£ am~£] For the baptism of house-
holds cf. vv. 31-34; 10:47f. with 11:14; 18:8; 1 Cor. 1:14-16. Lydia was evidently
head of the house; it is not clear whether she was unmarried or a widow. Her house-
hold would in any case include servants and dependents, perhaps some of the
women of v. 13. For women in the Philippian church cf. Phil. 4:2f., where Euodia
and Syntyche receive honorable mention for contending along with Paul in the
cause of the gospel. Women in Macedonia were noted for their independence; see
W.W. Tam and G. T. Griffith, Hellenistic Civilisation (London, 31952), pp. 98f.;
W. D. Thomas, "The Place of Women in the Church at Philippi," ExT 83 (1971-
72), pp. 117-20. Even if Roman law rather than Macedonian custom operated in
Philippi, by the lex Julia de maritandis ordinibus (18 B.C.) and the lex Papia Pop-
paea (9 B.C.) freeborn women with three children and freedwomen with four were
granted various privileges, including the right to undertake legal transactions on
their own initiative (see New Docs. 2 [1977], § 3, pp. 29-32).
d XEXQtxati µE mm~v ttj'> XUQL<Jl dvm] Her baptism had already attested her
faith, but she appeals to the missionaries' judgment of the consistency of her
character with her profession.
xal :rtaQE~L<iaato ~µ6.£] She would take no refusal of her invitation to them to
accept her hospitality, although Paul may have been unwilling to be burdensome
to her by taking advantage of a generous offer made in the first enthusiasm of Chris-
tian faith. For :rtaQa~La~oµm in a similar context cf. Lk. 24:29; in a different con-
text cf. 2 K. (LXX 4 Kms.) 2:17, xal :rtUQE~LCioavto (l'IJ't()V ew; OtOU noxuvEtO. For
epigraphic commemoration of hospitality shown by women see New Docs. 1
(1976), § 29, pp. lllf.
4. The Pythoness (16:16-18)

16 'EyevEtO bE :rtOQEOOµEvwv ~µfuv EL£ t~V :TtQOOEUX~V :rtmbLOXTJV tL VO. EXOUOUV
:rtvEiiµa :rtU0wva u:rtavt~om ~µiv, ~n; EQyaa(av :rton~v :rtUQELXEV tol; xuQ(m;
359
aurfji; µavteooµhrr 17autl] xataxo1.ou0oiioa ttji ITau).cµ xal ~µiv EXQal;EV

A.Eyoooa, Oin:m ot av0Qw:1toL ooiiA.oL toii 0rnii toii u'ljJiotou doiv, ohLvei;
XatayyE1.1.0UOL Vuµiv obov CJCtltT]QL~. 18 toiito bE EJtOLEL £:JtL :1to1.1.ai; ~µEQUi;. bL-
U3tOVTj0El; be ITaii).o~ xal EmotQE'ljJa; ttji n:veuµatL ELJtEV, ITaQUyyEUw om EV
ovoµatL 'ITJOOU XQLITTOU El;EA.0EiV a:1t' aurfji;· xal El;fjA.0EV aurfl tfl OOQ(!..
16:16 EYEVEto bE ... u:1tavtfiom] For the construction see on 4:5.
di; t~v :JtQooeux.~v] "to prayer" (for the article cf. 1:14; 2:42; 3:1; 6:4) or "to
the place of prayer" (see on v. 13).
:1tmbioxlJV] "slave-girl," as in 12: 13.
Ex.ouoav n:veiiµa :1tu0wva (:1tu0wvo; P4 5 C 2 D 1 E lJJ byz)] Here n:u0wva is in ap-
position to JtVEiiµa. Usually it is used of the person possessed (it might be argued
that it is so here, but the word order makes it most improbable that it is in apposi-
tion to :1tmbiox1Jv). :1tu0wvei; were inspired by Apollo, the Pythian god, who was
believed at the oracle of Delphi (also called Pytho) to be embodied in a snake (the
Python). Plutarch (De defectu oraculorum 9.414E) calls such soothsayers
EyyaatQLµu0oU£, "ventriloquists" -ventriloquists who uttered words not only ap-
parently, but really, beyond their own control. In LXX EyyaotQiµu0oi; is used of one
who has a "familiar spirit" (Heb. 'ob), e.g., the witch of Endor, 1 Sam. (LXX
1 Kms.) 28:7.
EQyao(av] "profit," lit. "work"; so also v. 19; 19:24 (cf.Eng. use of "business").
µavtEUOµEVTJ] "by her inspired speech"; only here in the NT. The pagan asso-
ciations of the word made it unsuitable for use in Christian contexts.
16:17 :1taQaXOA.ou0oiiaa ttji ITau).cµ xal ~µiv] Note how, in the closing part
of a "we" section, "Paul" is distinguished from "us" (cf. 21:18; 28:16); but this
does not mean that he is not included in "us"; in the body of each "we" section Paul
is very much one of "us."
EXQU~Ev] Imperf., because she kept on doing it "for many days" (v. 18).
boii).m] om P4 5 .
tou 0rnii toii u'ljJimou] 0Eoi; ihjnmo;, "God most high," was a divine title cur-
rent among both Jews and Greeks, and thus provided them with a common denom-
inator in references to the deity. In LXX it represents Heb. 'el 'elyon (e.g., Gen.
14:18). For its use by non-Jews cf. Num. 24:16; Isa. 14:14; Dan. 3:26 (LXX/Theod.
3:93); 1 Esdr. 2:3. In Jos. Ant. 16.163 an edict of Augustus mentions Hyrcanus II
as UQX.LEQEui; 0rnii u'ljJiatou (but the wording may owe something to Josephus's rem-
iniscence of Gen. 14:18 LXX). In Mk. 5:7 "Legion" addresses Jesus as ute 0rnii
u'ljJiatou. Here mj)Lotoi; is used by a Gentile; contrast its use by a Jew (Stephen) in
7:48. See A. B. Cook, Zeus 11.2 (Cambridge, 1925), p. 889; Deissmann, LAE, pp.
413-24 (a discussion of SJG 3 § 1181, where a prayer for vengeance is addressed to
tov 0EOV tOV U'ljJLotOV, tOV XUQLOV tOJV JtVEUµatwv xal JtUCJT]i; CJUQXOi;); A. D. Nock,
C.H. Roberts, and T. C. Skeat, "The Gild of Zeus Hypsistos" (1936), in Nock, Es-
says, pp. 414-43; dedications cited in New Docs. 1 (1976), § 5; also CJ] 2.1433,
where a synagogue in Alexandria (2nd cent. B.C.) is dedicated 0Etji u'ljJiatcp (New
Docs. 3 [1978], p. 121); P. R. Trebilco, "Paul and Silas-'Servants of the Most
High God,'" JSNT36 (1989), pp. 51-73.
360
16: 19-24 IMPRISONMENT OF PAUL AND SILAS
i,µiv] P 74 ~ B DE al latvg syr copb 0 I ~µiv AC 'I' byz copsa.

6oov a<J)tl)QLac;] "a way of salvation." CJWTTJQLU was a term current among Gen-
tiles as well as Jews and Christians. Whatever the fortune-teller meant by it, Luke
probably intends his readers to read the full Christian sense of CJWTTJQLU into her
words: Paul and his companions were indeed proclaiming the "way of salvation."
Cf. vv. 30f., and see on 14:9 (aw0ijvat). See A Harnack, Mission and Expansion
of Christianity, E.T. (London, 1908), I, pp. 101-24; W. M. Ramsay, BRD, pp. 173-
90. Among Gentiles awtl)QLU was the object of many vows and prayers to 0Eoc_;
ihjnmoc; and other divinities (0rni owtfJQE<;), and was the desired object set before
initiates in various mystery cults.
16:18 i:n:i :n:onac; ~µEQU<;] Cf. 13:31, i:n:i ~µEQU<; :n:).douc;.
btaJtOVl)0Eic;] Cf. 4:2, bLUJtOVOllf.1£VOL.
:n:aQUyyiHw] Aoristic pres. (cf. 9:34, tiitm ).
iv ov6µun 'Il)oou XQtmou] See on 3:6. The authority with which Jesus him-
self had commanded possessive spirits to leave their victims (e.g., Mk. 1:25) was
now invoked by his servant, and proved as potent in exorcism as in other forms of
healing (cf. 19:13).
i!;E).0Eiv] 'iva i;iWnc; D (cf. 12:17D, ha atywmv).
autfi tfi WQ<;t] Implying immediacy (for this characteristically Lukan idiom
cf. 22:13; Lk. 2:38; 7:21D; 10:21; 12:12; 13:31; 20:19; 24:33). F. L. Horton, "Re-
flections on the Semitisms of Luke-Acts," in Perspectives on Luke-Acts, ed. C. H.
Talbert (Edinburgh, 1978), p. 4, sees in it an Aramaism.
The first "we" section now ends; the second begins in 20:5 (significantly, in
Philippi).
5. Imprisonment of Paul and Silas (16:19-24)

19 'Ib6vnc; bE oi XUQLOL auriji:; Otl i!;ij)..0Ev ~ ibii:; tiji:; EQYUOLU<; amwv,
EJtLAap6µEVOL tOV Ilau).ov xal tOV LLA.iiV E'().xuoav de; t~V ayOQllV i:n:l touc;
UQ)'.Ovtac; 2oxul 11:QOOUyay6vtE<; aurouc; to~ ITTQU'tTJYO~ dn:av, OutOL ot
civ0Qw:n:m EX'tUQ<ioooum v ~µwv ~v n:6).t v 'loubaiot UMQ)'.OvtE<;, 2l xui
xmuyyEA.A.OUOL v E0lj ci oux E;EITTLV ~µiv '1:UQUbE):E00at OOOE n:DLEiV 'Pooµaimi:;
OOOLV. 22 xai OlJVEJtEITTTJ 6 ox).oi:; xai:' aurwv, xai ot ITTQutT)yoi 11:EQLQ~;UvtE<;
aur&v ta Lµ<ina EXEA.ElJOV gapb(tEL v, 23 n:onac; TE EJtL0EVtE<; autoic; 11:A.TJYll<;
iipa)..ov di; cpu)..ax~v, JtUQUYYELAUvtEi:; T(Jl bwµocpu)..axL a.ocpa)..wi:; TTJQELV auroui:;·
240£ MQUYYEALUVTOLUUTTJV ).upmv EPUAEV aurouc; de; t~V ECJOOTEQUV q>llA.UX~V xai
toll<; :n:6bac_; ~Oq>UALOUTO UlJTWV EL<; TO ;u).ov.
16:19 tb6vtE<; bE] xai ib6vtE<; BI we; bE Elbav oi XUQLOL tijc; n:atbtOXTJ<; D.
i!;ijA.0Ev ~ ibic; tfJc; EQyac1iac; ath:wv] Luke's quiet humor appears in his choice
of i1;ij).0Ev here after its use in v. 18; when the pythonic spirit left the girl, her
owners' source of profit left simultaneously. For igyaoia see on v. 16. A literary
parallel is provided by the passage in Menander's Theophoroumene (Act 2, Scene
1), where a girl possessed by Cybele "discovers and laments the loss of her gifts
... the gifts are the cymbals and the tambourine (or perhaps rather her gift of proph-
361
ecy, which depends on them)" (T. B. L. Webster, An Introduction to Menander

[Manchester, 1974], p. 191).
imt..a~Ofl£VOL xtt..] On the two occasions where Luke records spontaneous op-
position to the gospel on the part of Gentiles, the reason lies in its threat to vested
property interests (cf. 19:23-27).
tov Ilaiit..ov xal. tov ~Lt..iiv] The two leaders of the company, both full Jews.
Luke has disappeared from the narrative, and he in any case was a Gentile; Timothy
was but a junior member of the company, and he may have looked like a Greek.
tou~ <XQX.ovta~] "the magistrates": the Gk. term for the supreme magistrates
in any city. For the technical designation of these magistrates see on v. 20.
16:20 ltQOOayayovtE~ UutOU£ tOi£ ITTQUtT)yOi£] This practically repeats
E'ihrnoav ... i:n:l toi,; llQX,Ovta; (v. 19). Gk. ITTQatT)yoi in a civilian context repre-
sents Lat. praetores, the courtesy title of the chief magistrates of the colony. They
were two in number; hence their official title duouiri, "duumvirs." Cicero's remark
on the magistrates of Capua (another colony) is apposite: "cum ceteris in coloniis
duouiri appellentur, hi se praetores appellari uolebant" (De leg. agr. 2.93). Cf. CIL
3.633, 654, 7339, 14206 15 for titles of Philippian magistrates.
'Ioubaim u:n:<iQX.OvtE£] An appeal to anti-Jewish prejudice, emphasized by the
contrasting 'Pwµaim; 01'i0Lv (v. 21), which again is neatly countered by Paul's
'Pwµaiov; u:n:<iQ,:ovta; (v. 37).
16:21 a oux El;wnv] Cf. 18:13, :n:aQa. tov v6µov. The magistrates took
cognizance of such religious activity as tended to create a breach of the peace,
or encouraged unlawful practices or organizations. The practice of Judaism by
Jews was not unlawful: Jews in any place constituted a collegium licitum. Even
proselytization was evidently not unlawful, though it was deprecated (see A. N.
Sherwin-White, Roman Society and Roman Law in the New Testament (Oxford,
1963), p. 81.
'Pwµaim; oi'im v J The co/oni were very conscious of the superiority of their
Roman citizenship over the status of the surrounding Greeks, not to speak of
wandering Jews.
16:22 :n:EQLQ~1;avtE£ amciiv ta tµ<itw] Not their own clothes, as in 14:14, but
the missionaries' clothes. The magistrates need not have done this with their own
hands: qui facit per alium fa cit per se. Cf. 2 Mace. 4:38, tou; XL tciiva; :n:EQLQ~l;a;.
EXEt..Euov Q<l~bt~ELV] This beating with rods was carried out by the lictors, the
oa~boii,:m of v. 35 (q. v. ). When Paul says 'tQL£ EQa~Mo0TJV (2 Cor. 11:25), he pre-
sumably includes the present beating among the three referred to.
16:23 :n:oH<i; tE] P74 X AC D E \JI byz I :n:oUa.; be B 81 1175 pc.
e~at..ov d; cput..ax~v] W. K. Lowther Clarke, "St. Luke and the Pseudepig-
rapha: Two Parallels," JTS 15 (1913-14), pp. 597-99 (cf. "The Text of the Septu-
agint in Acts," BC 1.2, pp. 77f.), points out several parallels between this narrative
and that of Joseph's imprisonment in Tlos. 8:4f. (recension A): e~a>i fJ£ d; q,ut..ax~v
EV t<µ autoii ofacp, xal tii Esfi£ µaotLyciioa; El;E:n:Eµ'ljlE µEEL£ t~V toii <liaQaoo ELQxt~V.
xal w~ ~µT)v iv bwµoi; ~ Atyu:n:tia ... EJtTJXQOiit6 µou :n:cii; EUX,UQLotouv t<ji XUQL(!l xal
uµvouv EV ofacp toii OXOtOU£ ital E):ULQOV iv Lt..UQ<). cpwvn bol;<i~wv tOV 0E6v µou. The
362
16:25-34 EARTHQUAKE AT MIDNIGHT; TuE JAILER'S CONVERSION
uncertainty about the date of the Gk. Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs forbids
any confident conclusion about literary dependence one way or the other.
owµoq>uA.axt] This word occurs in Tlos. 2:3; cf. <lQX.LOwµoq>uA.a!;, Gen. 39:21-
23; 40;3; 41:10.
16:24 Eis t~v fowtEQUV qiu,.,,ax~v] The comparative has perhaps superlative
force: "the inmost prison."
!;uA.ov] An instrument of torture similar to the stocks. It had several holes for
the legs, which could thus be forced wide apart, so that much discomfort and pain
resulted. Cf. Euseb. HE 5. l.27, tO.£ EV t<µ !;uA.cµ otataOEL£ tfuv Jtoowv, EJtl m\µmov OL-
atEtvoµivwv tQUJtTjµa, and 6.39.5 (with reference to Origen), EJtL 3tA.ELITTUL£ ~µEQUL£
toU£ Jtooas vJto tfoaUQa toli xoA.aITTTJQLOU !;uA.ou JtaQata0ds OLUITT~µata
OLU03tlllµEVO£.
6. Earthquake at Midnight; The Jailer's Conversion (16:25-34)

25 Kata OE to µwovuxnov IlaUA.0£ xal LLA.~ 3tQOOEU)'..OµEVOL uµvouv tOV 0Eov,
E3tTJXQOfuvto OE amwv oi ofoµwt· 26 aqivw OE auaµo; Eyivtto µiya; WITTE
aaA.EU0fjvm ta 0EµEA.La tOU owµwtljQLOU, ~VE<pX,0Tjaav bE 3tUQaX,Qijµa al 0UQm
miam, xal 3t<lvt(l)V ta owµa. avi0Tj. 27 E!;U3tVO£ OE yEvoµEVO£ 6 OE<Jµoq>UA.a!; xal
LOWV <lVEq>yµi\va; TO.£ 0UQa£ tlj£ q>UA.aXTj£ 03taaaµEVO£ t~V µa)'..ULQaV ~µEA.A.EV
fomov avmQEiv, voµi~wv EXJtEq>Euyhm tous owµ(o~. 28 Eq>WVTJOEV OE IIaliA.O£
µtyaA.n qiwvfl A.Eywv, MTJOEV 3tQ<i!;n; OEUut<µ xaxov, futavtE£ ya.Q EOµEV EV0<lOE.
29ai-c~aas OE q>futa daEJt~OTJOEV, xal EvtQoµo; yEvoµtvos 3tQOOE3tE<JEV t<µ
IIauA.cµ xal LLA.(i, Jo xal JtQoayaywv amous E!;w Eq>TJ, KUQLOL, ti µE OEi JtOLEiv
'(va awew; 31 OL OE dJtav, II(atEUOOV E3tL tov 'KUQLOV 'ITJOOUV, xal aw%an au
xal 6 olxo; aou. 32 xai EA.<lA.TjOav aut<µ tOV A.oyov toli 'KUQLOU auv Jtiim tois EV
tfl oix(g. autou. 33 xal JtaQaA.a~wv autou; EV EXEL vn tfl WQCJ. tij; VU'Kt0£ EA.OOOEV
(l]t() tWV 3tA.TJYWV, 'KUl E~a3tt(00Tj autos xal OL autou futavtE£ 3taQaX,QTjµa,
34avayaywv TE autous d; tOV oixov 3taQE0Tj'KEV tQ0.3tE~av, xal ~yaA.A.LO.OatO
JtaVOL'KE L3tE3tLITTEU)((I)£ t<µ 0E<µ.
16:25 Kata OE to µwovu,mov] For the originally Ionic µEOOVU'KtLOV cf. 20:7;
Lk. 11 :5; Mk. 13:35. Cf. xata. µfoov tijs vuxt6£, 27:27. See W. G. Rutherford, The
New Phrynichus (London, 1881), p. 126.
3tQOOEUX,OµEVOL uµvouv tOV 0EOV, E3tTJXQOWvtO OE autfuv OL ofoµLOL] Cf. Tl OS.
8:5 (quoted in note on v. 23); 9:4 (~xoum tlj; q>wvijs µou JtQOOEUX,oµivou). "Nihil
crus sentit in neruo cum animus in caelo est," says Tertullian (Ad martyras 2); cf.
Epictetus: xal tot' fooµE0a ~TJA.WtaL LW'KQ<ltOU£, otav EV q>UA.a'Kfl ouvaµE0a Jtmiivas
yQ<iq>EL v (Diss. 2.6.26).
16:26 o.qivw bE aELaµos EYEVEto xtA.] R. Reitzenstein, Die hellenistischen
Wundererziihlungen, pp. 120-22, points out a recurring pattern found in escape sto-
ries in Gk. literature (cf. 5:19; 12:6-10 above). Origen (c. Cels. 2.34) compares this
narrative and that of the release of Peter with Euripides' account of the deliverance
of the Bacchanals and of Dionysus in Bacchae 443-50, 586-602 (Celsus had asked
why Jesus did not escape from his bonds as Dionysus did from his).
WITTE aaA.EU0'ijvm ta 0EµEA.La] Cf. Ps. 82 (LXX 81):5, aaA.Eu0~aovtm Jtavta ta
363
0Eµ1D.. ta Tfj~ yfi~- The neut. plur. regards the foundations collectively; the masc. plur.
(sc. 1.Wot) shows that the actual foundation stones are in view (cf. Rev. 21:19).
itaQaXQfiµa] om B latg.
Tabwµa avESri] Neut. plur. bwµa. occurs in 20:23; Lk. 8:29; masc. plur. bwµoL
in Phil. 1:13. W. G. Rutherford (The New Phrynichus, p. 353), following C. G.
Cobet, says that bwµa. means actual fetters, bwµoL bondage or imprisonment. With
the description cf. Eurip. Bacchae 447f.,
m'n:6µma &' m'n:at; &wµa &tEAu0l] noMiv

x1.Ji&€£ t' avfjxav 81JQE1Q' iivrn 8vl]tfi£ XEQO£.
16:27 iil;unvo£ be yEv6µEVO£] Cf. 1 Esdr. 3:3; 1 En. 13:9; TLevi 5.7; Jos. Ant.
11.34.
~µE1.1.Ev fomov avmQEiv] Either to expiate the disgrace of having failed in his
duty, since he was answerable for the prisoners' safekeeping, or to anticipate the
penalty for letting them escape (see on 12:19).
16:28 E<j>wvriaEv be Ilau1.0£ xt1.] Paul may have judged by sounds what the
jailer was about; or, if there was moonlight or even starlight, he might from the
inner cell have seen the jailer in the doorway, while the jailer could see only dark-
ness inside. Whether the other prisoners were restrained from escaping by Paul and
Silas, or they were stunned by the violence and suddenness of the earthquake, one
can only guess.
16:29 <j>ciiTa] "lights" (neut. plur.).
darn~bflOEv] Only here in the NT, and once in LXX (Amos 5:19); Theodo-
tion's Gk. version of Daniel has it in Susanna 26. It is common in literature and
papyri for vigorous action; cf. 14: 14, tx:ri:rioa.w.
EvtQOµo£ yEv6µevo~] Cf. 7:32; also Heb. 12:21.
16:30 El;w] + tou; 1.0L:JtO"U£ ampa1.wa.µevo£ D, a vivid touch which no doubt
represents what actually happened. Ramsay is inclined to accept its authenticity be-
cause it suggests the jailer's "orderly well-disciplined character" (SPT, p. 222); W. L.
Knox finds it "an amusing insertion" (St. Paul and the Church of Jerusalem [Cam-
bridge, 1925], p. xxiv). So differently do the o additions impress different people!
XUQLOL] "Sirs" ( see on 1:6 ).
TL µE OEi n:otEiv Yva awSw;] The jailer may have heard of the fortune-teller's
witness to the missionaries as preachers of a "way of salvation" (see on v. 17); per-
haps he regarded the earthquake as a supernatural vindication of their right to be
so described. For a literary parallel to his question cf. Aelius Aristides, In Defence
of Oratory 70, TL XQ~ n:ot~aavta~ aw0fivm. In P.Vindob. G 25683, a spiritualization
of the parable of the prodigal son, the prodigal asks TL [oEI] :n:mfjam Yva awecii 6
aµaQTWt.6£; New Docs. 3 [1978], § 85); the wording of his question is certainly
based on our present text.
16:31 :JtLITTE"llOOV e:n:l tov XUQLOV 'Iriaouv] For :n:LITTEUW E:n:L cf. 9:42; 11: 17. o
(followed by byz) characteristically adds XQtat6v.
awe~an] Whatever the jailer meant by 'iva awe&, Paul and Silas gave salva-
tion its full Christian value in their reply.
364
16:35-40 PAUL AND SILAS LEAVE PHILIPPI
au xal 6 obro£ aov] Cf. 11: 14, awS~an au ,ml 6 1tii£ ohi.6£ aov.
16:32 tov 'J...6yov tOU i!.UQLOU] For i!.UQLOU X * B pc read Swu.
16:33 Ev Ei!.EL vn tfl &g<;t] Cf. autfl tfl &Qg., v. 18.
EA.OUaEV <l:TCO tWV :TCAT]y&v] For this use of a:,c6 cf. Heb. 10:22, QEQavtwµEVOL
... a:,co avvw'\~aew£ JCOVT]Qii£ (there the language is figurative, here it is literal).
Deissmann (BS, p. 227) illustrates 'J...ouw Mo from inscriptions about ceremonial
ablutions. ForE'J...ouoev D readsE'J...uoev, which does not make sense here (cf. the var-
iants 'J...uoavtL and 'J...ouoavtL in Rev. 1:5, followed by Ei!. tWV aµaQtLWV ~µwv).
E~a:TtttOST] auto£ xal of am:ou a:TtavtE£] For OL autoii a:TtavtE£ P4 5 has 6 Oli!.0£
autoii 011.0£. Cf v. 15 (of Lydia), e~amioST] xal 6 oLi!.0£ autfi£. The washing and the
baptism took place after the jailer brought Paul and Silas out of the prison (v. 30)
and before he took them into his house (v. 34), probably at a well in the courtyard.
The two acts are compared by Chrysostom (Hom. 36.2), E'J...ouoev autOU£ xal E'J...ouSTJ.
Ei!.ELVOU£ µEV (lJCO tWV :TCATJYWV EA.ouaev, auto£ be MO tWV aµaQtLWV EA.OUST].
16:34 ayaywv tE autoix; El£ tOV o[xov] His doing so involved no dereliction
of duty; his duty was to produce the prisoners safe and sound when required to do
so.
1taQE81JxaV tQME~av] An old and idiomatic expression (similar phrases occur
in Homer, e.g. fl. 24.476; Od. 5.196; 7:174f.; 17.333-35; and the expression itself
occurs in Herodotus, Hist. 6.1 39). An individual table was placed beside each guest.
:,cavoLxEl] Only here in the NT; it "is common in the closing greetings of pri-
vate letters" (MM). Cf. New Docs. 2 (1977), § 66, and for the similar :,cavoLXT]Otc;t
New Docs. 1 (1976), § 20. Here the adverb may be taken grammatically with either
~ya'J...'J...uioato or 1tEmoteuxw£; in sense it probably goes with both.
:TCE:TCLotEUi!.Ol£ t<p Seep] For moteuw with dat. cf. 18:8 and perhaps 5:14. Here
D replaces t<jl Se<jl with e:,cl tov Seov (similarly in 18:8 it replaces the dat. with EL£
+ acc.).
7. Paul and Silas Leave Philippi (16:35-40)

35 'HµEQa£ be yevoµEVT]£ UJCEotELAaV OL otQatT]yol tOU£ Qa~bouxou£ AEYOVtE£,
'A:,c6'J...uoov toU£ av0QWJCOU£ Ei!.ELVOU£. 36(1:Tt~YYELAEV be 6 bwµo4>u'J...a~ tOU£
AOYOU£ JCQO£ tov ITau'J...ov, OtL 'A:Tti:ota'J...xav OL otQatT]yo l 'tva U:TCOA. uSfjte· viiv
ol)v E~E'J...06vtE£ :TCOQEUE00E EV ELQ~vn. 370 be ITaiiAO£ Eq>T] :TCQO£ autOU£, L\f(QaV-
tE£ ~µii£ bT]µooi<;t axatai!.QttoU£, av0QW:TtoU£ 'PcoµaioU£ u1t<iQXOvta£, E~a'J...av EL£
4>u'J...ax~v· xal V'UV 'J...a0Q<;t ~µii£ Ei!.~a'J...'J...ouatv; OU YUQ, UA.A.ll e'J...06vtE£ am:ol ~µii£
E;ayayhmoav. 38a~yyEL'J...av be toi£ otQUtTJYOL£ oi QU~bouxm ta Q~µma
taiita· Eq>O~~ST]oav be Ui!.OUOaVtE£ OtL 'Pmµaio( ELOL v, 39 xal e'J...86vtE£
:TtaQExa'J...wav autoU£, ii.UL E;ayay6vtE£ ~QWtrov ME'J...0eiv a:,co tfi£ :,co'J...Em£.
40E;e'J...SovtE£ be a:,co tf]£ q,u'J...axfi£ daf]'J...Sov JCQO£ titv Aubiav, xal [b6vtE£
:TtaQEi!.UA.EOav toix; abe'J...4>oix; ii.UL E;fj'J...0av.
16:35 ~µEQU£ be YEVOµEVTJ£] b adds ouvfj'J...Sov OL otQatT]yol EJCL to auto EL£
tffV ayOQllV ii.UL avaµ VT]a0EvtE£ tov OELOµov tov yeyovotu E<p0~~8T]oav ii.UL U:TCEITTEL'J...av
toU£ Q~OOUXOU£ xt'J.... The addition undertakes to explain the praetors' apparent
change of attitude. But in Luke's text not a word is now said about the earthquake;
365
indeed, if v. 35 had followed immediately on v. 24 the reader would probably have

had no sense of hiatus. After the excitement of the previous day had died down, the
praetors probably reckoned that Paul and Silas had been taught a sufficient lesson
by the beating and the night in prison; they could now be expelled from Philippi.
In an essay on the style criticism of Acts M. Dibelius finds the story of the
earthquake to be an independent legend inserted into the itinerary, having no con-
nection with it, although Luke (he considers) has complicated the picture by adding
the preaching and the baptism of vv. 32f. (Studies, pp. 23f.).
(>u~bouxou;] "lictors," lit. "rod-bearers." They attended the higher Roman
magistrates (in this case, the colonial praetors), and carried the bundles (fasces) of
rods and axes, which indicated their masters' authority to inflict corporal or capi-
tal punishment.
16:36 bwµ6q,uAu1;) UQXLbwµoq>uA.ul; P 74 (for the compound see on v. 23
above).
aJCEITTUA.xuv] The ending -av instead of classical -um(v) in the 3rd plur. perf.
indic. act. appears in papyri from 164 B.C. onward, and secured a firm hold in the
vernacular. Cf. Lk. 9:36; Jn. 17:6f.; Rom. 16:7; Col. 2:1; Jas. 5:4 (v.J.); Rev. 18:3;
19:3; 21:6.
EV ELQ~vn] d; ELQ~VlJV X I om b (D latg). Ropes lists it as a Western nonin-
terpolation (BC l.3, p. 158).
16:37 axutuXQLtou;] "uncondemned" I avmt(o~ ("not guilty") D syrpesh.
Ramsay takes axut<iXQLto; (found only here and at 22:25) as the equivalent of Lat.
re incognita, "without investigating our case." It is even conceivable that in a
Roman colony Paul, a Roman citizen, used the Lat. form. The magistrates had ex-
ercised the summary police right of coercitio, but a charge against Roman citizens
had to be investigated properly.
av0Qnou; 'Pwµu(ou; 'UJC<lQXOvtu;] 'UJC<lQXOVTU£ 'Pwµu(ou; av0QWJCO~ P45 .
Cf. 'loubuiOL vn<iQxovtE£, v. 20; 'PwµaLOL£ ofutv, v. 21. If Paul had heard those ex-
pressions, he must have savored his present opportunity to deflate the magistrates'
self-importance. Why did he not appeal to his Roman citizenship the day before?
In the general excitement it might have been useless to do so, or if he did so his ap-
peal was ignored. It is not that he was unwilling to avail himself of a means of
escape that was not open to Silas: it seems clear from his protest here that Sila.s was
a Roman citizen also. Paul was careful to claim his citizen rights later when faced
with a flogging in Jerusalem (22:25), but the flogging on that occasion was to be
inflicted not with rods but with the murderous scourge (µ<icn:L;, Lat. flagrum ). By a
succession of Valerian and Porcian laws, enacted at various times between the
beginning of the Roman republic and the early second century B.C., citizens were
exempted from all degrading forms of punishment: "Porcia lex [195 B.C.] uirgas ab
omnium ciuium Romanorum corpore amouit" (Cicero, Pro Rabirio perduellionis
reo 12). Such exemptions were not always honored in practice (cf. Cic. Ven:
2.5.161f., where it is related how, in spite of his protest ciuis Romanus sum, a
Roman citizen was publicly beaten in the marketplace of Messina). The exemp-
tions were reaffirmed in the lex Julia de ui publica, to be dated probably after 23
366
16:35-40 PAUL AND SILAS LEAVE PHILIPPI
B.C. (see A.H. M. Jones, Studies in Roman Government and Law [Oxford, 1960],
pp. 97f.). See further A. N. Sherwin-White, The Roman Citizenship (London,
2 1973).
It is not clear how a man who claimed to be a Roman citizen proved his claim.
Paul was probably registered at his birth on the roll of Roman citizens at the pub-
lic record office in Tarsus, and a certified copy of the entry would have been given
to his father or whoever effected the registration on his behalf; but did the person
so registered, when he came of age, receive this copy or was it kept in the family
archives? We cannot be sure (see F. Schulz, "Roman Registers of Births and Birth
Certificates," IRS 32 [1942], pp. 78-91; 33 [1943], pp. 55-64; A. N. Sherwin-
White, Roman Society and Roman Law in the New Testament, pp. 144-50); also
W. Stegemann, "Warder Apostel Paulus ein romischer Burger?" ZNW78 (1987),
pp. 200-229; G. Ludemann, Early Christianity according to the Traditions in Acts,
E.T. (London, 1989), pp. 240-41.
exf3u1,,1,,oum v] Lit. "throw out." The verb suggests the discourtesy of the act.
Contrast e;uyayfoooav, "let them conduct us out."
16:38 ta Q~µata t<lut(l] + ta Ql]0Evt<l 3tQO£ toi,c; ITTQCltl]yOu£ D. This was
probably the reading of b (in place oftoi£ otQUtl]yOi£ ta Q~µata tairta of~), added
to D by conflation with the ~ text.
16:39 XClt EA06vtE£ xtA] b has XClt 3tUQayEv6µtvm µEta cpO. wv noU.&v EL£ t~v
q,u1,,ax~v naQEx<iArnuv umouc; t!;EA0E°i v dn6vtE£, 'Hyvo~ouµEv ta l((l0' i,µii~ otL EotE
livb{?E£ btXCllOL. l((lt t!;ayayovtE£ 3t<lQEXUAEOClV UU'tO\l~ AEyovtE£, 'Ex tfJ~ 3t0AE<0£
ta'Utl]£ t!;EA0atE µ~notE 3tUAL v oUotQaq,&m v ~µiv E3tLXQa~ovtE£ XCl0' i,µ&v. This ad-
dition may well represent the actual situation. The weakness of municipal govern-
ment in the eastern provinces was a constant danger to good order. The responsi-
bility of protecting two unpopular Roman citizens was more than the magistrates
were willing to undertake. Paul's insistence on an official apology may have helped
to protect his converts from persecution (but see Phil. 1:27-30 for the situation at
Philippi some years later).
16:40 ibovtE~] b adds to\l~ UbEAq>OU£, bLT]Y~OClvtO oou E3t0Ll]OEV XUQLO~
umoi,£, 3tClQClXUAEOUvtE~ Cl'UtOU~, l((ll, ef;fJ1,,0uv.
Paul refers to his experiences at Philippi expressly in 1 Th. 2:2 and by impli-
cation in 2 Cor. 11:25. The subsequent history of the Philippian church makes
pleasant reading: the same kindness as provided the missionaries with hospitality
in Lydia's house was shown in its contributing to Paul's needs more than once when
he moved on to Thessalonica and Corinth, and later during his period of house ar-
rest in Rome (Phil. 4:10-16). Luke may have stayed behind in Philippi, where he
reappears in 20:5. He may be the person addressed as yv~mE ou~uyE in Phil. 4:3 (if
this part of Philippians can be dated earlier than the rest of the letter).
367
ACTS 17
C. THESSALONICATOATHENS (17:1-34)
1. Arrival at Thessalonica (17: 1-4)
1 ~LOOEuaavn:£ OE T~v 'Aµq,(n:olL v xal, T~v 'An:ollwv(av ~l0ov fl£ 0w-
aa>..ovtxT]v, 031:0U ~v auvaywy~ TO)V 'Iouoa(wv. 2 X<lTU 0£ TO ELW00£ T<j':> naulcµ
da~A.0Ev 3tQO£ am:Ot)£ X<ll E3tl aa~~ata TQLU OLEAE~ato am:Oi£ an:o TOJV ygaq,oov,
3 l)wvo(ywv xal n:agan0EµEVO£ on TOV XQtatov UiEL n:a0Eiv ,ml avaat~vm ix
VEXQWV, xal, OTL oirt6£ EITTLV 6 XQLITTO£, 6 'IT]CTO'U£, OV EYOO xatayyel>..w {,µiv.
4 XUL TL VE£ E~ am:ci'Jv E3tfL00l]OUV xal 3tQOOEXAT]QW0T]aav T<j':> naulcµ X<ll T<j':> LLA,;i,
Tci'Jv TE aE~oµEvwv 'EH~vwv n:l~0o£ n:olu yuvmxci'Jv TE Toov 3tQWTWV oux c'>Hym.
17:1 OLOOEuaavtE£] "taking the road through"; see New Docs. 1 (1976), §
9, lines 40f. (c. A.D.18), for the use of the verb in a military context. The road was
the Via Egnatia, which ran from Neapolis to Dyrrhachium through Philippi and the
three cities mentioned in this verse. Possibly OLOOE'IJW is used here instead of
OLEQXOµm in order to emphasize the 006£. The highways of empire became for Paul
the highways of the kingdom of God.
'Aµq,(:n:o>..L v] Amphipolis on the Strymon (Struma), c. three miles from the
sea, was an important strategic point between Macedonia and Thrace; in the fifth
and fourth centuries B.C. it figures prominently in the Peloponnesian War and in
Philip's campaigns. The power in occupation of Amphipolis controlled the bridge-
head on the road to the Hellespont (Dardanelles) and the Black Sea. Under the Ro-
mans it became a free city and capital of the first district of Macedonia (see on
16:12). It was about 30 miles west-southwest of Philippi.
'A:n:oHwv(av] Apollonia lay between the rivers Strymon and Axios (Vardar),
on the Egnatian Way, about 27 miles west-southwest of Amphipolis and 35 miles
east of Thessalonica. The reading of D, xaT~l0ov EL£ 'ArtoUwv(oa xaxEiBEv EL£ 0w-
aalovtxl]V, implies that the missionary party halted at Apollonia (which is in any
case probable). If Amphipolis and Apollonia were the only stages on the way from
Philippi, part of the journey must have been done on muleback or the like.
0waalov(xT]v] Thessalonica (Saloniki) was originally called Therme, but
was refounded about 315 B.C. by Cassander, king of Macedonia, and named Thes-
salonica after his wife, a half-sister of Alexander the Great. In Macedonian and
368
17: 1-4 ARRIVAL AT TuESSALONICA
Roman times alike it was an important city, and when Macedonia was made a
Roman province in 146 B.C. Thessalonica became the seat of administration. It re-
ceived the status of a free city in 42 B.C. That Paul, Silas (Silvanus), and Timothy
were jointly engaged in the evangelization of Thessalonica is evident from 1 Thes-
salonians.
17:2 xctta bt: to Etw0oc;] Cf. 13:5, 14; 14:1 (xuta to am6).
i:n:i. o<ippma tgia] "for three (successive) sabbath days." For this use of i:n:i
cf. 13:31; 16:18. This is the only certain NT instance of the use ofo<ippata as plur.
in meaning as well as in form (see on 13:14; 20:7). We are not told what space of
time elapsed between Paul's leaving the synagogue and leaving the city; it appears
to have been a period of some weeks.
17:3 bwvoiywv] SC. tac; YQUq><ic; (cf. Lk. 24:32).
:n:aQUtL0EµEvoc;] Again sc. tac; ygaq,<ic;, "setting (the scriptures) side by side"
with the events which had fulfilled them, or "bringing (the scriptures) forward as
evidence" (cf. Plato, Politicus 275B, tov µOOov :n:agE0EµE0a, tva ivbEt~mto ,er)..).
otL ... xal otL ... ] The first on may be, and the second certainly is, recitan-
tis.
tov Xgtatov EbEL :n:a0Elv xai. avaat~vm ix VEXQWV] "the Messiah had to suffer
and rise from the dead": characteristically Lukan language (cf. 3:18; 26:23; Lk.
24:26, 46); for other NT writers' insistence on these two facts as the foundation of
the gospel cf. 1 Th. 4:14; 1 Cor. 15:3f.; 1 Pet. 1:11. The necessity (ebEL) lay in their
being the subject of OT prophecy, which had to be fulfilled since it expressed "the
definite plan and foreknowledge of God" (2:23).
o&6c; EatL v 6 XQLat6c;, 6 'lt]oouc; xt)..] This conclusion depended on the pre-
vious one. Once it is accepted that according to OT prophecy the Messiah must die
and rise again, the next stage in the argument is that, since Jesus is the only one in
whom these things came to pass, he must therefore be the Messiah. To prove that
they did come to pass in him, firsthand testimony is cited (cf. 2:32; 5:32; 10:39-42;
13:31; 1 Cor. 15:5-8). The word order varies from one group of textual witnesses
to another: 6 Xgtat6c;, 6 'IT]oouc; (B), XQtatoc; 'lt]oouc; (P74 AD 33 81 pc), 'IT]oouc;
XQtot6c; (X pc), 6 XQtot6c;, 'h1ooiic; ('P byz). In any case the meaning is, "This is
the Messiah, this Jesus whom I am proclaiming to you."
17:4 n vEc; bt: am&v i:n:do0T]oav] I.e., of both Jews and God-fearing Gen-
tiles: of Jews probably Jason (v. 5) and Aristarchus (20:4 with Col. 4:lOf.), of Gen-
tiles probably Secundus (20:4).
:n:gooEXATJQW0T]oav] "joined," lit. "were allotted to." b appears to have read tfl
btbax.fi instead of t<jl Ilau)..cµ xal t<jl LLA<i.
tcilv bi; oEpoµEvwv 'Hi.~vwv :n:i.~0oc; :n:oi.u] For God-fearing Gentiles who ad-
dicted themselves to synagogue worship see on 10:2; cf. 13:16, 26, etc. b inserts
xai. between oEpoµEvwv and 'EH~vwv, thus indicating four classes of believers (in-
stead of three): ( 1) Jews, (2) God-fearing Gentiles, (3) pagans, and ( 4) chief women.
yuvmxciJv tE tcilv :n:Qwtwv oux oi.iym] Either "many of the chief women" (as
in v. 12) or "many of the wives of the chief men" (for ol :n:(.l(J)tm thus, cf. 13:50).
Note Luke's favorite litotes oux 6i.iym (cf. v. 12). See further on v. 12.
369
2. Trouble in Thessalonica (17:5-9)

5 Zl]ACllOUV'tE£ bE OL 'IoubaiOL XUL JtQOOAU~oµEVOL '[(J)V ayO(Jal(l)V UV{)QU£ tL v~
JtoVl]QOix; XUL OXA03tOL~OavtE£ E00QU~OUV '[~V 3tOALV, xal Emm:avtE£ tfi OLXL<;l
'Iaaovo£ et~touv alJtOU£ neoayayEiV EL£ tOV bi]µov· 6µ~ EUQOV'tE£ b£ amoV£
EOUQOV 'Iaaova xa( tL VU£ abEAq>oix; E3tl TOU£ 3tOAL tUQXU£, ~OUlvtE£ Otl Ol t~V
o[xouµEVTJV avam:atcilaavtE£ oin:OL XUL h0abE 3tUQELOL v, 7 01!£ UJtObEbEXtaL
'Iaawv· xal oin:OL Jt<lvtE~ (l3tEVUvtL '[(J)V boyµatrov Ka(aaeo~ 3tQUOOOUOL v,
~aOLAEa EtEQOV AEYOvtE£ dvm 'Iriaoiiv. 8 Et<lQU~av bE '[()V ox1.ov xal toix;
3tOAL tUQXU£ axouovta£ taut a, 9 XUL Aa~6vtE£ '[() lxavov 3tUQ<l '[OU 'IaaoVO£ xal
tfuv AOL3tUJV U3tEAUOUV amo~.
17:S ~ri1.cilaavtE£ bE o[ 'loubaiot J The envy of the Jews was aroused, as else-
where (cf. 13:45), by the offer of salvation to the Gentiles. The Jewish authorities
probably looked on the God-fearing Gentiles as potential proselytes, so that in
preaching to them Paul was poaching on their preserves. For the hostility of the
Thessalonian Jews cf. 1 Th. 2: 14-16.
ayoQa(wv] "loafers," "corner-boys," lit. frequenters of the agora (market-
place). For this sense cf. Plato, Protagoras 347C (tfuv qiau).wv xal ayoQa(wv
av0QciJJtrov); Xenophon, Hellenica 6.2.23 (rov &yoQUiov ... ox1.ov); Plutarch,
Aemilius Paullus 38 (civ0QOJ3tOU£ ciyEVVEL£ xai bEbou1.Eux6ta£, ciyoQULOU£ bE xal
buvaµevoU£ ox1.ov auvayayEiv ). In view of the last passage K. Lake understands the
word here of "agitators" rather than "loafers" (EEP, p. 69 n.). The two senses are
by no means mutually exclusive. (The sense of ayoQUiot in 19:38 is quite differ-
ent.) See further on v. 18, OJtEQµo1.6yo£.
<'>x1.0Jtot~aavtE£J Cf. ox1.ov auvayayEiv in the quotation from Plutarch in the
preceding note. This is the only known occurrence of <'>x1.0JtOLEW. (For compounds
in -Jtotew see on tµoaxoJtotTjaav, 7:41.) <'>x1.0JtOLTJOL£ is quoted by Hesychius as
equivalent to briµaywyia.
'Iaaovo£] Jason was a well-known Greek name, after the Thessalian hero
who led the Argonauts in quest of the Golden Fleece. The Jason of this paragraph
was probably a Jew. It was customary for Jews in the Hellenistic world to adopt
Greek names with some resemblance to their Hebrew ones; thus Jason corresponds
to Joshua, Menelaus to Menahem, and so on (cf. 2 Mace. 4:7, 23).
EL~ tov bi]µov] As Thessalonica was a free city, its citizen body (bi]µo£) dis-
charged legislative and juridical functions. It was therefore competent to deal with
the charges brought against Paul and his companions; since they could not be pro-
duced, Jason was accused of aiding and abetting them. Roman Jaw depended on
voluntary prosecutors (delatores) to set it in motion, and so did the Jaw in many
Greek cities (where such informers were called auxoqiavtm ).
17:6 EJtt tOU£ JtOALtUQXU£] The politarchs were the civic magistrates. The title
Jto1.ttUQXTJ£ or Jto1.(tUQXO£ is found in some 32 inscriptions from the second century
B.C. to the third century AD., being used in the majority of these for magistrates in
Macedonian cities. Eighteen of these inscriptions refer to Thessalonica, which had
five or six politarchs (five under Augustus, six under the Antonines). Cf. E. D. Bur-
ton, "The Politarchs," AJT2 (1898), pp. 598-632; C. Schuler, "The Macedonian Poli-
370
17 :5-9 TROUBLE IN THESSALONICA
tarchs," CP 55 (1960), pp. 90-100; J. H. Oliver, "Civic Constitutions for Macedonian

Communities," CP 58 (1963), pp. 164f.; F. Gschnitzer, "Politarches," RE Sup. 13
(1973), cols. 483-500; J. M. R. Cormack, "The Gymnasiarchal Law of Beroea," in
Ancient Macedonia, ed. B. Laourdas and C. Makaronas, II (Thessaloniki, 1977), pp.
139-50, especially 140f.; B. Helly, "Politarques, Poliarques et Polito-phylaques,"
ibid., pp. 531-44. While JtOA.LtCLQX.11£ is otherwise attested in inscriptions only,
JtOA.ttUQXO£ occurs in Aeneas Tacticus, Poliorc. 26.12 (4th cent. B.C.). The Mace-
donian politarchs had the same function as the Thessalian poliarchs (no11.LUQX,m/
JtOA.t<lQX.OL). See New Docs. 2 (1977), § 5, for important bibliographical information.
on] recitantis.
ol t~V OLXOUµfVT)V avacrtatltlCJUVCE£] For avam:at6w meaning "upset," "stir up
(sedition)," cf. 21:38; Gal. 5:12. It is not a literary word (it is used in Dan. 7:23
LXX to render Aram. dus, "trample down"); it is found in vernacular papyri, no-
tably in the letter from the bad boy Theon to his father (P.Oxy. 1.119.10, 2nd/3rd
cent. AD.), where he quotes his harassed mother as saying, avam:atoi: µi;· aooov
am:6v ("he upsets me; away with him!").
There were outbreaks of Jewish unrest around this time not only in Judaea,
where the national resistance movement gathered force under the governors who
held office after the death of Herod Agrippa I in AD. 44, but throughout the em-
pire-at Alexandria early in Claudius's principate (cf. Claudius's letter to the Alex-
andrines, P.Lond. 1912) and at Rome both then and more recently (see on 18:2).
Now, it was implied, the same troublemakers had turned up at Thessalonica. The
authorities could not be expected to distinguish the militant messianism of the
Jewish nationalists from the messianism proclaimed by Paul and Silas.
17:7 OU£ imobEbExtm 'Iuowv] "whom Jason has harbored." {mobEX,oµm is
classical in this sense, of receiving into one's house (it occurs with this meaning in
an inscription from Thessalonica,JG 10.2255, lines 5, 17, reproduced in New Docs.
1 (1976], § 6).
xai outoL JtctvtE£ xtA.] For a summary of the missionaries' teaching at Thes-
salonica cf. 1 Th. 1:9f. It is clear from 1 and 2 Thessalonians that it contained a
strong eschatological emphasis, which may have lent color to the accusation.
anEvavtL] "against." In 3:16; Mt. 27:24; Rom. 3:18 it means "in the presence
of," "before"; in Mt. 27:61; Mk. 12:41 it means "over against."
tfuv boyµatwv KaLCJ<lQO£] b6yµata has been used in 16:4 of the decisions
reached by the apostles and ciders at Jerusalem; here it is used of the decrees of the
Roman emperor; see E. A. Judge, "The Decrees of Caesar at Thessalonica," RTR
30 (1971), pp. 1-7. No more serious charge could have been brought. Sedition
(maiestas), which would have been involved in the proclamation of a rival emperor
(~am)..fo EtEQov), was an offense against public law and required no special decree
of Caesar to make it illegal; cf. R. A. Bauman, The Crimen Maiestatis in the Roman
Republic and Augustan Principate (Johannesburg, 1967); lmpietas in Principem
(Munich, 1974); C. W. Chilton, "The Roman Law of Treason under the Early
Principate," IRS 45 (1955), pp. 73-81. But the eschatological content of the preach-
ing (cf. 2 Th. 2:5-7, with its veiled allusion to the removal of the imperial power)
371
might well have been construed as contravening one or more of Caesar's decrees.
Augustus and Tiberius had been very sensitive about the activities of astrologers
and other prognosticators (cf. Dio Cassius, Hist. 56.25.Sf.; 57.15.8); in particular,
consultation about the emperor's health was forbidden under severe penalties (Tac.
Ann. 2.27-32; Paulus, Sententiae 5.21).
l3amAia EtEQOV] "another emperor." The Roman emperor was styledl3amA.EU£
by his Greek-speaking subjects. It could easily be ascertained that Jesus, whom the
missionaries announced as universal lord, had been executed for sedition by sen-
tence of a Roman judge; "it would not have been hard to interpret such announce-
ments as predictions of a change of ruler" (E. A Judge, "The Decrees ... ," p. 3). ,
17:8 h<iQa~v &E tov ox1..ov xai to~ :7toAltUQXU~] The ox1..o~ is probably the
&f]µo~ ofv. 5, here given a less formal designation. As for the politarchs, it has been
argued that they, like other city magistrates and local authorities throughout the
provinces, were responsible (possibly under oath) to enforce the decrees of Caesar
and to take appropriate action in face of any threat to his personal or political in-
terests (cf. E. A Judge, "The Decrees ... ," pp. 5-7; TheSocialPatternoftheChris-
tian Groups in the First Century [London, 1960], pp. 34f.).
17:9 1,.al36vtE£ TO [xavov] "taking security"; A.aµl3avw to lxavov is a Latinism,
the equivalent of the legal phrase satis accipio (the rendering of the Lat. versions
here). The correlative was satis do, "stand security," "go bail." Cf. Mk. 15:15, to
[xavov nmf]am (satis facere), which occurs as early as Poly bi us. Jason was required
to guarantee that Paul and Silas left the city quietly and did not return. Paul chafed
under this exclusion order; he would have liked to return as soon as possible to see
how the converts were faring, but could not take action which would seriously em-
barrass his Thessalonian hosts: "Satan hindered us," he says (1 Th. 2:18). The magis-
trates, however, no doubt thought their action moderate but effective. See A N.
Sherwin-White, Roman Society and Roman Law in the New Testament (Oxford,
1963), pp. 95f.; also Ramsay, SPT, p. 231. Timothy was unaffected by the exclusion
order; he was able to go back to Thessalonica as Paul's messenger (1 Th. 3:1-5).
The missionaries' opponents evidently continued to organize persecution
against the Thessalonian believers (1 Th. 2:13f.; 3:3); it may even be that some of
those who "fell asleep" so soon after the missionaries' departure (1 Th. 4:13) were
victims of the persecution. But the church of Thessalonica quickly became a cen-
ter of evangelization (1 Th. 1:8). In addition to those who had believed the gospel
when they heard it preached in the synagogue on the first three sabbaths after the
missionaries' arrival, the church comprised an even greater number of converted
pagans; it is evident from 1 Th. 1:9f. that it consisted predominantly of former
idolaters. See K. P. Donfried, "The Cults of Thessalonica and the Thessalonian
Correspondence," NTS 31 (1985), pp. 336-56.
3. Beroea (17:10-15)
100[ bE aOE1,.cpol Eu0EW£ oux VtJXTO£ E;Emµ\jlav tov tE Ilaii1,.ov xal tov LlAiiv EL£
BEQOlUV, o'in VE~ JTUQUYEVOµEVOl EL~ t~v auvaywy~v twv 'lou(,a(wv llJTTIEOav·
372
17:10-15 BEROEA
11 OUtoL OE ~aav EUYEVEITTEQOL "[UJV EV ewaai..ov(xn, 0'(n VE£ EOE1;avto "[QV i..oyov
µrnx lt<lOTJ£ JtQo0UJ1LU£, xa8' ~µEQUV ClVUXQL VOV"CE£ "CU£ YQUq>U£ EL EXOL tafrr:a
OU'tW£. 12 JtOA.A.01, µEV ouv El; amwv EltlITTEUaav, XUL "[UJV 'El..A.TJVLO(J)V yuvmxwv
twv Euox11µ6vwv xat civOQUJV oux oi..(yot. 13 'Q£ OE Eyvwoav oi Wto tfJ£ 0w-
aai..ovixTJ£ 'IoooaioL O"[L xat iv tfi BEQOL<;I XatTJYYEA.TJ Ult() "[OU Tiaui..ou o A.OYO£
tou ewu, ~i..0ov xciXEi oai..EuovtE£ xat tUQ<iaoovtE£ toll£ oxi..oU£. 14 Eu0Ew£ OE
totE tov naui..ov E1;aJtEITTELA.UV OL ClOEA.qlOL JtOQEUE00m EW£ EJtL "[~V 0ai..aooav·
umµEL vav "CEO "CE LLA.U£ XUL OTtµ60EO£ EXEL 15 OL OE xa0lITTllVOV"CE£ "[OV naui..ov
~yayov EW£ 'A0T]voov, xal i..a~OV"CE£ EV"COA.~V 1tQO£ tov LLA.UV xal tov TLµ60Eov
i'.va W£ tllXlITTU EA.0wOLV 3tQO£ amov E!;fiwav.
17: 10 -cov tE Tiaui..ov xal -cov LLA<iv] Probably Timothy too, as he appears at
Beroea in v. 14, unless he left Thessalonica later and rejoined the others at Beroea.
BEQOLav] Beroea is about 50 miles west-southwest ofThessalonica, south of
the Via Egnatia (whence Cicero, In Pisonem 36.89, calls it oppidum deuium, "a
town off the [Egnatian] Way"). It was the first Macedonian city to surrender to the
Romans after their victory at Pydna, 168 B.C. Like Thessalonica, it was adminis-
tered by politarchs-there were five of them in the first century A.O.
Once Paul found himself on the Via Egnatia, his natural course would have
been to continue traveling west until he reached the Adriatic-and then Rome. His
being taken to Beroea was perhaps the first of the occasions on which he was
hindered in fulfilling his desire to visit Rome (Rom. 1: 13; 15:22). But had he gone
on to the west at this time, he would probably have been met by people leaving
Rome, like Priscilla and Aquila, on account of Claudius's edict banning Jews from
the capital (see on 18:2). See A. Harnack, The Mission and Expansion of Chris-
tianity, E.T. (London, 1908), I, pp. 74f.; H.J. Cadbury, The Book ofActs in History
(New York, 1955), pp. 60f.; E. A. Judge and G. S. R. Thomas, "The Origin of the
Church at Rome," RTR 25 (1966), p. 90; G. Bomkamm, Paul, E.T. (London, 1971 ),
pp. 51-55; A. Suh!, Paulus und seine Briefe (Giitersloh, 1975), pp. 94-96.
anflwav] om P45. The prefix is practically otiose here; LC render "went their
way."
17:11 EUYEVEITTEQOL] Although euyEV~£ originally denotes nobility of birth,
it comes to denote those qualities which are expected in people so born, like Eng.
"noble" (noblesse oblige). Moffatt translates it "more amenable"; LC (better)
"more generous," quoting Cicero, "niyevEITTEQO£ est etiam quam pater" (Att.
13.21a.4). It is the equivalent of Lat. generosus, "noble," "liberal," "free from
prejudice."
OltlVE£] "for they."
xa0' ~µEQUV] to xa0' ~µEQUV B byz.
hm] The classical use of the opt. replacing the indic. in an indirect question
in historic sequence; see on 21 :33.
om:w£] o(represented by 383 614 latg vg.codd syrhcl** Eph Priscill) adds xa0w£
TiaUA.0£ axayyEA.A.EL.
17:12 itoi..i..ol] n VE£ D. Sopater, son of Pyrrhus (cf. 20:4), was presumably
one of them.
373
err(m:EUoav] b (D 614) adds n VE£ bE ~rr(m:rioav (cf. 28:24).

yuvm)!.O)V t&v Euoxriµ6voov] "of the well-to-do women" (cf. 13:50). P4 5 inserts
xa( before t&v.
oux oA.(ym] Cf. v. 4, oux oA.(ym. For t&v 'EA.A.T]Vtboov ... oux oA.iym D* reads
t&v 'EU~voov xai t&v EUOXTJµ6voov avb(}E£ xai yuvaiXE£ lxavoi EJttatEuoav. The b
text consistently plays down any prominence given to women (cf. v. 34; 18:26). (It
is not clear whether the Greek men and women of this verse were God-fearers or
pagans; perhaps both sorts were included.) As in Philippi (see on 16:15) and Thes-
salonica (cf. v. 4), so in Beroea Paul enjoys the support of women influential in
their own right in the various cities where they live (cf. Rom. 16:2, where Phoebe
of Cenchreae is said to have proved herself a rreom:an~ or patrona of Paul and
many others).
17: 13 ol futo tfJ£ 8woaA.ov(xlJ£ 'Ioubaim] "The Jews of Thessalonica" (cf.
tciJv <'mo 'loMTJ~, 10:23; ol arro tfJ~ 'ltaA.(a~, Heb. 13:24), but here arr6 has its full
force, since they came from Thessalonica.
xai taQaooovtE£ tOU£ OXA.OU£] b (D syrresh) adds ou bteA.Lµrravov (for this verb
cf. 8:24 b). P4 5 omits xai tCIQaooovtE£. The Thessalonian Jews play at Beroea the
same part as the Jews of Pisidian Antioch and Iconium played at Lystra (14:19);
they come from the place or places last visited by Paul to foment opposition to him
in the place he visits next.
17:14 EO>£ EJtL t~v 8ciA.aooav] EO>£ om D/00£ byz. Vv. 14f. are recast as fol-
lows in the b text: tov µEV o-6v naiiA.OV ot abEA.q>OL E;(lJtEITTElA.UV UJtEA.8Elv EJtL t~V
8ciA.aooav· umµELVEV bE 6 LlA.<i~ xai 6 Ttµ68EO£ EXEL. Ot bE xataat<lVOVtE£ tOV
flm)A.ov ~yayov e0>£ 'ASTjv&v, JtUQTJA.8Ev bE t~v ewaaA.(av, exooA.uSTj ya.Q EL£ autoll£
XTJQ'U;at tov A.oyov, A.af:}OvtE£ bE EvtOA.~V JtClQU nauA.OlJ JtQO£ tOV LLA.UV 'l«lL Ttµ60rnv
0:7t0>£ EV tUXEl EA.80>at v :7tQO£ amov e;nwav. The ~ text implies that Paul went to
Athens by sea, sailing from Methane or Dium. But Luke usually mentions the port
of embarkation, and if the reading of byz be preferred (00£ erri t~v 8ciA.aooav), it
might be concluded that those whom the Beroean brothers sent as Paul's escort
made as if to conduct him to the sea, but actually took him overland by Thessaly
and did not leave him until they arrived at Athens. This seems to have been the in-
ference of the b editor, unless Ropes is right (BC 1.3, pp. 164f.) in supposing the b
text to be based on a corrupt reading 8woaA.iav for 0aA.aooav in v. 14 (Ephrem has
"Thessalonica").
The use ofE0>£ with another preposition occurs elsewhere in Luke-Acts (cf.
21:5; 26:11; Lk. 24:50).
UrtEµEL vciv tE otE LtA.U£ xai 6 Ttµ68EO\; EXEi J With the reported movements of
Paul and his companions from this point forward the information of 1 Th. 3:1-6
must be compared. The following reconstruction of the sequence of events is large-
ly indebted to K. Lake (EEP, p. 74):
1. Paul leaves Silas and Timothy in Beroea, and goes on to Athens, from
which he sends them a message asking them to rejoin him as soon as possible
(17: 14f.).
2. They rejoin him in Athens (cf. 1 Th. 3:1).
374
17: 16-21 PAUL WAITS FOR HIS COMPANIONS IN ATHENS
3. Timothy is sent to Thessalonica (1 Th. 3:lf., 5), while Silas goes to some
unspecified place or places in Macedonia (cf. 18:5).
4. Paul goes on from Athens to Corinth (18:1).
5. Silas and Timothy return from Macedonia and rejoin Paul in Corinth (18:5;
cf. l Th. 3:6).
6. From Corinth they send the two letters to the Thessalonians.
17: 15 xa8LotavovtE;] xm:aoravovtE£ P45 DI xa8LotOJvtE£ byz. For the clas-
sical use of xa0LotT)µL meaning "conduct" cf. Thuc. Hist. 4.78.6, oi bE IlEQm~ol
aurov . . . XatEITTTJOUV E£ i'.'1LOV.
xal )..~6vtE£] :n:aQfJ>-.0Ev bE t~v E>waaliav, ixwluSTj YUQ EL£ aurou; XTJQU);aL
tau )..6yov, >-.a~6vtE£ bf D. This addition is modeled on 16:6-8, down to the distinc-
tive use of the verb :rtUQEQX,oµm (Paul by-passed Thessaly on this occasion because
he was forbidden to preach the gospel there, just as he and his companions had by-
passed Mysia on the earlier occasion).
w; ta)(.Lota] Literary (contrast EV ta)(.EL D); this is the only NT occurrence of
tU)(.Lota.
4. Paul Waits for His Companions in Athens (17:16-21)

16 'Ev bE tau; 'Aeftvm; EXbE)(.OµEV01J aurou; tou IlaUJ..01.J, :7tUQW;UVEto to :rtVEi,µa
aurou EV aurcµ 0EWQOUvt0£ XatE (bw)..ov oooav t~V :n:6>-.L v. 17 bLEJ..EYEtO µEV ouv
EV tfl auvaywyfl tou; 'loubaLOL£ xal. tou; OE~OµEVOL£ xal EV tfl ayoQ~ xm:a :rtciaav
~µEQUV :7tQ0£ tOU£ :n:aQatuyx.avovr~. 18tlVE£ bE xal. tOJV 'E:rtLX01JQLWV xal
Lto°iXOJV <pLJ..0004j><t>V 01.JVE~UJ..J..OV autcµ, xa( tlVE£ EJ..Eyov, T( av 0EJ..Ol 6 0:7tEQ-
µo)..6yo£ 0&0£ >-.EYEL v; oi bf, 2:Evwv bmµov(wv boxEI xatayyE>-.Ei,c; d vm· otL tov
'IT)OOUV xal. t~V avaat<lOL V EUTJYYEJ..L~EtO. 19 E:n:tJ..~OµEVOL bE aurou E:rti. tOV
"AQELOV Ilayov ijyayov, J..EYOvtE£, l'1uvaµE0a yvwvm ti; ~ xm ~ UutT) ~ U:rtO aou
)..a)..ouµEVTJ bLbaX,tj; 20 ;Ev(~ovra y<iQ n va da<j,EQEL£ EL£ ta£ axo<l£ ~µwv·
~01J>-.OµE0a ouv yvwvm t(va 0EJ..El tauta dvm. 21 'AfhJvaIOL bE :rtavtE£ xal oi
E:rtLbT)µouvtE£ ;hm EL£ oubEv hEQov TJUXaiQouv ~ liyEL v n ~ axoUEL v n
xmv6tEQOV.
17: 16 iv bE tai£ 'A8tjvm£] Athens, the cradle of democracy, attained the
foremost place among the Greek city-states early in the fifth century B.C. by reason
of the lead she took in resisting the Persian invasions. She was at the height of her
power between 478 and 431 B.C., and after her defeat by Sparta in the Peloponne-
sian War (431-404 B.C.) was not long in regaining much of her earlier influence. In
the fourth century she again took the lead in resistance to Philip's aggression, and
after his victory at Chaeronea (338 B.C.) was generously treated by him and allowed
to retain much of her ancient freedom, which she enjoyed until the Roman con-
quest of Greece in 146 B.C. The Romans, too, in consideration of her glorious past,
left her to carry on her own institutions as a free and allied city (ciuitas libera et
foederata) within the empire. The sculpture, literature, and oratory of Athens in the
fifth and fourth centuries B.C. remain unsurpassed. In philosophy, too, she took the
leading place, being the native city of Socrates and Plato and the adopted home of
Aristotle, Epicurus, and Zeno. Her cultural influence in the Greek world is also
375
seen in the fact that it was the Attic dialect of Gk., spoken at first over a very re-
stricted area as compared with Ionic and Doric, that formed the base of the later
Hellenistic speech (Koine). It was at this time a leading center of learning; in mod-
ern idiom we might describe it as a great university city (although the university
analogy is overdone by W. W. Capes, University Life in Ancient Athens [London,
1877]; W. M. Ramsay, SPT, pp. 245-47; BRD, p. 100). See D. Geagan, "Roman
Athens: Some Aspects of Life and Culture, 86 B.C.-A.D. 267," ANRW2.7.l (Berlin,
1979), pp. 371-437.
JtaQwl;uvEto] A strong word; cf. the cognate noun in 15:39. Moffatt renders
it "irritated"; LC "enraged." M. Dibelius (Studies, p. 66) finds Paul's reaction here
at variance with the tone of his following speech; however, A D. Nock (Essays,
p. 824) points out that the verb may denote no more than strong feeling, citing Xen.
Cyr. 6.2.5 for the sense "was stirred to action." The proportions of the Parthenon
or the perfection of Pheidias's sculpture made no appeal to one brought up in the
spirit of the second commandment of the Decalogue, and could not diminish his
fundamental horror of idolatry (for which cf. Rom. 1:23, 25; 1 Cor. 10:20,iieuoumv
ta ESvlJ &uµov(m~ xat ou 0Ecp 8uoumv). Cf. also Wisd. 13:2-6.
xatE(&u11.ov] "full of images": the word is not found elsewhere in Gk. litera-
ture, but is regularly formed; cf. xanibEv{)Qo~, "full of trees" (Diod. Hist. 17.68.5,
etc.), xataµJtEA.o~, "thick with vines" (Strabo, Geog. 4.1.5).
17:17 EV tfi auvaywyfiJ According to his custom (cf. v. 2).
EV tfi a.yow] It should be observed how subtly and accurately the ethos of
each city is suggested. Here Paul adapts himself to the Athenian atmosphere. "In
Ephesus Paul taught 'in the school ofTyrannus'; in the city of Socrates he discussed
moral questions in the market-place. How incongruous it would seem if the
methods were transposed!" (Ramsay, SPT, p. 238). The agora lay north of the
Acropolis. If the agora was the first place for which Paul made on coming to
Athens, he would have seen herms (square pillars surmounted by a head of Hermes)
everywhere, "a veritable forest of idols" (R. E. Wycherley, "St. Paul at Athens,"
JTS n.s. 19 [1968], pp. 619f.). See S. Halstead, "Paul in the Agora," in Quantula-
cumque: Studies presented to K. Lake (London, 1937), pp. 139-43.
JtQO~ toix; JtaQUtuyx.avovta~] Paul's entering into conversation with persons
who happened to be around in the agora (and presumably moving from some ini-
tial point of common interest in the direction in which he hoped his hearers would
follow him) is reminiscent of the method of Socrates.
17:18 'EmxoUQtmvJ The Epicureans took their name from Epicurus (341-
270 B.C.), whose ethical system, founded on the atomic theory of Democritus, pre-
sented pleasure (~oov~) as the chief end of life, the pleasure most worth having
being a life of tranquillity (a.taQa;ta), free from pain, disturbing passions, and su-
perstitious fears. It conceived of the gods as material in essence, existing in eter-
nal calm in intermundane spaces, and having nothing to do with the life of human
beings. The best-known exposition of Epicureanism is the De rerum natura of
Lucretius (1st cent. B.C.). In Athens the Epicureans frequented the Garden of Epi-
curus.
376
17:16-21 PAUL WAITS FOR HIS COMPANIONS IN ATHENS
Ltoi:xwv] The Stoics acknowledged Zeno of Citium in Cyprus (c. 340-265

B.C.) as their founder, and took their name from the Stoa Poikile ("painted portico")
in the Athenian agora (at the west of its north side), where he taught. Their system
aimed at living consistently (6µ01..oyouµivw£) or according to nature (xata qiuatv).
The highest expression of nature was reason or design (1..6yo£), the principle which
combined the elements in various ways so as to produce the ordered universe. God
was to the world (x6aµo£) as the individual soul was to the body. This conception
of God as the world-soul was thoroughly pantheistic, and Stoic philosophy was no
less materialist than that of the Epicureans, for the world-soul and the individual
soul were thought to consist of refined matter. In practice the Stoics laid great em-
phasis on the supremacy of the rational faculty over the emotions, and on individual
self-sufficiency (am:UQxELa ). Stoicism at its best was marked by great moral earnest-
ness and a high sense of duty. Notable Stoics in Roman times were Seneca, Epicte-
tus, and Marcus Aurelius.
OJtEQµo1..6yo£] This "word of characteristically Athenian slang" (Ramsay,
SPT, p. 242) literally means "seed-picker" and as such might be used of a gutter
sparrow; then it was used of one who picked up scraps in the market, a worthless
character, with a meaning not unlike that of ciyogaio£ in v. 5 (Demosthenes, De
Corona 127, calls Aeschines OJ[EQµo1..6yo£, j[EQLtQtµµa ciyoQfi£); and then of one
who picked up scraps of learning wherever he could, which is its meaning here.
l;i:vwv bmµov(wv] The charge of introducing or worshipping "strange divini-
ties" was at one time very serious, as is shown by the accusations brought against
Protagoras, Anaxagoras, and, especially, Socrates (qitJal yag µE Jtotl]t~v dvm 0Ewv,
xal W£ xm VOU£ Jtotoiivta 0EOU£, toll£ b' cigx.a(ou£ ou voµi~ovta, Plato, Euthyphro
38; LWXQO.tl] q>l]OLV ac"itXEiv ... 0EOU£ OU£ ~ JtOA.u; voµ(~El OU voµi~ovta EtEQU bE
bmµ6vw xm va, Plato, Apo!. 24 B-C; cf. Xenophon, Mem. 1.1.1 ).
xatayyEA.EU£] "herald," found in OGIS 456.10 (xatayyEA.Ei£ twv JtQWtwv
a(x.)0rJao[µEvwv ciywvwv]) in a Mytilenean decree in honor of Augustus.
a.vciataatv] F. H. Chase (Credibility, pp. 205f.) suggests that, if they con-
nected 'Il]aOii£ with foot£, "healing" (cf. the play on words in 9:34), or with 'Iaaw
or 'lt]aw, "the Healer" (daughter of Asclepius; cf. Aristoph. Plutus 701), civaata-
OL£ might remind them of civaatat~Qta, a word quoted by Hesychius as meaning
sacrifices offered on recovery from sickness. They might even have thought that
Anastasis was a new-fangled goddess.
17:19 EJti tov "AQEtov Jtayov J Either "to the hill of Ares," west of the
Acropolis, or "to the court of the Areopagus," which traditionally met in the pre-
cinct of the Erin yes (the aEµvai) on that hill, although at this time it met, at least on
certain occasions, in the Royal Portico (atoa ~aa(1..ELO£) in the northwest corner of
the agora (see C. J. Herner, "Paul at Athens: A Topographical Note," NTS 20 [1973-
74], pp. 341-50). (The Royal Portico was so called because it contained the seat of
the archon basileus, who presided over the Areopagus court, at least in cases of
homicide [Aristotle, Ath. Pol. 57.3f.].) It is evident from v. 22 that it was to the
court that Paul was brought, whether on this occasion it met on the hill or in the
agora (there is a slight balance of probability in favor of the latter). That the court
377
(in full,~ El; 'AQEiou miyou ~ou1..ri, Aristotle,Ath. Pol. 60.2) was frequently referred
to as (6) ''AQno<; miyo; is certain; cf. tii>v El; 'AQEiou miyou cj>EUyovtrov ("those
banished by the Areopagus"), Aristotle, Ath. Pol. 47.2; "senatus ''AQELO<; miyo;"
("the [Roman] senate is an Areopagus"), Cic. Att. 1.14.5; "in qua ciuitate [sc.
Athenis J erat Areos pagus, religiosissimum iudicium" (" ... the Areopagus, a most
solemn court"), Seneca, De Tranquillitate 5.
This was the most venerable Athenian court, dating back to legendary times.
Its traditional power was curtailed as Athens became more democratic, but it re-
tained jurisdiction in cases of homicide and in religious and moral questions gener-
ally, and commanded great respect because of its antiquity. Under the Romans its
prestige and authority were increased. Its jurisdiction in religious matters made it
the appropriate body to examine one who was charged with proclaiming "strange
divinities." Ramsay adduces the example of Cicero's inducing the Areopagus to
invite the peripatetic philosopher Cratippus to become a lecturer in Athens (Plu-
tarch, Cicero 24.5) in support of his theory that the recognized lecturers took Paul,
a visiting "lecturer," before the Areopagus "to give an account of his teaching and
pass a test as to its character" (SPT, p. 247); this is unnecessary. Cf. D. J. Geagan,
The Athenian Constitution after Sulla (Princeton, 1950), p. 50, and "Ordo
Areopagitarum Atheniensium," in Phoros: Tribute to B. D. Meritt, ed. D. W.
Bradeen and M. F. McGregor (New York, 1974), pp. 51-56.
buvciµE0a; J "may we?" Attic would prefer el;Ecm v;
17:20 tiva 0E1..EL mfrta Elvm;J Cf. 2:12, ti 0E1..EL tofrto Elvm;
17:21 'A01Jvaim liE JtavtE<; xr1.. J The absence of the article is classical; cf.
26:4, navtE<; 'loubaim. This characterization of the Athenians-described by
E. Norden (Agnostos Theos [Leipzig, 1913], p. 333) as the most cultured thing (das
Gebildetste) to be found anywhere in the NT-is amply corroborated in ancient
literature; cf. Cleon's description of them in Thuc. Hist. 3.38.5 (xal µmx xm v6t1Jto<;
1..6you anatfio0m liQtotoL) and that of Demosthenes in Phil. 1.10 (~ ~ou1..Eo0E, dne
µm, J'tEQLiOvtE<; Jtuv0avEo0m, 1..EyEtaL tL xmvov;).
oi EJtLliljµo'iivtE<; l;hm J The µhmxm ("resident aliens"), as they were called
in Athenian law. For the ptc. cf. 2: 10.
xaL votEQOV J The comparative in classical Gk. is often to be rendered by the
positive degree in Eng. There are papyrus parallels for n xm votEQOV.
5. Paul's Areopagitica (17:22-31)

22 ota0El<; liE Ila'ii1..o<; iv µfoeµ to'ii 'AQEiou Ilayou Ecj>lJ, 'AvbQE<; 'A0Tjvaiot, xma
Jtavta w; bELOLbmµovEotEQOU<; uµfi<; 0EO>QOO' 23 liLEQX6µEVO£ YUQ xal ava0EO>QOOV
ta OE~aoµata uµii>v E'UQOV ;cal ~roµov EV 4> EJ'tfYEYQUJ'ttO ArNQLTQ SEQ. o
oiiv ayvoo'iivtE<; EUOE~EltE, tofrto EYW xamyye1..1..0> uµiv. 24 6 0Eo<; 6 J"COLTIOU<; tOV
xooµov ;cal, Jt(lvtU ta EV autcj':>, oin:o<; OUQUVOU ;cal, YfJ<; 1JJ't(lQX(l)V XUQLO£ oux EV
XELQOJ"COL T1t0L<; vao I<; XUtOLXEi 25 O'UbE 'UJ"CO XELQOOV av0QO>Jtl VO>V 0EQUJ'tEUEtm
J'tQOOliEOµEVO<; tL VO£, auto<; btOOU<; J"CUOL tw~v xal J"CVO~V ;cal, ta Jtavta·
26EJ"COLTJOEV tE El; EVO£ Jt(lV E0vo; av0QooJt(l)V XUtOLXELV EJ"CL Jtavto<; J"CQOO(l}J"COU
tfJ<; YTJ<;, OQLOU<; J'tQOITTEtayµEVOU<; XmQO"U<; ;cal ta<; OQ00Eoia<; tfJ<; XUtOLXLa<;
378
17:22-31 PAUL'S AREOPAGITICA
amciJv, 27 ~l]tEiv tOV 0EOV EL UQU YE 'ljll]A.Uq>~OELUV amov l«lL EUQOLEV, xai YE OU
µaXQctV o::n:o h~ tx<iotou ~µwv u:n:<iQX.Ovta. 2s EV am<j> yaQ ~ciJµev xal xt vouµE0a
xal foµEv, 00£ xai tLVE£ tciJV xa0' uµii.£ 3tOLl]tciJV ELQ~XUOLV'
Tou yctQ l«lL YEVO£ foµh
29 yho£ oiiv u:n:<iQX.OvtE£ tou 0rnu oux olj>Ei1.oµev voµi~EL v X.QOO<Jl ~ O:QYUQCJl ~
H0cµ, X.UQ<iyµatt tEX,Vl]£ l«lL Ev0uµ~OEW£ o:v0Qw:n:ou, to 0Eiov dvm oµmov.
30tOU~ µEv o-6v X.QOVOU£ tij~ ayvo(a~ U:rtEQLbwv 6 0EO~ ta vtiv 3tUQUYYEA.AEL toi£
<iv0QW3tOL£ :n:avtU£ :n:avtax.ou µEtUVOEiV, 31 l«l06tt Eotl]OEV ~µEQUV EV Tl µEA.I.EL
XQL VEL v t~v otxouµtVt]V EV btl«lLOO'IJVfl EV o:vc'>Ql 4> WQLOEV, :n:iott v :n:aQaox.wv
:n:iiOL VO:VUot~OU£ UutOV EX VEXQWV.
17 :22 Ev µfoeµ tou 'AQEiou :n:<iyou] The construction with rv µfoeµ indicates
the court, not the hill. Cf. v. 33, E!;ij1.8EV EX µfoou amciJv (also 4:7, where EV t<j> µEOCJ)
is used of Peter and John's appearance before the supreme court in Jerusalem).
avbQE£ 'A0tjvaim] When the gospel was presented even to the most cultured
pagans, it was necessary to begin with a statement about the one living and true
God. When a synagogue congregation was addressed, this knowledge could be pre-
supposed; the speaker could move very quickly to the announcement that this God,
in fulfilment of his promise, had sent his Son, the anointed one, to accomplish a
saving work. But before the court of the Areopagus, as to the less cultured popu-
lace of Lystra (14:15-17), apraeparatio evangelica must be presented. We might
therefore expect this speech to be, as indeed it is, a discourse on the true knowl-
edge of God. This knowledge, according to Paul in Rom. 1:19-22, was available
to all from the works of creation, but the power or desire to acquire it had been de-
stroyed by idolatry. If the author of Rom. 1-3 had been invited to address an
Athenian audience on the knowledge of God, it is difficult to think that the general
purport (!;uµ:n:aoa yvmµt]) of his words would have been much different from what
Luke reports Paul as saying in vv. 22-31. If the tone of the Areopagitica is differ-
ent from that of Rom. 1-3 (as it is), Paul's ability to adapt his tone and his approach
to his audience must not be underestimated.
The bibliography on this speech is immense. See (by way of a selection)
E. Curtius, "St. Paul in Athens" (1893), E.T. in Exp. 7, 4 (1907), pp. 436-55; E. Nor-
den, Agnostos Theos: Untersuchungen zur Formengeschichte religioser Rede
(Leipzig/Berlin, 1913, 2 1929); A von Harnack, "1st die Rede des Paulus in Athen
ein urspriinglicher Bestandteil der Apostelgeschichte?" TU 39.1 (Leipzig, 1913);
R. Reitzenstein, "Die Areopagrede des Paulus," Neue Jahrbucher fur das klassische
Altertum 31 (1913), pp. 393-422; E. Meyer, Ursprung und Anfiinge des Christen-
tums, III (Stuttgart/Berlin, 1923), pp. 89-108; A Schweitzer, The Mysticism ofPaul
the Apostle, E.T. (London, 1931 ), pp. 6-9; W. L. Knox, St. Paul and the Church of
the Gentiles (Cambridge, 1939), pp. 1-26; M. Dibelius, "Paul on the Areopagus"
(1939) and "Paul in Athens" (1939), E.T. in Studies in the Acts of theApostles(Lon-
don, 1956), pp. 26-92, reviewed in AD. Nock, "The Book of Acts" (1953), Essays
on Religion and the Ancient World, II (Oxford, 1972), pp. 829-32; W. Schmid, "Die
Rede des Apostels Paulus vor den Philosophen und Areopagiten in Athen,"
Philologus 95 (1942), pp. 79-120; M. Pohlenz, Paulus und die Stoa ([1949) Darm-
379
stadt, 1964); W. Eltester, "Gott und Natur in der Areopagrede," in Neutestament-

liche Studien fiir R. Bultmann, ed. W. El tester= BZNW 21 (Berlin, 1954), pp. 202-
27; G. Schrenk, Studien zu Paulus (Zurich, 1954), pp. 131-48; B. Gartner, The
Areopagus Speech and Natural Revelation (Lund, 1955); H. Hommel, "Neue For-
schungen zur Arcopagredc Acta l 7," ZNW 46 (1955), pp. 145-78; W. Nauck, "Die
~radition und Komposition der Areopagrede," ZTK 53 (1956), pp. 11-52; N. B.
Stonehouse, Paul before the Areopagus and Other New Testament Studies (Grand
Rapids, 1957), pp. 1-40; H. Conzelmann, "The Address of Paul on the Areopagus"
1958), E.T. in Studies in Luke-Acts, ed. L. E. Keck and J. L. Martyn (Nashville/New
York, 1966), pp. 217-30; H.P. Owen, ''The Scope of Natural Revelation in Romans
1 and Acts 17," NTS 5 ( 1958-59), pp. 133-43; R. E. Wycherley, "St. Paul at Athens,"
JTS n.s. 19 (1968), pp. 619-21; T. D. Barnes, "An Apostle on Trial," JTS n.s. 20
(1969), pp. 407-19; A.-M. Dubarle, "Le discours al' Areopage (Actes 17, 22-31) et
son arrierc-plan biblique," RSPT 57 (1973), pp. 576-610; S. G. Wilson, The Gen-
tiles and the Gentile Mission in Luke-Acts (Cambridge, 1973), pp. 196-218; C. K.
Barrett," Paul's Speech on the Areopagus," in New Testament Christianity for Africa
and the World: Essays in honour of Harry Sawyerr, ed. M. E. Glasswell and E. W.
Fashole-Luke (London, 1974), pp. 69-77; D. Zweck, "The Exordium of the Are-
opagus Speech," NTS 35 (1989), pp. 94-103; C. J. Herner, "The Speeches of Acts,
II. The Areopagus Address," TynB 40 (1989), pp. 239-59.
OEUJLOmµovt::ITTEQoui;] The context must usually decide whether this word is
used in its better or worse sense. It was as vague as Eng. "religious," and here one
may best translate "very religious," "uncommonly religious." But KJV "too super-
stitious" is not entirely wrong; to Paul the Athenian religion was mostly super-
stitious, as it was als0 (though on other grounds) to the Epicureans. Cf. OELOLOm-
µovla in 25:19, whe :t might have one meaning for the speaker and another for
the person addressed. f'oo much stress should not be laid on the likelihood of Paul's
commencing his address with a compliment; according to Lucian (De gymn. 19),
complimentary exordia to secure the goodwill of the Areopagus court were dis-
couraged. On the other hand, Paul would not commence his address with an insult.
The religiosity of the Athenians is mentioned by several writers, e.g., Sophocles,
0.C. 260 (tai; y' 'A0~vai; q>aai 0rnoEf3Ecrtatai; dvm); Pausanias, Desc. of Greece
1.17.1 ('A0T]VULOL ... 0rnui; E'IJOEl3ouot v oJJ,mv Jl:AEOV); Jos. Ap. 2.130 (tO'U~ OE E'IJOE-
f3Ecrtatoui; twv 'En~vmv); cf. also Strabo, Geog. 9.1.16; Livy, Hist. 45.27.
17:23 oef3aoµata] "objects of worship," here obviously including altars but
also, no doubt, images ( as in Wisd. 14:20; 15: 17); in 2 Th. 2:4 oef3aoµa is used in
the widest sense.
f3mµov] "altar," the regular Gk. word, but used here only in the NT, because
it is a pagan altar that is in view (so frequently in LXX). Elsewhere in the NT the
word for "al tar" is 0umacrt~QLOV (cf. Lk. 1: 11; 11 :51 ).
ayvWITT(Jl 0ECJJ] Various parallels have been found in Gk. literature. Pausanias
(1.1.4) says that in Athens there are f3mµol 0E&v ovoµatoµivmv ayvwatmv. Diogenes
Laertius (Vit. Philos. 1.110) tells how (c. 600 B.C.) the Athenians during a pestilence
sent for Epimcnides, the wise man of Crete (see on v. 28), who advised them to re-
380
lease black and white sheep from the Areopagus, and on the spot where each sheep
halted to sacrifice it "to the appropriate god" (tip :rtQoa~xovn 0Eq>, meaning perhaps
the god of that locality). Accordingly, says Diogenes, "anonymous altars" (13wµm
avwvuµot, altars to unnamed gods) were to be seen throughout Attica in his day.
Whatever their origin might be, the presence of such altars in Diogenes's day (3rd
cent. A.D.?) may be accepted as a fact. (Cf. also Plato, Legg. 1.6420; Aristotle,Ath.
Pol. init.; Plutarch, Solon 12.) Many commentators since Thc·odore of Mopsuestia
(350-428) have used Diogenes's story to illustrate Luke's narrative here (Theo-
dore's treatment, not extant in its original form, is reproduced in a confused man-
ner by Isidore of Pelusium [Letter to Hero, MPG 78, col. 1128) and more accu-
rately by Isho'dad of Merv [Commentary on Acts, ed. M. D. Gibson, Horae
Semiticae, X (Cambridge, 1913), pp. 39 (Syr.), 28 (Eng.)]). Philostratus (Vit. Apoll.
Tyan. 6.3.5) implies that altars to unknown gods were common at Athens: xaL rnfn:a
'A9iJvnat v, oiJ xal, ayvwatwv omµovwv ~wµol, '(OQuvtm (2nd/3rd cent. A.D.). A paral-
lel has been found in a Pergamene inscription of the imperial period: Brnis
ayv[ooatoic;] Kan:it[wv] &;ioouxoc;, "To unk[ nown] gods: Capito, torchbearer"
(H. Hepding, Athenische Mitteilungen 35 [ 1910], pp. 454-57; cf. A Deissmann,
Paul, E.T. [London, 1926], pp. 287-91, with Plates V and VI); but its relevance is
doubtful: the mutilated word after 0rntc; might be ayLWt<l10l£, ayvotatmc;, or even
ayyEt..mc;.
Didymus of Alexandria ( on 2 Cor. 10:5) and Jerome (on Tit. 1: 12) probably
had such inscriptions in mind when they said that Paul changed the plur. "gods"
into the sing. Jerome indeed says that the altar seen by Paul !-,ore the inscription dis
Asiae et Europae et Africae, dis ignotis et peregrinis (presumably he knew of such
an altar-inscription in Athens, which he here translates into Lat.). E. Norden (Ag-
nostos Theos, pp. 118-20) concluded that Jerome was dependent on some writer
who connected the Athenian inscription with those dedications mentioned by
Minucius Felix (Octavius 6.2), where he says that the Romans have always
venerated the gods of conquered nations, "dum aras extruunt etiam ignotis
numinibus et manibus." But Paul may well have seen an altar dedicated exactly as
he says. When a derelict altar was repaired and the original dedication could not
be recovered, ayvwatcµ 0Ecp would have been a suitable inscription for it; cf. the
Palatine inscription (c. 100 s.c.): sei deo sei deiuae sac:/ C. Sextius C. f Caluinus
pr:/ de senati sentential restituit (CIL 1.632). On a dedication tote; omµovwcn v
from an inscription found near Thespiae in Boeotia (SIG 2 752), W. Dittenberger
suggests that the reference is to "gods without name who had no altar of their own."
R. E. Wycherley ("St. Paul at Athens," pp. 620f.) points out that the uncovering of
an ancient chamber tomb could give rise to a local hero cult, in honor of the un-
known "divinity" whose tomb it was. Most unlikely is Norden 's view that the ref-
erence is to the god known only to the gnostic.
o... tofn:o] Note the neut. (cf. to 0Ei:ov, v. 29): Paul starts with his hearers'
belief in an impersonal divine essence, pantheistically conceived, and leads them
to the living God revealed as creator and judge.
ayvooiivtEc; l Catching up ayvwatcµ.
381
xatayy1JJ..w] Cf. Mtayyd.Eu£, v. 18.

17:24 o0EO£ oJtOL~OU£ tov xooµov xt/o.] As at Lystra (14: 15-17), Paul begins
with the revelation of God in creation ( cf. Rom. 1: 19-21 ). Cf. Plato, Timaeus 28C
(tov µEV oiiv ltOLl]tlJV ML JtUtEQU toiil>E toii JtUvtO£ EUQELV tE EQYOV ML EUQOvtU EL£
n:avta£ al>uvatov AEYEL v), but Paul's presuppositions are not drawn from Platonism
or Stoicism but unambiguously from the OT (for the phraseology see on 4:24).
Before a pagan audience he naturally does not make his points by formally quot-
ing from the OT, as he did in the synagogue at Pisidian Antioch, but if instead he
introduces quotations from Greek poets, he does not adopt those poets' perspec-
tive; rather, he reinterprets their words in a biblical sense.
oux EV XELQOJtOL~tOL£ vaol£ MtoLxEl] Cf. 7:48 for the thought (with the use of
XELQOltOLl]tO£) in a Jewish setting. For the same thought in a pagan writer cf.
Euripides, frag. 968:
ltO lo~ b' iiv Obm~ lEXlOVWV ltA.aa8El~ iirro
/It\µ~ ,:o 0E"(ov ltEQL~UAOL wixwv muxaI~;
17:25 oul>E un:o XELQWV av0gwn:(vwv 0EQUJtEUEtm xtA] "It is not because he
lacks anything that he accepts service at men's hands" (NEB). Here may be dis-
cerned approximations to the Epicurean doctrine that God needs nothing from
human beings and to the Stoic belief that h_e is the source of all life (see on v. 28).
J. H. Moulton found in this speech "delicately suited allusions" to the tenets of both
Stoics and Epicureans (MHT II, p. 8, n. 3). Plato (Euthyphro 12E-15E) makes
Socrates discuss the nature of 0Egan:da to the gods and the question whether such
0EQUJtE(a is possible or not. Paul here touches on issues not unfamiliar to cultured
Athenians; he knows the importance of establishing as much initial common
ground as possible with his hearers, as he tries to lead them on from the known to
the unknown, or from error to truth.
n:gool>E6µEv6£ tLVO£] Cf. Ps. 50 (LXX 49):9-12; 2 Mace. 14:35; 3 Mace. 2:9.
Euripides again provides a parallel (Herc. Fur. 1345f.):
I\Ei,:m yaQ 6 ee6~, e'iltEQ foe' OQ0<il~ 0E6~,
O'OOEVO~.
~wiJv xai n:voiJv] Intentional assonance. The care taken over style in this
speech is appropriate to the occasion. For l>Lbou£ ... n:vo~v cf. Isa. 42:5, where the
words are used of God the creator (also Qur 'iin, sura 51 :56-58).
17:26 El; ho£] + a'iµato~ D E byz. The Athenians prided themselves on
being am6x0ovE~, sprung from the soil of their native Attica (a claim reflecting the
fact that they belonged to the earliest wave of Greek immigration into the land, so
early that, unlike later arrivals, the Achaeans and Dorians, they had lost all memory
of their immigration). The Greeks in general considered themselves superior to
non-Greeks, whom they called barbarians. Against such claims to racial superiority
Paul asserts the unity of all mankind, a unity derived El; h6~, i.e., from Adam. The
unity of the human race as incorporated in Adam is fundamental in Paul's theology
(cf. Rom. 5:12-19; 1 Cor. 15:45-49). This primaeval unity, corrupted by sin, is re-
382
placed by a new unity "in Christ." "The Greeks did not have the idea of a First Man
from whom humanity was sprung" (A. D. Nock, Essays, p. 831).
miv E0vo£ &v0Qw,i:oov] "the whole race of men" (Dibelius, Studies, p. 38), or
"every nation of mankind"; the latter rendering is in line with 2:5; 10:35 (cf. 14:16,
mivm ta E0vl]).
EJtL MvtO£ ,i:goow,i:ou] This speech is marked by repeated alliteration, espe-
cially with initial ,i: (in which the accumulated occurrences of JtU£ play a part). For
EJtL ... ,i:goow,i:ou t~£ y~£ cf. Lk. 21 :35 (t,i:l JtQoow,i:ou ,i:aOTJ£ t~£ Y~£); Gen. 2:6;
11:8; Jer. 25:26 (LXX 32:12).
OQLOa.£] Aor. ptc., because "the determination of man's home preceded his
creation, in the Divine plan" (MHT I, p. 133).
JtQOOt£tayµi VO~ X(lLQOU<;] Cf. XULQOU£ XCJ.QJt04j}OQO'U£ ( 14: 17); here too the sea-
sons of the year may be intended (so Dibelius, Studies, pp. 33f.; he mentions the
appeal to the seasons and the division of the earth into habitable zones in Cicero,
Tusc. 1.28.68, as proofs of the existence of God). Another view is that the refer-
ence here is to divinely ordained periods, "times and seasons"; cf. 1:7; Lk. 21:24
(xa.LQOL E0vfuv); 1 Th. 5:1; Gal. 4:4; Eph. 1:9f.; 3:9; 1 Tim. 2:6; 6:15; Tit. 1:3.
Daniel's visions of world history provide the principal OT background to this un-
derstanding of the words.
ta£ <'>Qo8wta.£ t~£ xatoLxia.£ am:fuv] Dibelius (Studies, pp. 33f., 37) treats these
as the habitable zones of the earth ( cf. his reference, cited above, to Cicero, Tusc.
1.28.68). M. Pohlenz (Paulus und die Stoa, pp. 24-27) argues against him that
national frontiers are in view: mankind has been spread abroad, despite the unity of
its origin, but in all the different nationalities God has implanted the desire to know
him (cf. 10:35). The locus classicus in the OT for the divine fixing of the boundaries
of the nations is Dt. 32:8, &re bL£µ£QL~Ev 6 U'lj!LotO£ ESVT], m£ bLEOJtELQEV uloii£ 'Abaµ,
EOtlJOEV OQLa E8vfuv xata UQL8µov &yyrJ.oov 8rnii (LXX &yyi:J.oov 8rnii presupposes
Heb. bene 'el or bene 'elohim fthe latter reading is attested in 4QDtq] for MT bene
yisrii'el, "children of Israel"). The allusion to Dt. 32:8 in the present passage is rec-
ognized by E. Norden, Agnostos Theos, p. 8; A. D. Nock, Essays, p. 830.
The fem. sing. 6go8w(a, as here, is found in a Priene inscription of 133 B.C.
and in a papyrus of the second century AD. (BGU 889.17). Galen and Hesychius
give neut. plur. 6go8foLCJ..
17:27 ~l]t£iv] Epexegetic infin., like xatOLXEiv in v. 26. D prefaces µ<i1.L0ta
(µ<ilu.n:a ~l]tELV to 8Ei6v Eotl v).
tov 8E6v] to 8ELOV D Iren 131 /tov XUQlOV byz. Clem. Strom. 1.19.91.4 reads
(with b) ~l]tEiv to 8Eiov in a quotation of this text. Cf. v. 29.
d l:iQa YE 'J)T]1..a.~~0ELCJ.V a.m:ov xal EUQOLEV] An elegant use of the aor. opt. For
the telescoped conditional and final construction cf. 8:22; 27:12, 39. 'J)lJ1.a.41><ioo ex-
presses the idea of groping for God in the darkness, when the light of special rev-
elation is not available.
xa.( YE] xa.hm YE X 323 pc I xa.i tOL P 74 A E 945 1739 1891 pc ( cf. 21: 17, also
with concessive force, "and yet").
ou µaXQav] Cf. Dio Chrys. Or. 12.28 (speaking of the men of old), atE yaQ ou
383
µaXQO.V oub' Ei;w tOU 0dou buµxtoµEVm xa0' fouto~, &nu EV aut<j> µfoe:µ 3tEq>UXOtE£,
µa.Hov bE OUµJtEq>UXOtE~ EXEL vc:µ xal 3tQOOEJ(OµEVOL mivta tQ03tOV, oux Ebuvavto µEl(Ql
3tA.ElOVO~ (l~'IJVEtOL µE VEl v.
U3t<lQJ(Ovta] The prevalence ofu1t<iQxw in this speech (cf. vv. 24, 29) is in keep-
ing with its elevated style. "The exordium of an address to Athenian philosophers
survives to show us that he [Paul] could use the language of the higher culture when
occasion required" (MHT II, p. 8).
17:28 EV am<j> YUQ ~&µEv xal xtvouµE0a xal foµEv] + to xa0' ~µEQav D. Cf.
Col. 1:17, to. 1t<ivta EV am<j> ouvfotl]XEV. A Schweitzer (Mysticism, p. 6) argues that
this "mysticism of 'being-in-God'" excludes the possibility of Paul's being the
speaker, since Paul's mysticism was a matter of"being-in-Christ." But "mysticism"
is not a proper description of the meaning which Paul gives to the sentence which
he here quotes, whatever its original author's meaning may have been; moreover,
Paul's concept of "being in Christ" relates to new creation, whereas the old cre-
ation is the subject here. The sentence on Paul's lips means that God is the creator
and sustainer of all life, especially of all human life.
According to the commentary on Acts by lsho'dad of Merv (who is evidently
dependent on Theodore of Mopsuestia), this sentence is quoted from an address to
Zeus by his son Minos; Isho'dad gives a Syriac rendering of the passage: "They
fashioned a tomb for thee, 0 holy and high one-the Cretans, always liars, evil
beasts, idle bellies!-but thou art not dead; for ever thou art risen and living, for
in thee we live and move and have our being." According to Clement of Alexan-
dria (Strom. 1.14.59.1 f. ), the second line (KQf]tE£ &El 'lj)Euata(, xaxo. 0TJQLa, yaotEQE£
&Qya(), quoted in Tit. 1:12, comes from a work attributed to Epimenides the Cretan
(see on v. 23). (The line, whoever its author was, is apparently an imitation of He-
siod, Theog. 26, 1totµEVE£ ciyQaU1..0L, xax' EAEYJCEU, yaatEQE£ olov). The quotation of
one line of the quatrain in Tit. 1: 12 and of another line here is one of several points
of contact between Luke-Acts and the Pastoral Epistles.
1. R. Harris ("The Cretans always Liars," Exp. 7, 2 [1906], pp. 305-17) sug-
gested that the source of the quotation might be the poem by Epimenides on Minos
and Rhadamanthys referred to by Diog. Laert. Vit. Philos. 1.112 ( another sugges-
tion is that it came from his Theogonia, mentioned by Diog. Laert. 1.111).
M. Pohlenz (Paulus und die Stoa, pp. 43-4 7) urges caution in evaluating Isho' dad's
statement. The quatrain quoted by Isho'dad has been turne-d back into Greek by
1. R. Harris ("A further note on the Cretans," Exp. 7, 3 [1907], p. 336) and by AB.
Cook (Zeus, I [Cambridge, 1914], p. 664). Cook's retroversion runs:
ao l µEv Etfxt~VUvtO taq,ov, JtUVwtEI_Jl:U'tf &t4-1ov,
KQi'j'tE~, ad 'lj!E'lXTCUt, xaxa 0T]QlU, yaatEQE~ aQya(·
a1.1.a yaQ ou cri, 0avE~, 1;wEL~ OE xal fotaam utfi,
iv aol yaQ 1;wµEv xul xLvEoµw0u xal ElµEv.
Chrysostom on Tit. 1:12 quotes from Callimachus, Hymn to Zeus 7f.:
KQi'jtE~ (lfl, 'lj!E'lXTCU(· xul YUQ taq,ov, OJ avu, GELO
KQfitE~ Etfxt~Vavto· au I'>' OU 0avf~· foal YUQ utd.
384
This couplet was probably adapted from "Epimenides." In Tit. l: 12 the line KQfjtE;
aEi 'ljlEUcrtai xtA is attributed to a Cretan ltQOcp~trJ; (cf. Plato, Legg. 1.6420, where
Epimenides is called av~Q 0Eio;, and Plutarch, Solon 12, where he is called 0rn-
cptl~; xai oocpo; ltEQI. ta 0E°ia ~v EV0oUCJLUcrtlX~V xai tEA.EcrtlX~V oocp(av. "Epi-
menides" argues from living men and women to a living Zeus; contrast Lk. 20:37f.
par., where Jesus applies the converse argument from the living God to living men
and women in an existence beyond the tomb.
uµa;] ~µa; P 74 B 049 33 326 614 pc (this may have been judged appropriate
in the mouth of a Cilician, since Aratus, about to be quoted, was himself a Cilician,
born at Soloi or Tarsus in 310 B.C.).
ltOLT)tOJV] om {> I ~a/sfme ("wise men") syrpesh (as though rendering Gk.
oocpwv).
toii yaQ xal yi\vo; foµi\v I From Aratus, Phainomena 5. The poem commences
ix t.u'>; ClQXWµw0a. Cf. Cleanthes, Hymn to Zeus 4, EX oou YUQ yi\vo; foµh. The
Zeus of these Stoic poets (as of"Epimenides") is the 11.6yo; or world principle which
animates all things; their language, however, is largely adaptable to the God of rev-
elation. By presenting God as creator and judge, Paul emphasizes his personal
character as opposed to the pantheistic Zeus of the Stoics.
17:29 yi\vo; ovv uit<iQXOvtE£ tou 0rnu] In the OT humanity is not only the
creature of God, but made in his image and after his likeness (xat' dxova ... xai
xa0' 6µoiwmv, Gen. 1:26).
O'UX ocj>ELAOµEV voµ(tEL v ... XUQ<iyµatt tEXVTJ£ xal Ev0uµ~CJEW£ av0Qwitou to
0Eiov dvm oµowv] Cf. Ps. 115:4 (LXX 113:12) and 134 (LXX 133):15, ta E'i&ola
trov i0vwv ClQYUQLOV xa1. XQUCJ(ov, EQya XELQWV av0Qooitwv. Cf. also Isa. 40:18, tivt
mµOLWCJUtE X'UQLOV, XUL tlVl oµmooµatt mµOLWCJUtE autov; (the same argument is de-
veloped in Wisd. 13:5, 10; 15:4, 15-17).
to 0Eiov] "the divine" (essence or nature), an idiomatic Gk. touch. For the
neut. cf. v. 23 (and v. 270 ); its use here instead of tov 0E6v is probably stylistic, and
not theologically motivated. See New Docs. 3 (1978), § 39.
17:30 toil; ... XQOVOU£ t~; ayvo(a~] Cf. Rom. 1:21, 28 (yvovtE~ tov 0EOV
[i.e., knowing of his existence] ... oux iboxiµaoav tov 0Eov EXELV EV imyvwoEL);
1 Cor. 1:21; Gal. 4:8; Eph. 4:18; 1 Th. 4:5; Wisd. 14:22; 15:11. Cf. also 14:16 above,
EV tai~ JtUQCJ.lXTJµEVm~ yEvrni~.
UltEQLOOJV] JtUQLOOJv D, "having overlooked." See on 14: 16; cf. also Rom.
3:25f., OL(l t~V ltUQECJLV '[WV ltQOYfYOVOtWV aµaQtT)µUt(t)V EV tfl avoxfl toU 0EOU (i.e.,
judgment was deferred until God's righteousness was demonstrated and vindicated
by the death of Christ). "The 'overlooking' of ignorance which is here referred to
does not imply that in pre-Christian days God regarded the idolatry of the heathen
with indifference or saved them from the consequences of their sins, denounced so
vigorously in Rom. i., but simply that the time for the final judgment had not come
until now, and that they were, therefore, summoned now to prepare for it as they
had not been before" (AC. McGiffert, History of Christianity in the Apostolic Age
[Edinburgh, 1897], p. 260, n. J).
ta vuv] Now that the fulness of God's revelation has been given in the advent
385
and resurrection of Christ; cf. Rom. 3:21 (vuvl be ... ), 26 (Ev tcp viiv xmQcp ); 16:26
(q,avEQw8evtoc; be viiv); Gal. 4:9; Eph. 3:5; 5:8; Col. 1:26.
n:<ivtac; n:avtax.ou] For the alliteration and paronomasia on n:a.c; see on v. 26.
For the turn of phrase cf. 24:3; 1 Cor. 4:17; 2 Cor. 9:8; Eph. 5:20; Phil. 1:3.
µEtavoEiv] For the command to repent cf. 2:38; 3: 19; 20:21 (see ad Loe.); Mk.
1 :4, 15, etc. For the link between the divine overlooking and human repentance see
Wisd. 11:23 (ltOQOQ(l.<; ClfJ.UQt~µata av8QWJtWV de; µEtavmav); cf. also Rom. 2:4.
17:31 xa86n] bL6n byz. In Hellenistic Gk. xa86n passes over to the mean-
ing of l>LotL ("because").
fot1]CJEV ~f.1.EQOV] For the appointed day of judgment cf. Rom. 2:5, 16; 1 Cor.
1:8; Phil. 1:6, 10; 1 Th. 5:2, 4; 2 Th. 1: 10; 2:2; Amos 5:18; Isa. 2:12.
n
Ev µ£AA.EL] om b, leaving XQLVEL v (XQivm D) to be treated as epexegetic infin.
XQLVELV t~v olxouµEV1JV Ev bLxawauvn] Quoted from Ps. 9:8 (LXX 9:9); 96
(LXX 95):13; 98 (LXX 97):9, XQLVEi t~v olxouµEV1JV Ev bLxawauvn. The words in
their OT context refer to the day of Yahweh; for Paul that day is "the day of Jesus
Christ" (e.g., Phil. 1 :6), to which his people look forward expectantly, and on which
mankind will be judged.
EV avbQl] "Sic appellat Jesum, pro captu auditorum. Plura erat dicturus audire
cupientibus" (J. A. Bengel). That God's judgment of the world is delegated to a
human being (we; uioc; avSQwn:ou) is taught from Dan. 7:13f. on. Cf. Mk. 13:26;
14:62 par.; Mt. 25:31; Jn. 5:27 (xal El;oua(av EbwXEv amcp XQLCJLV JtOLEiv, on uioc;
av8QWltOU EatLv}. For the Semitism (6) uioc; (toii} av8QWltOU of these texts (see on
7:56 above) Paul, addressing a Gentile audience to which such an expression would
be unintelligible, substitutes the ordinary word av~Q. The use of Ev here may be il-
lustrated from 1 Cor. 6:2 (Et EV uµiv XQLVEtm 6 xoaµoc;); cf. an Athenian inscription
of the fourth century B.C., XQL vfo8w EV 'A811va(0Lc; xal tole; auµµax.mc; (SJG3 147.57).
4> WQWEV] Attic attraction of relative. For Christ's appointment as judge cf.
10:42 (ot'n:6c; EatLv 6 WQLaµevoc; un:o toii 8rnii XQLt~c; ~wvtwv xal vExQv) and refer-
ences ad Loe.; also Rom. 1 :4, where the verb is used, as here, in reference to the
evidential power of his resurrection.
JtLatL v µaQaax.wv] "having provided proof." Vettius Valens 277.29f. supplies
an example ofJt(atLv JtUQEX.W in the same sense. Note again alliteration on Jt (with
following JtO.CJL v).
avaat~aac; amov Ex vEXQcilv] For the connection between resurrection and
judgment cf. 10:41f.; Jn. 5:25-29; 1 Th. 1:10.
This, says M. Dibelius, is "the only Christian sentence in the Areopagus
speech" (Studies, p. 56). Agreed: up to this point Paul has been speaking of God
the creator, who makes provision for his creatures, in terms which he might have
used before his conversion ( especially if, as some suppose, he had at that time been
vigorously engaged in the proselytizing of Gentiles). Only when he had communi-
cated the knowledge of the living God could he go on intelligibly to talk of "his
Son from heaven," whether at Athens or (as earlier) at Thessalonica (1 Th. 1:9).
Vv. 22-30 constitute the preparatory lesson; the contents of v. 31 present, in very
condensed form, what could be developed into the next (and distinctively Chris-
386
17:32-34 THE ATHENIANS' RESPONSE
tian) lesson. Both at Thessalonica and at Athens Jesus is proclaimed in an eschato-

logical setting: if pagans at Athens needed to learn that it was through him that God
would judge the world, believers at Thessalonica could rejoice in the knowledge
that it was through him that they would be delivered from the terrors of judgment
to come (1 Th. 1: 10).
In the synagogue address of 13:16-41, vv. 16-22 are preparatory; the first
Christian word is spoken in v. 23. Only, in that address the fulfilment is treated as
fully as the preparation; theAreopagitica is devoted almost entirely to preparation.
See K. Haacker, "Urchristliche Mission und kulturelle Identitat," Theologische
Beitriige 19 (1988), pp. 61-73.
6. The Athenians' Response (17:32-34)

32 axouaavtEi; OE av<iataOL V VEXQWV oi µEV EXAEuatov, oi ?!E Eln:av,
'Axoua6µE9a aou n:EQL TOU'tOU xal n:<iALV. 33 omwi; 6 nau1,,oi; E~fiWEV EX µfoou
aurwv· 34 tL vi:i; OE UVOQEi; XOAATJ0EvtEi; Uut(J) En:iatEUOUV, EV oli; xal llwvuatoi;
6 'AQrnn:ay(n1i; xal. yuv~ 6v6µatt ll<iµUQti; xal, ETEQOt auv auroii;.
17:32 avaataOL v vExQ<ilv] "a resurrection of dead people ( corpses)," gener-
alizing plur. (cf. 26:23). Cf. v. 18. The idea of the immortality of the soul was fa-
miliar to Paul's hearers, and probably congenial to all except the Epicureans, but
there was no room in Greek thinking for the resurrection of the body. Indeed, such
an idea was ruled out by the highest authority: in the Eumenides of Aeschylus
(647f.) the god Apollo was represented as saying, at the inauguration of the
Areopagus court by the city's patron goddess Athene:
avliQ~ Ii' EltEtOOV alµ' avaamian XOVL~

aJtas 8aVOvtO~, Outt~ ECJ't' UVOCJ'taOt~.
EXAEuatov] "mocked," only here in the NT (the compound l'itax1,,rnatw ap-

pears in 2: 13). In New Docs. 2 (1977), § 81, two instances of the verb are added to
those cited in MM, s. v. )CAEU<i~w.
17:33 Ex µfoou aurwv] I.e., from the Areopagites (see on iv µimp, v. 22).
17:34 XOAAt]0EvtEi;] Cf. 5:13, xoHaa0m.
En:LatEuaav] These, however, are not reckoned as "the first converts (an:UQX~)
in Achaia," a term applied to the household of Stephanas in 1 Cor. 16: 15. There is
no word of the planting of a church in Athens at this stage; those who "believed"
are not even said to have been baptized ( although it would be precarious to argue
from silence). See W. M. Ramsay, "The Firstfruits of Achaia," BRD, pp. 385-411.
EV oli; xal X't'A] "including in particular Dionysius the Areopagite; and (in ad-
dition to tt vi:i; ... iivbQEi;) a woman named Damaris." There is no need to include
xal yuv~ in Ev oli;, since oli; is definitely masculine, having iivbQEi; as its antece-
dent.
llwvumoi; 6 'AQrnn:ayitTJi;] om 6 BI llwv. ni; 'AQrnn:. Euax~µwv D. The court
of the Areopagus was a closed body; membership in it was a high distinction. On
the authority of Dionysius, bishop of Corinth c. AD. 170, Eusebius (HE 3.4.11;
387
4.23.3) reports the tradition that Dionysius the Areopagite was the first bishop of
Athens. A considerable body of Neoplatonic literature, belonging to the fifth or
sixth century A.D., circulated under his name and profoundly influenced the devel-
opment of mediaeval scholasticism.
xai yuv~ ovoµan t.aµaQL£] om DI t. E add nµ(a after yuv~. The name is a var-
iant of ooµaA.L£, "heifer" (cf. lath Damalis); it was a common female name (for
another animal name cf. Dorcas, 9:36, 39). In view of the unlikelihood of an ordi-
nary Athenian woman's presence in the vicinity, Ramsay thought she might be "a
foreign woman, perhaps one of the class of educated Hetairai" (SPT, p. 252; cf.
CRE, p. 161). Chrysostom (De sacerd. 4.7) makes her the wife of Dionysius-a
suggestion on the same level of credibility as Dionysius's being bishop of Athens.
Historically, we know nothing more about either of them, but in their day they were
presumably of sufficient note for Luke to single them out by name.
388
ACTS 18
D. PAUL AT CORINTH (18:1-17)

1. Paul Arrives at Corinth (18:1-4)
1 Mrni taiita XWQL08Et£ EX t&v 'A811vwv ~A.8Ev EL£ K6Qt v8ov. 2 xal EUQWV tt va
'louooiov ov6µatt 'Axvt..av, novmrov tcj> YEVEL, JtQOOq>lltW£ EA.l]A. U86ta a:n:o tfi£
'ltaA.LU£ xal IlQLOXLA.A.UV yuvaixa amov bui to btatEtaxhm KA.a'Ubtov
XWQL~E08m :n:avtU£ toll£ 'loubaLOll£ a:n:o tfi£ 'Pwµl]£, ltQOCJfjA.8EV am:Oi£, 3 xal
bta to 6µ6texvov dvm EµEVEV :n:aQ' amoi£ xal ~QYll~OvtO, ~oav Y<lQ CJXl]VO-
:n:otoi tfl tEXvn. 4bt£AEYETO bE EV tfl ouvaywyfl xata :n:iiv oaf}~atov, E:n:EL8EV TE
'louba(ou£ xal "&t..Y]VU£.
18:1 Et£ K6Qtv8ov] Corinth, on the Isthmus of Corinth, occupied a most
favorable position for commercial enterprise, at the point where land routes north
and south approached the Corinthian Gulf on the west and the Saronic Gulf on the
east. It was for long a commercial and naval rival to Athens. It was built on the
north side of the Acrocorinthus, which rises 1900 feet above the plain and served
the Corinthians as their citadel. The citadel had an inexhaustible water supply in
the upper fountain of Peirene; the lower fountain of the same name met the require-
ments of the city itself.
On the summit of the Acrocorinthus stood the temple of Aphrodite: her cult
statue was attired in the armor of the war god Ares, with his helmet for a foot rest
and his shield for a mirror. At the foot of the Acrocorinthus stood the temple of
Melicertes, the patron of seafarers. It was in his honor, according to one strand of
tradition (Thrasyllus, ap. Clem. Alex., Strom. 137 .1 ), that the Isthmian Games were
founded; these were held every two years, under the presidency of Corinth, and at
them the sea god Poseidon was especially venerated. Corinth paid respect, in Paul's
words, to "many 'gods' and many 'lords'" (1 Cor. 8:5).
Corinth survived many crises in Greek history, but suffered disaster in 146
B.C., when, in reprisal for the leading part it had taken in the revolt of the Achaean
League against Rome's overlordship, a Roman army under L. Mummius razed it
to the ground, enslaved its population, and confiscated its territory to the Roman
state. It lay derelict for a century, until it was refounded by Julius Caesar in 44 B.c.
389
as a Roman colony with the name Laus Iulia Corinthus. In 27 B.C. it became the
seat of administration of the province Achaia.
The city had two seaports-Cenchreae on the Saronic Gulf (cf. v. 18) and
Lechaeum on the Gulf of Corinth. An attempt was made more than once in antiq-
uity to dig a canal across the isthmus, but without success. Small craft could be
dragged across the isthmus by means of the diolkos, a paved road with channels
about five feet apart, along which ran the wheels of the wooden carriage which
supported the ships.
See 0. Broneer, "Corinth: Center of St. Paul's Missionary Work in Greece,"
BA 14 (1951), pp. 78-96; J. Wiseman, The Land of the Ancient Corinthians (Gote-
borg, 1978); "Corinth and Rome I: 228 B.C.-A.D. 267," ANRW2.7.1 (Berlin, 1979),
pp. 438-548; J. Murphy-O'Connor, St. Paul's Corinth: Texts and Archaeology
(Wilmington, DE, 1983).
18:2 ml EUQWV ... 'Axu1,.av] 'Axu1,.ac; is a hellenized form of Lat. Aquila
("eagle").
Ilovnxov] "of Pontus" -either the Roman province of that name, which
formed an administrative unit with Bithynia (see on 16:7), or the kingdom of Pon-
tus farther east; more probably the former.
xal IlQiaxLA.A.av yuvai:xa amoti] Paul calls her Prisca (Rom. 16:3; 1 Cor.
16:19; 2 Tim. 4:19). "Luke regularly uses the language of conversation, in which
the diminutive forms were usual; and so he speaks of Priscilla, Sopatros and Silas
always, though Paul speaks of Prisca, Sosipatros and Silvanus" (Ramsay, SPT,
p. 268). Both Luke and Paul name her before her husband more often than vice
versa (cf. vv. 18, 26), from which some have inferred that she was of higher rank
than he. She may have been a freedwoman, if not a freeborn member, of the gens
Prisca, a noble Roman family. A Harnack ("Probabilia iiber die Adresse und den
Verfasser des Hebraerbriefs," ZNW 1 [1900], pp. 16-41, especially 32ff.) suggested
that they were foundation members of the church in Rome ( and that Priscilla, with
Aquila, was the author of the letter to the Hebrews).
6La to 6LatEtuXEVUL KA.au6Lov XOOQL~rnem :mivtac; tOU£ 'louoo(ouc; futo tfJc;
'Pwµric;] This edict is almost certainly that referred to by Suetonius, Claud. 25.4:
"Iudaeos impulsore Chresto adsidue tumultuantes Roma expulit." If it could be
dated more precisely, Paul's arrival in Corinth could be dated rather closely, since
Priscilla and Aquila had "newly (:rtQompatooc;) come from Italy" on account of the
edict when Paul arrived. Does Suetonius refer to the same action as Dio Cassius
mentions (Hist. 60.6) when he says that at the beginning of his rule (c. A.D.41), on
account of the undue increase of Jews in Rome, Claudius "did not indeed expel
them, but forbade them to meet in their ancestral way" (touc; tE 'Iouba(ouc;
:rtA.EOVO.GUVtac; aii9Lc;, WITTE XUAE:rt<iJc; av UVEU tUQaxfJc; U:rtO toti OXAOU mpwv tfJc; :rtOA.EOO£
ELQX9fJvm, oux E~~A.UGE µev, tcp 6£ b~ :rtatQLql ~lql XQOOµevouc; EXEA.EUGE µ~
auva9Qot~wem)? On the face ofit, the action is not the same: Dio says that Claudius
did not expel the Jews; Suetonius says he did. Even so, it has been held that the two
writers do speak of the same occasion-that Suetonius is guilty of inaccuracy or
exaggeration. Of those who take this line, some date the action in AD. 41 (e.g.,
390
18:1-4 PAUL ARRIVES AT CORINTH
G. Ludemann, Paul, Apostle to the Gentiles: Studies in Chronology, E.T. [London,

1984), pp. 164-71), others eight years later (e.g., A Suhl, Paulus und seine Briefe:
Ein Beitrag zur paulinischen Chronologie [Giitersloh, 1975), p. 326; R. 0. Hoer-
ber, "The Decree of Claudius in Acts 18:2," CTM 31 [1960), pp. 690-94). AD. 49
is the date given by Orosius (Hist. 7.6.15), but his evidence is suspect because he
quotes Josephus as his authority ("anno eiusdem [sc. Claudii] nono expulsos per
Claudium urbe ludaeos Iosephus refert"), whereas there is no mention of Claudius's
edict anywhere in Josephus. E. M. Smallwood rightly distinguishes two measures
of Claudius, the earlier one (attested by Dio Cassius) when he tried to curb Jewish
rioters in Rome by imposing limited restrictions on the Jews of the capital, and the
later one (attested by Suetonius) when he took the more drastic step of banishing
the Jewish community, because the earlier limited restrictions had proved insuffi-
cient (The Jews under Roman Rule [Leiden, 1976), pp. 210-16). Orosius's date of
AD. 49 is probably accurate, because it is supported by the much firmer evidence
for the date of Gallio's proconsulship of Achaia (see on v. 12).
Suetonius's statement that the riots which occasioned the edict of expulsion
took place "at the instigation of Chrestus" (impulsore Chresto) is usually taken to
mean that they were stirred up by the recent introduction of Christianity into the
Jewish community of Rome. If so, then those who regard the expulsion of "all
Jews" as hyperbole and conclude that the edict applied to "those Jews who were
the most vocal on either side of the Christ issue" agree that this "would explain the
expulsion of Aquila and Priscilla whom we know later to have been vigorous Chris-
tian missionaries" (R. E. Brown in Antioch and Rome, p. 102).
The original b text of vv. 2 and 3 is reconstructed as follows by J. H. Ropes,
chiefly on the basis of lath and syrhcl.mg: xa1 EUQEV 'Axu1..av, Ilovmcov tcp yhn,
'Iouooiov, 3tQO<Jq>lltW£ EA.l]A.U0ota u:n:6 tfJ£ 'ltUA.LU£ <J'UV ITQtCJXLA.A.TI yuvmxl mitou, xal
:1tQO<JijA.0EV auto~· Outot be E!;f]1..0ov u:n:6 tfJ£ 'Pwµl]£ bui to tEtaX,EVUL K1..aubtov
KaLCJUQU :X.WQitw0m mivtU£ 'IouooioU£ u:n:6 tf]~ 'Pwµt]~· OL xal xatCJ)Xl]CJUV EL~ t~V
'A:x.aiav. 6 be ITaiiA.0£ EYVWQLCJ0l] tcp 'AxtiA.<;t bui to 6µ6cpu1..ov xal 6µ6tE:X.VOV dvm,
xal EµEVEV :1tQO£ UutOU£ xal ~Qylitno· ~<JUV Y<lQ CJXl]V0:1tOLOL tfl te:x.vn.
18:3 ~Qy<itEto ( or variant spelling ELQY<itno)] P74 X c A D E q, byz I
~Qyli~ovto X * B copsah.coddbo_ Paul's maintaining himself by his own manual work
is traditionally illustrated by the rabbinical insistence that religious instruction
should be gratuitous (cf. Pirqe 'Abot 4.7: "R. Zadok said,' ... Make not of the
Torah a crown with which to aggrandize thyself, nor a spade with which to dig.'
So also used Hillel to say, 'He who makes a worldly use of the crown of the Torah
shall waste away.' Hence thou mayest infer that whosoever derives a profit for him-
self from the words of the Torah is helping on his own destruction"). A later teacher,
Gamaliel III, said that the study of the Torah was excellent if combined with a secu-
lar occupation (Pirqe 'Abot 2.2). Greek culture, by contrast, tended to despise
manual labor; an exception is presented by scientific writers, who speak respect-
fully of tqvitm. L. C. A Alexander finds in the attitude of scientific writers a
possible background for Luke's totally matter-of-fact record of Paul's practice here
("Luke's Preface in the Context of Greek Preface-Writing," NovT28 [1986), pp.
391
48-74, especially p. 70). Cf. 20:34, and Paul's references to his policy in 1 Th. 2:9;
1 Cor. 9:12b-18; 2 Cor. 11:7-12.
OXTJVmtoLol] Paul's trade was probably connected with the chief manufacture
of his native province, cilicium, a cloth of goats' hair from which were made cover-
ings designed to give protection against cold and wet. While the etymological sense
of OXTJVOrtm6i:; is "tent-maker," it was used in the wider sense of "leather-worker"
(cf. Eng. "saddler," which has a wider sense than "maker of saddles"). R. F. Hock,
who puts Paul's manual work in a Hellenistic social setting (cf. "Paul's Tentmak-
ing and the Problem of his Social Class," JBL 97 [1978], pp. 555-64; "The Work-
shop as a Social Setting for Paul's Missionary Preaching," CBQ 41 [1979], pp. 438-
50; and The Social Context of Paul's Ministry: Tentmaking and Apostleship
[Philadelphia, 1980]), finds a polemic note in Paul's own references to it; whether
that is so or not, there is no such note in Luke's present reference.
18:4 bLEAtyEto bi! xtA] dortOQEu6µEvoi:; bi: di; t~v ouvayooy~v xata rtiiv oc:i~~u-
tov bLEAEYEto, xal EVtL8EL£ to ovoµu tO'U XUQLOU 'll]OO'U, xal ErtEL8EV bE OU µ6vov
'Ioubu(oui:; ana xal "B.AT]VU£ nc latg h syrhcl.mg (representing b). The addition xal
EvtL0di:; xtA implies that, as the scriptures were read, Paul explained them by "in-
serting the name of the Lord Jesus" where appropriate; cf. the Targumic insertion
of "Messiah" after "my servant" in Isa. 42: 1; 52:13 (see on 3: 13). "It is undoubtedly
a correct estimate of what Paul did" (LC).
iv tfl ouvuyooyfl] The remains of a white marble lintel inscription (crudely ex-
ecuted), found on the Lechaeum road at Corinth, and dated anywhere between 100
B.C. and A.D. 400, read [LYNA ]rQrH EBP[ AIQN] (B. Powell, "Greek Inscriptions
from Corinth," AJA 2, 7 (1903], pp. 60f., § 40; Deissmann, LAE, p. 16).
2. Paul Spends Eighteen Months in Corinth (18:5-11)

s 'Qi; bi! xat~A8ov &rto t~i:; MaxEbov(ui:; otE LLAai:; xal 6 TLµ68rni:;, ouvELX,Eto
tcµ AOYCJl 6 Ilau1,.oi:;, bLaµagtug6µEvoi:; toi:i:; 'Ioubu(mi:; dvm tov XQLatov
'Il]oouv. 6 avtLtuoooµhwv be um&v xal ~Aaocpl]µouvtoov EXtLval;c:iµEvoi:; ta
iµc:inu ELrtEV rtgoi:; amoui:;, To ulµu uµ&v Ertl t~V XEcj>aA~V uµ&v· xa8ugoi:; Eyw·
arto to'U V'UV di; ta E8Vl] ltOQEOOoµm. 7XUL µEt~ai:; EXEi:8Ev ~A.8Ev di; oix(uv
tL voi:; ov6µatL TL tLOU 'Iouatou OE~oµe vou tOV 8EOV, O'(J ~ oix(u ~v ouvoµogouau
tfl ouvuyooyfl. s Kgiortoi:; bE 6 UQX,Louvc:iyooyoi:; ErttatEUOEV tcµ XUQLC)l ouv OAC)l t(!l
o'tXC)l umou, xal ltOAAOL t&v KogLv0(oov axouovtEi:; EltLatEUOV xal E~UlttL~OvtO.
9 ElrtEv bi: 6 xugLOi:; EV vuxtl bL' 6gc:iµatoi:; tcµ ITctUACJl, M~ q,o~ou, a1,.1,.a AUAEL
xul µ~ OLOOltTJOTii:;, IObLOtL eyw dµL µmx OO'U xul oubEli:; EltL0TJOEtUL OOL toii
xaxwaa( OE, bLOtL Aa6i:; Eatt µOL 1toAUi:; EV tfl ltOA.EL tuutn. 11 'Exc:i8LOEV bE
EVLUutOV XUL µ~vui:; E~ bLoooxoov EV auto ii; tOV 1,.6yov tO'U 8EO'U.
18:5 otE LLAai:; xal 6 TLµ60rni:;] For the probable movements of Silas and
Timothy see on 17:14.
ouvEtX.Eto tcµ AOYCJJ] "proceeded to devote himself entirely to preaching"; per-
haps supplies brought by Silas and Timothy from Thessalonica and Philippi (cf.
2 Cor. 11:8f.; Phil. 4:15f.) released him for a time from the necessity of manual
labor.
392
18:5-11 PAUL SPENDS EIGHTEEN MONTHS IN CORINTH
d vm tov XQUJ'tov 'IT)oouv] The b text characteristically inserts X'UQtov before

'IT)oouv, and adds :1toU..ou bE ),.oyou yt voµivou xal yQacj>ciiv btEQ!lTJVEuoµivcov. The
position of the article is noteworthy; the meaning is, "that the Messiah (of whom
they knew from the prophetic scriptures) was Jesus (whom Paul now introduced
to them)."
18:6 exttva;aµEv0<; ta iµuna] In token of abhorrence of their "blasphemy,"
or perhaps in the spirit of Mk. 6:11 par. (cf. 13:51 above), in token that he no longer
had any responsibility for their well-being since they had refused his message.
to alµa uµwv fjtl, t~V XEcj>UA~V i,µwv] SC. EA0Et(O (cf. Mt. 23:35). For the ellip-
sis (as well as for the idiom) cf. 2 Sam. (LXX 2 Kms.) 1:16; Mt. 27:25; and for the
general sense cf. Ezek. 33:5.
xa0UQo~ eyoo] Cf. 20:26.
EL£ ta E0vl] JtOQEuooµm] Cf. 13:46; 28:28. The same pattern of events unfolds
itself as in the synagogues of Pisidian Antioch, Iconium, and Thessalonica.
18:7 EXEL0ev] I.e., from the synagogue. The b reading a.Jto i\.xu)..a (D latd h;
614 has the conflate EXEi0Ev a.Jto tou 'Axu)..a) "is probably a misinterpretation; the
divergence is wholly inconsistent with the idea of a common authorship for the two
forms of the text" (J. H. Ropes).
TttLOU 'Ioumou] B* D 2 syrhcl I TLt;)U 'Ioumou ~ E 36 1175 1739 al syrresh
cop/ 'loumou A 8 2 D* 'P byz. Ropes suggested that the simple 'Ioumou (cf. 1:23;
Col. 4:11) was original, Trn'.ou having arisen from dittography of the final -TL of
the preceding ovoµatt and the first three letters of 'Ioumou (this is unlikely, involv-
ing as it does a double dittography of TI). The form Titius Justus suggests that he
was a Roman citizen and therefore probably one of the coloni (cf. the Lat. names
of some Corinthian Christians in Rom. 16:22f.; 1 Cor. 16: 17). Ramsay (Pictures of
the Apostolic Church [London, 1910], p. 205, n. 2) identified him with Gaius, de-
scribed by Paul in Rom. 16:23 as "host to me and to the whole church" (cf. 1 Cor.
1:14); his full name would then have been C. Titius Justus (so also E. J. Goodspeed,
"Gaius Titius Justus," JBL 69 (1950], pp. 382f.).
oE~oµhou tov 0Eov] See on 10:2; 13:43; 16:14. This is the last mention of
"God-fearing" Gentiles in Acts.
~v ouvoµoQouoa] For the periphrastic construction see on 1: 10; it is much
rarer in the second half of Acts (cf. 22:19), but here ouvoµoQoiioa is practically an
adj. No doubt Paul welcomed the offer of premises so near the synagogue, where
it would be easy to keep in touch with its "God-fearing" adherents.
18:8 KQio:1to£] His baptism by Paul is mentioned in 1 Cor. 1:14; he and
Gaius (see on v. 7 above), with the household of Stephanas, were evidently Paul's
first converts in Corinth.
CT.Q):touvuywyo£] See on 13:15.
EJtLOTEUOEV tcp XUQLCJJ] EJtLOTEUOEV EL£ tov X'IJQLOV D (cf. 16:34). Here, as in
16:34, where matEuco is followed by the simple dat., "accepting the truth of God's
word satisfies the connexion" (MHT I, p. 67). Cf. 5: 14; Jn. 5:24, 38; 8:31.
O'UVOA(Jltcpofacpamou]Cf.11:14; 16:15,31-34.
18:9 c'lt' OQUµUto£] Cf. 9:10, 12; 10:3, 17, 19; 11:5; 12:9; 16:9f.
393
µ~ cj>o~ou ... l'itott iyw Eiµt µeta aou] For similar heavenly reassurance given
to Paul cf. 23:11; 27:23f. For the language here cf. Isa. 43:5 (µ~ cpo~ou, ott iyw µeta
aoii eiµt) and Jer. 1:8 (µ~ cpo~110fi£ ... otL µeta ao'ii iyw Eiµt). µ~ with pres. imper.
means "Stop being afraid"; so i..ai..EL xal µ~ mwJt~an£ means "go on speaking; don't
stop." Since Paul himself says that he came to Corinth iv aa0eve(~ xal EV cpo~q> xal
EV tQOµq> Jtoi..i..cj'> (1 Cor. 2:3), it may be gathered how welcome this reassurance was
to him. His misgivings on coming to Corinth can be understood in the light of the
violence which he had experienced in Macedonia, where he was forced to make a
hasty departure from one city after another; there was no reason to suppose that the
Corinthians would be more amenable.
18:10 oul'iEL£ im0~aeta( aot to'ii xaxwaa( l'JE] There is emphasis on xaxwam.
He was attacked (v. 12), but suffered no harm.
i..ao£ im( µoL JtOA.U£] As in 15:14 (q.v.), the word A.UO£, regularly used in a
Jewish context of Israel as distinct from the Gentiles, is used of the Lord's new
"chosen people," which included a majority of Gentile believers. Cf. Tit. 2:14;
1 Pet. 2:9f.
18:11 ixci0taev] "he remained"; forxa0(~w (aor.) in this sense cf. Lk. 24:49.
ivtam:ov xal µ~VU£ E~] Probably from late summer of 50 to early spring of 52
(see on next verse). Early in this period 1 and 2 Thessalonians were written.
3. Paul before Gallio (18:12-17)

12 rai..A.LWVO£ l'JE av0uJtcitou Ovt0£ t~£ 'A)(.ULU£ XatEJtEITTl']OUV 6µo0uµaoov ot
'Iouooim tcj'> Tiaui..q> xal ~yayov autov EJtt to ~~µa, 13 i..EyovtE£ OtL TIUQU tOV
voµov UVUJtEt0EL oin:0£ toll£ av0QW:JtOU£ OE~E00UL tov 0EOV. I4µEA.A.0Vto£ l'JE to'ii
naui..ou avo(yELv to moµa Eln:Ev 6 raA.i..(wv l1:QO£ tol)£ 'louoo(oU£, Et µEV ~v
&Mxwa tt ~ Q~l'iLOUQYl']µa :JtOVl']QOV, cb 'loul'Jaim, Xata i..oyov av avwx.0µ11v
uµwv· 1s Ei l'JE ~l']t~µatci imt v JtEQL i..oyou xal 6voµcitwv xal voµou to'ii xa0' i,µci£,
O'lj)E00E auto(· XQLt~£ iyw tOtJt(t)V O'IJ ~oui..oµm dvm. 16XUL U3t'l)A.UOEV U'UtOU£
UJtO to'U ~~µUto£. 17 E:JtLA.a~oµEVOL l'iE :JtUvtE£ llll00EV1']V tov UQ)(.LOUVaywyov
EtUn:tOV EµJtQ000EV to'ii ~~µUto£" xal oul'JEV tout(t)V tcj'> ran(wvt eµei..Ev.
18:12 ran(wvo£] M. Annaeus Novatus, as he originally was, was a son of
the elder Seneca and brother of Seneca the philosopher and of Mela, the father of
the poet Lucan. He was born in Cordova, and came to Rome with his father in the
principate of Tiberius. He was there adopted by the rhetorician L. Junius Gallio,
whose name he thenceforth bore. Under Claudius he became proconsul of Achaia
(see next note). He left his province because of a fever and went on a cruise for his
health (Seneca, Ep. Mor. 104.1). At later date we find him taking another voyage
from Rome to Egypt after his consulship (A.D. 55) because of threatened phthisis
(Pliny, NH 31.33). On the death of Seneca in A.D. 65, Gallio begged successfully
for his life (Tac. Ann. 15.73), but later fell victim to Nero's suspicion, along with
his other brother Mela (Dio Cass. Hist. 62.25). Seneca (NQ 4a, praef. 11) praises
his virtues and lovable character ("nemo enim mortalium uni tam dulcis est quam
hie omnibus"); cf. Statius, Silvae 2.7.32:
394
18:12-17 PAULBEFOREGALLIO
hoc plus quam Senecam dedisse mundo

aut dulcem generasse Gallionem.
Dio Cassius (Hist. 61.35) speaks of his wit, quoting a tasteless joke (by our stan-
dards) about the death of Claudius.
av0umitou ovto; tij; 'Axaia;] av0uJtatEuovto; tij; 'A byz. Achaia was
governed by a proconsul from 27 B.C. to A.O. 15, when it was united with Mace-
donia and Moesia to form one imperial province; in A.O. 44 it was handed back to
the senate and was once again governed by a proconsul. It was a province of the
second rank; the proconsul held office "after holding the praetorship, and gener-
ally before the consulship" (Ramsay, SPT, p. 258).
The date of Gallio's proconsulship is fixed rather precisely by an inscription
recording a rescript of Claudius to the citizens of Delphi (S/G3, § 801). The re-
script, dated from Claudius's 26th acclamation as imperator, i.e., within the first
seven months of A.O. 52 (from CJL 3.476, 6.1256, with Frontinus, De aqu. 1.13, it
appears that by the beginning of August in that year he had been acclaimed imper-
ator for the 27th time), mentions a directive issued by "my friend Gallio, procon-
sul of Achaia," in terms implying that Gallio has been proconsul but is so no longer.
Since Claudius made provincial governors set out from Rome year by year not later
than mid-April (Dio Cass. Hist. 60.17.3), a date not later than May, A.O. 51, is in-
dicated for Gallio's entrance on his proconsulship. By the time of Claudius's re-
script (? May/June, A.O. 52), he had demitted office (for health reasons, according
to Seneca). See A Brassac, "Une inscription de Delphes et la chronologie de Saint
Paul," RB 10 (1913), pp. 36-53, 207-17; A Plassart, "L'inscription de Delphes
mentionnant le Proconsul Gallion," REG 80 (1967), pp. 372-78; B. Schwank, "Der
sogenannte Brief an Gallio und die Datierung des 1 Thess.," BZ n.s. 15 (1971), pp.
265f.; J. H. Oliver, "The epistle of Claudius which mentions the Proconsul Junius
Gallio," Hesperia 40 (1971), pp. 239f.; K. Haacker, "Die Gallia-Episode und die
paulinische Chronologie," BZ n.s. 16 (1972), pp. 252-55; C. J. Herner, "Observa-
tions on Pauline Chronology," in Pauline Studies, ed. D. A Hagner and M. J. Har-
ris (Exeter/Grand Rapids, 1980), pp. 3-18, especially pp. 6-9.
The incident here recorded, according to J. Murphy-O'Connor, "must have
taken place between July and October A.O. 51" (St. Paul's Corinth, pp. 149f.).
G. Ludemann (Paul: Chronology, pp. 158-73) dates Paul's evangelization of
Corinth ten years earlier than this, and. thinks that the Gallia incident belongs to
Paul's last visit to the city, on the eve of his last journey to Judaea (cf. 20:2f.). Luke,
he says, tends to place all he has to say about Paul's association with any one place
in the setting of his first visit to it. If we were forced to this conclusion, we should
have to accept it, but we are not so forced-certainly not by the chronological in-
dications of Paul's letters. Paul was encouraged by the outcome of the Gallia inci-
dent to spend more time in Corinth (v. 18); his schedule on the occasion of his later
visit (cf. 20:16) did not permit him to prolong his stay. Luke's reference to Gallia,
in conjunction with the inscription from Delphi, provides us with a welcome fixed
point for the chronology of Paul's ministry.
395
6µo0uµabov oi 'Ioubatot] oi 'Ioul>atOL 6µo0uµabov B 2495 cop.[> adds auv-

1..a1..~aavtE£ µE0' foutfuv E!tl TOV rraut..ov, xaL Em0EVTE£ TCL£ XELQ<l£ ~yayov autov
3tQO£ TOV av0unatov (for 3tQO£ TOV av0unatov D reads E!tl TO ~ijµa by contamina-
tion with the~ text; the true l> text is preserved by lath syrhcl **).The Jews in various
cities throughout the empire were allowed to exercise a considerable degree of
jurisdiction over members of their own community, subject to the overriding
authority of the Roman power. Paul's reference to his receiving the "forty stripes
save one" on five occasions implies that he submitted to the jurisdiction of Jewish
authorities (to have refused synagogue discipline, relying on his rights as a Roman
citizen, would have been practical apostasy, and he would not thus cut himself off
from his people).
EnL to ~ijµa] The elaborate podium overlooking the lower terrace of the forum
of Roman Corinth is commonly pointed out as Gallio's tribunal; see, however,
E. Dinkier, "Das Berna zu Korinth," in Signum Crucis: Aufsiitze zum Neuen Testa-
ment und zur christlichen Archiiologie (Ti.ibingen, 1967), pp. 118-33. For ~ijµa of
the tribunal of a Roman judge cf. 25:6, 10, 17; Mt. 27: 19; Jn. 19:13.
18:13 1..i:yovtE£]prae/xat~ofuvtE£ xai, D lath (representingl>).
naQa tov v6µov] Paul's accusers probably meant that he was giving religious
teaching not countenanced by Roman law and forming his adherents into a col-
legium illicitum. This is different from the charges brought against him at Philippi
(16:21) and Thessalonica (17:6f.). There may be a studied ambiguity in the words
"contrary to the law": did they mean Roman or Jewish law? F. Blass thought the
"law" in question was Julius Caesar's decree in favor of Hyrcanus II, confirming
the Jews' existing privileges (cf. Jos.Ant. 14.190-95); but this decree probably re-
lated to Judaea. Galli o's reply meant in effect that he was not concerned with Jewish
law and that Paul had committed no offense against Roman law.
avanEi0EL] The only NT occurrence. MM quote papyrus evidence for the
word in the sense of evil persuasion; they refer also to Jer. 29 (LXX 36):8; 1 Mace.
1:11. LSJ refer to Herodotus, Hist. 3.148; 5.66, etc., for its use in the sense "se-
duce," "mislead."
18:14 Q?.l>to'UQYl]µa J Cf. Q~l>LOuQyta (13: 10), which also seems to imply
fraud or deception ("false pretenses," MM). Both words occur once only in the NT.
w 'Ioul>atOL] co o.v{>QE£ 'Ioubaiot D lath vg (representing b ).
xma 1..6yov] "reasonably," "as is reason."
avrnx6µl]V] In 2 Cor. 11: 1 avi:xoµm is used of listening patiently while others
are allowed to speak. In a judicial context (as here) it has the technical sense of
taking up a case, accepting a complaint.
18:15 !tEQL 1..6you X<ll ovoµ<itrov XUL v6µou TOU xa0' uµas] "about language
and names and law as observed by you," as opposed to actions, with which he could
more easily deal. With the xata construction cf. 16:39D; 17:28; 26:3.
o'ljlrn0E auto(] Cf. Mt. 27:4, 24. With this colloquial use of the fut. indic. cf.
the formal Lat. uideritis (fut. perf.) of which, in this judicial context, o'ljlrn0E may
be an imitation. (This is more probable than J. L. North's relating it to LOE Iv nEQL in
15:6, "IslilliIN ITEPI [Acts 15.6; cf. 18.15] a Latinism?" NTS29 [1983], pp. 264f.)
396
18:18-23 HASTY VISIT TO JUDAEAAND SYRIA
Gallio directs the accusers to carry their complaint before their own religious
authorities.
18:16 fuc~i..aoEv amo~ fuco mii ~~µato£] Gallio's dismissal was intended
as a snub to the Corinthian Jews (although he does recognize the legal status of
their collegium), not as encouragement to Paul. But it worked to Paul's advantage,
as it would have worked very much to his disadvantage had Gallio ruled in favor
of his accusers. Ramsay supposed that it was Gallio 's refusal to interfere with Paul's
activity that emboldened Paul, a few years later, to appeal "to the supreme tribunal
of the Empire" (SPT, p. 260).
18:17 fuoeevriv tov UQ)'.Louvciycoyov] Presumably the successor or former
colleague of Crispus (v. 8). If he is the Sosthenes of 1 Cor. 1: 1, then he too became
a Christian. The acc. fuoOEvT)v (by analogy with 1st decl., common in Attic Gk.
from 4th cent. B.C. for earlier fuoOEVTJ) is governed by Etum:ov, not EmA.a~oµEvOL
(which would require the gen.).
Etum:ov] Who beat Sosthenes? Probably the Corinthian bystanders, taking
advantage of the snub Gallio had administered to the Jews to express their own
anti-Jewish sentiments. b byz add oi "EAATJVE£ after :rtavtE£, thus making it clear
who beat him.
Ml oubEv wmcov tqi ran(covL EµEA.Ev] What Gallio "paid no attention to" was
the beating up of Sosthenes; he turned a blind eye to it, as is said expressly by b
(latd h; D is wanting): tune Gallia fingebat eum non uidere (which A. C. Clark re-
constructs ton o ran(cov :rtQOOEJCOLEito µ~ tbEiv).
D. EPHESUS (18:18-19:20)
1. Hasty Visit to]udaea and Syria (18:18-23)
18 'O bE flaiiA.0£ EtL :TtQOOµELVU£ ~µEQU£ LXUVCX£ toi:£ abEA.q>OL£ a:rtota!;ciµEVO£
E!;E:rtA.EL El£ t~V LllQLUV, xal O'UV amqi fIQLOXLA.A.U xal 'AxuA.U£, XELQClµEVO£ EV
KEY)'.QEUL£ t~v XE<j>aA.~v, EL)'.EV ya.Q EU)'.~V. 19xat~VTTJOUV bE EL£ "E<j>wov,
XUXEL VOU£ XUtEA.L:rtEV amoii, UUTO£ bE ElOEA.0oov EL£ t~V ouvaycoy~v bLEA.E!;ato
t0L£ 'IoubaLOL£. 20EQCOtWvtCOV bE amv E:rtL :rtA.ELOVU XQOVOV µEivm aux
EJ"CEVEllOEV, 21 ana. UJ't0ta~µEVO£ xal ElltWV, IIaA.L Vavaxaµ'iJco ltQO£ uµa£ toii
0EOU 0EA.OVTO£, UV~)'.OTJ U:rtO tfJ£ 'E<j>foou, 22 XUL XUtEA.0WV El£ KmmiQELUV,
ava~a.£ xai UOJ"CUOClµEVO£ t~V EXXA.TJOLUV, XUtE~TJ El£ 'AvtLO)'.ELUV, 23 xal Jt0L~OU£
XQOVOV n Va e!;f]A.0EV, bLEQ)'.OµEVO£ xa0E!;fJ£ t~V rai..atLX~V XWQUV xal cliQuy(av,
OTTJQLtcov mivta£ to~ µaOT)tCl£.
18:18 ~µEQU£ ixava.£] "many days" (cf. 9:23). After Gallio's favorable de-
cision (as it was in effect) he was not likely to hurry away immediately. He prob-
ably stayed on for six months or more-at least until the Aegean was open for sail-
ing after the winter of 51-52.
t0i£ abEA.<j>oi:£ anota~µEVO£] "taking his leave of the brothers." For
a:rtot<ioooµm with dat. cf. Mk. 6:46; Lk. 9:61; 2 Cor. 2:13 (see New Docs. 1 [1976],
§ 17.8).
XELQ<iµEVO£ ... t~v XE<j>ai..~v] It is grammatically possible that it was Aquila
397
whose head was shorn ( so lath: Aquila, qui uotum cum fecisset ... ), but "the natu-
ral emphasis marks Paul as the subject here" (SPT, p. 263). The ascription of the
action to Aquila (or to Priscilla and Aquila together, as in the best codices of latvg:
qui sibi totonderant in C encris caput, habebant enim uotum) may have arisen from
a desire to absolve Paul from what was imagined to be a compromise with judaiz-
ing ritual (cf. A Ehrhardt,Acts, p. 100). But see below, on El:xEv ya.e EU:X~V. Here
the verb for cutting is XELQW, "cut with scissors," whereas in 21 :24 !;UQEW, "shave,"
is used.
KqXQEat£] Cenchreae was the eastern port of Corinth (see on v. 1), "tutis-
simum nauium receptaculum" (Apuleius, Met. 10.35). It appears from Rom. 16:1
that there was a local church in Cenchreae, as distinct from the main church of
Corinth. For the existence of an Isis shrine at Cenchreae see D. Smith, "The Egyp-
tian cults at Corinth," HTR 70 (1977), pp. 202-10.
El:XEV ya.e EU:X~v] Cf. 21:23, E'IJ'.X~V e:xovtE£, where a temporary Nazirite vow
is meant. Paul's present vow was rather a private religious exercise, not conform-
ing to the requirements of a Nazirite vow, which in any case could not be observed
outside the land of Israel, because of the constant exposure to defilement in a Gen-
tile environment (mNazir 7.3; cf. 3.6). Even if a Nazirite vow were undertaken in
a Gentile environment, it could not be completed without 30 days' residence in the
land of Israel; only at the end of that period would the hair be cut and offered at the
temple (cf. Num. 6:18). Paul's cutting his hair at Cenchreae was probably an ex-
pression of thanksgiving to God for his protection, which had enabled him to
complete his ministry at Corinth, in fulfilment of the promise of v. 10. The dedica-
tion of hair which had remained unshorn for the duration of a vow was not un-
known in the Greek world (see New Docs. 1 [1976], § 4; 3 [1978], § 46), but no
Greek background need be sought for Paul's action here.
18:19 'l«lt~VtlJaEv bed~ "Eq,wov] "he landed at Ephesus."
Ephesus was one of the many Ionian Greek settlements which had existed
from time immemorial on the coast and offshore islands of what was to become
the Roman province of Asia. There had been a Carian settlement on the site before
the Ionians came, devoted to the cult of the great Anatolian mother goddess in her
local manifestation. It has even been suggested that Ephesus is identical with the
Arzawan city of Apasas, which the Hittites (according to their records) sacked
about 1315 B.C. It was situated near the mouth of the Cayster (modem Kii«;iik
Menderes) on the main route from Rome to the east, and was at this time the seat
of administration of the province of Asia. It was the greatest commercial center of
Asia Minor north of the Taurus range (iµ,r6ewv ouaa µEyunov tfuv xata. t~v 'Aaiav
,:~v EvtO£ tou Tm1eou, Strabo, Geog. 14.1.24), although its harbor required constant
dredging because of the Cayster alluvium. Ephesus was a free city, with its own
senate and assembly (see on 19:39), an assize town (see on 19:38), and proud of
its title of Temple Warden of Artemis (see on 19:35). Jews lived at Ephesus in great
numbers, and the privileges granted them by Caesar's lieutenant Dolabella in 44
B.C. (Jos. Ant. 14.225-27) were confirmed by the civic authorities and by Augustus
and his lieutenants (Jos. Ant. 16.162-68, 172f.). See 0. Benndorf et al., Forschun-
398
18: 18-23 HASTY VISIT TO JUDAEA AND SYRIA
gen in Ephesos, I- (Wien, 1906-); W. M. Ramsay, Letters to the Seven Churches of

Asia (London, 1909), pp. 210-50; D. Magie, Roman Rule in Asia Minor (Prince-
ton, NJ, 1950), I, pp. 74-76, II, pp. 885-88; F. Miltner, Ephesos: Stadt der Artemis
und des Johannes (Wien, 1958); J. Keil, Ephesos: Ein Fuhrer durch die Ru-
inenstiitte und ihre Geschichte (Wien, 21964), and "Asia," RAC I, cols. 740-49;
C. Foss, Ephesus After Antiquity (Cambridge, 1979); D. Knibbe and W. Alzinger,
"Ephesos vom Beginn der romischen Herrschaft in Kleinasien bis zum Ende der
Prinzipatszeit: Geschichte und Archaologie," ANRW2.7.2 (Berlin, 1980), pp. 748-
830; W. Elliger, Ephesos: Geschichte einer antiken Weltstadt (Stuttgart, 1985);
C. J. Herner, The Letters to the Seven Churches ofAsia in their Local Setting (Shef-
field, 1986), pp. 35-56.
xo.xdvo~] I.e., Priscilla and Aquila. Between xa( and ixdvou~ b inserts tij'>
imovtL ou~~at(Jl. Priscilla and Aquila stayed on in Ephesus until nearly the end of
Paul's Ephesian ministry, if not longer. Their house there served as a meeting place
for part of the young Ephesian church (1 Cor. 16: 19).
xutEA.LJtEv ,a).] It is possible that xatEA.LJtEv amoii, am<>£ bE was followed im-
mediately by o.v~x.0TJ o.Jto tfi£ 'Ecj,foou (v. 21) in an outline itinerary on which Luke
drew at this point; whether this is so or not, ELOE11.0wv EL~ t~v ouvaycoy~v ... mu
0rnu 0EA.ovto£ (v. 21) appears to be Luke's insertion, "clearly redactional"
(G. Ludemann, Paul: Chronology, p. 145). But Luke need not be supposed to have
invented the account of Paul's brief visit to the Ephesian synagogue at this time in
order to make him, and not Apollos, the first to communicate the story of Jesus
there. It is not Luke who tells us of Paul's preference for preaching the gospel where
Christ had never been named before, but Paul himself (Rom. 15:20f.). See also
N. Hyldahl, Die paulinische Chronologie (Leiden, 1986), p. 85.
btEA.E~ato] "conversed," "discoursed," "debated." Cf. imperf. OLEA.EyEto, v. 4.
18:20 EJtEQCOtmvtcov xt).] He evidently could not stay long enough for them
to realize what the implications of his teaching would be for the synagogue; when
they did realize this later, their reaction was quite different (19:9). On Jews in Ephe-
sus see New Docs. 4 (1979), § 116.
oux EJtEVEuoev] "he did not consent" (lit. "he did not nod consent").
18:21 ELJt(J)V] + OEL f.1E Jt(lV't(O~ t~V EOQt~V t~V EQ)'..OµEVT]V JtOLfjOUL EL£
'IEQooo).uµa b byz, which might indicate the true reason for his hasty departure. If
the feast was Passover (which in AD. 52 fell on April 4), there would be cause for
haste: the seas were closed to sailing until March 10 (Vegetius, De re mil. 4.39), so
time was pressing. But one may suspect that the additional words owe something
to the influence of 20: 16.
tOU 0EOU 0£).0vtQ£] Cf. 21: 14 (tou XUQLOU to 0EA.T]µU yt vfoeco ); Jas. 4:15 (iav
6 XUQLO£ 0EA.TI),
18:22 xute11.0wv EL~ KmoaQnav] "landing at Caesarea" (cf. v. 19; 13:4;
14:25; 16:8 for compounds of xatu- ). If the wind was east of north, it would have
been easier to land at Caesarea than at Seleucia.
a.vu~~ xal o.oJtaoaµevo~ t~v EXXA.T]Otav] Which church-at Caesarea or
Jerusalem? The wording by itself is ambiguous (Moffatt reproduces the ambiguity
399
in his rendering "went up to the capital" - the administrative capital or the re-
ligious capital?). But the following words XUTE~TJ EL£ 'AvnoxELav (cf. 11:27; 15:30)
make it plain that Jerusalem is intended; the verb xat~aivw would not be used of
going from Caesarea, a seaport, to Antioch, an inland city. (B. H. Streeter, "The
Primitive Text of the Acts," ITS 34 [1933], p. 237, maintains that Caesarea, not
Jerusalem, is intended, and suggests the insertion here of the b text of 19: 1 [q. v. ],
as explaining why Paul did not carry out the intention voiced in 18:21 b.)
This Jerusalem visit was held to be a doublet of that in 21:15 by J. Well-
hausen, "Noten zur Apostelgeschichte," NGG (1907), p. 15; "Kritische Analyse der
Apostelgeschichte," AGG n.s. 15.2 (1914), pp. 37f., followed by A. Loisy, Les
Actes desApotres (Paris, 1920), pp. 708f. More recently the visit of 18:22 has been
given an enhanced importance by being identified with the visit of Gal. 2: 1-10, by
J. Knox, Chapters in a Life of Paul (London, 1954), pp. 68f.; J. van Bruggen, "Na
Veertien Jaren" (Kampen, 1973), pp. 40-43, 223-25; G. Ludemann, Paul:
Chronology, pp. 152-56; N. Hyldahl, Paulinische Chronologie, p. 2 (according to
Knox, Ludemann, and Hyldahl this was the only visit paid by Paul to Jerusalem
between that of 9:26 par. Gal. 1:18 and that of 21:15). If it be asked why Barna-
bas is not mentioned here (since he accompanied Paul on the visit of Gal. 2:1-10),
it is no adequate answer to be told that "dogmatic reasons" prevented any refer-
ence to him at this stage in the narrative (cf. Ludemann, Paul: Chronology, pp.
151f.).
So Luke ends the second phase of his account of Paul's missionary career
and embarks on the third (Ephesian) phase. In vv. 22f. and 19:1 he compresses a
journey of 1500 miles; he probably avails himself of an itinerary, plainly not part
of the "we" narrative, which is marked for the most part by a day-to-day logging
of the journeys covered.
18:23 JtoL~OU£ XQ6vov n vu] Probably not very long. There is no indication
of the purpose of this visit to Antioch; Paul may simply have wished to exchange
greetings with old friends, as he had just done (amtaaciµEvo£, v. 22) in Jerusalem.
bLEQX6µevo£ xu8es~£ t~v rar..unx~v XWQUV xul <f\>uy(uv] The implication of
xu0es~£ is probably that he visited the cities (or churches) one by one. It is doubt-
ful if there is any material difference in meaning between the geographical terms
here and those in 16:6 (t~v <f\>uy(uv xul rur..aTLX~v xwQav); <f\>uy(u is here used sub-
stantivally, not (as there) adjectivally. Asterius, bishop of Amaseia in Pontus (d.
AD. 410), seems to understand "the Galatic region and Phrygia" here as meaning
"Lycaonia and the cities of Phrygia" (Hom. VIII in SS Petrum et Paulum, MPG
40.293D). W. M. Ramsay thought "the Galatic region" here meant Lycaonia Gala-
tica, as distinct from eastern Lycaonia; see on 14:6 ("The 'Galatia' of St. Paul and
the 'Galatic Territory' of Acts," Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica, IV [Oxford, 1896],
pp. 15-57, especially pp. 16-18; CRE, pp. 90-96). Paul probably passed once more
through Derbe, Lystra, Iconium, and Pisidian Antioch, "strengthening all the dis-
ciples" -i.e., not carrying out pioneer evangelism but giving help and encourage-
ment to the churches. From Pisidian Antioch he proceeded west to Ephesus through
tu avwTEQLXU µEQTJ (19:1), with no such impediment as he had experienced on an
400
18:24-28 APOLLOS
earlier occasion (16:6). Hyldahl regards v. 23 as redactional and rules out any visit
by Paul to the churches of Galatia at this time; but this is bound up with his dating
Galatians later than this (Paulinische Chronologie, pp. 78, 83).
2. Apollos (18:24-28)
24 'Ioubaio£ bi tL£ 'AJtoH&£ ov6µcm, 'AAEl;avbQEU£ tc'jl yivn, av~Q 11.6yw£,
xat~vtl]OEV EL£ ~Eq,wov, buvatO£ oov EV tai£ yQacj>a~. 25 oi'rro£ ~v xatl]X,T]µEVO£
t~v ooov toii XUQLOU, xal sEOJV tc'jl JtVEUµatL EA.UA.El xal eMbaoXEV CtXQl~W£ ta
JtEQL toii 'IT]OO'U, EJtlCTtUµEVO£ µ6vov to ~(lJttLOµa 'Iwuvvou. 260iJtO£ tE ~Ql;ato
JtUQQT]OLUsE00m EV tfi ouvaymyfi· cixouoavtE£ bE autoii IlQLOXLA.Aa xal 'Axu11.a£
JtQOOEA.U~OvtO atitov xal O.XQl~EOtEQOV aurcj:, El;E0Evt0 t~V 6Mv toii 0EOii.
21~ou11.oµivou bt autoii bLE11.8Eiv EL£ t~v 'Ax.a(av JtQOtQE'ljHlµEVOL oi abE11.cpol
iiyQmpav toi£ µa0T]tai£ aoobE£Uo0m aut6v· 8£ JtUQayEVOµEVO£ ouvE~UAEto
JtOA.'U tOi£ JtEJtlCTtEUXOOL Vbla t~£ X,UQlto£" 28 E'UtOVOl£ YUQ tOi£ 'IoubatOl£ bta-
Mtl]AEYX,Eto bl]µOOL~ EJtlbELXVU£ bLa t&v YQacj>&v dvm tov XQLCTtOV 'IT]OO'UV.
Now that Paul is on his way back to Ephesus, the record of events there since
his hasty departure is brought up to date, before we learn of his arrival (19:1).
18:24 'AJto11.11.&£] 'AJtEAA.~£ l'{ (cf. Horace, Sat. 1.5.100, "credat Iudaeus
Apella")/'AJtoHcovw£ D (the full form of the name). The name Apollos "is fairly
common in Egypt" (New Docs. 1 [1976], § 50, where references are given to other
instances).
i\A.El;avbQE'U£ tc'jl yivn] Cf. IlovtLxov tc'jl ylivEL, v. 2. Alexandria in Egypt,
founded by Alexander the Great in 331 B.C., afforded from its earliest days a home
for many Jews; by the first century A.O. they inhabited two out of its five wards and
had their own constitution, separate from the civic government. It was the chief lit-
erary center of the Hellenistic world, Jewish as well as Gentile; here the LXX and
the works of Philo saw the light, as well as such minor works as Wisdom and 2 Mac-
cabees.
av~Q 11.6yL0£] "a learned man"; 11.6yw£ has this sense in classical and also in
Mod. Gk. The meaning "eloquent" (given to it by lat syr KJV), which is deprecated
by Phrynichus, is secondary; the earliest example given by LSJ is from Demetrius,
De elocutione 38 (c. A.O. 50-100). "Perhaps some such general sense as 'a man of
culture' best gives the sense" here (MM).
buvato£ oov EV ta~ yQacpai£] So the 'Iouba(mv 11.oyLcotatoL of Jos. Ant. 17.149
showed their learning as outstanding El;TJYT]tal t&v JtatQLOJV v6µwv.
18:25 outO£ ~v xatl]X,T]µEVO£] + EV t'fi JtatQtbL D latg (representing b ), imply-
ing that Christianity had reached Alexandria by A.O. 50, which is in any case highly
probable. The origins of Alexandrian Christianity are, however, very obscure: only
in the second half of the second century do they emerge from obscurity. Much that
is written on the subject is imaginative; only the careful study of relevant papyri
yields anything like firm evidence. See H. I. Bell, Jews and Christians in Egypt
(London, 1924), and "Evidences of Christianity in Egypt during the Roman Pe-
riod," HTR 37 (1944), pp. 185-208; W. Bauer, Orthodoxy and Heresy in Earliest
Christianity (1934, 21964), E.T. (Philadelphia, 1971), pp. 44-60; E. Molland, The
401
Conception of the Gospel in Alexandrian Theology (Oslo, 1938); C. H. Roberts,

"The Christian Book and the Greek Papyri," JTS 50 (1949), pp. 155-68, and Man-
uscript, Society and Belief in Early Christian Egypt (London, 1979); S. G. F. Bran-
don, The Fall ofJerusalem and the Christian Church (London, 1951), pp. 217-43;
A Ehrhardt, "Christianity before the Apostles' Creed," The Framework of the New
Testament Stories (Manchester, 1964), pp. 151-99; L. W. Barnard, "St. Stephen and
Early Alexandrian Christianity," NTS 7 (1960-61), pp. 31-45, and "St. Mark and
Alexandria," HTR 57 (1964), pp. 145-50; M. Smith, Clement ofAlexandria and a
Secret Gospel of Mark (Cambridge, MA, 1973); E. A Judge and S. R. Pickering,
"Papyrus Documentation of Church and Community in Egypt to the Mid-Fourth
Century," JAC 20 (1977), pp. 47-71; B. A Pearson and J.E. Goehring (eds.), The
Roots of Egyptian Christianity (Philadelphia, 1986).
The fact that Apollos was accurately acquainted with the story of Jesus, but
was ignorant of Christian baptism, suggests that his knowledge came to him along
some other line of transmission than that traced in Acts. F. Blass (PG, pp. 29-31)
suggests that he was dependent on a written Gospel (either Mark, or something like
it); but l«ltTJXTJµEVO£ may rather imply oral instruction (cf. Lk. 1:4).
t~V ooov tOU XUQLOU] om ,:01) XUQLOU P4 1 B 614 pc I tOV ">..oyov tou XUQLOU D.
For O<'i6£ see on 9:2.
tfo)V tcji ltVEtµ<ltL] Cf. Rom. 12:11, tcji ltVEUµatL sEOV"tE£, where the ltVEflµ<l is
certainly the Holy Spirit. E. Kiisemann is probably right in seeing the same sense
here: "the use of the expression 'fervent in the Spirit' is unambiguously defined by
Rom. 12.21 as a phrase current in the language of Christian edification; and its
position between two clauses concerned with Apollos as a Christian establishes its
meaning" ("The Disciples of John the Baptist in Ephesus," E.T. in Essays on New
Testament Themes [London, 1964], p. 143). Otherwise the phrase would denote
Apollos's fervid or enthusiastic temperament.
Ui(ba<JXEV U'XQL~(1)£ ta ltEQL tOU 'IT]<JOU] The phrase ta ltEQL tou 'IT]<JOU, "the
story of Jesus," appears in slightly fuller form in 28:31, where Paul is said to have
taught it in Rome. (Cf. Lk. 24:19, 27.) It is implied that Apollos was accustomed
to give this teaching wherever he went. He was probably a traveling merchant (like
Ananias in Jos. Ant. 20.34-42).
EltlITTUµEVO£ µovov to ~aittwµa 'Iwavvou] That a man who was "instructed in
the way of the Lord" and "taught the story of Jesus accurately" and was (probably)
"bubbling over with the Holy Spirit" should nevertheless know nothing of Chris-
tian baptism reminds us that primitive Christianity was made up of many strands,
and some (perhaps most) of those strands are undocumented. If Apollos knew (and
may even have received) the water baptism instituted by John, he would (one sup-
poses) have known John's teaching about the coming one who would baptize with
the Holy Spirit; but he had not been baptized in water into the name of Jesus. The
only place in the Gospels where Christian baptism is mentioned is Mt. 28:19; even
today, a convert whose knowledge of "the Way" was confined to the information
supplied by Mark, Luke, and John would have a fairly accurate understanding of
the story of Jesus but would know nothing of Christian baptism. See (in addition
402
18:24-28 APOLLOS
to Kasemann's article cited above) J. H. A Hart, "Apollos," ITS 7 (1905-6), pp.

16-28; B. T. D. Smith, "Apollos and the Twelve Disciples at Ephesus," ITS 16
(1914-15), pp. 241-46; H. Preisker, "Apollos und die Johannesjtinger in Act 18,24-
19,6," ZNW 30 (1931), pp. 301-304; E. Schweizer, "Die Bekehrung des Apollos,
Ag 18,24-26," Beitriige zur Theologie des Neuen Testaments: Neutestamentliche
Aufsiitze (1955-1970) (Zurich, 1970), pp. 71-79; C. K. Barrett, "Apollos and the
Twelve Disciples of Ephesus," in The New Testament Age: Essays in Honor of Bo
Reicke, ed. W. C. Weinrich, I (Macon, GA, 1984), pp. 29-39.
18:26 ~Q!;ato :rt(lQQTJOL<i~wOm EV tfl ouvaywyfl] He began to speak freely in
the synagogue at Ephesus (presumably the synagogue to which Paul had recently
paid a brief visit), as he was accustomed to do in synagogues elsewhere (see C. K.
Barrett, "Apollos ... ," p. 30, n. 3).
ITQioXLUa mi 'Axui,.a;] For the order see on v. 2; cf. Rom. 16:3. The b re-
viser (in line with his policy of denying prominence to women) reverses the order
(not, however, in v. 18, probably because he interpreted XELQ<iµevo; of Aquila). See
on 17:4, 12, 34.
UXQl~EOtEQOV am<j> E!;E0Evt0 t~V 6oov toii Owii] The "way" is the same as that
of v. 25 (here 323 945 1739 1891 pc read tov i,.6yov toii xuQiou). Apollos already
knew it "accurately"; Priscilla and Aquila expounded it to him "more accurately,"
no doubt as they themselves had learned it from Paul, as he supplemented the
knowledge they already possessed. Apollos's faith and practice are thus brought
into line with what Luke recognizes as mainstream Christianity, which stems from
Jerusalem (cf. G. W. H. Lampe, St. Luke and the Church of Jerusalem, p. 26). But
there is no word of Apollos's now receiving Christian baptism. If he had already
received the Spirit, this would not be thought necessary; the 12 apostles themselves
did not undergo Christian baptism in water, although they administered it to others
after Pentecost. (The baptizing of the Gentile Cornelius and his companions be-
cause they had received the Spirit was a special occasion; see on 10:47f.)
18:27 ~oui,.oµivou bf amoii xtA.] b recasts the verse thus: EV bf tfl 'Bpfo<µ
E:rtlbl]µoiivtt; tl ve; KoQtVOlOl l«lL &xouoavte; (l\JtOU :rt(lQEXUA.OUV blEA.0Eiv ouv amoI;
d; t~V :rtUtQiba mhwv. OUVl«ltaVEUOavto; bE amoii ol 'BptOLOl EyQmpav toI; EV
KOQLVO<µ µaOT]t(lt; o:rtw; &:rtobt!;Wvt(ll tov livbQa· o; E:rtlbl]µ~oa; Et; t~V 'A:x.aiav :rtOA.U
ouve~ciUeto EV ta I~ EXXA.TJOLm~. Ramsay regards this account as "a text remodelled
according to a good tradition" (SPT, p. 267); as in several other b expansions,
however, the reviser is probably using an intelligent imagination to fill in the details.
Apollos had probably to cross the Aegean to Achaia in the course of his business.
:rtQotQE'ljlciµevm ol abei,.qiol] They encouraged him not only to prosecute his
business in Achaia but more particularly to make contact with their friends in
Corinth, supplying him with a letter of introduction to them. The abd.q,oi comprised
not only Priscilla and Aquila but probably also members of the Ephesian synagogue
who had been favorably impressed by Apollos (and previously by Paul).
eyga'ljlav xri,.] With this letter of commendation (E:rtlotOA.~ ouotanx~) cf.
Paul's ironical question in 2 Cor. 3:1; also the commendation of Demetrius in 3 Jn.
12. See New Docs. 1 (1976), § 21.
403
ouve~aAEto] "was helpful" (LC), a rendering which accords well with the fol-
lowing y<iQ.
bla tfis XUQLto£] It is doubtful whether this phrase should be construed with
the immediately preceding :n:emotEuxomv or with ouve~aAEto. The position may
favor the former construction, but the latter makes better sense (cf. H. Conzelmann,
ad loc., also in TDNT9, p. 393, with n. 162, s. v. xaQL£).
18:28 liLaxattJAEYXEto] This hapax legomenon may be a combination of
liLeHyxw ("confute") and xmdiyxw ("convict").
l'>tjµooi<;i] Cf. 20:20 (here it suggests public debate, in which he acquitted him-
self as well as Stephen had done, but without the same tragic consequences).
eml'>ELxvu;] praefl'>LaAeyoµevo; xa1 D 614 (representing I'>).
el vm i:ov XQLotov 'h1ooiiv] As Paul had already done at Corinth (v. 5). Dreads
tov 'Ir1ooiiv Etvm XQLot6v ("that Jesus was the Messiah"); P 38 apparently reads
XQLCTtOV E1 VUL 'ltjOO'UV.
Luke's account of Apollos's activity at Corinth provides a consistent back-
ground to Paul's references to him in 1 Corinthians. Some of the Corinthian Chris-
tians declared themselves his special followers (1 Cor. 1: 12; 3:4f.). Paul acknowl-
edges that Apollos continued at Corinth the work which he himself had begun
(1 Cor. 3:6) and seems to appreciate him as a colleague with whom he stands on
terms of mutual confidence (1 Cor. 4:9). Paul met him some two years later in Ephe-
sus and urged him (unsuccessfully) to pay a further visit to Corinth (1 Cor. 16:12).
404
ACTS 19
3. Paul and the Twelve Disciples at Ephesus (19:1-7)

1 'EyEVETO bE EV tip tov 'A:rcoU.m dvm EV KoQ(v0cp flaiiA.OV bLEA.86vta ta
avwtEQLXa µEQT] EA.8EiV EL£ "Eq,wov XUL E'UQELV n vas µa8TjtU£, 2 El:rtEV tE 3t()O£
amou;, El :rtvEiiµa ayLOv EA.{$EtE 3tlatEOOUvtE£; oi bE 3t()O£ am6v, 'AU.' oub' d
:rtVEiiµa ayLOv Eatl V~XOUOUµEV. 3 d:rtEV tE, Es tl oiJv E~a:rct(aST]n; oi bE Ei:rcav,
Eis to 'Iwavvou ~a:rttLaµa. 4 d:rtEV bE flaiiA.0£, 'lwctVVTJS E~a:rctlOEV ~a:rcnaµa
µEtavo(as, tcp AU()) A.Eywv Eis tOV EQXOµEVOV µEt' amov 'iva :rtlatEUOWOL v, tom'
Eatl v EL£ tov 'ITJOOUV. 5 axouaavtE£ be E~a:rtt(a0T]OUV EL£ to ovoµa tOU X\JQLO\J
'IT]OOU- 6XUL E:rtLSEvtos amois TOU flauA.O\J XELQU£ ~A.SE to :rtVEuµa to ayLOv E:rt'
amou;, EA.UA.O\JVtE y1..waams XUL E:rt()O«p~tE\JOV. 7 ~oav bE ol :rcavtES avb()E£ wad
boobEXU.
19:1 iyEvEto bE xt1..) For this beginning of the narrative of Paul's Ephesian
residence b substitutes 8£1..ovtos bi toii flau1..ou xata t~v tb(av ~ouA.~v :rtOQEurnf-lm
EL£ 'IEQOOOAuµa, d:rtEv amcp t() :rtVEiiµa 'U:rtOatQE«pELV EL£ t~V 'Ao(av, bLEWwv /)(' xtA.
The b reviser apparently considered that the church in 18:22 was the church of
Caesarea (see ad loc. ), and inserted this interpolation to explain Paul's failure to
carry out his intention (expressed in 18:21 b) to go to Jerusalem. Taking his cue
from 16:6-8, he attributed the supposed change in plan to the Spirit's guidance.
ta avwtEQLXct µEQTJ] Continuing the itinerary of 18:23 (q.v.). Any district up-
country would be ta avwtEQLxa µEQT] from the standpoint of Ephesus and the coastal
region. However, Ramsay (CRE, pp. 93-96; SPT, p. 265) may have been right iP
thinking that Paul on this occasion did not take the main road through the Lycus
and Maeander valleys but a higher road farther north, which left the main road at
Apamea (modern Dinar) and approached Ephesus from the north side of Mt. Mes-
sogis (modern Aydin Daglari). It appears from Col. 2:1 that he was a stranger to
the cities of the Lycus valley.
xal, EUQEiv nvas µa8T]tU£, XtA] W. C. van Unnik, "The 'Book of Acts' the Con-
firmation of the Gospel," NovT 4 (1964), p. 35, compares Luke's literary style to
"a lecture with lantern-slides; the pictures are shown one after another illustrating
the story the lecturer wants to tell while he makes the transition from one plate to
another by some general remarks." This is particularly true of Luke's account of
405
Paul's Ephesian ministry. The first "plate" depicts the twelve disciples whom Paul
met on his arrival in Ephesus.
On the analogy of Luke's use elsewhere of µa0l]t~£ without qualification,
these "disciples" were presumably disciples of Jesus; had they been disciples of
John, one would have expected this to be made explicit (cf. Lk. 5:33; 7:18; 11:1).
Even if they "were not already in some sense Christians, as the use of the word
'disciples' is generally admitted to imply, they certainly do not fulfil the necessary
conditions of a rival group proclaiming John as Messiah" (J. A. T. Robinson, The
Priority of John [London, 1985], p. 172). Whether they were disciples of John or
of Jesus, how and where they received instruction must be a matter of speculation.
Sec the discussions by B. T. D. Smith, "Apollos and the Twelve Disciples at Ephe-
sus," ITS 16 (1915), pp. 241-46; G. W. H. Lampe, The Seal of the Spirit (London,
1951), pp. 70, 75f.; N. B. Stonehouse, "Repentance; Baptism and the Gift of the
Holy Spirit," in Paul Before the Areopagus and Other New Testament Studies
(Grand Rapids, 1957), pp. 70-87, especially pp. 80-82; E. Kasemann, "The Dis-
ciples of John the Baptist in Ephesus," E.T. in Essays on New Testament Themes,
SBT 41 (London, 1964), pp. 136-48; C. K. Barrett, "Apollos and the Twelve Dis-
ciples of Ephesus," in The New Testament Age: Essays in Honor of Bo Reicke, ed.
W. C. Weinrich, I (Macon, GA, 1984), pp. 29-39; M. Wolter, "Apollos und die
ephesinischen Johannes-jiinger," ZNW 78 (1987), pp. 49-73.
19:2 d] Ford introducing a direct question cf. 7:1.
mcn:EvcravtE£] "on believing"; cf. mcn:Evcracrtv, 11:17; also Eph. 1:13, EV cfi
ML JtLCJtE'IJOUvtE£ EOlj,Qayia011tE tiµ 3tVE'IJµatL Tl]£ E3tUYYEA.lU£ tiµ ayi<J). "The coinci-
dent aor. ptc. is doctrinally important" (MHT I, p. 131 n.).
aJ. l' oub' EL :rtVEiiµa a.ytov EITTLV ~XO'IJOUµEV] For EITTLV p38 4 l D* syrhcl.mg cop 53
(representing b) substitute laµ~avouaiv tLVE£, in an attempt to ameliorate a diffi-
culty. People who had received John's baptism might have been expected to know
the OT expression "holy spirit" (ct. Ps. 51 [LXX 50]:ll) and to be aware of John's
words about the mightier one than himself who would baptize EV 1tvEvµan ay(<JJ
(Mk. 1:7f.). They may have meant that they had not heard that the Holy Spirit was
now present; if so, there is a parallel to their phraseology in Jn. 7:39, oii1tw ya.Q ~v
:rtvEiiµa (where b byz have similarly tried to modify the absoluteness of the nega-
tive by adding bEboµEvov).
19:3 EL£ ti ol)v E~amia01']tE;] A connection is implied between the receiv-
ing of the Spirit and Christian baptism (see on 2:38). C. K. Barrett ("Apollos ... ,"
p. 37, n. 1), pointing out that EL£ "was a preposition familiar to Christians in rela-
tion to baptism" (cf. 1 Cor. 10:2), concludes that EL£ ti; "was a not unnatural ques-
tion and 'into John's baptism' an almm:t inevitable answer."
EL£ to 'Iwavvou ~a1tncrµa] I.e., the baptism which John proclaimed (cf. 10:37).
Apart from the baptismal association of EL£, the preposition might be taken here as
equivalent to instrumental EV ("with John's baptism"). Like Apollos, they knew
only the baptism of John ( 18:25). But inewv tiµ JtvE{,µan indicates that Apollos had
received the Spirit, then his case was not on the same footing as theirs and he is not
likely to have been the person from whom they had received their instruction. It is
406
19: 1-7 PAUL AND THE TwELVE DISCIPLES AT EPHESUS
impossible to disprove A. Ehrhardt 's assumption that they were Alexandrian Chris-
tians (The Acts of the Apostles [Manchester, 1969], p. 102), but it is equally im-
possible to prove it.
19:4 'IwcivVT]\; E~cim:wev ~cim:wµa µetavo(a\;] ~cim:taµa is internal acc. after
E~cim:taev. This statement reproduces the Synoptic record (Mk. 1:4 par.).
t<j> )..a<j> Hywv xt:A.] B. T. D. Smith(" Apollos and the Twelve Disciples at Ephe-
sus," p. 244) paraphrases the following words thus: "The Baptism of John was, by
his own confession, only preparatory. He himself announced a Coming One, who
should baptize, not with water unto repentance, but with the Holy Spirit."
EL\; tov EQX6µevov µet' m'n:ov 'iva n:wteuawat v] Note how 'iva, instead of com-
ing at the beginning of the clause, is joined immediately to the verb; this construc-
tion throws EL\; tov EQX6µevov µet' am6v into prominence, thus stressing the pre-
paratory character of John's ministry. That John directed his hearers to believe in
the coming one is not explicitly stated by the Synoptists, but it is in thorough ac-
cord with his testimony to Jesus in Jn. 1:26f.; 3:27-30 (cf. Jn. 1:7; 10:41).
tofu' fotLv EL£ tov 'IT]aoiiv] In the Synoptic narrative John does not expressly
identify the coming one with Jesus (he questions the identity in Lk. 7:19 par. Mt.
11:3). He makes this identification, however, in Jn. 1:29-34. Some striking agree-
ments between John and Acts in their presentation of John's ministry and of the
Holy Spirit deserve careful study (see also on 13:25); cf. W. F. Lofthouse, "The
Holy Spirit in the Acts and the Fourth Gospel," ExT52 (1940-41), pp. 334-36.
19:5 E~arn:(a0t]aav EL£ to ovoµa toii xuQ(ou 'ItJaoii] See on 8: 16 for this form
of words. This is the only instance of rebaptism expressly attested in the NT (see
J. K. Parratt, "The Rebaptism of the Ephesian Disciples," ExT 79 [1967-68], pp.
182f.). b adds XQLat6v after 'ItJaoiiv and continues ineptly El£ li~rnL v nµUQtL&v (cf.
2:38), but their baptism with John's baptism had already taken care of that (cf. Lk.
3:3).
19:6 em0ivto£ amoi:£ tou Ilau)..ou tu£ XEi:QU£ xt}..] Here, as in 8:15-17, the
Spirit is bestowed after baptism and imposition of apostolic hands (Paul's author-
ity here is no less than Peter's and John's in Samaria). The coming of the Spirit is
accompanied, as in 2:4; 10:44-46, by glossolalia and prophecy (with EJtQO~~tEuov
here cf. the magnifying of God in 2:11; 10:46). In Paul's teaching, as in Luke's, the
Spirit is the bestower of supernatural gifts (cf. 1 Cor. 12:8-11; Gal. 3:5). Apollos is
not said to have received either baptism or the gift of the Spirit in consequence of
his more accurate instruction in the "way of God" (see on 18:26); he had probably
received the Spirit already.
19:7 wad &ubEXCl] Characteristic Lukan modifying of exact numbers by
wad orw£ (see on 1:15).
According to A. Ehrhardt, Paul "was one of the greatest assets for the Church
at Jerusalem," as is shown by his joining "Christians to the Jerusalem 'Catholic'
Church who up to that time had not belonged to it" (The Framework of the New
Testament Stories, pp. 94f. ). The existence of a Jerusalem "Catholic" church at this
stage is anachronistic, but Paul did bring this defective form of discipleship into
line with that which Jerusalem recognized as normative.
407
4. Paul Leaves the Synagogue for the Lecture Hall of Tyrannus

(19:8-10)
H Etod0wv OE El£ t~V ovvaywy~v EltUQQT]OLatEto EltL µijVU£ tQEL£ OLUA.£YOµEVO£
xai ltEL0wv ltEQl tfJ£ ~UOLA.ELU£ tOU 0EOU. 9 Ul£ be tL VE£ EO'KA.T]Q'UVOVtO xai
~ltd0ovv XU'KOA.OYOUVtE£ t~V ooov EVOOltLOV tou ltA.~001!£, <lltOCTtU£ alt' amwv
a<j><oQLOEV toU£ µa0T]ta£, xa0' ~µEQUV bLaA.£YOµEvo£ EV tfi oxo1..fi TvQ<ivvov.
IOtouto OE EYEVEtO Eltl EtT] buo, OlotE lt<lVtU£ to~ 'KUtoLXOUVtU£ t~V 'Ao(av
ll'KOUOUL tov A.oyov tou 'K1JQL01J, 'loooa(o1J£ tE xai "EA.A.T]VU£.
19:8 ELOEA.0wv bE EL£ t~v ovvaywy~v] He had paid it an earlier visit, accord-
ing to 18:19.
EltUQQT]OLatEto] praef EV bvvaµEL µEya1..n D syrhcl.mg (representing b ). The
same verb is used in 18:26 of Apollos's ministry in (presumably) the same syn-
agogue.
itEiewv ta. itEQt tfJ£ ~aOLA.ELU£ tou 0wu] See on 1:3; 8:12; 20:25; 28:23, 31.
itEl0w ("speak persuasively") is used in 18:4 of Paul's ministry in the Corinthian
synagogue.
19:9 EO'KA.TJQUVOVto] "were obstinate" (lit. "made themselves difficult"). Cf.
UVtLtaoooµi\vwv, 18:6.
~itdOovv] "were disobedient"; cf. 14:2.
xaxo1..oyouVtE£] Corresponding to ~A.aO<j>T]µouVtwv in 18:6. On the use of
xaxo1..oyi\w see New Docs. 2 (1977), § 54.
t~V obov] See on 9:2.
tou it>..~0ov£] "the congregation"; see on 4:32; 15: 12.
llltoota.£ lllt' amwv] Cf. 18:7, µna~a.£ EXEl0Ev. This account of Paul's experi-
ence with the Ephesian synagogue (his last contact with a synagogue in Luke's rec-
ord) follows closely that of his experience with the Corinthian synagogue in 18:4-7.
EV tfi oxo>..fi TvQ<ivvov J For TtJQ<ivvov D reads TvQavvlov. b adds llltO WQU£
ltEµITTTJ£ EW£ bExatT]£, "from 11 AM. to 4 P.M.," a very reasonable guess, if guess
it be. Tyrannus (if that was the lecturer's name and not the landlord's) would have
given his lectures before 11 AM., at which hour public life in the Ionian cities, as
elsewhere, regularly ended. Cf. Martial, Epig. 4.8.3, "in quintam uarios extendit
Roma labores." So we may picture Paul spending the early morning at his manual
labor (cf. 20:34; 1 Cor. 4: 12), and then devoting the next five hours to the still more
exhausting business of Christian dialectic. His hearers must have been infected
with his keenness and energy; as LC point out, more people would normally be
asleep in Ephesus at l P.M. than at 1 AM.
The personal name Tyrannus is otherwise attested from Ephesus. The con-
text makes it probable that oxo>..~ here denotes a place, which served Paul in Ephe-
sus in the same way as the house of Titius Justus served him in Corinth. On the
usage of oxo1..~ (primarily "leisure," "relaxation"; cf. Lat. ludus) see New Docs. 1
(1976), § 82, where the renting of a hall (E;Eb(la) by nuns is formally provided for.
See also C. J. Herner, "Audeitorion," TynB 24 (1973), p. 128.
19:10 Eiti EtTJ buo] Now Paul had ample time to "preach the word in Asia,"
408
19: 11-19 CONFLICT WITH TIIE MAGICIANS
which had been his aim previously when he was guided toward Europe (16:6). If
the period was two years plus a few months, and the three months of v. 8 be added,
then we approach the three years of 20:31, i.e., three years minus a few months,
probably from the fall of 52 to the early summer of 55. Some of the events of those
years on which Luke remains silent can be deduced from Paul's correspondence,
especially from 1 and 2 Corinthians. From this source it may be learned that, apart
from the continuing troubles in the Corinthian church, Paul had critical experiences
in Ephesus of which nothing is said in Acts, apart from the hint in 20:19. Cf. 1 Cor.
15:30-32; 2 Cor. 1:8-10. It is probable that one or more of his many imprisonments
(cf. 2 Cor. 11:23) were endured during his Ephesian ministry; the arguments that
some, if not all, of his "prison epistles" belong to this period are much more prob-
lematical. See H. Lisco, Vincula Sanctorum (Berlin, 1900); A. Deissmann, "Zur
Ephesinischen Gefangenschaft des Apostels Paulus," in Anatolian Studies pre-
sented to Sir W M. Ramsay, ed. W. H. Buckler and W. M. Calder (Manchester,
1923), pp. 121-27; W. Michaelis, Die Gefangenschaft des Paulus in Ephesus
(Giitersloh, 1925); G. S. Duncan, SPEM; "The Epistles of the Imprisonment in Re-
cent Discussion," ExT 46 (1934-35), pp. 293-98; "Paul's Ministry in Asia-the
Last Phase," NTS 3 (1956-57), pp. 211-18; and "Chronological Table to illustrate
Paul's Ministry in Asia," NTS 5 (1958-59), pp. 43-45.
WITTE mivmi; Toi,i; xaToLxoiivtrn:; TTJV 'Aoiav ax.oiiom KTA] Asia here might be
the district around Ephesus, as possibly in 16:6; but there is no good reason why it
should not be the whole proconsular province. Henceforth the province of Asia be-
came one of the chief centers of Christianity. Probably all seven of the churches of
Asia addressed in the Apocalypse were founded during those years, and others too.
The planting of the churches of the Lycus valley, at Colossae, Hierapolis, and
Laodicea, must be dated in this period: these cities were evangelized not by Paul
personally but by his fellow workers, especially Epaphras (cf. Col. 1:7; 2: 1; 4: 12f.).
For Paul's stay in Ephesus as the climax of his ministry see F. Pereira, Ephesus:
Climax of Universalism in Luke-Acts-A Redaction-Critical Study of Paul's Ephe-
sian Ministry, Jesuit Theological Forum Studies 10.1 (Amand, India, 1983).
5. Conflict with the Magicians (19:11-19)

11 ~uv<iµni; TE OU Tai; TlJXOUaai; 6 8Eoi; EJtoLEl bla TWV XELQWV IlaUA.OU, 12 WITTE
Ml EJtl Toi,i; aa8£voiivtai; (lJt0q>EQW0m (lJt() toii XQWtoi; autoii OOUOOQLU ~
mµLKL v8La xal UJtUA.A.<lOOW0m M' am&v Tai; voaoui;, tat£ JtVEuµata ta JtOVlJQ<l
EKJtOQEUw8m. 13 'E3tEXELQlJOUV bE TL vEi; x.at t&v Jt£QLEQXOµEvoov 'louba(oov
E;OQl!.lITTWV 6voµ<il;n v EJtL toi,i; exovtai; ta JtVEllµUTU ta JtOVlJQa to ovoµa toii
l!.UQLOU 'h1oou AEyovm:;, 'OQx.(~oo uµui; tov 'h1oouv ov IIauA.0£ l!.lJQOOOEl.
14 ~aav bE n voi; LXEUci 'Iouba(ou UQXLEQEOO£ EJtta ulot touTo JtOLOUvtEi;. 1s aJto-
KQL8Ev bE TO JtVEiiµU TO JtOVlJQOV dJtEv autoli;, Tov µEV 'Irioouv YLVWO)!.(J) x.al
tov IIauA.OV EJtLITTaµm, uµeli; bE tlVE£ EITTE; 16X<ll Eq>UA.Oµtvoi; oliv0QOOJtDi; EJt'
autoui; EV 4> ~v to JtVEf,µa TO JtOVlJQOV XUtal!.UQlEUOai; ciµ<j)otEQOOV 'ioXOOEV X<IT'
aut&v, WITTE yuµvoui; xal TEtQauµatLOµEvoui; ix<j)uyElv EX Tou o'ixou ixe(vou.
17 touto bf. EYE VETO yvooITTOV mim V'Iouba(mi; TE xal ''EA.A.lJOl VTO ii; X<ltOlXOOOl V
409
t~V "Bpwov, xal E:rtE:TCEOEV <j>6~0£ E:rtl :rt<lVta£ auto~, ,ml i\µqa)..uvEtO to ovoµa
toii XUQLOU 'Ir1aoii. 1s:rto)..)..o( TE twv :rtE:rtLatEuxotrov ~QXovto i\;oµo)..oyouµEvm
xal &vayyEUOVTE£ TCL£ :rtQU;EL£ autwv. 19 ixavol be TWV TCL :rtEQLEQYU :rtQU~vt(l)V
auvEvEyxavtE£ TCL£ ~i~)..o~ xatExatov hw:rtwv :rtavtrov· xal auvE'lj,~<j>taav ta£
nµCL£ autwv xal EUQOV <lQYUQlOU µUQLUbU£ :rtEVTE.
19:11 buvaµEL£ tE ou tCL£ tux.ouaa£] "Mighty works of extraordinary
character"; cf. 28:2, ou t~vtux.ouaav <j>t)..av0Qro:rtiav, "extraordinary kindness." Such
litotes is characteristic of Luke, as in the frequent oux <'>Hyo£ (e.g., in v. 23). oux. 6
tux.wv is frequent in Vettius Valens (43.29, 32; 60.20; 143.3; 195.17; 197.18; 258.7;
337.29; 343.13; 352.6).
bta twv X.ELQOOV] Here there may be more emphasis on X.ELQ than in the Semi-
tism bta )'..ELQO£ expressing simple agency (cf. 11:30); not merely Paul's agency but
the active use of his hands is implied. Paul's healing influence in vv. 11f. is paral-
lel (probably by design) to Peter's in 5:15f.
19:12 X.QWTO£] Lit. "skin"; but its commonest use in LXX is to render Heb.
biisiir, "flesh," so here it means "body."
aoubaQLa ~ atµLxiv0w] Both words are of Lat. origin: sudaria, "sweat-rags,"
kerchiefs worn on the head (cf. Lk. 19:20; Jn. 11 :44; 20:7), and semicinctia, "aprons."
Both would be worn by Paul at his tent-making work. The healing virtue resided not
in those pieces of cloth but in the faith of those who used them. With their effect cf.
that of the tassel (XQUO:rtEbov) of Jesus' cloak (Lk. 8:44) or of Peter's shadow (5:15).
&nanaaaw0m] Cf. Lk. 12:58; Heb. 2:15, but this is the only place in the NT
where it is used of the removal of sickness. "In this use it is one of the words most
frequently occurring in the medical writers" (Hobart, p. 47).
ta TE nvEuµma ta itOVlJQU i\xnoQEUE00m] Cf. 5: 16; 8:7. Paul's healing the sick
and the demon-possessed in the name of Jesus provoked opposition and competi-
tion from those whose empowerment came from a widely different source. Ephe-
sus was renowned as a center of the magical arts.
19:13 twv :rtEQLEQX,OµEvrov 'Ioubairov i\soQXLatwv] "of the itinerant Jewish
exorcists." This is the only NT occurrence, and the earliest known occurrence, of
E;OQXLat~£, which is found also in Lucian, Ptolemy, and the Greek fathers. In later
times exorcists formed an order in the church. See New Docs. 1 (1976), § 79. Jews
and things Jewish played a prominent part in Hellenistic magic (cf. M. Simon,
Verus Israel [Paris, 1948), pp. 394-416): the magical papyri reveal the use of such
Jewish names as Abraham, Sabaoth, Iao, or Iabe. The last two forms represent at-
tempts to capture the pronunciation of the ineffable name commonly transcribed
Yahweh (see Deissmann, BS, pp. 322-36; New Docs. 1 [1976), § 8).
6Qxisro {,µii£ tov 'h1aoiiv] For the use of Jesus' name by those who were not
his disciples cf. Mk. 9:38-40 par. Lk. 9:49f.; cf. also Justin, Tryph. 85.3. PGM
4.574.3018f. (the Paris magical papyrus) records the adjuration 6Qxisro aE xata toii
0rnii twv ·~Qairov 'll]aoii. The use of Jesus' name as a healing formula was cen-
sured by leading rabbis (cf. Tos. Jfullin 2.22f.; jShab. 14.4.14d; jAb. Zar. 2.2.40d-
41a; bAb.Zar. 27b). The double acc. after OQXLsro (cf. Mk. 5:7) is paralleled in in-
scriptions and in Vettius Valens 172.31; 263.19f.; 293.26.
410
19:11-19 CONFLICT WITH THE MAGICIANS
19:14 ~aav bi; tt Vt£] This verse is expanded in bas follows: EV OL£ xai uioi
LXtuii Tl VO£ LfQEW£ ~0EAlj<JUVTO am:o JTOL~(Jat (E0o£ r1:x.avToix; TOLOUTOU£ EsOQXitrt v),
xai fL(Jf)..06vtf£ JTQO£ TOV bmµovtt6µrvov ~QsUVTO EJTLXUAtI<J0m TO ovoµa AEYOVTf£,
IlaQayyEAAOµEV <Jot EV 'Il]<JOU ov IlaiiAO£ Xl]QlJ<J<JfL EstA0tiv.
LXtuii] This form has been connected with Heb. Sheba or with Lat. Scaeva,
but see B. A Mastin, "Scaeva the chief priest," JTS n.s. 27 (1976), pp. 405-12, and
"A Note on Acts 19:14," Bib 59 (1978), pp. 97-99: he points out the term axruii£
in C/G 2889 (from lasos), meaning "one who fights with the left hand" (not a per-
sonal name), and suggests (on the analogy of Zatchlas in Apuleius, Met. 2.28-30)
that Scaeva was called an aQX,LEQEU£ in order to "authenticate the activity of his sons
as bona fide exorcists."
'Iouba(ou UQXLEQEW£] b (D latg p* syrhcl.mg) reads LtQEW£. It is conceivable that
Sceva was related to one of the Jewish chief-priestly families; more probably,
however, UQXLEQEU£ is to be regarded as an advertisement. A Jewish high priest was
entitled to enter the throne room of the invisible God of Israel on the Day of Atone-
ment and to pronounce his otherwise ineffable name (YHWH). (See mYoma 5 .1; 6.2.)
On magical principles, such a person had access to a source of exceptional power.
EJTTa uioi] There is no good reason to take "sons" in any other than its usual
sense, although the suggestion has been made that they were members of a guild
of which Sceva was the president. For EITT<i see on &µcpoTEQWV, v. 16.
19:15 Tov µEV 'ltjaoiiv yt vwaxw xai Tov Ilaii)..ov EJTtmaµm] Two different
words for "know" are perhaps used because the two kinds of knowledge were dif-
ferent: the demoniac knew of Jesus by hearsay, but knew Paul by sight. But such
a conclusion does not follow simply from the respective meanings ofytvwaxw and
EJT(maµm. For the spirit's acknowledgment of Jesus cf. Mk. 1:24; 5:7.
19:16 aµcpoTEQwv] The apparent discrepancy between this and v. 14 was re-
moved in some b witnesses (P3 8 D latr) by the omission of EJTT<i (emended to duo
in lat£). J. H. Moulton (MHT I, p. 246) quotes a suggestion by J. B. Shipley that
EITT<i arose from a gloss explaining LXtuii as the equivalent of Heb. sepa' ("seven").
There is good evidence, however, for aµcp6TEQOt in the sense of "all" in later Gk.
MM refer to P.Lond. 336.13 (A.O. 167), where aµcpottQOL refers to five men, and to
two other papyri of A.O. 382 and 386 respectively where it is used of four men. On
the first they quote F. G. Kenyon's observation: "aµcp6TEQOL = JTUVTE£ in late Byzan-
tine Greek (sec Bury, Classical Review, xi. 393) and it is possible that colloquially
the use existed earlier" (Greek Papyri in the British Museum [London, 1898],
p. 221). E. Nestle (Berliner Philologische Wochenschrift 18 [1898], col. 254) is
said by Haenchen (ad lac.) to have been the first to point out that in later Gk.
aµcp6ttQOL sometimes means "all." In syrhcl and some later versions aµcpoTEQWV is
rendered "all" here. If, however, it were thought that this usage is insufficiently lit-
erary for Luke, it might be concluded that the narrative reflects the vivid descrip-
tion of an eyewitness, implying that, while seven sons attempted the exorcism, only
two were attacked by the demoniac.
Ex toii o'ixou ExEivou] The house has not hitherto been mentioned; this belated
mention is "quite in the manner of Luke" (LC).
411
19:17 eyhEto yvwmov xtA] Cf. 1:19; 9:42.

btEJCEOEv q,6po£ ercl rccivta£ am:ou£] Cf. 2:43; 5: 11. Such an incident was bound
to make a deep impression on minds conditioned to think in magical terms, al-
though modern readers may wonder about the quality of the faith so engendered.
eµqaAUVEl:O to OVO~ta tou XlJQlOlJ 'h]OOU] It had proved itself to be a name of
unsurpassed power, a name with which it was dange~ous to operate irresponsibly.
19: 18 rconoi tE nov rcEmmrnxotwv] "many of the believers"; note the force
of the perf. tense.
E£oµoloyouµEVOL xa1 avayyEAAOVtE£ t<l£ JCQU£EL£ am:fuv] "making confession
and divulging their spells"; rcgii);L£ in this context is a technical term for magical
practice (so the verb rcgcioow has the meaning "practice magic"). As the potency
of spells resioes largely in their secrecy, their disclosure would be regarded as ren-
dering them powerless.
19:19 JCEQLEgya] Lit. "superfluous works," used like Lat. curiosa in a magi-
cal sense. Deissmann (BS, p. 323, n. 5) calls JCEQLEgya "a terminus technicus for
magic," giving further examples and commenting also on the magical connotation
of :n:gci£EL£ (see on v. 18). For the more general sense of JCEQLEQYO£, :11:EQLEQyci~oµm
cf. 2 Th. 3:11; 1 Tim. 5:13. P. Coll. Youtie 1.130.4 shows :11:EQLEQy(a in a magical
sense (see New Docs. 1 [1976], § 12).
p(p}..ou£] Scrolls containing magical spells, like the famous magical papyri
in the London, Paris, and Leiden collections; they fetched a high price. The special
connection of magical practices with Ephesus is reflected in the term 'E(j>Eota
ygciµµata for such scrolls (Anaxilas ap. Athen., Deipnosophistae 12.548c; Plut.
Quaest. Conviv. 706e; Clem. Alex. Strom. 5.8.45.2; cf. A. Deissmann, "Ephesia
Gram mat a," in Abhandlungen zur semitischen Religionskunde und Sprachwissen-
schaft W. W. van Baudissin ... iiberreicht, ed. W. Frankenberg and F. Kuchler
[Giessen, 1918], pp. 121-24; E. Kuhnert, "Ephesia grammata," RE 5, cols. 2771-
73; K. Preisendanz, "Ephesia Grammata," RAC 5, cols. 515-20). See H. D. Betz
(ed.), The Greek Magical Papyri in Translation, l- (Chicago, 1986-).
xatExawv evwmov rccivtwv] For such public burning of literature (whether as
an open repudiation of its contents or for security reasons) cf. Livy, Hist. 40.29 ( of
Numa's writings), Suet. Aug. 31.1 (of prophetic verses), Diog. Laert. Vit. Philo-
soph. 9.52 ( of the works of Protagoras), Lucian,Alexander 4 7 (of the works of Epi-
curus). Twentieth-century instances may also occur to the reader's mind. Cf. also
the burning of objects of luxury in fifteenth-century Florence as a result of
Savonarola's preaching.
agyug(ou µUQLciOa£ JCEvtE] I.e., drachmae. For the omission of the monetary
unit cf. Plut., Galba 17; Jos. Ant. 17.190.
6. Further ProgressReport (19:20)

200frrW£ xilta XQ<lt0£ tou XlJQLOlJ 6 AOYO£ riu);avEV xal '(oxuEV.
19:20 omw£ xata xgatO£ XtA] The third "plate" illustrating missionary work
in Ephesus, in van Unnik's terminology (see on v. I), is followed by the fifth of the
412
19:21-22 PAUL MAKES PLANS FOR THE FUTURE
progress reports which punctuate the record of Acts (see on 6:7). One "plate," and
that the most vivid of all, remains to be shown (vv. 23-41 ); but Luke, for a purpose
connected with the plan of his work, pauses at this point.
toii XlJQLOU] Grammatically the genitive might depend either on the preceding
XQO.TO£ or on the following 6 A.6yo£, but the latter is in every way more probable.
VI. PAUL PLANS TO VISIT ROME VIA JERUSALEM AND

ACHIEVES HIS GOAL BY AN UNEXPECTED WAY
(19:21-28:31)
A. HE PLANS TO LEAVE EPHESUS FOR MACEDONIA AND ACHAIA
(19:21-20:6)
1. Paul Makes Plans for the Future (19:21-22)
21 'Q£ OE E:rtA.l]QW!h] tauta, E8Eto 6 IlaUA.0£ EV TC]) :n:veuµatL OLEA.l:lmv T~V MaXf-
oov(av xai 'Axa(av lto()EUWOm ds 'IEQOCTOA.Uµa, d:n:mv Ott, Mrn't TO yEvfoOm
µE EXEL OEi µE xai 'Pwµl]V lOELV. 22a.:n:oatELA.U£ OE Els T~V MaXfOOVLUV ouo TOJV
OLUXOVOUVT(l)V UUTC]), TLµ60wv xai "E.Qaatov, autos EltECTXEV XQOVOV ds T~V
'Aa(av.
19:21 W£ OE E:rtA.'l')QWfll] x.tA.] This verse summarizes in prospect the remainder

of Acts, looking forward as it does to the visit to Jerusalem and the journey to Rome,
although neither of these turned out exactly as Paul expected.
As Paul's Ephesian ministry drew to a close, he recognized that he had
completed his work of pioneer evangelism in the Aegean world (cf. Rom. 15:23,
µl]1<Ett t6:n:ov EXWV Ev tois x.Hµaa( toutm£) and conceived the project of going to
Spain to undertake similar work there, visiting Rome on the way and hoping, with
the agreement of the Roman church, to secure a base there for his western outreach
(Rom. 15:24, 28f.). First, however, he planned to go to Jerusalem with repre-
sentatives of his Gentile churches to hand over to the mother church the proceeds
of the collection for Jerusalem which he had organized in his Gentile mission field
(Rom. 15:25-27; see on 20:4; 24:17 below).
Luke says nothing about Spain: by the time he wrote Acts he knew, as his
readers today do not know, whether Paul went to Spain or not. Rome is the goal of
Luke's narrative, and Rome probably played a larger part in Paul's missionary
strategy from now on than appears on the surface of his letter to the Romans (see
F. F. Bruce, "The Romans Debate-Continued," BJRL 64 [1981-82], pp. 334-59).
ESETo ... EV ti]) :rtvEuµatL] Either "purposed in the Spirit" or" ... in his spirit";
if the latter, cf. 5:4 (EOou EV tfi XUQO(c;t aou); similarly Lk. 1:66; 21: 14. For similar
ambiguity in the meaning of :n:vEuµa cf. 18:25; 20:22. But a reference to the Holy
Spirit's guidance is the more likely.
OLEA.Owv t~v MaXfbov(av xai 'Axa(av] t~v is added before 'Axa(av by P 74 A
D E 33 945 1739 pc (the presence or absence of the article before the second of a
pair of place names is not a necessary index to the relation between the two places;
413
whichever reading be followed, Macedonia and Achaia were two separate prov-
inces at this time). The ptc. l>LE>..Swv is to be construed with JtOQEUE00m, not with
ESno. This projected visit is that recorded in 20: 1-3. One major purpose of the visit
was to complete the collection of the European churches' contributions to the
Jerusalem relief fund (see on 20:4).
otL] recitantis.
llElJre xal 'PmµT)v LbElv] llEI is emphatic; it reflects Paul's sense of divine direc-
tion (cf. 23:1; 27:24); see C.H. Cosgrove, "The Divine IIBI in Luke-Acts," NovT
26 (1984), pp. 168-90. The remainder of Luke's narrative traces in detail the ful-
filment of this plan. There is no further record of evangelism; henceforth (apart
from the incident ofvv. 23-41) Luke and his readers follow Paul's way to Rome.
See Ramsay, SPT, pp. 254f., 274; J. H. Kennedy, The Second and Third Epistles of
St. Paul to the Corinthians (London, 1900), pp. 20-33.
19:22 buo] For other deputations of two cf. 9:38; 11:30; 15:27, 39f. The
chief purpose of this mission of Timothy and Erastus was no doubt to help the
churches of Macedonia and Achaia to complete their collection for Paul's
Jerusalem fund (see on 24: 17).
TLµ60rnv] Timothy has not been mentioned since his arrival in Corinth from
Macedonia (28:5). It is not said whether he accompanied Paul to Ephesus or joined
him there later. According to 1 Cor. 4:17; 16:10, he was sent to Corinth at some
point during the later phase of Paul's stay in Ephesus; this was probably the occa-
sion referred to here. Paul expected him to be back in Ephesus before his own de-
parture (1 Cor. 16:11).
"E{>aotov] It is not at all likely that this is the Erastus of Rom. 16:23, the
obwvoµo~ (arcarius) of Corinth; the name was quite common (cf. 2 Tim. 4:20).
The Erastus of Rom. 16:23 may be identical with the Corinthian official named on
a limestone pavement uncovered by American archaeologists in 1929: ERASTVS
PRO AEDILIT[AT]E S. P. STRAVIT, "Erastus in consideration of his aedileship
laid this pavement at his own expense" (cf. J. H. Kent, Corinth V/1//3. The Inscrip-
tions 1926-1950 [Princeton, 1966], p. 99).
2. The Riot at Ephesus (19:23-41)

a. Indignation of the silversmiths (19:23-28)
23 'EyEVETO bE xata tOV l«lLQOV EXELVOV t<iQaxo£ O'IJX OALYO£ JtEQL tfJ£ obou.
24 ~T)µ~tQL0£ y<iQ n£ ovoµan, UQYUQOX0:71:0£, JtOLWV VUOU£ MYUQOU£ 'AQtEµLbo£
JtaQELXEto tol£ tqvitm~ oux oHyT)v EQyaaiav, 25 OU£ auva0Qoiaa£ xal toll£
JtEQL ta tOLauta EQy<ita£ ElJtEv, ''.Avl>QE~, EJtLCJtU00E on EX tautT)~ tfJ£ EQyaa(a£
~ E'UJtOQLU ~µIv ECJtLV, 26 l«lL 0EWQELtE xal UXOUEtE OtL O'IJ µ6vov 'Bpfoou &>..A.a
Ol(Ebov JtUOT)£ tfJ£ 'Aa(~ 6 IIau>..0£ oi'n:o~ JtELOU£ µEtECJtT)OEV i.xavov Ol(AOV,
>..r.ywv on O'IJX dalv ernl oi. l>La XELQWV yLVoµEVOL. 27 Ou µ6vov l>E touto XL v-
buvEUEL ~µIv to µEQO£ EL£ UJtEAqµov EA0Elv, UAJ..a xal to tfJ£ µq<iAT)£ 0Eci£
'AQtr.µtb0£ iEQoV EL£ o'IJ0Ev Aoyta0f)vm, µEAAELV tE xal xaflmQEla0m tfJ~ µqa-
AELOtT)to£ amfJ£, ijv OAT)~ 'Aa(a l«lL ~ OLXOUµEVT) OE~Etm. 28 uxouaavtE£ l>E xal
yEvoµEvm n:>..~QEL£ euµou EXQatov >..EyovtE£, Mq..TJ ~ ''.AQnµL£ 'Bpw(wv.
414
19:23-28 INDIGNATION OF THE SILVERSMITHS
19:23 iyhEto l>E xata tov XULQOV EXEi:vov] For the transitional formula cf.
12:1. Luke interrupts the summary of Paul's movements with this vivid narrative
(for which he has paved the way with the last clause of v. 22, auto£ E:nfoxev xQ6vov
EL£ t~v 'Aaiav (Dadds oi..i yov after xQ6vov and reads iv tfl 'Aaii;i for EL£ t~v 'Aaiav).
The itinerary is resumed in 20:lb. It is implied in 20:la that the incident took place
shortly before Paul's departure from Ephesus. "It is tempting to believe that the
outburst may have been connected with the celebration of the great Ephesian fes-
tival of the Artemisia, which took place in March or April" (G. S. Duncan, SPEM,
p. 140).
t<lQ(lXO£ oux oi..i yo£] Litotes as in 12: 18, etc.
tfj£ Mou] See on 9:2; cf. v. 9 above.
19:24 <iQyUQox6:n:~ :n:oui>v VUOU£ ciQyUQo~] om GQYUQO~ B. The vaoi were
probably miniature shrines for votaries to dedicate in the temple, representing the
goddess in a niche, with her lions beside her; such miniature shrines in terra-cotta
have been found, but none in silver. A gloss on vaoli<; has found its way into the
text of 1739 and a few other witnesses: 'iaoo£ XL~O>QLU µLXQU ("perhaps small cups").
The expression used by Luke of Demetrius is similar to veoo:n:ot6£ (lit. "shrine-
maker"), which was used for a member of the temple vestry (consisting apparently
of 12 men); cf. E. L. Hicks, "Demetrius the Silversmith: An Ephesian Study," Exp.
4, 1 (1890), pp. 401-22; see also New Docs. 4 (1979), § 1, for Ephesian silversmiths,
one of whom was a vEoo:n:OL6£. Cf. A. N. Sherwin-White, Roman Society and Roman
Law in the New Testament (Oxford, 1963), pp. 91f. But the narrative implies that
Demetrius held a position of authority among the silversmiths of the city, whether
he was a vestryman or not. Silver replicas of the cult image of the goddess are
known. A bilingual inscription of A.O. 104 (Inschr. Eph. 1.27; see on v. 32 below)
tells how a Roman official presented a silver image of Artemis and other statues to
be set up in the Ephesian theatre. Cf. another bilingual inscription (from Tarentum):
[Di]anae aedicolam uotum dedit = 'AQtaµLtL euxav vafoxov a:n:tl>ooXE, "he gave a
miniature shrine as a votive offering to Artemis" (IGRR 1.467).
'AQtEµLl>O£) Artemis is not a Gk. word; the Artemis cult antedates the Greek
settlement at Ephesus. Homer (II. 21.470f.) calls her :n:6tvta 9riQv, 'AettµL£
ayQOtEQlJ, "mistress of wild beasts, Artemis of the wilds"; Aeschylus (Agamemnon
134-38) pictures her indignant concern for injured wild things. Her association with
wild creatures is preserved in her characterization as virgin huntress in mainland
Greece, but Ephesian Artemis has many of the features of the great Anatolian
mother goddess. She was usually portrayed as many-breasted (:n:oi..uµaato£, multi-
mammia ), but the alleged breasts have been otherwise interpreted (e.g., as eggs, or
buckles). She was served by eunuch priests, called µey~utm (Strabo, Geog.
14.1.23). See W. K. C. Guthrie, The Greeks and their Gods (London, 1950), pp.
99-106; R. Oster, "The Ephesian Artemis as an Opponent of Early Christianity,"
JAC 19 (1976), pp. 24-44; R. Fleischer, "Artemis Ephesia," Lexiconlconographi-
cum Mythologiae Classicae (Zurich/Munich, 1984), 755-63.
toL\; tEXVLtat\;] "his fellow craftsmen."
:n:aQELXEto oux oi..iyriv EQyaaiav] "brought no little business"; see on 16:16,
415
E{?Yaa(av n;oH~v JtaQEL):EV. Here, as in Philippi (if on a different scale), the gospel
was a threat to property interests. Cf. Plin. Ep. 10.96.10, where the business of sup-
plying fodder for sacrificial victims is said to have declined in Bithynia through
the spread of Christianity.
19:25 to~ JtEQL ta. totafrta EQy<itas] All the workmen involved in this trade,
as well as the tE):Vttat, the skilled craftsmen. Demetrius was organizing the whole
trade in a protest.
avbQES] + auvtqvitm D. For the expansion cf. 18:14.
19:26 ou µ6vov 'Bpfoou &no. CJ):Ebov JtUCJTfS tfjs 'Aa(as (D inserts EWS before
'Bpfoou)] The genitives may either denote "sphere within which" or depend on
oxAov. The latter is more probable, in spite of the unusual order.
6 IlaiiAos oin:os] o adds tLS JtotE (miscopied ns totE in D), with which BDF
(§ 303) compares Clem. Hom. 5.27, t(s n;otE 'loubaios ("some Jew or other"). The
Lat. equivalent is nescio quis (so here latg renders hie Paulus nescio quern, as in
17:7 it has nescio quern Jesum).
oux daiv ewi oi bta. XELQOJV yt v6µEvot] A truism for Jews and Christians; see
on 7:48; 17:24, 29.
19:27 ou µ6vov oe ... a>J..a. xai ... ] To the threat to their trade he adds a re-
ligious sanction: the mixture of economic with religious indignation is highly explo-
sive. Translate: "and not only is there this risk for us, that our line of business should
come into disrepute, but also that the temple of the great goddess Artemis should be-
come of no account, and that she whom all Asia and the world worships should shortly
be cast down from her majesty." The accumulation of infinitives is difficult but not
impossible: EA.0Eiv, koyta0fjvm, and µiHEtv are dependent on xtvbuvEUEt and xa-
0mQEia0m on µi>J..Etv. The o text makes the construction easier by changing Ao-
ytCJ0fjvm to Aoyta0ijCJEtat, µEAJ..Etv to µiHEt, and tfis µEyaAEtotTftOS to~ µEyaAEtotTfS·
µEQOS] MM quote papyrus evidence to show that µEQOS can mean "line of
business."
aJtEAqµov] Hapax legomenon; its primary meaning would be "refutation,"
from aJtEAEYXW, "repudiate." See MM; also G. D. Kilpatrick, "Acts xix.27
a:1tEAqµ6v," JTS n.s. 10 (1959), p. 327.
tfis µEyaATfS 0EO.£ 'A(lteµtbos] Blass compares an Ephesian inscription tfi
µq(atn 0E<;i 'Bpw(<;t J\(lteµtbt (BM/3.481, line 324); cf. Xen. Eph.,Ephesiaca 1.11,
t~v Jtat(ltov ~µiv 0Eov t~v µEY<lATfV 'Bpw(wv ''A(ltEµtv. For the epithet "great" ap-
plied thus to a goddess cf. an inscription from Samaria in honor of Kore: Els 0Eo£
6 :1tavtwv bw:1t6tTfS µEyaATf XOQTf ~ avELXTftoS (New Docs. 1 [1976], § 68).
LEQOV] The temple of Ephesian Artemis, successor to that burned down by
Herostratus in 356 B.C., was reckoned one of the seven wonders of the ancient world.
See Strabo, Geog. 14.1.22f.; Plin. NH 16.213; 36.95-97, 179. Its site, forgotten for
many centuries, was discovered by J. T. Wood on the last day of 1869, about 11/2
miles northeast of the Roman city ( cf. CIG 2963c, ~ µq<iATf 0Ea 'A(ltEµts JtQO
JtOAEW£). The great altar, west of the temple, was discovered in 1965. SeeJ. T. Wood,
Discoveries at Ephesus (London, 1877); J. Fergusson, The Temple of Diana at
Ephesus (London, 1883); R. C. Kukula, "Literarische Zeugnisse iiber den Ar-
416
19:29-34 DEMONSTRATION IN THE THEATRE
temistempel," Forschungen in Ephesus, I (Wien, 1906), pp. 237-82; D. G. Hogarth,

Excavation at ·Ephesus: The Archaic Artemisia (London, 1908); A. Bammer, Die
Architektur des jungeren Artemision von Ephesos (Wiesbaden, 1972), and "For-
schungen im Artemision von Ephesus von 1976 bis 1981," AS 32 (1982), pp. 61-
87. For the fac;ade and ground plan of the temple see Bannister Fletcher, History
ofArchitecture (London, 5 1905), figs. 31a, b (facing p. 82).
ELS ou0Ev A.oyw0fjvm] For the form ou0Ev see on 15:9. For the predicative use
of ELS see on 5:36; 7:21; cf. 13:22, 47.
tfis µqaht6tT]tOS amfis] This use of !1£YUAELOtTJS "is a way of referring to a
divinity by describing one of his attributes" (New Docs. 2 [1977], § 51).
OAT]~ 'Aa(a] Probably the Roman province, but in this context "Asia" might
bear the widest meaning in general currency: Demetrius was concerned to magnify
the extent of the Artemis cult.
~ o[xouµEvTJ] K. Wemicke ("Artemis Ephesia," RE 2, cols. 1385f.) lists 33
places where Ephesian Artemis was worshipped. Her fame is recorded [ou µ6vov]
EV tfl fomfjs 3tatQLbL ... [a j,,A.tl )tat 31:UQU "EA.A.T]OLV n x[al ~]aQf3<iQOLS in BM/ 3.482B
( c. A.D. 161 ), in which the senate of Ephesus issues a decree designed to restore the
worship of Artemis to its former preeminence. Cf. W. M. Ramsay, "Artemis at
Ephesus," CR 7 (1893), pp. 78f.
19:28 3t:A~QELS] 3t:A~QTJS A EL 33 (see on 6:3, 5 for the indecl. form).
Suµou] + b(laµ6vtES ELS to liµq,obov] D syrhcl.mg (representing b ). This account
of their "running into the square" may be quite true, although it is due to the b re-
viser's imagination rather than to the original text. For liµq,obov cf. Mk. 11 :4; it oc-
curs in Aristophanes and Hesiod, and is common in papyri of the Roman age.
µq<iATJ ~ "AQtEµts 'Eq,w(wv] For the exclamation cf. µEyas 6 'AaxA.~3ttos
(Aristides 1.467, 471); µiyas fotlv 6 B~A (Bel et Draco 18); µiyas Eatl X'IJQLOS 6
0E6S (ibid. 41). Here and in v. 34 b omits~. turning the declaration into a prayer. In
spite of Ramsay's preference for this reading (CRE, pp. 139-42), a strong affirma-
tion of the goddess's greatness and not a prayer or invocation addressed to her is
what the present setting demands.
b. Demonstration in the theatre (19:29-34)
29XUL E3t:A.~08l] ~ 31:0A.LS tiiS OUYX'IJOEWS, WQµT]OUV tE 6µo8uµabov ELS to 0EatQOV
OUVUQ3tUOUvtES rafov xal 'AQ(atUQ;(OV MaxEbovas, OUVEXb~µous Ila'UA.OU.
30 Ila'UA.OU bE ~OUA.OµEVOU ELOEA.8Elv ELS tov bfjµov oux E°Lwv autov oi µa0T]ta(·
3ltLVE£ bE xai tO)V 'Aat<lQ;(OlV, OvtES am<'µ q>LA.OL, 3tEµ1jlavtE£ 31:QOS amov
31:UQEXUA.OUV µ~ bouvm Eautov EL£ to SfotQOV. 32 UA.A.OL µEV O\JV lino tL EXQU-
~ov, ~v yaQ ~ EXXA.TJOLa <JUVXEXUµEVTJ, xal oi 31:A.ELO'lJS oux i\bELaav tivos EVExa
OUVEA.TJA.'U0ELaav. 33 EX bE to'U O;(A.OU OUVE~(~aaav 'AA.Esavb(lov, 31:QO~UA.OV't(J)V
amov t<ilv 'Iouba(wv, 6 bE 'AAEsavbQO£ xataaEiaas t~V XELQU ~SEA.EV
an:oA.oyEla8m t<µ b~µqi. 34 Emyv6vtE£ bE otL 'Ioubal6£ Eatt v q,wv~ EYEVEto µ(a
EX 3t(lvt(J)V <lis E3tt WQUS buo XQU~OvtWV, MEyUA.TJ ~ "AQtEµLs 'Eq,w(wv.
19:29 auyxuaEws] "confusion," "uproar." Only here in the NT. For the
corresponding verb auyxEw/auyxuvvw cf. v. 32; 2:6; 9:22; 21:27, 31. LC quote a
417
striking parallel: () µEV biiµos EV OU µEtQL<,l CTUYJCUCTEL YEVOµEVO£ ... µEt<l :n:aoas :11:Q0-
0uµias ouvE)..0wv Els to 0fotQov (BM/ 4.792.4-6, from Cnidus).
ds to 0fotQOV] The theatre at Ephesus was cut out of the western side of Mt.
Pion (Panayir-dag), facing the harbor area. It was restored in the late fourth centu-
ry AD. Its well-preserved ruins were excavated early in the twentieth century; it ac-
commodated nearly 25,000 people. As in many other Greek cities, the theatre was
the most convenient place for a meeting of the citizen body. See R. Heberdey et
al., Das Theater= Forschungen in Ephesos, II (Wien, 1912).
rafov xal 'AQiotaQxov] For Gaius see on 20:4, where he is said to have come
from Derbe; in the same place Aristarchus (a name well attested in Macedonia) is
said to have come from Thessalonica (he appears also in 27:2; Col. 4:10; Phlm.
24). B. Weiss and others have conjectured that Luke's information for this episode
came from Gaius or Aristarchus (or both); the vividness with which it is described
certainly suggests eyewitness testimony.
Ma1rebova£] Some minuscules (36 307 431453 pc) read the sing. Ma1reb6va,
in conformity with the~ text of 20:4 (q. v. ), according to which Gaius (if it be the
same Gaius) was a Derbaean. If the sing. be the true reading, then the plur. has
arisen by dittography of the initial letter of the following word ouvExb~µoU£ ("fel-
low travelers"); if the plur. be original, then the sing. reading is the result of hap-
lography. Aristarchus came from Thessalonica (20:4; 27:2).
19:30 ds tov b~µov] As in 17:5, the b~µo; is the citizen body of a Greek
city. The regular meetings of the citizen body were held in the theatre; this meet-
ing was highly irregular (see on~ EXXA.TJCTLa, v. 32). See New Docs. 3 (1978), § 67.
oux E'Lmv amov oi µa0Tjrn(J Luke's answer to the readers' likely question: Why
was Paul not personally involved?
19:31 'AmaQ)Cmv] The Asiarchs were the leading men of the province of
Asia, oi :n:QmtEUOvtES xata t~v E:11:UQJCLUV (Strabo, Geog. 14.1.42), current or former
holders of high office in the league (xm vov) of the cities of Asia (cf.Mart. Po/ye.
12.2; 21.1). It appears that from their ranks the annually elected high priest of the
imperial cult in the province (aQJCLEQEU£ t~S 'Ao(as) was drawn. Their friendly ad-
vice to Paul suggests that imperial policy at this time was not hostile to the spread
of Christianity, and that the more educated classes of Ephesus did not share the an-
tipathy to him felt by the more superstitious populace. See L. R. Taylor, "The Asi-
archs," BC 1.5, pp. 256-62; D. Magie, Roman Rule in Asia Minor (Princeton, 1950),
I, pp. 449f., II, pp. 1298-1301; M. Rossner, Studii Clasice 16 (1974), pp. 101-42,
summarized in SEG 26 (1976/77), § 1864. See also New Docs. 4 (1979), § 14. Cf.
A. N. Sherwin-White, Roman Society ... , pp. 89f.
19:32 ~ EXXA.TJCTLU] Luke is perhaps being ironical; this was no regular meet-
ing of the civic assembly (the c~µo; gathered in its legislative capacity), the chief
executive of the municipality being witness (v. 39). But the leaders of the dem-
onstration may have tried to give some semblance of legality to the proceedings by
proclaiming a meeting of the assembly. That the assembly of Ephesus met in the
theatre is shown by the Graeco-Latin inscription mentioned on v. 24 above: the
statues to which it refers were presented by C. Vibius Salutaris 'iva ti0Tjvtm xat'
418
19: 35-41 DIE TOWN CLERK CALMS THE AGITATION
EXXATJOLav EV 1:4> 0EatQ(!J E:7tt i:ci>v ~aoEwv (Lat. ita ut [om]n[i e]cclesia supra bases
ponerentur). For xa,:' EXXATJOiav cf. 14:23. The inscription was published with fac-
simile in R. Heberdey et al., Das Theater= Forschungen in Ephesos, II, pp. 147-
49; cf. Inschr. Eph. l.27; Deissmann, LAE, pp. 112f.
oi :7tAdoui; oux fibnoav ,:(voi; EVEKU OUVEATJAU0Etoav] Whether~ EXXATJOLa is
ironical or not, the humor of this remark is unmistakable. The result of the general
ignorance of the purpose of the meeting was that the demonstration was as much
anti-Jewish as anti-Christian.
19:33 Ex ... i:ou ox.1,.ou] This equivalent of the partitive gen. ("some mem-
bers of the crowd") is to be taken as the subject of ouvE~(~aoav (cf. 2:30, where EX
XUQ:7tOU is the object of,m0(om).
ouvE~(~aoav 'AAE~vb()ov] The force of ouvE~i~aoav is difficult to determine:
the meaning "instructed" (as in LXX) is unlikely, though just possible (see on 9:22;
16:10). Alexander was a Jew (v. 34): why should members of the Ephesian popu-
lace "instruct" him, since it was the Jews who put him forward (:7tQO~a1,.6vi:wv amov
tcilv 'Iouoo(wv)? The Jews no doubt put him forward as their spokesman, to disso-
ciate themselves from Paul and his colleagues, against whom the popular wrath was
directed in the first instance. (The trouble was that everybody knew that Paul's atti-
tude to the goddess was shared by all the Jews: why should an angry crowd make
fine distinctions?) ouvE~i~aoav may mean that when the Jews pushed Alexander
forward, some of those present "put him up" on a raised place from which he could
address the crowd. D* reads xai:Efl(flaoav (latg vg detraxerunt): i.e., the crowd pulled
him down when the Jews put him up. We know nothing more about this Alexander,
although he is introduced in a manner which implies that the readers were expected
to recognize him by name. He has been conjecturdly identified with "Alexander the
coppersmith" of 2 Tim. 4:14, who is said to have done Paul "great harm."
xmaodoai; ,:~v l(.ELQU] Inviting silence and attention; cf. 12:17; 13: 16; 21:40,
where dat. tfi l(.ELQL is used, not acc. ,:~v l(.ELQU as here.
19:34 em yvovi:Ei; ... q>OJV~ EYEVE'l:O µ(a£)( mivtOJV ... XQU~OV'l:OJV] Sense con-
struction, as though the reading were 3tUvtEi; µu) 4>wvn EXQU~OV.
mi;] mod p74 B 33 pc.
µqaATJ ~ "AQi:EµLi; i:ci>v '&j>wiwv] B repeats this clause, "picturesquely," say
LC, who adopt the double reading in their translation, adding, "It may be a dittog-
raphy; if so, it is a happy one." See on v. 28 for the breading (here as there).
c. The town clerk calms the agitation (19:35-41)

35 XatUITTELAai; be 1:0V Ol(.AOV 6 yQaµµatElli; q>TJOLV, 'Avb()Ei; '&j>fotm, ,:(i; YUQ
EITTL v av0QW:7tOJV oi; OU YL VWOXEL ,:~v '&j>WLOJV 3tOAL v VEOJWQOV oiioav ,:~i;
µqaAT)i; 'AQtEµLboi; xal 1:0U bL0:7tEtoiii;; 36 avavtLQQ~l:OJV OtrV OV'l:OJV 1:0Ul:OJV bfov
eai:lv uµai; xmEmaAµEvoui; u:7taQX.EL v iml µl]bev 3tQ0:7tEi:ei; 3tQaooEt v. 37 ~yayEi:E
YUQ toui; UVbQUi; ,:omoui; OUl:E LEQOOlJAOUi; OU,:E f\AUOq>l]µouvi:ai; T~V 0EOV ~µcilv.
38EL µev OtrV L'lT]µ~tQtoi; xal oi ouv amcji 1:El(.VL'l:UL El(.OUOLV 3tQ6i; 1:LVU 1,.oyov,
ayoQULOL <'iyovi:m xal av0u:7tato( ELOL v, EYXUAEL'l:OJOUV (lAJ..~AOLi;. 39 EL bf. 1:L 3tEQ-
UL1:EQOJ £3tL~l]1:EL1:E, EV tfi evvoµ(!J EXXATJOL<;l £3tLAU0~0E1:UL. 40XUL ya.Q XLV-
419
ouvEfoµev Eyxa1..Eio0m ataoEW£ JtEQl tf]; m'fµt:QOV µl]OEvo; a[tiou uit<iQXOvto;,

JtEQL OU [ou] {)lJVl]OOµE0a aitobouvm 1..6yov JtEQL tf]; OlJITTQOq>T]f; tUU'tl]f;. 41 XUL
tafrta drrwv a:JtEA uoEv t~v EXXA l]Otav.
19:35 xataITTEt1..a;] "quieting"; so in 2 Mace. 4:31; Jos. BJ 2.611; 4.271;
Ant. 20.174.
6 yQaµµatEU£] The "town clerk" was the chief executive officer of the demos.
In consultation with the ITTQUtl]yoi he drafted the decrees to be placed before the
civic assembly; when they were passed, he had them engraved. He was, moreover,
the principal liaison officer between the civic administration and the Roman
government of the province. See W. M. Ramsay, HDB I, p. 723 (s. v. "Ephesus");
A. W. Gomme, OCD2 , p. 476 (s. v. "Grammateis").
yo.Q] "(Be quiet), for. ... "
VEWXOQOV oiioav tfJ£ µeya1..11£ 'AQtEµLOO£] Cf. C/G 2972, where Ephesus is
designated VEWXOQO£ tf]£ 'AQtEµLOO£. This term, etymologically "temple sweeper,"
came to mean "temple warden" and was applied as a title of honor first to individu-
als and later to cities. (In the 3rd cent. A.D. Perga acquired the title VEWXOQO£ of Per-
gaean Artemis; see on 13: 13. Under Caracalla [A.D. 202-211] Pergamum had three
times been nominated VEWXOQO£ of the imperial cult.) See W. M. Ramsay, CBP I,
pp. 58-60; D. Magic, Roman Rule in Asia Minor, I, p. 637, II, pp. 1497f.; A N.
Sherwin-White, Roman Society ... , pp. 88f.; L. Robert, "Sur des inscriptions
d'Ephese," Revue de Philologie 41 (1967), pp. 7-84, especially p. 48.
bwmtoii£] Lit. "fallen from the sky." The word OLO:JtEtE£ was originally ap-
plied to a meteorite (like the image of the Magna Mater brought from Pessinus to
Rome in 204 B.C., as recorded in Liv. Hist. 29.11, 14), and then extended to other
sacred objects believed to be of heavenly origin, like the cult image of Ephesian
Artemis. Cf. the Palladium of Troy, the images of the Tauric Artemis (Eurip. Iph.
in Taur. 87f., 1384f.), of Ceres at Enna (Cic. Verr. 2.5.187), and of El Gaba! of
Emesa (Herodian, Hist. 5.3, 5). See AB. Cook, Zeus, III (Cambridge, 1940), pp.
xii, 881-942, for the cult of meteorites.
19:36 avavtLQQ~twv] Here the sense is passive, "not to be disputed"; the
adv. is used actively in 10:29.
l'lfov emlv] Periphrastic construction for l'IEI.
19:37 LEQoou1..ou£] Lit. "temple robbers" and hence also those who practiced
sacrilege. Cf. Rom. 2:22; Jos. Ap. 1.249, 310f., 318;Ant. 4.207. The temple (iEQOV)
in view here is, of course, the Ephesian Artemision. Paul may have been charged
with another kind of iEQOO'UA.La in relation to the Jerusalem temple (see on 21:28),
but that would be irrelevant in the present context. See New Docs. 2 (1977), § 82.
oiitE fl1..aoq,11µoiivta£] Paul and his colleagues, that is to say, had not spoken
disparagingly of the great goddess; Jewish law interpreted Ex. 22:28a (LXX 27a,
0EOU£ ou xaxo1..oy~oEL£) as prohibiting scurrilous abuse of pagan divinities (cf. Jos.
Ap. 2.237; Ant. 4.207; Philo, Vit. Moys. 2.205; Spec. Leg. 1.53). The assertion that
manufactured gods were no gods (v. 26) might have been taken as an aspersion on
Artemis; does the town clerk imply that a bLO:JtEtE£ is not an image made with hands?
t~v 0Eov] Magnesian inscriptions show that ~ 0EO£ was the regular designa-
420
19:35-41 THE TOWN CLERK CALMS THE AGITATION
tion of the great goddess of the city; other goddesses were 0rni. The town clerk
therefore uses the technical term (contrast v. 27). See J. H. Moulton, MHT I 2,
p. 244, additional note top. 60; he cites G. Thieme, Die Inschriften von Magnesia
am Maeander und das Neue Testament (Gottingen, 1905), pp. lOf.
19:38 ayoQ(liot J sc. ~µ1\im, lit. "market days"; then "assizes," as these were
convenient days for the conuentus of citizens to meet under the presidency of the
provincial governor. The assizes were held in about nine cities of the province in
turn, including Ephesus, Smyrna, Pergamum, and Tralles (Plin. NH 5.105-27).
ayovtm] "are being held"; cf. Tob. 11:19 (~X01J 6 yciµ~); Jos. Ant. 14.245
(rreooEA0mv µm EV TQUAAEOL v ayovtL T~V ayO{_)atov ). Cf. Lat. conuentus aguntur.
av0unaTm J The proconsul (av0unato~) of Asia, who resided at Ephesus
(G. Wesenberg, "Provincia," RE 23, col. 1024), presided at the assizes. The plur. is
probably generalizing: "there are such people as proconsuls" (NEB). The procon-
sul M. Junius Silanus had recently been poisoned at Agrippina's instigation, shortly
after Nero's accession in October, AD. 54 (Tac. Ann. 13.1-3; cf. Dio Cassius, Hist.
61.6.4f.), and his successor presumably had not yet arrived. One may dismiss the
idea that the plur. refers to Helius and Celer, the officials in charge of the emperor's
personal affairs in Asia (rei familiari principis in Asia impositi), Agrippina's agents
in the murder of Silanus, as though they were discharging the proconsular func-
tions in the interval; so H. M. Luckock, Footprints of the Apostles as traced by St.
Luke in the Acts (London, 1897), II, p. 189; G. S. Duncan, SPEM, pp. 102-107; cf.
W. M. Ramsay's critical comments on the former work in "Some Recent Editions
of the Acts of the Apostles," Exp. 6, 2 (1900), pp. 334f.
19:39 Ev Tfi EvvoJU!l EXXATJOL<,:t] "in the lawful (regular) assembly"; such as-
semblies, according to Chrysostom (Hom. on Acts, 42.2) met three times a month.
An irregular or unlawful assembly like the present one would not be tolerated by
the Roman authorities; it might seriously endanger the city's privileged status. For
the phrase cf. Lucian, Deorum Consil. 14, EXXAT]oia~ ivvoµou. See AN. Sherwin-
White, Roman Society ... , p. 87.
19:40 xal ya.Q xLvbuvEuoµEv XTA] "For indeed we are in danger of being
charged with riotous behavior on account of today's assembly, there being no rea-
son for it; for which cause (or charge, as in Lk. 23:4) we shall not be able to ren-
der an account of this uproar." So~. which is difficult; b emends by omitting 31:EQL
TTJ~ and ou, the meaning then being, "For indeed we are in danger of being charged
with riotous behavior today, having no reason for which we shall be able to render
an account," etc.~ "may contain some very ancient error" (Ropes). Hort suggests
the emendation u'iTLOL unciQxovtE~ for u[Tiou unciQXOvto~, taking µl]l'!Evo~ afoot
unciQXOvtE~ 31:EQL ou ou OUV1JOOµE0a XTA in the sense, "although we are guilty of noth-
ing concerning which we cannot," etc. This is not too satisfactory.
31:EQL TTJ~ o~µrQov] sc. EXXATJOLa~.
19:41 cutEAOOEVT~v EXXAT]Oiuv JAs he would probably have been authorized
to do at the end of a lawful meeting of the assembly. On the whole narrative see
R. F. Stoops, "Riot and Assembly: The Social Context of Acts 19:23-41," JBL 108
(1989), pp. 73-91.
421
ACTS20
3. Paul's Visit to Macedonia and Greece (20:1-6)

1 Mm:t OE TO Jta.uaa.aem TOV 06Quj30V µETa.JtEµ'lj,aµEvo; 0 Ila.ulo; Tou; µa.0T]TClS
xa.l :n:UQm«11.foa.s, aa:n:a.miµEvos Es~WEV JtOQEUEa0at d; Ma.XEbov(a.v.
2 0LEA.0WV l>E TCl µEQT] EXEL VU ,ml :n:UQUXa.1.foa.s a.moi,; 1.6ycp JtOAA.<Jl ~A.0EV d; T~V
·Enaoa., 3 Jtm ~aa.s TE µ~va.s TQEis yEvoµhTJs im~oul~s a.m u:n:o Twv
'Iouba.(wv µEAAOVTL av<iyw0m d; T~V LUQLUV, EYE VETO yvwµT]; TOU 'U:1tOCJ'tQEq>ELV
bu't Ma.xEbov(a.;. rnuvd:n:ETI) l>E a.m<j> LW:1tUTQOS IIUQQOU BEQOLa.lo;, 8w-
CTUA.0VLXEWV l>E 'AQLITTUQXOS xa.l LE'XO'UVOOS xa.l ra"tos &Q~a.lo; xa.l TLµ60rns,
'Ama.vol be TUXLXOS xa.l TQOcj>Lµo;· s o&m be :n:QoE1.06vTEs liµEvov ~µii; EV
TQq:>UOL' 6~µEi; OE EsE:1t1.Euaa.µEv µETCl TO.S ~µEQUS TWV atuµwv (l:Jt() cl>tH:n::n:wv,
xa.l ~WoµEv :n:QOS a.moil; ELS T~V TQcp<iba. <'ixQL ~µEQOJV :n:EVTE, OU OLETQL'lj)UµEV
~µEQUS EITTU.
20:1 wus µa.0T]TO.S] As in 19:9, 30, these "disciples" are Paul's converts in
Ephesus, members of the church which he planted there.
e1;~WEv :n:oQEUw0m d; Ma.xEbov(a.v) Probably sometime in the summer of
AD. 55, if he carried out his intention of staying in Ephesus until Pentecost (1 Cor.
16:8); in that year Pentecost fell on May 25. His plan to visit Macedonia and Achaia
is announced in 1 Cor. 16:5-7; modifications to that plan, caused by difficulties in
the Corinthian church, are mentioned in 2 Cor. 1:15f., 23. His program may have
been further disrupted by the deadly peril to which he was exposed in Asia about
this time (2 Cor. 1:8-10).
Ramsay suggests (SPT, p. 283) that Paul took a coasting vessel from Ephe-
sus, and had to trans-ship in Troas (cf. 2 Cor. 2: 12). At Troas he hoped to meet Titus,
whom he had sent to deal with problems in the church of Corinth; he did not meet
him, however, until he had left Troas and arrived in Macedonia (2 Cor. 2:13; 7:6f.).
W. L. Knox, St. Paul and the Church of the Gentiles (Cambridge, 1939), p. 144,
n. 2, infers from 2 Cor. 2: 12f. that Titus, on his return journey from Corinth, "was
too late to reach Troas by sea, and would necessarily travel overland, and that Paul
on the other hand could not risk sailing to Athens to meet him. Paul must have left
Troas, in spite of the 'open door,' when he realized that Titus had missed the last
boat [before navigation across the open sea ceased for the winter] and would have
to come through Macedonia."
422
20: 1-6 PAUL'S VISIT TO MACEDONIA AND GREECE
20:2 bLEA.0oov bE ta µEQTJ EXEiva] It was probably at this time that he went
"as far as Illyricum" (Rom. 15:19). The first ten words of this verse may cover a
year or more.
'E)J,.c:iba] "Greece," the more popular term, is used as a synonym for
"Achaia," the name of the Roman province found in 18:12; 19:21. (It is doubtful
if one should repeat, as though it were a critically established distinction, the com-
mon assertion that Luke prefers the popular territorial names while Paul, the Roman
citizen, prefers the Roman provincial nomenclature.)
20:3 itoL~Oa£ tE µfJva£ tQEt£] For this sense of:n:miw cf. 15:33; Mt. 20:12;
2 Cor. 11 :25. The three months-the winter months of AD. 56/57-were probably
spent in Corinth, from which the letter to the Romans was sent at this time (cf. Rom.
16:1, 23). (An earlier visit to Corinth, interrupting Paul's Ephesian ministry, the
"painful visit" of 2 Cor. 2:1, is unrecorded in Acts; the present visit was his third,
according to 2 Cor. 12: 14; 13:1.) Winter travel, except on a very limited scale, was
regularly avoided (cf. 27:12; 28:11; Tit. 3:12).
yEVOµEVTJ£ em~oUA.TJ£] Ramsay (SPT, p. 287) supposes that Paul intended to
take a pilgrim ship, as he perhaps had done five years previously (cf. 18:21f. b),
which picked up at the chief ports those who wished to go to Jerusalem for a fes-
tival. On such a ship it would have been easy to find an opportunity to assassinate
Paul; having got wind of the plot, therefore, he chose to make the journey by a more
circuitous route. He had plenty of time to fulfil his intention of being in Jerusalem
for Pentecost (v. 16).
µEA.A.Ovtl <ivayrn0m EL£ t~V LUQLUV] ~0EA.TJOEV <ivax.0fJvm EL£ LUQLUV D syrhcl.mg
(representing b ), an inferior reading, implying that it was because of the plot that he
decided to set out for Syria, whereas, as ~ indicates, he intended to go there in any
case (Syria being used in its wider sense to include Judaea, Syria Palaestina).
tylivEto yvwµTJ£] "he decided." For the following construction of toii with
infin. cf. 9:15; 15:20; 27:1. breads fl:n:EV bE to itVEiiµa amcµ UitOatQEcj>ELV bLa tfJ£
MaXEbovia; (observe the characteristic introduction of the Spirit's guidance as in
19:1 b).
20:4 auvEi:n:Eto bi amcµ xtA.] Most of these traveling companions were prob-
ably delegates from various Gentile churches, bearing their respective churches'
contributions for the Jerusalem relief fund (1 Cor. 16:1-4; 2 Cor. 8:1-9:15; Rom.
15:25-27; see on 19:21; 24:17). See W.-H. Ollrog, Paulus und seine Mitarbeiter
(NeukirchenNluyn, 1979), pp. 52-58. After amcµ AD and the majority of Byzan-
tine witnesses add µEXQL tfJ; 'Aaia£ (pointlessly, since two of the delegates had come
from Asia to join the others at the port of embarkation).
LOO:n:atQO; fl'UQQOU BEQOLaio;] om HIJQQOU byz syrpesh hcl_ Sopater, probably
the Sosipater of Rom. 16:21, would be the delegate from Beroea (cf. 17:10), one
of the "churches of Macedonia" (2 Cor. 8: 1; cf. Rom. 15 :26).
'AQ(ataQx.o;] See on 19:29.
uxoiivbo£] Not mentioned elsewhere.
f'afo£ &Q~aio£] Not necessarily to be identified with the Gaius of 19:29. If
they are one and the same, either the sing. MaXEbova should be read in 19:29 (see
423
ad lac.) or the b reading t.ou~tjQLOS is to be preferred to L'.EQ~aios here. Doberus was

a Macedonian city, 26 miles northwest of Philippi (cf. Thuc. Hist. 2.98, 99, 100);
at a later date its bishop attended the Council of Chalcedon (A.O. 451). F. Blass ac-
cepts L. C. Valckenaer's unnecessary emendation of xa( to bE after &~alas,
making Gaius a Thessalonian along with Aristarchus and Secundus, and Timothy
a man of Derbe-although the more natural inference from 16: lf. is that Timothy
was a man of Lystra.
TLµ60rns] He was last mentioned in 19:22 (q.v.), when he and Erastus were
sent by Paul to Macedonia. He probably traveled with the party on this occasion
as Paul's junior colleague, not as the delegate of some local church.
'AoLavol bE TuxLxos xal TQ6<j,Lµos] ti, more explicitly, calls them 'Eq,fotoL.
Trophimus (cf. 2 Tim. 4:20) is said to have been an Ephesian in 21:29. (On this
very common name see New Docs. 3 [1978], § 80.) For Tychicus (Emuxos D, by
confusion with the young man of v. 9 below) cf. Col. 4:7f.; Eph. 6:21f.; Tit. 3:12;
2 Tim. 4:12.
The coming together of those delegates of various churches to join Paul at
Corinth provides an appropriate setting for the message to the Roman Christians
in Rom. 16: 16b: "All the churches of Christ greet you."
20:5 oi'n:m bE JtQOE11.06vtES eµEvov ~µas iv TQq><ibL] JtQOE11.06vtES (?74 B2 D
36104 323 614 1891 al lat) suits the sense of the passage much better than the well-
attested JtQOOE11.06vtES, "having approached" ( X Avid B* EHL P 1P 945 1175 1241
1739 2495 pm); the two forms are easily confused in copying (cf. v. 13 below). The
delegates were not likely to be harmed by the plotters against Paul's life, so they
sailed to Troas (presumably from Cenchreae), as arranged, and disembarked there,
where they waited for Paul and the narrator to join them. The use of ~µiis instead
of am6v (referring to Paul) marks the beginning of the second "we" narrative. Luke
appears to have been left behind at Philippi after Paul's first visit to that city. If so,
he and Paul met again there, for Paul, instead of joining the others who sailed to
Troas, now went north to Philippi to catch a ship at Neapolis.
20:6 ~µEls be E~rn11.Euoaµev µmi tas ~µliQas tfuv atuµwv] The days of un-
leavened bread began at Passover and lasted for a week (see on 12:3). The reckon-
ing of time in vv. 6 and 7 indicates that "we" (~µels includes at least Paul and the
narrator) set sail on a Friday. Ramsay concluded that the days of unleavened bread
must therefore have ended on a Thursday, and that the year must accordingly have
been 57, in which Passover fell on Thursday, April 7. But, while 57 may very well
have been the year (see on 27:9), it is reading too much into the text to suppose that
they must have left Philippi the morning after the days of unleavened bread ended:
however eager Paul was to make up for lost time so as to reach Jerusalem by Pente-
cost (cf. v. 16 below), he would have had to wait until a convenient boat was due
to sail. Nor can the dates of Jewish festivals in the first century always be fixed to
the exact day in the Julian calendar.
The description of this critical journey to Jerusalem is given in great detail.
This is explained by its being part of the "we" narrative (contrast the summary ac-
count ofvv. 1-3 above). In addition, however, there may be a designed parallel be-
424
20:7-12 PAULATTROAS
tween this journey and our Lord's last journey to Jerusalem (Lk. 9:51; 17:11-
19:40). Paul is pictured as setting out on his via crucis. See W. Rad!, Paulus und
Jesus im lukanischen Doppelwerk, EHS 23, Theo!. 49 (Bern/Frankfurt, 1975).
<in:o t,i..LMoov] Actually, no doubt, from Neapolis, the port of Philippi (cf.
16:11).
liXQL ~µtQcilv n:EvtE] n:eµmaioL D. The voyage took over twice as long as the
voyage in the reverse direction had taken some years earlier; probably the wind
was favorable on that occasion but contrary this time.
B. THE JOURNEY TO JERUSALEM (20:7-21:16)

3. Paul at Troas (20:7-12)
7 'Ev l>E tfl µL(i tcilv aa~~atoov OUVlJYµEVOlV ~µ<ilv XA.UOUL UQtOV 6 IIaiiA.0£
l>LEA.EYEto amoli;, µenwv E;LEVUL tfl E3tU'UQLOV, 31:UQEtEL VEV tE tOV ),,6yov µEXQL
µwovuxt(ou. s ~aav be ),,aµn:al>ei; txaval EV tcp un:EQ<])(Jl ou ~µEv auvljyµEvm·
9 xa0et6µevoi; be ui; veav(ai; 6v6µatL Eiiwxoi; E3tt tf]i; 0uQ(l>oi;, xataq>EQ6µtvoi;
U3tVCJ) ~a0EL l>LUA.fYOµEVO\J tO'U Ilau),,ou E3tt 31:A.ELOV, xatevq0Eli; (l,t() tO'U U3tVO\J
iin:wev U3to tou tQLateyou xatoo xal ~Q0lJ veXQ6i;. 10 xata~ai; l>E 6 Ilau),,oi;
E3tE3tWEV amcp xal auµn:EQLA.a~mv dn:Ev, M~ 00QU~Eia0E, ~ YUQ 'lj)UX~ m'n:ou EV
autcp EatLV. 11 <iva~ai; l>E xal XA.aaai; tOV UQtOV xal yrnaaµevoi; Eq>' txav6v tE
6µL1,.~aai; liXQL miyf]i; oiitooi; e;f]i..0ev. 12 ~yayov be tov n:all>a twvta, xal
n:aQEXA.~0lJaav ou µttQ(wi;.
20:7 tfl µL(i tcilv a~~atwv] Originally "the first day after the sabbath"; then
"the first day of the week." Cf. Mk. 16:2 par.; 1 Cor. 16:2. From the primary mean-
ing "sabbath day" (see on 13:14), aa~~ata and aa~~atov acquired the extended
sense of the interval between two sabbath days, i.e., a week (so l>li; toii aa~~atou,
"twice in the week," Lk. 18: 12). The cardinal numeral µL(i is used in the sense of
the ordinal (cf. Tit. 3:10; Ps. 23 LXX [24 MT]:1, 'lj)a),,µoi; tcp 1'.au({>· tf]i; µuii;
aa~~atoov). See J. H. Moulton, MHT I, p. 96; A Thumb,Handbook of the Modern
Greek Vernacular, E.T. (Edinburgh, 1912), § 130, p. 82.
auvljyµevoov ~µcilv x),,aam liQtov] See on 2:42, tfl x),,aaEL toii liQtou. The refer-
ence is probably to a communal meal, shared by the local believers as well as the
travelers (~µcilv), in the course of which the Eucharist was celebrated. See on v. 11.
6 IIau),,oi; l>LEA.EYEto auto ii;] A conversation rather than an address is indicated,
a "sermon" in the etymological sense of the word (Lat. sermo, "conversation"). Cf.
6µL1,.~aai;, v. 11. The third person pron. auto ii; after ~µcilv in the preceding clause
suggests that the meeting took place in the worship setting of the church of Troas.
Nothing is said of evangelism at Troas on its earlier featuring in Luke's narrative
(16:8), but Paul's attempt to preach the gospel there a year or two before was prob-
ably more fruitful than he thought at the time, amid his preoccupation with the cri-
sis in the Corinthian church (2 Cor. 2:12f.; amoii; here no doubt includes the people
indicated by amoii; in 2 Cor. 2:13).
tfl en:aUQLov] If this be compared with liXQL auyf]i; (v. 11), it may be inferred
that for Luke the day did not begin, in the Jewish way, at sunset, but in the Greek
425
way, at dawn; it was therefore not on Saturday evening but on Sunday evening that
they came together.
:itaQEtELVEV tE tov 1,.6yov] For Paul's lengthy discourses cf. 28:23, an:o :itQw'i:
EW<; EOJtEQU<;.
20:8 )..aµn:<ibec;] "torches." D reads un:01,.aµmibec;, "windows" (see MM,
BAGD), but latd has faculae, "little torches." No ritual significance should be at-
tached to the lamps; at that time of day (or night) they were required to give light.
u:itEQcp<Jl) Cf. 1:13; 9:37, 39.
20:9 Eiituxoc;] The b text of v. 4 (q. v.) makes him one of the Ephesian dele-
gates with Paul, a confusion due to similarity of name (both Eutychus and Tychi-
cus mean "fortunate").
0uQ(boc;] "window." Cf. 2 K. (LXX 4 Kms) 1:2, xal iin:wev 'Ox.o~(ac; bui toii
bLXtu<OtOU toii EV t(j> lJJtEQcpEQ6µevoc; iin:vcp ~a0Ei ... xatevq0Elc; an:o toii iin:vou] The hot, oily at-
mosphere caused by the crowd and the torches made it difficult for a youth who
may have put in a hard day's work to keep awake, despite the priceless opportu-
nity of learning truth from apostolic lips. Note the change of tense: xatacj>EQ6µevoc;
(pres. ptc.), "dropping off to sleep"; xatevex0dc; (aor. ptc.), "having fallen sound
asleep." "The expressing of the different degrees of sleep would be quite natural
to a medical writer," says Hobart (p. 48), who quotes parallels from Hippocrates,
Galen, and Dioscorides.
tQLotEyou] For three-story houses cf. Martial, Epig. 1.118. 7, "et scalis habito
tribus, sed altis."
~Q0l] VEXQ6<;] Luke no doubt means that he was "clinically" dead, "implying
apparently that, as a physician, he had satisfied himself on the point. In 14:19 he
had no authority for asserting that Paul was dead, but only that his enemies con-
sidered him dead" (SPT, pp. 290f.).
20:10 EJtE:itwev amcji xal auµ:itEQLJ..~rov] Cf. the raising of the widow's son
by Elijah (1 K. [LXX 3 Kms.] 17:19-22) and of the Shunammite's son by Elisha
(2 K. [LXX 4 Kms.] 4:34f.). Is a form of artificial respiration implied?
µ~ 0oQ~Ei:a0e] B* CD 1175 pc have the spelling variant 0oQ~Eia0m. The
meaning is "Stop making a fuss"; the pres. imper. implies that they were already
making one.
~ YUQ 'lj!tJX~ amoii EV am:cji EotL v] Alongside ~Q0rJ VEXQ6c; ( v. 9) Paul's plain
statement of fact raises the same kind of question as Jesus' words about Jairus's
daughter, oux rotE0avev a)..)..a xa0eubeL (Mk. 5:39 par.): had the person really died,
or only apparently so? Luke may intend the reader to understand that Eutychus's
life returned to him when Paul embraced him.
20: 11 x)..<iaac; tov iiQtov] The article points back to the phrase x)..<iam
iiQtoV in v. 7; it was after midnight (and therefore, it appears, Monday morning
by our reckoning) when they carried out the purpose for which they had come
together.
yrna<iµevoc;] Lit. "having tasted," probably "having taken food" in addition
to the eucharistic breaking of the bread. For yeooµm see on 10: 10.
426
20: 13-16 FROM TROAS TO MILETUS
oµLA.~oas] "having conversed" (cf. Mod. Gk. µLA.<ii). As Lat. sermo has given
us "sermon" (v. 7), so Gk. oµLHa has given us "homily."
O.'.XQL auyiJs] See on tfl E:7tUUQLov, v. 7.
20: 12 ~yayov {)€ tov Jtai:ba] aa:7ta~oµhwv bE aurciiv ~yayEv tov vrnviaxov
D, making Paul himself bring the young man to them. Since this is stated here and
not immediately after v. 10, it may be inferred that Eutychus recovered conscious-
ness just before Paul's departure (see on v. 13).
:7taQEXA.~0T]aav ou µEtQLWS] Lukan litotes. "They" who were "not a little com-
forted" were the Christians of Troas, Eutychus's friends.
2. From Troas to Miletus (20:13-16)

13 '1-1µ£i:s bE 3tQOEA.0ovtE£ E3tl to 3tA.OLOV <lV~'.X0T]µEv E3tl t~V "Aaaov, EXEWEV
µEA.A.OvtES ava)..aµtlavEL v tOV ITaiiA.OV, oiitws YUQ bLatEtayµevos ~v µEA.A.WV
autos 3tE~E'UELV. 1400£ bE OU'VE~UA.A.EV ~µi:v Els t~V "Aaaov, avaA.a~OvtES aurov
~A.00µEV EL£ MLtUA.~VT]V, 15 xaxEi:0Ev <l:7t03tA.E'UOUvtE£ tfl E3tLO'UOTI XatT]vt~OUµEV
a.vttXQU£ X(ou, tfl bE hiQg. JtaQE~aA.oµEv Els Toµov, tfl bE ixoµivn ~11.0oµ£v Els
MtA.T]tov· 16 XEXQLXEL ya.Q 6 flaii)..os :7t<lQU:7tA.Eiiom t~v "E4>wov, 0:7tW£ µ~ yEVT]tm
auttji '.XQOVOtQL~iJam EV tfl 'Aa(g., E0:7tEubEV ya.Q EL buVatOV E'iT] auttji t~V ~µEQUV
tfJS :7tEvtT]XOITTTJ£ yEvfo0aL ELS 'IEQoa611.uµa.
20:13 ~µELS bE] eyw bE J\ouxas xat ot µn' tµoii syrvet(?). This reading is im-
plied by the Armenian version of Ephrem's commentary on Acts, which was based
on an Old Syriac text (cf. pp. 7, 71 above). See F. C. Conybeare, "The Commen-
tary of Ephrem on Acts," BC 1.3, pp. 442-45.
:7tQOEA.0ovtE£] :7tQOOE11.0ovtE£ AB* EH P byz/ xatE11.06vtE~ D latg syrpesh (rep-
resenting b). Cf. v. 5.
'Aaaov] 0aaov P4 1 pc syrpesh he! copsa(?) (cf. 27:8, latvg Thalassa for
"AA.aaaa and 27: 13, where lath celerius may represent a reading 0aoaov for &oaov).
Assos (modern Behram-koy) was in classical times the most important city
of the Troad. Its natural strength, on a volcanic cone c. 750 feet high, was enhanced
by impressive fortifications of the fourth century B.C. Its harbor, on the shore below,
was protected by a mole (still visible). It was the home of Cleanthes (see on 17:28).
See Strabo, Geog. 13.1.57, 66 (:7t611.L£ a~L611.oyas); Plin. NH 5.123; also J. T. Clarke,
Report on the Investigations at Assos, 1881 (Boston, 1882), and Report on the In-
vestigations at Assos, 1882, 1883, ed. F. H. Bacon (New York, 1898); J.M. Cook,
The Troad (Oxford, 1973), pp. 240-50. To get to Assos from Troas, the ship had to
round Cape Lectum (Bababurun), thus requiring longer time than the 20-mile land
journey, especially since the prevailing wind was the stormy northeaster. Paul pre-
ferred to go by land, while his companions (including the narrator) went by sea.
"Paul stayed on to the last moment, perhaps to be assured of Eutychus's recovery,
while the other delegates went on ahead in the ship. Thus the fact that Eutychus re-
covered is in a sense the final incident of the stay at Troas" (SPT, p. 291).
:7tE~EUEL v] Here to go by land as opposed to sailing; normally to go on foot as
opposed to riding.
20:14 auvi~anEv] auvi~a11.Ev C D byz. At first sight the aor. is the more
427
natural tense, but the imperf. may imply that Paul was seen and taken in by boat as
he approached Assos.
MLtllA.~VTJV] This is the more frequent spelling after c. 100 B.C.; the earlier
spelling was MmLA.~VTJ. Mytilene was the chief city of the island ofLesbos, an early
Aeolian settlement, and the cradle of Gk. lyric poetry, being the home of Alcaeus
and Sappho.
20:15 avtLXQV~ Xiov] Probably near Cape Argennum (Beyaz-burun). Chios
is one of the larger Aegean islands, off the west coast of Asia Minor, in the general
latitude of Smyrna. It was an early Ionian settlement. Under the Roman Empire it
was a free state until the time of Vespasian.
ETEQ<;t] EOrtEQ<;t B 36 453 1175 1241 pc (probably a scribal error).
,taQE~aA.oµEv] It is difficult to decide which meaning of ltUQ<l~anw to choose
here; it may mean "pass by," "cross over to," or even "stop at." Perhaps "cross over
to" is most suitable.
L<iµov] Another of the larger Aegean islands, slightly south of the latitude of
Ephesus. Like Chios, Samos was an Ionian settlement, and at this time a free state,
a privilege granted it by Augustus in 17 B.C. After Laµov, b byz insert ,ml, µEivav-
tE~ EV TQwyvnicµ (-i<;t). Trogyllium is a promontory jutting out from the mainland
toward the southeast of Samos so as to form a strait less than a mile wide. If the
addition of b byz is part of the original text, the overnight wait off Trogyllium may
have been due to the difficulty of navigating the strait in the dark. G. Zuntz thinks
the addition is inappropriate on stylistic and geographical grounds (Opuscula
Selecta, p. 199).
MLA.l]toV] Miletus was the southernmost of the Ionian settlements in Asia
Minor. Homer knew it as a Carian city (fl. 2.868f.); but its existence and name are
attested in pre-Homeric times, if it is the Milawanda/Milawata of Hittite texts and
the Miliitos (from M ilwlitos ?) of Mycenaean (Linear B) records. A very early horse-
burial grave excavated on the site dates from the middle of the second millennium
B.C. Miletus played a leading part in the Ionian revolt against the Persians, who re-
captured it in 494 B.C. It lay on the south coast of the Latmian Gulf, which even in
classical times was largely silted up by the river Maeander (which flowed into it
from the north). Today the Latmian Gulf is represented by the inland Lake Bafa,
which has an outlet on the north connecting it with the Maeander. The island of
Lade, which lay off the coast west of Miletus, has long since been part of the main-
land. The presence of Jews in Miletus is attested by an inscription of the imperial
age found in the theatre there in 1906, reserving a block of seats for them: t6n:o~
dovbfo1v t<iiv xal 0waE~(ov (i.e., t6n:o~ 'Iovba(wv t<iiv xal 0rnaE~Ewv, in which the
God-fearers are evidently Jews, not Gentiles). See LAE, pp. 451f.
See also T. Wiegand et al., Milet: die Ergebnisse der Ausgrabungen und Un-
tersuchungen (Berlin, 1906); A G. Dunham, The History of Miletus (London,
1915); G. Kleiner, Alt-Mi/et (Wiesbaden, 1966), Die Ruinen von Mi/et (Berlin,
1968), and Das rdmische Milet (Wiesbaden, 1970).
20: 16 XEXQLXEL] For the augmentless plupf. cf. 4:22; 14:23; 26:32 (AL). The
decision had probably been made at Troas (if not earlier): when Paul found a fast
428
20: 17 PAUL'S SUMMONS TO THE ELDERS OF EPHESUS
ship which was taking the straight course from Chios to Samas, across the mouth of
the Ephesian gulf, he chose it in order to make sure of getting to Judaea in time.
omll£ µ~ yEVT]tUL um:<j> XQOVotQL~f]om] Either XQOVotQL~fjom may be taken as
practically a noun, the subject of yevritm, or else it may be regarded as dependent
on yevrJtm, after the analogy of the frequent iyEvtto with infin. The former is better.
iv tfl 'Ao(<,1] In the popular sense of the region around Ephesus.
t~v ~µEQUV tfJ£ n:EvtT]XOotfJ£] See on 2: I. In AD. 57 Pentecost fell on May 29.
4. Paul's Summons to the Elders of Ephesus (20:17)

17 'An:o bE 't1)£ MLA.~toU n:Eµ'ljlu£ EL£ "Bj>wov µEtEXUA.EOUto t01)£ ltQEO~utEQOU£
tfJ£ EXXA.T]OlU£,
20:17 n:Eµ'ljlu£ EL£ "Bj>wov] The distance was about 30 miles. If the ship
stayed a week in the harbor at Miletus, as their next ship stayed at Tyre (21:3), there
would be time for Paul's messengers to go to Ephesus and for the Ephesian elders
to come to Miletus. But Paul could not take the risk of going to Ephesus in person:
the ship might sail before he got back. Besides, he might run risks of another kind
if he was seen in Ephesus again. The messengers whom he sent to Ephesus were
probably members of the church of Miletus.
toll£ :rtQEO~utEQOU£ tfJ£ EXXA.TJOLU£] See on 14:23. It is Luke who calls them
:rtQEO~U'tEQOL, Paul calls them in:(oxon:m (v. 28), but not as though that were a tech-
nical term (cf. RSV "guardians"). In a comparative study of Acts and the Pastoral
Epistles one would consider the relation between these "elders" and those whose
appointment or confirmation in office is entrusted to Timothy in Ephesus (1 Tim.
3:1-7; 5:17-19),
4. Paul's Farewell Address to the Ephesian Church (20:18-35)

a. Retrospect on his Ephesian ministry (20:18-21)
l80l£ bE :rtUQEyEVOvtO :1tQO£ um:ov El:rtEV Uut01£, 'YµE1£ E:rtlITTU00E an:o :1tQW'tT]£
~µEQU£ a(j>' ~£ En:E~T]V EL£ t~V 'Ao(uv :rt&£ µE0' uµ&v tOV mivtu XQOVOV EYEVOµT]V,
19 bOUA.EUWV t<j> XUQl(!l µEta :rt0.0T]£ tun:El VOq>QOOUVT]£ xul <'iUXQUWV xul
:rtELQUOµ&v t&v OU~O.vtWV µm EV tUL£ E:rtl~OUA.UL£ t&v 'Iou<'\uiwv· 200l£ ou<'iEV
Un:EITTELA.O.µT]V t&v ouµq>EQOvtWV tou µ~ avuyyEi}..m uµiv xul btb<i~m 1Jµ<l£
bT]µOOl<,l xul xut' o'ixoU£, 21 bLUµUQtuQ6µEVO£ 'lou<'\u(OL£ tE xul "EAAT]Ol v T~V
EL£ 0Eov µEt<ivmuv xul n:(otL v EL£ tov XUQLOV ~µ&v 'Irioouv,
20:18 Eln:Ev um:ol£] This address to the Ephesian elders has a different qual-
ity from all the other speeches in Acts, in style and content alike. It is the only ex-
ample in Acts of an address by Paul to a believing audience. It is primarily his
farewell address to the church of Ephesus (represented by its elders) but also in a
secondary way his farewell to all the Gentile churches in the Aegean world. Since
it is recorded in the setting of a "we" narrative, one would naturally infer that Luke
heard it himself (cf. 21: 1). It is rich in parallels to the Pauline letters, especially to
the later ones. But it is no mere literary cento of extracts from these: the author of
429
Acts, in fact, gives no hint that he was acquainted with the Pauline letters-pace
L. Aejmelaeus, DieRezeption der Paulusbriefe in der Miletrede, Apg 20,18-35 (Hel-
sinki, 1987); he argues that the author of Acts knew and used some Pauline letters.
The speech is hortatory in character, but, like Paul's other speeches in the re-
maining part of Acts, it has a clear apologetic note. Paul's opponents have evidently
been attacking him in his absence; he defends his teaching and general behavior
by appealing to the Ephesians' own knowledge of him. See P. Gardner, "The
Speeches of St. Paul in Acts," in Cambridge Biblical Essays, ed. H.B. Swete (Cam-
bridge, 1909), pp. 401-404; M. Dibelius, "The Speeches in Acts and Ancient His-
toriography" (1949), E.T. in Studies, pp. 155-58; C. L. Mitton, The Epistle to the
Ephesians (Oxford, 1951), pp. 210-13, 217-20, 266f.; J. Munck, "Discours d'adieu
dans le Nouveau Testament et dans la litterature biblique," in Aux Sources de la
Tradition chretienne: Melanges offerts a M. Goguel (Neuchatel/Paris, 1950), pp.
155-70; J. Dupont, Le discours de Milet: Testament pastoral de saint Paul (Ac
20,18-36) (Paris, 1962), and "La construction du discours de Milet," Nouvelles
Etudes sur les Actes des Apotres (Paris, 1984), pp. 424-45; H.-J. Michel, Die Ab-
schiedsrede des Paulus und die Kirche Apg 20,17-38: Motivgeschichtliche und
theologische Bedeutung (Mtinchen, 1973); C. K. Barrett, "Paul's Address 'to the
Ephesian Elders," in Gods Christ and His People: Studies in Honour ofN. A. Dahl,
ed. J. Jervell and W. A. Meeks (Oslo, 1978), pp. 107-21; and J. Lambrecht, "Paul's
Farewell Address at Miletus," in Les Actes des Apotres, ed. J. Kremer= BETL 48
(Leuven, 1979), pp. 307-37; C. J. Herner, "The Speeches of Acts, I. The Ephesian
Elders at Miletus," TynB 40 (1989), pp. 77-85.
uµi,I;; E3ttm;aa0E] For the appeal to their knowledge and remembrance cf. vv.
31, 34; also 1 Th. 2:lf., 5, lOf.; 3:3f.; 4:2; 2 Th. 2:5; 3:7; Gal. 3:2-5; 4:13; 1 Cor.
6:11, etc.; Phil. 4:15.
&n:o 3tQWtrt£ ~µrQa;;] Cf. Phil. 1:5, &n:o tfj;; 3tQWtrt£ ~µEQa;;.
mi.l;; µeO' uµfuv tov mivta XQOVOV eyEvoµriv] Ul£ tQLEtiav ~ xal 3tA.ELOV 3tOtmtfu~
µEO' uµwv ~v n:avto~ XQ6vou D (cf. v. 31 ). (The form ~v for 1st sing. imperf. of dµi
occurs here only in the NT; elsewhere ilµriv.)
20:19 boulEuwv tcj> XUQLq>] Cf. Rom. l: 1; 12: 11; Gal. 6:17; Eph. 6:7; Phil.
2:22.
µEta miori~ ta3tEtvoqiQoffuvri;;] Cf. Eph. 4:2; also 1 Th. 2:6-9; 2 Cor. 4:5; 7:6;
Phil. 2:3; Col. 3:12. This is the only occurrence of the noun in Acts. This was a
grace which Paul had to cultivate painstakingly after he became a Christian; he had
not been brought up to value it.
baxQuwv] Cf. v. 31; 1 Cor. 2:3; 2 Cor. 1:8; 2:4; Rom. 9:2; Phil. 3:18.
3tELQaaµfuv] A hint of his hard experiences at Ephesus, not described by Luke
but alluded to by Paul in his letters (see on 19:10).
taI;; em~oula1£ tfuv 'Iouooiwv] Cf. v. 3; also 19:9. These plotters were among
the "many adversaries" at Ephesus whom he mentions in 1 Cor. 16:9. The problem
with which he had recently grappled in Rom. 9-11 caused him not only the "un-
ceasing anguish" of heart of which he speaks in Rom. 9:1 but also, from time to
time, physical danger.
430
20:22-24 MISGIVINGS ABOUT HIS JOURNEY TO JERUSALEM
20:20 oubEV um:crtELA.UµT]V ... tO'U µ~ avayyEiJ,UL] Cf. v. 27. The phrase is
equivalent to t:rtUQQTJOLaaciµT]V. This use ofun:om:e).loµm in the sense of"withhold,"
"spare," is found in LXX (e.g., Ex. 23:21; Job 13:8; Wisd. 6:7). For the construc-
tion tou µ~ with the infin. cf. v. 27; 14: 18.
t&v auµq>EQOvtrov] A comparison with v. 27 suggests that the things which
were to their advantage (tu auµq,EQOvta) embraced "the whole counsel of God." By
failing to present to them the gospel revelation, with all its practical corollaries, he
would have kept back what was to their advantage. For Paul's refusal to dilute the
truth cf. 1 Th. 2:5; Gal. 4:16; 2 Cor. 2:17; 4:2-5.
bl]µoai<;i] Cf. 16:37; 18:28. His discourses first in the synagogue and then in
the lecture hall of Tyrannus constituted his public teaching.
,mt' o'Lxo~] "in your homes" (cf. 2:46)-privately as well as publicly. But
it is implied that the teaching was the same wherever it was given: there was no
esoteric instruction for a spiritual elite (as in many forms of gnosticism).
20:21 6LaµUQtUQ6µevo;] "a favourite Lukan word" (E. Pliimacher, Lukas
als hellenistischer Schriftsteller, SUNT 9 [Gottingen, 1972), p. 48); it appears nine
times in Acts, once in Luke, four times in the Pastoral Epistles, once in Hebrews,
and over 20 times in LXX. Like the simple µagtUQoµm (v. 26; 26:22), it usually has
in Acts the force of preaching in the Spirit's power (cf. 5:32).
'Ioubu(m; tE )!.(lt "Enl]mv] Cf. 1 Cor. 1:22-24; 12:13; Rom. 1:14, 16; 2:9f.;
3:9; 10:12.
t~V d; 0EOV µEtUVOLUV xal :n:iatL v d; tov XUQLOV ~µ&v 'll]OOUV] + XQLITTOV X
AC pm I bLu tou xuQiou ~µ&v 'IJ]aou XQLcrtou D. For this summary of his message
cf. 26:20. Summaries in the Pauline letters are 2 Cor. 5:19-21; Rom. 10:9. In the
letters neither µEtcivma nor the verb µetuvoero is used in a soteriological connec-
tion, in marked contrast to :n:iatL£ and matEoo. C. F. D. Moule argues that since
"true repentance is shown in the same kind of costly suffering for others as was
shown in the initial act of forgiveness: it means responding in kind to the creative
effort of reconciliation," this "is precisely what Paul is all the time expressing, al-
though without using µetavma or aya:n:JJ .... Justification by faith denotes such a
response to that finished work [Christ's] as identifies the believer most intimately
with the costly work of Christ, involving him inescapably in the cost and pain of
repentance" ("Obligation in the Ethic of Paul," in Christian History and Interpreta-
tion: Studies Presented to John Knox [Cambridge, 1967), pp. 400f.; he refers to
S. Laeuchli, The Language of Faith [New York, 1962), p. 94). Cf. also C. K. Bar-
rett, "Paul's Address to the Ephesian Elders," p. 112.
b. Misgivings about his journey to Jerusalem (20:22-24)

22 xal viiv l.oou 6EbEµEVO£ eyw tq> :n:vEuµatL 3tOQEOOµUL EL£ 'IEQOUOUA.~µ, ta EV
autfl ouvavt~Oovta eµol, µ~ dbw£, 23 :n:A.~V OtL to :n:vE'iiµa to ayLOv )!.(lt(l :rtOA.L V
bLaµaQtUQEtuL µm A.Eyov OtL bwµa )I.UL 0i..L\jlEL£ µE µEVOUOL v· 24 an' oubEVO£
)..oyou :n:mouµm t~V \jllJ'X~V nµ(av eµautq> 00£ tEA.ELOOOUL tOV bQoµov µou ?mL t~V
bLUXOVLUV ~v EA.U~OV :rtUQU tou XUQLOU 'll]OOii, bLaµagtUQUa0m to EuayyEA.LOV
tii£ )CUQLtO£ toii 0rnii.
431
20:22 xai viiv tbou] A septuagintalism. Cf. xai vuv [bou, v. 25; xai ta vuv,
v. 32.
b£b£µt\voi:; ... tcp n:vEuµatt] "under the constraint of the Spirit" (cf. 16:6f.;
19:21 ). C. K. Barrett ("Paul's Address ... ," p. 112) sees an allusion to the Spirit-
inspired prophecies mentioned in v. 23; since they predict his binding (bwµ<i) in
Jerusalem, he is a good as "bound" already.
JtOQEUoµm di:; 'IEQouoa1,.~µ] The same words are used with reference to this
journey in Rom. 15:25. Cf. 19:21 above; 1 Cor. 16:4.
ouvavt~oovta J auvavt~oavta ADE Hpc-a meaningless variant, but some
scribes may not have recognized the fut. ptc., which is rare inKoine(cf. 8:27; 22:5;
24:11, 17).
d&i>i:;] yt V(l)(J")((JJV P4 1 D.
20:23 TO 31:VEiiµa TO aytov XatO. 31:0A.L v btaµaQTUQETaL] Speaking through
prophets in various churches; cf. the disciples at Tyre (21:4) and Agabus at Caesarea
(21:11). Already at Ephesus and elsewhere he had been endangered by plots (cf.
vv. 3, 19); such plots might be more numerous and more conveniently carried into
action at Jerusalem. Similar apprehensions are voiced in Rom. 15:3la, '(va QU00cii
an:o tciiv an:EL00UVTCllV EV tfi 'Ioubai<;t.
bwµa] See on 16:26. The neut. plur. form here gains in vividness if the dis-
tinction there quoted between bwµa and bwµo( can be upheld.
20:24 a1,.1,.' oubEvoi:; 1,.oyou n:otouµm t~v 1J1ux~v nµ(av lµamcp] a1,.1,.' oubEvoi:;
1,.oyou iixm µot oubE n:otoiiµm t~v 'lj)UJC~V µot ttµ(av lµamou (for £µamcp ?) D (sim.
? 74) / an' O'UOEvoi:; 1,.oyov Jtotoiiµm OUOE EJCCll T~V 'lj)UJC~V µou ttµiav lµautcp byz. For
this ready surrender of himself for the sake of Christ and his service cf. 2 Cor. 4:7-
11; 6:4-10; 12:9f.; Phil. 1:20; 2:17; 3:8; Col. 1:24. Translate: "I reckon my life of
no account, as (though it were) precious to myself."
wi:; TEA.ELciiom TOV OQ6µov µou] Cf. 2 Tim. 4:7, TOV bQoµov TETEA.EX<l. The clause
expresses purpose; variants are many. For wi:; tEA.Etciiam (P4 1 vid A byz) X * Bread
u>i:; TEA.ELWCJCll, C reads wi:; TO TEA.Etciiam, D reads TOU TEA.ELciiom, E 33 pc read WITTE
tEA.ELciiam (according to F. Blass the -TE of original WITTE fell out by haplography
before the TE- of tEA.ELciiam and thus produced the reading of A byz ). Consecutive
wi:; with infin. is frequent in Josephus. After bQ6µov C byz add µeta x.aQiii:;.
t~v btaxoviav] + toii 1,.oyou D (cf. 6:4). Cf. 2 Cor. 3:6; 4:1; 5:18; Col. 1:25;
4:17; 2 Tim. 4:5.
~v EA.a~ov n:aQO. toii xUQ(ou 'Il]oou] Cf. Gal. 1:1, 12; 1 Tim. 1:12.
to Euayyi\1,.tov tiji:; )(.UQL toi:; toii 0rnii] praef'loubaioti:; xai 'EHT]ot v P4 1 D latg
copsa.codd Luc if Eph (cf. v. 21 ). The phrase does not occur in the epistles, although
both Euayye1,.tov and JCUQL£ are common Pauline terms. The grace of God manifested
in Christ is the subject of the good news. Cf. v. 32 (with 14:3); also 2 Cor. 6:1; Rom.
5:15-17, 20f.; Eph. 1:7f.; 2:7; 3:2; Col. 1:6.
c. His charge to the elders (20:25-31)
25 xai vuv tbou Eyw olba OTL OUXETL O'lj)E00E TO 31:QOOCllJtOV µou uµeii:; 3tUVTE£ EV
oii:; I\Lij1,.0ov XT]QUOOCllV T~V ~aOLA.ELav· 26 OLOTL µa{_)'tUQOµat uµiv EV tfi O~µEQOV
432
20:25-31 His CHARGE TO THE ELDERS
~µrw on m0uQ6£ dµt ooto toll u'4-tutos mivtwv, 2rnu ya.Q intEotEtl<iµTJv toll
µ~ uvuyy(i)..m Jt(l.(J(lV t~V ~OUA.~V toll 0EOll iµiv. 28 JtQOOE)'.EtE foutois l«lL Jt(lvtL
tcj> Jtotµviq:i, EV CJ) iµ<i£ to JtVEiiµu to uywv E0Eto EJtlCJXOJtOU£, JtOLµu( VEL v t~V
EXXA.TJOLUV toll 0EOU, ~v JtEQLEJtOL~OutO l>La. toU u'4.Lutos tOU Uitou. 29£YW oloo
Otl ELCJEA.EUCJOvtUL µmt t~V llq>Ll;tv µou A.UXOL ~UQEL£ ds iµ<is µ~ cj,ELOOµEVOL tOU
Jtotµviou, 30XUL E~ iµwv U'UtOJV uvuot~Oovtm av{>QE£ A.UA.OUvtES bLEotQUµµEVU
tOU UJtO(JJt(lV toll£ µu0Tjta.~ OJtL(J(J) uutv· 31 bto YQTJYOQELtE, µvTjµOVEUOvtE~ Otl
tQLEtiuv vuxtu xut ~µEQUV oux EJtuuouµT]v µEta. buxQWV vou0Etv iivu E1«1otov.
20:25 OUXEtl O'\j)E00E to JtQOCJ(J)JtOV µou uµEi~ JtUvtE~] Does this mean that
not all, but only some, would see him again, or that none of them would do so?
V. 38 confirms that the latter is meant. Cf. BDF # 302 (1) for ou JtiiS I JtiiS ou =
oubEt£. Paul did not know what awaited him in Jerusalem, but he was prepared for
the worst (cf. 21:13). If he survived his visit to Jerusalem, his intention was not to
return to the Aegean world but to evangelize the western Mediterranean (cf. 19:21;
Rom. 1:15; 15:23f., 28f.). "It is hard to think that Luke would have left these words
(and verse 38) as they stand had he known a tradition that Paul was released from
prison in Rome and traveled back into the East" (C. K. Barrett, "Paul's Address
... ," p. 113). See further on 28:31.
XTJQUOowv t~v ~umA.Eiuv] + tou 'ITJOOll D copsa; + toll 0rnu byz. The three
words as they stand may be the abridgment of a recognized formula (cf. the fuller
expressions in 1:3 [q. v.J; 28:31 ). In this context the proclaiming of the kingdom is
evidently synonymous with bearing witness to (bwµuQtUQUo0m) the good news of
God's grace (cf. 28:23, btuµuQtuQOµEvos t~v ~uot>..duv tou 0rnll).
20:26 1«10UQOS dµt xtA) Cf. 18:6 (and, for an OT background, Ezek. 3:15-
21; 33:4).
20:27 OU YUQ 'UJtEotELA.UµTjV toU µ~ uvuyyEiA.m] Cf. v. 20.
Jtiiouv t~v ~ou>..~v toii 0wu] For the "counsel" $ouA.~) of God cf. 2:23; 4:28;
13:36; in the Pauline corpus the expression appears only in Eph. 1:11 (xmu t~v
~oul~v toll 0EA~µmos uutofJ). ~ou>..TJµu appears in Rom. 9:19 (tcj> yaQ ~ou>..~µun
amoii tis uv0EotTJXEv;). Here "all the counsel of God" corresponds to and explains
the "expedient things" of v. 20.
20:28 JtQOOEXEtE fomois] Cf. 2 Tim. 4:16 (EJtE)'.E ornmcj>).
tcj> Jtmµviq:i) Cf. to µtxQov Jtoiµvwv, Lk. 12:32; µia JtoiµvTJ, Jn. 10:16.
EV CJ) iµas to JtVEiiµU to iiytov E0Eto EJtl(JX0JtOU£] It is uncertain whether the Holy
Spirit's appointing them as guardians consisted in his bestowing the appropriate
XUQWµu on them (cf. 1 Cor. 12:7-11) orto his marking them out by the voice of proph-
ecy in the church (cf. 13:2, 4; 1 Tim. 4:14). ForeJtioxoJtOL cf. Phil. 1:1; 1 Tim. 3:2;
Tit. 1:7. These men are called JtQE~utEQOL by Luke (v. 17) and here, by implication,
JtOLµEVES (cf. Eph. 4: 11 ). Other NT designations for those discharging this kind of min-
istry in the church are JtQO°Lot<iµEvm (1 Th. 5:12; Rom. 12:8), JtQOEottES (1 Tim.
5:17), and ~youµEVOL (Heb. 13:17). The present language is far from the stereotyped
terminology of "incipient catholicism" (Fruhkatholizismus), as commonly con-
ceived. See G. Schneider, "Die Entwicklung kirchlicher Dienste in der Sicht der
Apostelgeschichte," Theologisch-Praktische Quartalschrift 132 (1984), pp. 356-63.
433
:n:OLµaivetv] Either infin. for imper., or infin. of purpose after E0Eto. The
shepherd-ruler idea is widespread in the ancient Near East and pervasive in the OT.
The wording here is similar to that in 1 Pet. 5:lf., where the llQWPutEQOL are en-
joined: :n:OLµavatE to EV i,µiv :n;o(µvwv toii 0rnii, imoxcmoiivt1oc;. Cf. Jn. 21:16,
:n;o(µm VE ta llQO~Utll µou.
t~v EXXAT]Otav toii 0rnii, ~v 7tEQLrnoL~oato] Cf. Ps. 74 (LXX 73):2, µv~o0T]tL
t~<; ouvaywy~c; (Heb. 'e(jiih) ~<; Exttjow an' UQX~<;, and Isa. 43:21, )..a6v µou ov 7tEQL-
rnOLTJOUµT]v tac; UQEtac; µou bLT]yEio0m. In the first instance "the church of God" (see
on 5:11) is the church of Ephesus, in which these elders were entrusted with a pas-
toral ministry, but Luke probably intends the injunction to be heeded by all who
share such a ministry, so that there could be an application to the worldwide church.
The phrase (here only in Acts) is common in Paul, for whom the EXXAT]Ota
(ixxlT]otm)toii 0rnii regularly denotes a local church ( or churches). See K. N. Giles,
"Luke's Use of the Term EKKAfilIA with Special Reference to Acts 20.28 and
9.31," NTS 31 (1985), pp. 136f. For 0rnii p7 4 AC* DE '11 al read XUQtou (proba-
bly to remove the difficulty felt when the following words are taken to mean "with
his own blood"; see below); byz reads the conflate XUQLOU xat (toii) 0rnii.
The word group 7tEQL7tOLfoµm/7tEQLllOLTJOL<; has a well-recognized significance
in LXX in relation to God's election of Israel; in the NT cf. de; anolutQWOLVt~<; llEQL-
;i:mtjo1owc;, Eph. 1:14 (the only instance of this usage in the Pauline corpus); laoc; de;
7tEQL7tOLTJOLV, 1 Pet. 2:9 (the same sense is expressed by )..aov 7tEQLOUOLOv, Tit. 2:14).
Paul prefers the verbs ayoQ<i~w (1 Cor. 6:20; 7:23) and i!;ayoQ<i~w (Gal. 3:13; 4:5),
or the noun U7tOAutQWOL<; (Rom. 3:24, etc.) for God's acquisition of his people.
l>La toii a'iµatoc; toii tbiou] "with the blood of his own one"; byz reads l>La toii
tbiou a'iµatoc;, "with his own blood." In the present sense 'ibwc; is the equivalent of
Heb. ya!Jf4, "only," "well-beloved," otherwise rendered ayMT]t6c;, EXAExt6c;, µovo-
y1ovtjc;. For the absolute sense of 6 'ibwc; (but in the plural) cf. 4:23; 24:23; also Jn.
1:11; 13:1. (Cf. ta 'Lbw, "one's own place," 21:6.) "In the papyri we find the singu-
lar used thus as a term of endearment to near relations, e.g., 6 bEiva tcj> tbicp ;catQEL v
['So-and-so to his own (friend), greeting']" (J. H. Moulton, MHT I, p. 90). It is un-
necessary to conjecture, with Hort, that uioii may have fallen out after tbiou.
Redemption by the blood of Christ comes to clear expression here, but no-
where else in Luke-Acts. Here it is not a "tum of phrase" introduced by the author
"to give the speech a Pauline stamp" (H. Conzelmann, The Theology of St. Luke,
E.T. [London, 1960], p. 201); rather, "this is Paul, not some other speaker; and he
is not evangelizing but recalling an already evangelized community to its deepest
insights. In other words, the situation, like the theology, is precisely that of a Pau-
line epistle, not of preliminary evangelism" (C. F. D. Moule, "The Christology of
Acts," in Studies in Luke-Acts: Essays in Honor of Paul Schubert, ed. L. E. Keck
and J. L. Martyn [Nashville/New York, 1966], p. 171).
20:29 µEta i:~v liqn!;t v µou] As a derivative from acj,Lxvfoµm, licj,L!;L<; might be
expected to mean "arrival," "home-coming"; so F. H. Chase, "after my long jour-
ney is over and I have reached my true home" (Credibility, pp. 263f.). This mean-
ing, says J. H. Moulton, "is hardly likely" (MHT I, p. 26). There is evidence for the
434
20:32-35 FINALADMONITION
use of the word in the sense "departure"; cf. Jos. Ant. 2.18 (µ~ :rtQObl)kwoavtE£ t0
:n:at()l t~V fl<ft(JE acptl;L v); 4.315 (0EO£ t~vbE µm t~V ~µiQaV tfJ£ :1tQO£ fl<EL VOU£ U<j>Ll;EW£
WQLCJE ); also Pionius, Vit. Polycarpi 3 (µEt<1 b£ t~v tou a:n:oatokou [Ilaukou] a<j>Ll;t v).
This is the only meaning which makes sense in the present context.
kuxm ~UQEi£] For this description of heretical teachers cf. Mt. 7:15; 4 Ezra
5:18; 1 En. 89:13-27. They are called wolves in contrast to the true shepherds (cf.
Jn. 10:12). See G. W. H. Lampe," 'Grievous Wolves' (Acts 20:29)," in Christ and
Spirit in the New Testament: Studies in Honour of C. F D. Maule, ed. B. Lindars
and S. S. Smalley (Cambridge, 1973), pp. 253-68.
20:30 el; i,µwv amciJv) om amwv B. Heresy (bLEatQaµµeva) and schism
(a:n:oa:n:iiv) will replace the oµo0uµabov and µ(a 'iJUX~ of primitive days. The
"wolves" come from without, but dangers from within are also to be apprehended.
The function of the "shepherds" is to guard against both, and maintain the church's
unity and purity. Luke may describe the situation of the church at the time of writ-
ing. Such divisions were predicted in the apostolic age according to later NT books
(e.g., 1 Tim. 4:1-3; Jude 11f.; 2 Pet. 3:2); they are here predicted by Paul. Compare
the situation reflected in the Johannine letters.
tou a:n:oa:n:iiv to~ µa0T)ta£ o:n:(aw amwv] foutwv X AB. Cf. Gal. 4: 17; Rom.
16: 17f.; Col. 2:8; 2 Tim. 3:6; Tit. 1: 11.
20:31 YQTJYOQEitE] "Verbum pastorale" (Bengel). Cf. 1 Th. 5:6, 10; 1 Cor.
16:13; Col. 4:2; also the synonymous aYQu:n:viw in Heb. 13:17, ayQu:n:vouatv u:n:£Q
tfuv 'iJUXWV i,µciJv.
tQLEt(av] A round number; see on 19: 10.
vuxta xal ~µeQav] Cf. 1 Th. 2:8.
µEta tiaxQ1)(1)V 1Cf. v. 19.
vou0Etwv] Cf. 1 Cor. 4:14; Col. 1:28-a Pauline word.
d. Final admonition (20:32-35)
32 xal ta vuv :n:a()UtL0Eµm uµii£ t0 0E0 xal t0 koyqi tfJ£ XUQLto£ autou t0
buvaµivcµ o txoooµf]am xa l bouvm t~v xk TJQOVoµ (av Ev to 1£ ~ytaaµi vm£ :n:iiat v.
33 UQYUQLOU ~ XQUCJLOU ~ lµanoµou oubEV0£ f:rtE0uµT)CJa· 34 autot YL VltlCJl<EtE Otl
tat£ XQELUL£ µou xat toi£ oi'im µEt' Eµou "U:rtT)QEtT)CJUV al XELQE£ autm. 35 :n:<ivta
"U:rtEbELl;a i,µiv Otl oih:w£ xomciJvta£ bEi UvtLA.aµ~<ivrnem tfuv ao0EV01Jvt(J)V,
µvl]µOVEUELV u tciJV koywv tOU XUQLOU 'IT)OOU OtL Ul!t0£ d:n:EV, Max<iQLOV fatL v
µiiHov btoovm ~ A.a~UVEL v.
20:32 xal ta vuv] Cf. vv. 22, 25.
:n:agatWEµm] Cf. 1 Tim. 1:18; 2 Tim. 2:2; but this is not the :n:aga0~XTJ en-
trusted to them (cf. 1 Tim. 6:20; 2 Tim. 1:14), but the :n:aQa~XTJ of themselves en-
trusted to God (cf. 2 Tim. 1: 12).
t<jl 0E<jl] t0 XUQLC!) B 33 257 326 pc latg copsa.codd bo.
t0 koyqi tfJ£ XUQLtO£ amou] Cf. 14:3; also Lk. 4:22, and v. 24 above for the
synonymous Euayyektov tfJ£ XUQLtO£ toii emu. "This message of the free bounty of
God is the word which has the greatest effect on the heart of man, and so it is able
to build up the church" (R. B. Rackham, ad foe.).
435
reµ ouvaµivqi] Belonging grammatically to )..oyqi, but the real enabler is God,
who uses his word as the means of building up the church and securing its mem-
bers' eternal inheritance. Cf. 2 Cor. 9:8, ouvatEI oe 6 0EO£ :miaav X.UQL v JtEQLCTCTEiiam
EL£ uµii£.
oixoooµijam] That the church is built up by the word of God spoken by the
lips of men and women (prophesying) is emphasized in 1 Cor. 14:3-5.
XAT)QOvoµiav iv to i£ ~ywaµi VOL£ JtiiaL v] + amcµ ~ 66;a Et£ TOU£ aiciiva£ rciiv
aiwvwv· aµ~v 614 pc syrhcl** (representing o, but Dis corrupt), a lectionary clausula
(see G. Zuntz, Opuscula Selecta [Manchester, 1972], p. 202). The idea of an in-
heritance among the sanctified (cf. 1 Cor. 1:2) is repeated in 26:18; cf. Eph. 1:14;
Col. 1:12; 3:24; also Heb. 1: 14; 6: 12. The language recalls Dt. 33:3f., xal JtUVTE£
oi ~ywaµivm {mo TU£ X.ELQU£ aov . .. XAT)Qovoµ(av auvaywyai:£ 'Iaxw~.
20:33 ciQyuQiou ~ X.Qvaiov x,:)..] For this "negative confession" cf. Samuel's
farewell speech in 1 Sam. (LXX 1 Kms.) 12:3. For the apologetic note cf. v. 26;
1 Th. 2:3-12; 2 Th. 3:7-10; 1 Cor. 9:3-18; 2 Cor. 4:5; 10:1-6; 11:7-11; 12:13.
iµanaµoii] Part of ancient wealth; cf. Jas. 5:2; Jos. 7:21; 2 K. (LXX 4 Kms.)
5:22; 7:8. On the word see New Docs. 3 (1978), § 41.
ouOEVO£] Gen. governed by <lQYVQiov x,:).. ("no one's silver ... ") rather than
in agreement with them ("no silver ... ").
20:34 roi:£ oiim µEr' iµoii] Lit. "to those who were with me," but to be un-
derstood as compendious construction for ml£ rciiv ovrwv µET' iµoii ("to the needs
of those who were with me").
ai X.ELQE£ aurm] These words occupy an emphatic position at the end of the
sentence; they would be accompanied by the appropriate gesture. This is the lan-
guage not of a full-time manual worker but of a professional man who by policy
or by necessity engages in manual work to support himself. See on 18:3.
20:35 mivra J Perhaps "in all things" (acc. of respect) or "always" (adver-
bial neut. plur.); cf. 1 Cor. 9:25; 10:33; 11:2; 13:7.
l!JteOEL;a] For l!JtooEixvuµt on ... see New Docs. 1 (1976), § 13.
xomciiVTa£] Paul's insistence on the Christian duty of working (for others as
well as for oneself) is frequently thought to have been necessitated by exaggerated
eschatological expectations, especially in the church ofThessalonica (cf. 2 Th. 3:7-
12). Cf. 1 Cor. 4:12a; Eph. 4:28.
UVTLAU~avw0m rciiv aa0EVOUVTWV] Cf. 2 Ch. 28:15, UVTEA<l~OVTO ... JtUVT0£
aa0Evoiivro£. Here the reference is in particular to those who were sick and unable
to earn their own living. For aa0EvoiivrE~ or aa0EvEi~ in a more general sense cf.
1 Th. 5:14; Gal. 6:2; Rom. 15:1.
µvT]µOVEUEL v TE rciiv )..6ywv toii xuQ(ou 'Iriaoii] It is implied that they already
knew this and presumably other sayings of the Lord. Collections of his sayings
were probably in circulation by this time. Cf. 1 Cor. 7:10, 12, 25; 9:14; ll:24f.;
1 Tim. 5:18 (cf. Lk. 10:7); 6:3.
auto£ ELJtEv] Note the reverential am:6~, "the Master" ( as in the Pythagorean
afu6£ Ecj>a, ipse dixit). (Sayings of Jesus are introduced with ipse dixit by Marius
Victorinus,Adv. Arium 3.17, MPL 8.1112D; Comm. on Eph. 6.13, MPL 8.1290B.)
436
20:36-38 A TEARFUL PARTING
µmta.QLov Em:L v µa.1. 1,.ov bLbovm 111,.aµ~a.vEL v] Although this saying is not found
in the Gospels, its spirit is expressed in Lk. 6:38; 11 :9; Jn. 13:34, etc. Cf. also Sir.
4:31 (µ~ EITTOl ~ XELQ oou ExtE"taµEVl] de; 'tO A.U~Eiv, ,ml EV 'tCJl bLbovm OUVEITTUA.µEVl]);
Did. 1.5 (µa11.0.QLO<; 6 bLbouc; 1«11:a i:~v EV'tOA.~v); 1 Clem. 2: 1 (~bLov bLOOV'tE<; 11
A.aµ~a.vovi:Ec; ); also Seneca, Ep. 81.17 (''errat enim si quis beneficium accipit liben-
tius quam reddit"). "Why was not so fine a saying inserted in the Gospel?" asked
H. Windisch (BC 1.2, p. 331). Probably because Luke from the first reserved it for
the present context. See further E. Haenchen, ad Loe.
Paul can, for another purpose, refer to a saying of Jesus which might seem
to point in the other direction, authorizing those who proclaim the gospel to "get
their living by the gospel" (1 Cor. 9: 14). But, as he himself points out in that con-
text, he prefers to waive this right and maintain himself by his own manual labor.
See D. L. Dungan, The Sayings of Jesus in the Churches of Paul (Oxford, 1971),
pp. 3-40, 76-80.
What Percy Gardner wrote in 1909 remains true, that among the Pauline dis-
courses in Acts, "that at Miletus has the best claim of all to be historic." "The
speech," he adds, "is altogether in the style of the author of Acts, and yet offers phe-
nomena which seem to imply that he was guided by memory in the composition"
("The Speeches of St. Paul in Acts," pp. 401, 403).
5. A Tearful Parting (20:36-38)

36XUL i:afua ELJtWV SE 1c; 't(l yovai:a amou O'UV JtiiOL v amo Is ltQOOl]U!;ai:o.
37 tmvoc; bt XA.au0µoc; EYEVE'tO JtO.V'tOlV, XUL EltLJtEOOV'tE<; EJtL 'tOV 'tQO.XlJA.OV i:oii
IfouA.ou 1«l'tEcj>LA.OUV amov, 38()<)UVWµEVOL µa.A.Lm:a EltL 'tCJl A.OY<Jl (!l dQ~XEL O'tL
OUXE'tL µEA.A.Oum v 't() JtQOOOlJtOV amoii 8EOlQELV. JtQOEJtEµJtOV bE mii:ov de; 'tO
JtA.OLOV.
20:36 0Et<; i:u y6vai:a] See on 7:60.
20:37 EltLJtEOOV'tE<; EJtt 'tOV 'tQO.XlJA.OV ... 1«l'tEcj>LA.01lV aui:6v] The warmth of
Paul's affection for his converts, so well attested in his letters, was fully recipro-
cated. For the language ("they fell on his neck ... and covered him with kisses")
cf. Lk. 15:20; Gen. 33:4; 45:14; 46:29; Tob. 7:6f.; 11:9, 13.
20:38 O'tL OUXE'tL µEA.A.OUOLV 'tO JtQOOOlJtOV amoii 0EOlQELV] See on v. 25. The
repetition of the words confirms the inference that, to the narrator's certain knowl-
edge, they were fulfilled.
JtQOEJtEµJtov bt amov de; i:o JtA.oiov] Their escorting him to the ship suggests
that they stayed with him until it was time for him to embark.
437
ACTS21
6. Miletus to Tyre (21 :1-6)

1 'Q; bE EYEVETO avax0f]vm ~µa; <lltOCJltUCJ0EvtU£ Ult' amwv, Eu0UbQOµtjaavtE£
~A0oµev EL£ T~V Kw, tfi bE Es~£ EL£ T~V 'P6oov, XUXEi0Ev EL£ ITcitaQ<I· 2 )(al
f1J(JOvtE£ ltA.0 iov btaltEQWV EL£ <llc>t VlltTJV EltL~<lVTE£ avtjx0TJµEV. 3 a.vaip<ivavtE£
bE T~V KUlt(lOV )tUI, ltUTUA.lltOvtf£ am~v Euwvuµov EltA.EOµEv El£ LUQLUV, xat
xaTtjA0oµEv El£ T1JQOV, EXfL(Jf ya(> TO ltA.OLOV ~v UltOq>OQTLt6µEVOV TOV y6µov.
4 <lVEU(lOVTE£ bE TO'U£ µa0T)TU£ EltfµEi vaµev amou ~µEQU£ Eltta, 0 'in VE£ nj"l ITaUA.<Jl
EA.fYOV bu't tou ltVEuµatO£ µ~ im~ai VEt v EL£ 'IEQOCJOA.uµa. s otE 6E EYE VETO ~µa.£
il;aQtlam TU£ ~µEQU£, il;EA.06vtE£ EltOQEu6µe0a ltQOltEµit6vtwv ~µa.£ rrcivtwv auv
yuvml;t )tUI, TEltVOl£ EW£ El;W T~£ 3t0A.EW£, )tUI, 0Evtf£ ta y6vata EJtl TOV atyLUA.OV
rrQoarnl;aµEvot 6<lltTJarraaaµeea a.n~""ou£, xa1 a.vt~TJµEV El£ to rrA.oiov, eXEivm
bE 1JltEITTQE1j!av EL£ Ta 'Lbw.
21:1 a.rroaitaa0Evta£] The same verb as was used in 20:30 of false teach-
ers "drawing away" the disciples; here it has a far different nuance. Given the at-
mosphere of clinging affection, one might well give the verb here its literal force:
"tore ourselves away."
Eu0ubQoµtjaavtE£] The prevailing wind was northeasterly.
EL£ T~v Kw] Cos is one of the islands of the Dodecanese, lying in the Aegean
west of Halicarnassus (modern Bodrum). It was, like other islands in the group,
settled by Dorian Greeks and was the home of the medical school founded by Hip-
pocrates in the fifth century B.C.
'P6bov] Rhodes is the name both of the large island lying off the southwest
coast of Asia Minor and of its chief city, lying at the northeast extremity of the island.
It is the city that is meant here: it was founded in 408 B.C. by the amalgamation of
three earlier settlements, a great trading port, and a free city under the Romans.
CT<itaQa] Patara (Lycian pttara, attested on coins and inscriptions) was in ear-
lier days the port of Xanthos, the capital of Lycia; it was celebrated for its oracle
of Apollo. According to the~ text, it was the port where Paul and his party left the
ship which had taken them from Troas (and which was probably continuing its
voyage along the southern coast of Asia Minor), and trans-shipped to one which
would take them to their destination. The b text adds xal, MuQa, making Myra the
port of trans-shipment. (Myra lay on the southern coast of Lycia, some 50 miles
438
21: 1-6 MILETUS TO TYRE
farther east than Patara.) Either the absence of ,ml MUQa from ~ is due to ho-
moeoteleuton, or the two words have been added in b under the influence of 27:5
(q. v. ); the latter possibility is the more probable. See Haenchen, p. 53.
21:2 EUQOvtE£ n}..oi:ov bLUJtEQWV EL£ cfioL VLXTJV Em~avtE£] A straight run across
the open sea to the Phoenician coast would shorten the voyage considerably. Be-
cause of the prevalent wind, Patara may have been a more convenient starting point
for such a run than Myra. The Phoenician coastal strip, west of Syria, stretched
from the river Eleutherus in the north to Mt. Carmel in the south. Together with
Syria, it was annexed by Rome in 64 B.C. and was incorporated in the province of
Syria (sometimes called Syria et Phoenice, as apparently in CIL 14.3613).
21:3 avacpavavtE£] civacpavEvtE£ A B2 C E 'I' byz (a grammatically im-
possible reading here). avacpavavtE£ is a Hellenistic form regularly found in verbs
in -a( vw (Attic civacp~vavtE£); the verb is evidently a nautical term for sighting land,
lit. "having made (Cyprus) visible," i.e., making it rise out of the sea on the hori-
zon, on the port side. Contrast 27:4, where Paul sailed east and north of Cyprus, on
the way from Sidon to Myra.
xat~A.0oµEv EL£ TuQov] According to Chrysostom's reckoning (Hom. 45), the
voyage from Patara to Tyre took five days.
~v aitocpoQtt~oµEvov] For the construction see on 1: 10. Here the periphrasis
differs in force from the simple imperf.; in Attic the fut. ptc. (rarely found inKoine)
would probably have been used rather than pres. ptc. The ship was probably a large
merchant vessel, as small vessels hugged the coast. The voyage having been short-
ened by their securing a place on board this ship, Paul could afford to wait until the
unloading was finished; he knew that he now had time in hand.
21:4 avEUQOvtE£] "seeking out"; perhaps none of the party knew Tyre.
toU£ µa0T]tO.£] The Tyrian church was no doubt founded as a result of the Hel-
lenistic mission in Phoenicia mentioned in 11:19. Tyre, a port of great antiquity,
was a free city under the Romans.
bla. toii itvE{,µUto£] See on 20:23. The inspired vision of these "disciples" fore-
saw the dangers that lay ahead of Paul (cf. v. 11); they concluded that he should
not go up to Jerusalem (cf. v. 12). The reader is not intended to infer that Paul's
continuing his journey was contrary to God's will; it was "under the constraint of
the Spirit" (20:22) that he was going to Jerusalem (cf. v. 14).
µ~ Em~aivnv] Pres. infin., "to cease going on" (to discontinue what he was
doing). RV "should not set foot" (cf. 20: 18) suits the pres. infin. less well.
21:5 El;aQt(om] "fulfil," "complete," probably a nautical term. LSJ quote
the use of the verb in the sense of finishing (a) a building (JG 12.2.538), (b) docu-
ments (POxy. 296.7), (c) the legs of a table (Jos.Ant. 3.139). But its present usage
appears to be unparalleled.
0EvtE£ ta. y6vata] Cf. 20:36.
at yLaA.ov] A smooth beach. The harbor where the ship awaited them was prob-
ably that formed by Alexander's causeway from the mainland to the island.
21:6 aitT]Oitaoaµ£0a] A rare verb, found also in Tob. 10:12 X (Cf. v. 7 for
the simple aoita~oµm.) For the kindly farewell cf. 20:36-38. At Tyre there could
439
not be such longing and sorrow as arose from long personal friendship at Ephesus.
Yet the picture of all the Christian families of Tyre accompanying the little group
to the ship at the end of the week illustrates what a close bond of family affection
primitive Christianity created.
avi\~ruu:v] EVE~rJJJ.EV X c B E pc I EJCE~'IJJJ.EV byz (each of the three readings
means "embarked").
to x)..ofov] The article marks it out as the boat of vv. 2f., which was now going
on to Ptolemais.
d; ta 'ibLU] "to their own homes"; cf. Jn. l:11; 16:32; 19:27.
7. Tyre to Caesarea (21 :7-9)

7 'HµE'[£ be tOV JCAOUV bwvuaavtE£ (lj[() TUQOU xat'ljvt~OaµEv EL£ IltoAEµa"iba,
xal acmamiµEVOL tO'l)f; abEAcpOU£ eµdvaµEV ~µEQUV µiav JCaQ' am:o1£. 8tfi bE
EJCaUQLOV E~EA80vtE£ ~)..0oµEV ds Km<JaQElaV, xal EL<JEA00vtES EL£ tov olxov
<l>lALJCJCOU toii EliayyEAlOiOU ovtos EX tfuv EJCta eµd VaµEV JCaQ' am:cp. 9 toutq> l'>E
~aav 0uyatEQES tfoaaQE£ JCaQ0EVOL JCQOcprJtEUouom.
21:7 tov x)..oiiv bLavfoavtE£] In the Gk. Bible bwvuoo occurs only here and
in 2 Mace. 12: 17 ("having completed 750 stadia"). In New Docs. 1 (1976), § 26
bLrJvux[w ]; is cited from POxy. 3366.28 in the apparent sense "having won the
point." F. Field (Notes, p. 134) argues for the rendering "having continued our
voyage from Tyre" rather than the accepted "having completed ... " on the ground
that Xenophon Ephesius (2nd cent. AD.), with whom the phrase bLavUEL v x)..ouv "is
a very favorite one," regularly uses it where "there is no question of finishing the
voyage, but only of continuing or performing it." On this occasion the voyage prob-
ably term,1ated at Ptolemais.
IltoAEµa·tl'>a] Ptolemais, otherwise Acco, both in antiquity (cf. Judg. 1 :31) and
today (the Crusaders' Acre), was so called in honor, apparently, of Ptolemy II
Philadelphus (285-246 B.C.). It has always been a strong fortress; this may have
been one reason for its being made a Roman colony under Claudius. The gospel
probably made its way there about the same time as it came to Tyre (cf. 11:19);
hence the reference to the "brothers" whom the party greeted. The simple
aoxa~oµm (cf. v. 19; 18:22; 20:1; 25:13) is much commoner than the compound
axaoxa~oµm, "take one's leave" (see on v. 6 above).
21:8 E~E11.06vtES] This may mean, as in v. 5, that they went out of the city
to the harbor to join their ship; it can also mean that they set out for Caesarea by
road-a journey of about 30 miles (cf. M. Hengel, Between Jesus and Paul, E.T.
[London, 1983], p. 118).
EL£ tov olxov <l>t)..(xxou] Philip was left at Caesarea in 8:40; he now appears
there in a "we" section. This is one of several indications in this part of Acts that the
"we" narrative is thoroughly integrated with the body of the work (see on v. 10 below).
tau EuayyEALm:ou] The verb EuayyEAi~oµm is used of Philip in 8:12, 35, 40.
He may have been called "the evangelist" to distinguish him from other bearers of
the same name in the early church. For EuayyE11.tm:~s cf. Eph. 4:11; 2 Tim. 4:5.
440
21:10-14 AGABUS REAPPEARS
EX toiv bmi] See on 6:3. This is another link between the "we" narrative and
the rest of Acts. The Seven probably functioned as a body only while the Hellenists
remained as a group within the church of Jerusalem; when the Hellenists were dis-
persed, the Seven went their separate ways.
21:9 tout<]J bE ~oav 0uyutEQE£ tfoouQE£ JtUQ0Evm] It has been argued (e.g.,
by Harnack, LP, pp. 153-60) that Philip's daughters provided Luke with one of his
sources of information for both parts of his work. According to Eusebius (HE 3.39 .9),
Papias of Hierapolis related certain incidents from the earliest days of the church on
the authority of Philip's daughters. In later references to them there is some confu-
sion between Philip the apostle and Philip the evangelist. Polycrates of Ephesus
speaks of Philip, "one of the twelve apostles," as having died in the province of Asia,
with two or three of his daughters; Philip and two of his daughters, he says, were
buried in Hierapolis and another (apparently) in Ephesus (ap. Euseb. HE 3.31.3;
5 .24.2). But, immediately after quoting Poly crates, Eusebius cites the Montanist Pro-
clus to the effect that "Philip's four prophesying daughters" lived at Hierapolis and
were buried there with their father, and then refers to Ac. 21:9 (HE 3.31.4f.). That
the Philip who migrated to Asia with his daughters was the evangelist was main-
tained by T. Zahn (Apostel und Apostelschuler in der Provinz Asien, FGNTK 6
[Leipzig, 1900], pp. 158-75) and A Harnack (LP, p. 153); that it was the apostle
was held by J.B. Lightfoot (St. Paul's Epistles to the Colossians and to Philemon
[London, 1879], pp. 45-47) and J. Chapman (John the Presbyter and the Fourth
Gospel [Oxford, 1911 ], pp. 64-71). But see M. Hengel, Between Jesus and Paul,
p. 14, for the possibility that one and the same person is meant, that "Philip was orig-
inally one of the 'Twelve' and ... went over to the 'Seven'"; he refers further to
J. Weiss, Earliest Christianity, E.T. (New York, 1959), p. 167, n. 4; E. Meyer, Ur-
sprung und Anfdnge des Christentums, I (Stuttgart/Berlin, 1924), pp. 296, 338. Cf.
also P. Corssen, "Die Tochter des Philippus," ZNW 2 (1901), pp. 289-99.
JtQOq>T)tEuouom] I.e., having the gift of prophecy. A romancer would have im-
proved the occasion by relating some of their prophecies.
8. Agabus Reappears (21 :10-14)

10 'El'nµEv6vtwv bE ~µiQU£ Jt1-.ELOU£ xutijWev n; a.Jto tij; 'Ioubu(u£ JtQO<p~t1]£
ov6µun 'Ayu~O£, 11 XUl EA.0mv JtQO£ ~µa!_; XUl UQU(_; tT]V ~WVT)V tOU ITUUA.OU b~OU£
fUutOU to'U(_; Jt6&l; XUL ta; XELQU£ ElJtEV, TabE A.EYEL to JtVEiiµu to iiywv· Tov
avbQU oii Eattv ~ ~WVT) um:11 oiitw; b~oouotv EV 'IEQOUOUA.T]µ ol 'Ioubaiot xu't
JtUQUOWOOUOL V Ei; XELQU£ E0v<ilv. 12 w; bE ~xooouµEv tuiitu, JtUQEXUA.OUµEV
~µEi; tE xul oi E\ltOJtLOL toii µT] ava~a( VEL V am:ov EL£ 'IEQOUOUA.~µ. 13 totE
aJtEXQt0r) 6 ITau1-.oc:;, T( itmEitE x1-.aiovtE£ xul ouv0QulttovtE<; µou tT]V XUQIHav;
EYW yaQ OU µ6vov bE0ijvm (!A.A.Cl XUL a.Jt00UVELV Et; 'IEQOUOUA.T]µ Etotµw; EX(J)
UltEQ toii ov6µutoc:; toii XUQLOU 'I11oou. 14 µTj JtEt0oµivou bE am:ou ~ouxaoUµEV
ELltOvtE£, Toti XUQLOU to 0EA.T)µa yt vfo0w.
21:10 EmµEv6vtwv] sc. ~µ<ilv. "Rarely in NT, but frequently in papyri, we
find a participle standing by itself in gen. abs. without a noun or pronoun in agree-
ment" (MHT, I, p. 74). Cf. ~11touvtwv, v. 31; also Mt. 17:14. The same feature is
441
found in classical Gk., where the noun or pronoun can be understood from the con-
text, as here.
~µEQ<X\; 1t11.ELOU£] "several days." By the time the party reached Caesarea, Paul
knew that there was no need for haste, since he would be at Jerusalem in good time
for Pentecost.
a.not~£ 'Ioooaia£] Caesarea was in the province of Judaea, being its seat of
administration, but it was a mainly Gentile city, and so not part of Judaea in the
ethnic sense(= "land of the Jews"). Cf. 12:19.
'Ay($o;] Cf. his previous appearance in 11:28. Here is a further link between
the "we" narrative and the rest of Acts; note also the similar language with which
he is introduced (xm~Wov cmo 'IEQoaoluµwv ;tQOcj>~tm, 11:27). The sudden appear-
ances and disappearances of Agabus are "not fiction, but real life" (LC).
21:11 liQ<X\; t~v l;wVT]V xtl] Prophetic actions of this kind were common in
OT times; cf. 1 K. (LXX 3 Kms.) 11:29-31; Isa. 20:2-4; Ezek. 4:1-8. For the terms
of the prophecy cf. Jn. 21:18.
t<ibE AEYEL to :J'tVEtiµa to ayLOv] Cf. v. 4; 20:23. Agabus foresees Paul's impris-
onment at Jerusalem, but does not himself deduce (as the Tyrian Christians did,
v. 4) that Paul should therefore not go up there. The prophecy is couched in words
similar to those in which Jesus foretold his own experience in Jerusalem
(naQabwaoum v am:ov tol; WvwL v, Mk. 10:33); see also on v. 14. But in the event,
Paul was not handed over to the Gentiles by the Jews but delivered from the Jews
by the Gentiles (vv. 31-36).
21:12 toti µ~ av($aivELV am:ov J Strictly expressing purpose, but here a more
elaborate construction forµ~ a.va~aivELv, "to cease going up" (cf.µ~ Em~aivELv, v. 4).
21:13 auv8QumovtE\; µou t~v X<XQbiav;J "bleaching my heart by pounding
it like a washerwoman" (J. A Findlay). Zahn infers from the metaphor that Paul
meant, "Why do you try to make me soft?"
unEQ toti ov6µato£] Cf. 5:41; 9:16.
21:14 µ~ 1tEL8oµEvou be autoti] "as he would not be persuaded."
~aux<iaaµtv dn6vtE£] "we ceased speaking, with the words .... "
toti xuQiou to 8E11.l]µ<X yLvfoSw] Cf. 18:21; Mt. 6:10. In particular, we are re-
minded of our Lord's words in Gethsemane, nl~v µ~ to 8E11.T]µ<i µou aUa to aov
ytvfo8w (Lk. 22:42). The parallel between the Master's last journey to Jerusalem
and the servant's is closely drawn by Luke (cf. v. 11). Like his Lord, Paul refuses
to be diverted from the path of duty and suffering by the pleas of well-meaning
friends, but "sets his face" to go to Jerusalem (cf. Lk. 9:51). Cf. also Polycarp's re-
sponse in similar circumstances, to 8£11.T]µa tou Swti yEvfo8w (Mart. Polyc. 7.1).
9. Arrival at Jerusalem (21 :15-16)

15 MEta be ta\; ~µEQ<l\; t<ltJtU\; emaxrnaa<iµEVOL {lVf~<X(voµEv ft\; 'lEQoa611.uµa·
16GUV~A.8ov {>e xal tfuv µaSTjtfuv {lj{O Kma<XQEL<l\; avv ~µlv, liyovtE\; MQ' cf>
~EvLa8fuµEv Mv<iawv( tL VL Ku;tQ(cµ, <lQX<Xicµ µa8lJtfl.
21:15 µtta be ta; ~µEQ<l\; tauta\;] The "several days" of v. 10.
442
21: 17-26 MEETING WITH JAMES AND THE ELDERS
E:JtLCTXEUUOUµEVOL] futotu;<iµEVOL DI a:n:oaxrnaaaµEVOL 33 pc (so TR). The pre-

cise nature of "having made our preparation" is not specified. It may mean "having
packed (or taken up) our baggage" (cf. RV) or "having hired pack animals." Chry-
sostom (Hom. 45) may have taken it in the latter sense, if, as Ramsay thought,
u:rcotuyLa is to be understood with his ta J'CQoi; tiJv OOOLJ'COQL<lV (SPT, p. 302). But ta
:n:Q<'>i; tiJv oooL:n:oQiav may simply mean "the supplies for the journey." In classical
Gk. the verb is sometimes used of saddling or equipping a horse (cf. Xen. Hell.
5.3.1, toui; 0' 'L1t:rcoui; e:n:mxrnaaµivoui; ... EX,o>V). That the party used mules or other
animals to cover the distance from Caesarea to Jerusalem (64 miles) is a reasonable
supposition (23:23f., referring to a journey in the reverse direction, can scarcely be
cited as a parallel, because that was a military convoy).
21:16 tciiv µaHrJtciiv] Partitive gen. forming the subject of the clause: "some
of the disciples."
liyovtEi; :rcaQ' l;EvLa0ciiµEv Mvaowvi ttvL Ku:JtQL<p] "bringing (us) to Mnason, a
certain Cypriot, with whom we were to lodge," presumably in Jerusalem (so Chry-
sostom). (Mvaawv has been attracted into the case of cp.) In b these words are altered
to o&m bt ~yayov ~µ<ii; :JtQoi; o~ ;Evta0ciiµEv, xal MQ<lYEVOµEVOL E'ii; nva xroµriv
EYEVOµE0a :rtUQU Mvaowvi tLVL Ku:JtQicp. This reading, as Ropes says, is "highly im-
probable." Some, however, have seen in the introduction of an early disciple at a vil-
lage halfway between Caesarea and Jerusalem the result of evangelistic activity in
those parts ascribed to Peter in theb text of 11:2 (q.v.); cf. G. Salmon, "Blass's Com-
mentary on the Acts," Hermathena 9 (1896), pp. 239f.; Blass, PG, p. 130. But it was
advisable to make arrangements in advance with a Jerusalem Christian who would
be able and willing to act as host to a company of Gentile believers; a Hellenist, as
Mnason evidently was, was more likely to provide a service which could be quite in-
vidious. For Cypriot Christians cf. 4:36; 11:20. The name Mnason may have been a
hellenization of Heb. menasseh (Manasseh), but it was an authentic Gk. name. For
Luke's interest in hosts cf. 9:11, 43; 17:5; 18:7; see H.J. Cadbury, "Lexical Notes on
Luke-Acts, III. Luke's Interest in Lodging," JBL 45 (1926), pp. 305-22.
UQX,<lt<p µaH'l]tti] Perhaps a disciple from the beginning (UQX~) of the church's
existence, one of its foundation members. If so, Mnason was not involved in the
exodus of believing Hellenists which followed Stephen's death. But O.QX,aloi; may
simply mean "of long standing" (cf. New Docs. 1 [1976], § 85). He may have been
able to provide Luke with some information about the early days of the Jerusalem
church: Ramsay (BRD, p. 309, n. 2) suggests that Luke was indebted to him for the
stories of Aeneas and Dorcas (9:32-43).
C. PAUL AT JERUSALEM (21:17-23:30)

1. Meeting with James and the Elders (21 :17-26)
17 f'Evoµi vwv bt ~µciiv di; 'IEQOao). uµa a.aµi vooi; o.mbi;avto ~µiii; ol o.bE1.4>0 (.
18 tti bE EJ'CLOUCJTI ELOTJEL 6 nau1.oi; (J\JV ~µ'iv itQoi; 'Iaxoopov, :n:avtEi; tE
:n:aQqevovto ol :n:QmPutEQOL. 19xal o.mmo<iµEvoi; am:oi,i; El;'l]yElto xa0' ev
EX<latOV chv EitOL'IJOEV 6 0Eoi; EV toli; E0vEaLV bta tfji; btaxoviai; am:ou. 200[ bt
443
axouaavtE£ Eliol;a~ov tov 0E6v, dmiv tE am:cjl, 0EWQEL£, aOEAq>E, n:6am

µUQuiliE£ dalv EV toi£ 'Iouooim~ twv n:rntatEux.otwv, xai mivrE~ ~TJAWtai tou
v6µou 1J31:<lQ)C01Jat v· 21 XUtT])CTj9TjOUV OE 31:EQL aoii Ott an:oataaiav btbaaXEL£ an:o
MwiiaEW£ WV£ xata ta ESVTj miVta£ 'Iouooiou£, AEywv µit 31:EQltEµvnv autOU£
ta tEXVU µT]liE toL£ ESrntv 31:EQl:JtatELV. 22tl O'UV Eat(v; :JtUVW)£ axouaovcm Ott
EATJAU9a£. 2Jtoiito ouv :JtOLTJCTOV o aot AEyoµEv· dalv ~µiv iivOQE£ tfoaaQE£
fUJCTtV EJCOVtE£ Eq,' fomwv. 24 to1Jtoll£ :ltUQUAUl3WV ayv(CT9Tjtt CT'UV autOL£ xai
oanavlJaov irr' am:oi:£ 'iva 1;UQTJCTovrm titv xEq,a11.iJv, xal yvwaovtm navtE£ on
cbv Xatlj)CTJVTUL :JtEQL <JOU O'UOEV Eatl v, ana ITTOLJCEL£ xal auto~ q>UAU<JCTWV tOV
v6µov. 25 ltEQL OE twv mmatElJXOtWV Wvwv ~µEi£ E31:EITTELAUf.l£V XQLVUVTE£
q>UAU<J<JECT9at U'UtOU£ to tE ELOWAo9mov xai alµa xai :JtVlXtOV xai ltOQVEtaV.
26tOtE 6 ITaUA.0£ :JtUQUA~WV tO'lJ~ UVOQU~, tfl ixoµhn ~µEQ<;X CT'UV autoi:£
ayvw9EL£ daflEt EL£ to LEQOV, OLUYYEAAWV titv EX:JtATjQWOl v toov ~µEQWV toii
ayvtaµou EW£ ov :JtQOCTTJVE)C9Tj lJ:JtEQ EVO~ EXUITTOU am:wv ~ :JtQOCTq>OQU.
21: 17 yEvoµhwv OE ~µ&v] Gen. abs., although in reference to the object of

the main verb. Theo text, linking up with its paraphrase of v. 16, reads xaxEiSEv
E1;t6vtE£ ~11.Soµev.
aaµEvrn£ a:JtEOE1;avro ~µa.£ o[ abEA(j>oi] These "brethren" are probably Mnason
and his associates. But the clause may anticipate the account of the visitors' recep-
tion by James and the elders in vv. 18ff. If so, then James and the elders will be
"the brethren" mentioned here, and tfl bE tmouon (sc. ~µEQ~) will mean "the day
after our arrival," not "the day after the joyful welcome we received from the
brethren." If the present clause anticipates v. 18, the transition is rather awkward,
but this may be put down to a change of source, the "we" narrative giving way to
the "they'' narrative at this point.
In 21: 17-24:23 the events of some 12 days are narrated in considerable detail;
two years are passed over swiftly in 24:24-27; then in 25:1-28:7 about five months
arc covered. The space devoted to Paul's arrest and examinations shows the impor-
tance attached to these by Luke, and may be compared with the space allotted in
the Gospels to the events of Passion Week. Luke may also wish to emphasize how
many hazards threatened to prevent Paul from realizing his plan to "see Rome"
(19:21; see also H. Chadwick, quoted in the notes on 27:1).
21:18 ELIJ'flEL b ITau11.0£ auv ~µivJ As in 16:17, Paul is distinguished from
"us" at the end of a "we" section. The "we" narrative is resumed in 27: 1. If Luke
spent most of the intervening time in Judaea, he had access to valuable sources of
information.
'lcixwf3ov] As in 12: 17; 15: 13, James occupies a leading place in the Jerusalem
church; at this stage his leadership seems to be undisputed. Peter and the rest of the
Twelve had probably left Jerusalem by now; their departure was remembered in
Christian tradition (cf.Clem. Alex. Strom. 6.5.43.3, quotingKe,ygma Petri; Euseb.
HE 5.18.14).
mivtE£ tE itaQqEvovro oi :JtQECTl31JtEQOt] Cf. 11 :30; no longer is there any word,
as in 15:4, 6, 22f., of the "apostles and elders." M. Hengel speaks of James as re-
ceiving Paul "only on the day after his arrival like a prince of the church with a
444
21:17-26 MEETING WITH JAMES AND THE ELDERS
court of elders" (Between Jesus and Paul, p. 108). James may be pictured as the
president of a Nazarene sanhedrin, but not as the founder of a hereditary caliphate
(see H. von Campenhausen, "Die Nachfolge des Jakobus," ZKC 63 [1950-51], pp.
133-44).
21:19 E;T]yElto xa0' EV bcamov wv btotT]CJEV 6 8H1~ EV to~ ESvwLv] Cf.
14:27; 15:3f., 12.
21:20 U16;atov tov 0E<>v] They had cause to praise God not only for the
conversion of the Gentiles, but also for the practical evidence of their conversion
in the contributions to the relief fund being handed over there and then by dele-
gates from Gentile churches. J. Jeremias (Abba, pp. 237f.) connects this relief fund
(like that of 11:27-30; see p. 276 above) with a sabbatical year, and suggests that
the delivery of the money would have been especially welcome in the S'.)ring or
summer of AD. 55, when there would be a severe food shortage in Judaea because
of the lack of a harvest in the preceding fall; cf. A. Suh!, Paulus und seine Briefe
(Giitersloh, 1975), pp. 327-33; S. Dockx, Chronologies neotestamentaires et vie de
l'eglise primitive (Leuven, 1984), pp. 65-74. But see N. Hyldahl, Paulinische
Chronologie, pp. 112f. (The year of Paul's present Jerusalem visit was more prob-
ably 57 than 55 .)
rroam µuQLa.bE£ J "how many thousands" is our idiom; "how many myriads"
would be hyperbolic, in view of the probability that the normal population of
Jerusalem at the time lay between 25,000 and 55,000 (cf. J. Jeremias, "Die Ein-
wohnerzahl Jerusalems zur Zeit Jesu" [ 1943], in Abba [Gottingen, 1966], pp. 335-
41; Jerusalem in the Time of Jesus, E.T. [London, 1969], pp. 77-84).
EV tOl£ 'Ioubaim~] om X I EV tii 'Ioubai<;t b I 'Ioubairov byz.
t<iiv JtEltlITTEuxinrov] A substantial increase as compared with the 5,000 male
believers of 4:4. But, although twv JtEltlITTEUxotwv is unambiguously attested by all
the manuscripts and other witnesses to the text, a wide variety of students have ar-
gued for its deletion as an interpolation, e.g., F. C. Baur, Paul, E.T., I (London,
21876), pp. 201-204; E. Schwartz, "Zur Chronologie des Paulus," NCC (1907),
p. 290; E. Preuschen, Die Apostelgeschichte (Tiibingen, 1912), ad Loe.; J. Munck,
Paul and the Salvation of Mankind, E.T. (London, 1959), pp. 240-42; cf. A. D.
Nock, St. Paul (London, 1938), p. 136: "We may well be somewhat sceptical about
this reference to the multitude (literally, 'myriads') of Jewish Christians: the danger
was from ordinary Jews." But the zeal for the law shown by the rank and file of the
Jerusalem believers should not be underestimated. It is unlikely that they all re-
mained unaffected by the insurgent spirit that was increasing in Judaea during
Felix's procuratorship.
tTJA.Wtat tou voµou] "zealous for the law." Many of them seem to have taken
the Pharisaic line (cf. 15:5). For ~TJAWtaL cf. I Mace. 2:27 (where Mattathias calls,
rrii£ 6 ~TJA.WV tqi voµ<J) ... E;EA.l!Etw o:it(aw µ011)-one of the texts, alongside Num.
25:10-13 (on Phinehas) and l K. (LXX 3 Kms.) 19:10, 14 (on Elijah), from which
the Zealots (see on 1: 13) derived their name; but ~T]A.WtaL should not be understood
here in the party sense, but in the sense in which Paul uses it of himself in Gal. 1: 14,
tTJAWt~£ UltO.Q;(WV twv JtUtQLX(J)V µou ltUQ<lbOaEwv.
445
21:21 l«ltTJX~01Joav] "they have been informed"; here of distorted or hostile
information (contrast its use in Lk. 1:4, of true information).
on futootaoiav btbaoXEt; fut<'> Mcouotco;] Nowhere in his letters is it implied
that Paul encouraged Jewish believers to abandon their ancestral observances;
indeed, he himself honored them, but as adiaphora, neither necessary for salvation
nor binding on the conscience. His treating as optional practices which the law en-
joined might have been regarded in itself as "apostasy" against Moses. He insisted
in particular that these practices must not be imposed on Gentile converts, or ac-
cepted by Gentile converts, as though to make their status in Christ truly effective.
µ~ 3t€QL tEµVEL v] "to give up circumcising." A distorted report of what he wrote
to the Galatians might have been the foundation of this rumor (cf. R. E. Brown in
R. E. Brown and J.P. Meier, Antioch and Rome [London, 1983], p. 112). In itself
circumcision was a matter of indifference in Paul's eyes (Gal. 5:6; 6:15; cf. also
1 Cor. 7:18f.); see further on 16:3.
rnl; E0wt v 1tEQL1tatEiv] "to walk according to the customs," i.e., "the customs
handed down to us from Moses" (6:14). That Paul did so walk is maintained in
Acts; for his own account of the matter see 1 Cor. 9:20, according to which he con-
formed to Jewish ways in Jewish company (but equally to Gentile ways in Gentile
company). This ethical sense of 3t€QLJtatElv is common in the Pauline and Johan-
nine letters; cf. Mk. 7:5; Heb. 13:9. Cf. otOLXE~, v. 24; JtEJtoAim.iµm, 23:1.
21:22 ti oiiv Eott v;] "What about it, then?" or "What is to be done, then?"
Cf. 6:3 D; 1 Cor. 14:15, 26.
1tavtco;] "of course" (cf. 28:4). P74 X A cz D E byz latg vg add bEi n:11.~00;
ouvd.0Elv and continue axouoovtm YUQ xtA.. This is an attractive and probable read-
ing. (For JtA.~0o; in the sense of "congregation" see on 4:32.)
21:23 tom:o oiiv 1toi11oov] On the surface, the proposed action is the elders'
way of dispelling unworthy suspicions about Paul. But other implications have
been discerned beneath the surface. J. D. G. Dunn suggests that the action "may
well have been one which would have allowed the Jerusalem Christians to accept
Paul's gift, once Paul had proved his good Jewish faith" (Unity and Diversity in
the New Testament [London, 1977], p. 257). Others go so far as to suggest that, in
Luke's view, they deliberately drew Paul "into an ambush by luring him into the
Temple" (cf.A. J. Mattill, "The Purpose of Acts: Schneckenburger Reconsidered,"
in Apostolic History and the Gospel, ed. W. W. Gasque and R. P. Martin [Exeter,
1970], pp. 115f.). But if Luke suspected this, he has concealed his suspicion very
skillfully, where there was no need for him to do so. It is more probable that the
elders were well-meaning but deeply worried men, who knew that, if they appeared
to countenance Paul by accepting the Gentile churches' gift, it would prejudice
their mission to the Jewish people and their influence with their own flock.
avOQE; tfooaeE; EtJX~v exovtE;] The four men were presumably members of
the Jerusalem church. The vow appears to have been a temporary Nazirite vow (cf.
Num. 6:2-21 ). "A Nazirite vow that is vowed without a fixed duration is binding
for 30 days" (mNazir 6.3). Cf. Jos. BJ 2.313, where Bernice is said to have under-
taken such a vow for this length of time. See on 18: 18 above.
446
21: 17-26 MEETING WITH JAMES AND THE ELDERS
ecp' fomoov] "on themselves" I o.f fomoov, "on their own initiative" X B pc
copbo. Cf. Num. 6:7, EUX.~ 0EO'ii amou en:' am<µ en:l )tEcpa).:ijc; amoii. "In his long hair
the Nazirite bears on his head a sacrificial gift dedicated to God" (H. Greeven,
TDNT2, p. 777, s.v. EUX.~).
21:24 ayvia0'1]tt aw amoi:c;] "be purified along with them." Since Paul had
so recently returned from Gentile territory, he would have to undergo seven days'
purification before taking part in a temple ceremony. Both such a purification from
ritual defilement (Num. 19:12) and the Nazirite separation (Num. 6:3, where
ayvto0~oEtm means "he shall abstain") are expressed by ayv(~oo I ayvwµ6c; in LXX.
The two kinds of ayvtoµ6c; coincided in time: once Paul's ayvtaµ6c; was completed
he could help the four Nazirites to complete theirs by paying their expenses. The
context does not imply that Paul had a Nazirite vow of his own to discharge on this
occasion, nor yet that the four men had to be purified from some defilement inad-
vertently contracted during the period of their vow. See further on vv. 26 and 27.
bamiVT)aov en:' amoic;) Paying the expenses of Nazirites-in particular, de-
fraying the cost of the offering they had to make when discharging their vow-
was regarded as a pious act of charity. When Herod Agrippa I is said by Josephus
(Ant. 19.294) to have directed many Nazirites to have their heads shorn on his en-
tering Jerusalem as king in A.D. 41, it is probably implied that he paid their ex-
penses. From the fact that Paul was expected to pay these four men's expenses it
is unnecessary to draw such inferences as W. M. Ramsay drew (SPT, p. 311) about
his affluence at this time.
'(va ;uQ~aovtat t~v XEcpa}..~v] In 18: 18 the verb is )tELQW, "shear"; here ;uQEW,
"shave." For the fut. indic. with '(va cf. Mt. 18:15; Rev. 6:11; 14:13. By this time
there was little or no difference in pronunciation between the sigmatic aor. sub-
junctive and fut. indic.
,tat~X.TJvtat] See on v. 21, KatTJX.~01Joav.
atOLX.Eic;] Lit. "stand in line" or "move in line"; for this ethical usage (cf. n:EQL-
n:atEiv, v. 21) see Rom. 4:12; Gal. 5:25; 6:16; Phil. 3:16. But Paul's better informed
opponents (like the Asian Jews of v. 27) were not going to draw this inference from
his action. Paul probably did not share the elders' ingenuous optimism, but he acqui-
esced in their proposal, bending over backward in his application of the policy of
being "all things to all men" (1 Cor. 9:22) in hope of relieving the elders of their
embarrassment. To him such a temple ceremony was as much an adiaphoron as
circumcision: no saving efficacy was attached to it, and it in no way compromised
the gospel.
21 :25 n:EQL bE tOlV n:En:LatE'UKOtOlV e0voov ~µEic; En:EatE LJ..UµEV )ttJ..] Aftere0vv,
D (with otherb witnesses) insertsouoEv i::x.oum v AEYEL v n:Qoc; OE and continues: ~µEic;
YUQ o.n:EatELJ..aµEv XQLVOvtEc; µTjOEV tOLOiitov tTjQELV EL µ~ cpu}..cioawem amouc; to
dbool60mov xa'l alµa xa'l n:oQvdav (see on 15:20, 29; here the negative Golden
Rule, found in those two earlier texts, is absent). This verse has the nature of a foot-
note. The elders say to Paul in effect, "We are glad to know that you do not teach
Jewish believers to give up the way of life laid down in the law, and we should like
you to make that clear to all the Jews here (believers or otherwise). As for the Gen-
447
tile Christians, we have already agreed, of course, that nothing more is to be re-
quired of them but abstention from meat offered to idols, etc." There is no need to
infer from their words that Paul is being told of the Jerusalem decree for the first
time (so, e.g., H. Lietzmann, The Beginnings of the Christian Church, E.T. [Lon-
don, 1949], p. 109). H. Conzelmann and E. Haenchen (ad lac.) treat this verse as
redactional (R. Bultmann, "Zur Frage nach den Quellen der Apostelgeschichte,"
in New Testament Essays: Studies in Memory of T. W. Manson, ed. A J.B. Higgins
[Manchester, 1959], p. 72, thinks that Haenchen dismisses too quickly the argu-
ment that Paul here learns of the decree as something new). Cf. further C.H. Tal-
bert, "Again: Paul's Visits to Jerusalem," NovT9 (1967), pp. 37f.; D.R. Catchpole,
"Paul, James and the Apostolic Decree," NTS 23 (1976- 77), p. 431.
21:26 daflEL] For this use of daflEL without an appreciably imperf. sense
cf. v. 18.
ayvLa8d£] I.e., having taken the first step in the week-long purificatory
process.
ex:n:A~QWOL v] I.e., the time fixed for the fulfilment of their Nazi rite vow (cf.
1 Mace. 3:49, i:ou£ Nal;LQ<ltOu£ o't E:itA~Qwaav ta£ ~µEQ<l£). See on vv. 23, 27.
tWV ~µEQWV toU ayvLOµou] Cf. Num. 6:5, lt<lO<l£ tU£ ~µEQ<l£ (t~£ E1JX~£) tOU
ayvLOµou ~'UQOV oux E:n:EAE\JOEt<lL EltL t~V XEcj>aA ~v autou, where ayvLaµou (B) or E1JX~£
tou ayvLaµou (A) renders Heb. nezer, "Nazirite vow." Since Paul's own purifica-
tion must be complete before he could associate himself with the Nazirites in the
discharge of their vow, he probably gave notice at this time both of his undertak-
ing the purificatory rite required in one returning from a Gentile land and of the
impending discharge of their vow.
~ :1tQoacpoQ<i] According to Num. 6: 14f., the offering comprised one he-lamb,
one ewe-lamb, one ram, and accompanying food and drink offerings. The whole,
together with the "hair of consecration," which the Nazirite cut off and burned on
the expiry of the vow (Num. 6:18), was called a hair offering (mNazir 6.Sf.).
2. Riot in the Temple (21 :27-30)

27 'Q£ bE EµEAAOV ai e:n:ta ~µEQ<lL O'UvtEAEiaSm, oi an:o t~£ 'Aaia£ 'IoubaIOL
8EaO<lµEVOL <lutOV EV t{j'l LEQ{j'l O'UVE;(EOV n:avta tov O;(AOV xal E:itEP<lAOV tin:' autov
tU£ XELQ<l£, 28 XQ<l~OvtE£, 'AvbQE£ 'laQ<llJAEttm, PoriSEiw omos EITTLV 6
<'iv9QW:7t0£ 6 )((lt(l toii A<lOU xal toU voµou xal toU t6:n:ou tO\JtO'U :n:avt<l£ :n:av-
ta;('fl bLbaaxwv, EtL tE xal "EAAlJV<l£ da~yayEV EL£ to LEQOV )((ll, XEXOL VWXEV tov
iiywv ton:ov toiitov. 29 ~aav ya.Q ltQOEWQ<lXOtE£ TQocj>Lµov tov 'Ecj>foLOV EV tfi
n:011.EL auv amci>, ov tivoµL~ov on EL£ to LEQOV dci~yayEv 6 Ilau11.0£. 30 EXL v~SlJ
tE ~ ltOAL£ OAT) xal EYEVEtO auvl'>Qoµ~ toU 11.aou, xal Emi..apoµEVOL tOU Ilaui..ou
d11.xov amov ii~ tou LEQOU, xat Eu9EW£ tixi..EiaSriaav at SuQm.
21:27 ch; bE EµEUov ai emu ~µEQm auvtEAEla9m] "When the seven days
were about to be fulfilled." The period of seven days was prescribed for purifica-
tion from ritual defilement (see on v. 23, ayv(a0'rjtL ); the purificatory ritual was per-
formed on the third day and the seventh day (Num. 19:12). On this occasion Paul
was in the temple for the second of these performances, which appears to have been
448
21:27-30 RIOTINTHETEMPLE
carried out, if the perf. ptc. in 24: 18 (EUQOV µE ~yvLoµivov Ev tcj':> LEQcj':>) is to be given
its proper force. (According to Num. 6:9f. seven days had also to elapse before
Nazirites who had contracted defilement could be purified; but that provision is
probably not in view here.) See on 24:11 for the accommodation of these seven
days within the twelve days mentioned there.
ot am'> tfJ£ 'Aota£ 'loubaim] Asian Jews would be most likely to recognize
Trophimus. Jews would be present in Jerusalem from all parts at this time for the
Pentecost festival. Some of the Asian Jews now present may have been among
those whose opposition Paul had already experienced in Ephesus (cf. 20:19).
ouvex.wv] For this verb used of riotous action cf. 19:32 (cf. also ouyx.uoL£,
19:29); the form ouyx.uvvw is used elsewhere in Acts (v. 31; in a nonriotous sense,
9:22).
21 :28 6 mtu toii i..aoii l«l.L toii v6µou 1«11, toii t6n:ou toutou ... bLOO.cn«ov] Cf.
the report ofv. 21, and the accusation against Stephen (6:13). Nothing was more cal-
culated to infuriate Jews of Judaea and of the dispersion alike than a suspected dis-
paragement of the Jerusalem temple: this was the gravamen of the charge which Jesus'
accusers tried to fasten on him (Mk. 14:57f.). It might have been difficult to procure
official sanction for a sentence imposed merely for speaking against the holy place
or the Jewish religion, but a more serious and definite charge was now brought; if it
could have been proved, the death penalty would have followed automatically.
mivt~ n:avtax.fi] For the alliteration cf. v. 39; 17:26, 30; 24:3; Mt. 21:41; Mk.
5:26; 1 Cor. 4:17; 2 Cor. 8:22; 9:8.
"EU..TJVU£ do~yayEv EL£ to LEQOV] I.e., beyond the outer court. Gentiles might
enter the outer court, which was therefore sometimes called the Court of the Gen-
tiles, but their further progress into the inner precincts was barred. Notices in Greek
and Hebrew were attached to the balustrade at the foot of the stairs leading up to
the inner courts, warning Gentiles not to venture within the balustrade on pain of
death (cf. Jos. BJ 5.194; 6.124f.;Ant. 15.417;Ap. 2.103f.; Philo,Leg. ad Gai. 212).
One of these notices, discovered by C. S. Clermont-Ganneau in Jerusalem in 1871
(now in Istanbul), read as follows: µT}0eva &i..i..oyEvf] don:oQEUE00m EvtO£ toii 31:EQL
to LEQOV tQucp<ixtou (aberrant spelling of b()ucp<ixtou] xai, 31:EQL~oi..ou· 8£ b' av A.TJcj,0fl
foutcj':> a'(tLO£ fotm bLu to e!;axoi..ouOEiv 0avmov (Clermont-Ganneau, "Discovery
of Tablet from Herod's Temple," PEFQ 3 (1871), p. 132; also OGIS 598 = CIJ
1400); another, discovered in 1935, is in the Rockefeller Museum, Jerusalem (cf.
J. H. Iliffe, "The 8ANATOL Inscription from Herod's Temple," QDAP 6 (1936],
pp. 1-3). The Jewish authorities were entitled to put even Roman citizens to death
for this offense, according to a speech attributed to Titus in Jos. BJ 6.126 (oux. ~µeii;
bE tOU£ un:E~<ivt~ iJµlv En:EtQE1jmµev, xiiv 'Pwµa(wv tl£ ~;). See on 4:3.
XExoivmxEv] Perf. tense: if the allegation were true, the holy place was now
in a state of defilement (xoLvoi;).
tov aywv t6n:ov toiitov] Cf. 6: 13.
21:29 TQ6cj>LµO£] Cf. 20:4.
ov EvoµL~OV Otl EL£ to LEQOV Eio~yayEv 6 IlaUA.0£] Even so, by the letter of the
law Trophimus would have been the trespasser, though Paul would have shared his
449
guilt by aiding and abetting him. J. Klausner (From Jesus to Paul, E.T. [London,
1944], p. 400) thought it "possible that Paul may actually have brought Trophimus
into the Temple, since Paul would not have seen any harm in an act like this, after
he had put aside the differences between Jew and Greek in all matters pertaining
to religion." But, quite apart from exposing Trophimus to mortal danger, the idea
that Paul, who was taking such pains to conciliate Jewish susceptibilities on this
occasion, should have gone out of his way to commit such an outrageously offen-
sive action, is absurd.
21 :30 i,u v~0Tj tE ~ :rtOAL; OATJ] And not only the temple area: news of this
kind travels fast.
auvbQOµ~] Elsewhere in the Gk. Bible only at Judith 10:18; 3 Mace. 3:8.
ElAxov] Imperf.: because of the jostling crowd, dragging Paul out of the Court
of Israel (and down the steps into the outer court) was a slow business; his assailants
occupied the time in beating him (v. 32).
EU0Ew;] As soon as the crowd had got Paul out of the inner precincts.
ixA.Eia0T]aav at 0UQm] These would be the gates leading from the inner courts
to the outer court (like the Beautiful Gate of 3:2). The captain of the temple (see
on 4: 1) probably had them shut to prevent further desecration of the sacred pre-
cincts. A symbolic significance has been detected in the action. Thus T. D. Bernard:
"'Believing all things which are written in the Law and in the Prophets,' and
'having committed nothing against the people or customs of [his] fathers,' he and
his creed are forced from their proper home. On it as well as him the Temple doors
are shut" (The Progress ofDoctrine in the New Testament [London, 51900], p. 121).
This comment may reveal a true insight into Luke's mind. At this moment,
he possibly thought, the temple ceased to fill the honorable role hitherto allotted to
it in his twofold history. The exclusion of God's message and his messenger from
the house formerly called by his name sealed its doom: it was now ripe for the de-
struction which overtook it not many years later. The reader of his narrative may
have found it difficult thus far to reconcile the two attitudes toward the temple
which it documents-Jesus' proclamation of the temple's doom (Lk. 21:6) and the
apostles' continuing respect for the building and its services. But here the tension
between the two attitudes is resolved.
3. Paul Rescued by the Romans (21 :31-36)

31 ZT]tO\MWV tE amov wtOlcrELVm UVEPTJ cj>am; tcj> XLAL<lQXCJl tf]; CT:rtELQT]; Otl OAT]
auvxuvvEtm 'IEQOOOUA~µ, 32 o~ i!;amf]; 3tUQUAapwv ITTQUTUOta; xal £'Ka-
tovt<lQXU£ xatEbQUµEv E:rt' U1Jt01)£, ol be L00vtE£ tov XLALUQXOV xai tou~
ITTQUtlWta~ en:auaavto tlJn:tOvtE~ TOV IlaiiAOV. 33tOtE ryyiaa~ 0 XLALUQXO~
E3tEA<ipETo amoii xal EXEAEOOE b£0ijvm aAuawL buaL, xai fauv0<iv£to tL~ ELTJ
xal tL Eatt v n:En:OLT])t(l}~· 34liA.AoL bf liAAO tL En:Ecj>wvouv evtcj> OXACJl" µ~ buvaµivou
bf amoii yvwvm to ampaAE~ bui tov 06Qupov E'KEAEUCTEV liyw0m amov EL~ t~V
:rtUQEµpoA~V. 35 OtE bf EYEVETO E:rtL to~ avapa0µou~, CTUVEPTJ pamatw0m amov
1Jj(() twv ITTQUTLWTWV bui t~V PLav toii OXAOU, 36~'KOAO'IJ0£L YO.Q to 3tAf]0o~ toii
1..aoii xea~OvtE~, AlQE am6v.
450
21 :31-36 PAUL RESCUED BY THE ROMANS
21:31 ~111:0uvrwv) For the construction see on bnµ1::v6vtwv, v. 10.

umov rutoxt1::lvm] Although the proper procedure was for a person charged
with sacrilege to be handed over to the temple authorities for trial and (in the event
of conviction) execution, the lynching of a person caught in flagrante delicto was
condoned. But Paul had every right to be where he was, and there was no sign of
Trophimus around.
q,aat£) "report." It was probably picked up by the soldiers who patrolled the
top of the colonnades to watch for riotous conduct, and passed on by them to the
officer commanding the garrison in the Antonia fortress.
t<jl XLA.LUQXCJ> t~£ oJtELQ1J£] "the military tribune in command of the cohort,"
Claudius Lysias by name (23:26). The cohort (for o:JtElQU see on 10:1) was a co-
hors auxiliaris with a paper strength of 1,000 (760 infantry and 240 cavalry);
Josephus refers to it as the tayµu stationed regularly in the Antonia fortress (BJ
5.244), while he refers to the military tribune as theq>QOUQUQXO; (Ant. 15.408; 18.93-
95). The fortress adjoined the western part of the north wall of the temple area; two
flights of steps led down from it into the outer court (cf. vv. 35, 40) so that, in case
of trouble, Roman soldiers could deal with it at a moment's notice (Jos. BJ 5.243).
Since the military intervention took place in the outer court, it follows that the LEQOV
of vv. 26-30 comprises the inner courts, the sacred precincts proper, and excludes
the "Court of the Gentiles."
ouyxuvv1::tm) Cf. v. 27. Riots were always more easily stirred up at festival
seasons, when the city was full of visiting pilgrims.
21:32 bw.tovtUQXU£] The mention of more than one centurion implies that
at least two "centuries" (with a paper strength of 200 men) were called out.
21:33 b1::0~vm u>..uowt buo() Perhaps to a soldier on either side; UAUOEL£ (cf.
12:7) were hand chains, as opposed to Jttbm (fetters for the feet). Both are men-
tioned together in Mk. 5:4 (par. Lk. 8:29). Cf. Herod Agrippa's chain (a1,.uat£) in
Jos. Ant. 18.237; 19.294f.
ti; E'i11] Optative in historic sequence (cf. Lk. 1:29; 8:9; 18:36; 22:23). Luke
is the only NT writer to use this classical construction.
ti EotLV JtEJtOL1JXW£] The optative in ti; 1::'(11 was appropriate since the prisoner
was quite unknown to the tribune; here the indic. is retained, since the tribune was
quite sure that he had done something or other to excite the crowd's fury.
21:34 ciUm bE ciUo tl EJtEq>wvouv] As would naturally happen in an excited
crowd (cf. 19:32).
µ~ buvuµivou bE umoii) Gen. abs., although in reference to the subject of the
sentence.
yvmvm to aocpuAE;] "learn the certain truth."
Ei; t~v JtUQEµ~OAl]V] I.e., the Antonia fortress (see on v. 31); cf. P. Benoit, "The
Archaeological Reconstruction of the Antonia Fortress," in Jerusalem Revealed,
ed. Y. Yadin (New Haven/London/Jerusalem, 1975), pp. 87-89.
21:35 iyh1::to e:rtl toii£ <ivu~u0µou;] "arrived at the steps" (for yivoµm EJti
cf. Lk. 24:22, y1::v6µ1::vm 6Q0QLvul EJtt to µv11µ1::lov, "having arrived early at the
tomb"). Theav~u0µoi were the two flights of steps connecting the outer court with
451
the fortress (see on v. 31); which of the two flights was used on this occasion would
depend on the spot where the soldiers detached Paul from his assailants.
ouvEPlJ] Used here in preference to EYEVEto, probably because EYEVEto has al-
ready been used in the sentence.
paotci~wSm ... V3to t&v ot(Jattwtfuv] Presenting no more dignified a spec-
tacle than when he escaped from Damascus in a basket (9:25).
21:36 aiQE amov] "Away with him!" (cf. 22:22; Lk. 23:18 par. Jn. 19:15).
A good vernacular parallel is found in the letter of the boy Theon, P.Oxy. 119 (see
on 17:6), UQQOV amov (for aQov amov). Cf. also alQE to~ a8fou£, Mart. Polyc.
3.1; 9.2.
4. Paul Obtains Leave to Address the Crowd (21 :37-40)

37 MiU..wv tE doaywSm EL£ t~v 3tUQEµt\oA. ~v 6 Ilatilo£ AEyEt tcj'J XLAlllQXCJl, Ei
el;Eoti v µot EL3tE1v n 3tQO£ oE; 6 OE Eq>l], 'EAll]Vtotl yt vwoXEt£; 38 oux iiQa ou el
6 Aiyumto; 6 3t(JO toutwv t&v ~µEQUJV &vaotatC.OOU£ xal El;ayaywv EL£ t~V
f(JljµOV toU£ tEt(JUXlOXlALOU£ UVO(JU£ tUJV OlXUQLWV; 39 El3tEV be 6 IlatiA.0£, 'Eyoo
liv8QW3tO; µEV dµt 'Ioubafo;, TUQOEU; t~; KLA.Lxia;, O'UX uo~µou 3tOA.£W;
3tOA.Ltl];' ofoµm OE CTOU, E3tLt(JE'lj)OV µm A.UA.~Oat 3tQo; tov A.UOV. 40E3tlt(JE'\j)UV-
t0; OE amoti 6 IIaiiA.0£ Eotoo£ £3tt tfuv &vapaSµwv xatfoELOE tfi XELQL tcj'J lacµ,
JtoU..~£ bE my~£ yEvoµEVl]£ 3tQOOE(j>c.oVlJOEV tfi 'EtJQa'tbt btaA.Extq> liywv.
21:37 d) Introducing a direct question (see on 1:6).
'EU..l]VLott yt vc.ooXEL£;] sc. lalElv, "Can you speak Greek?" (on the wider im-
plications of this question see J. N. Sevenster, Do You Know Greek? [Leiden,
1968]).
21 :38 oux li(Ja ou EI xtA] "Then you are not ... ," in a tone of surprise.
6 Atyumw;] According to Jos. BJ 2.261-63; Ant. 20.169-72, a false prophet
from Egypt came to Jerusalem about AD. 54, and led a multitude of 30,000 to the
Mount of Olives, promising his followers that they could march in and seize the
city when the walls fell down at his command. Felix sent soldiers against them,
who killed 400 and captured 200. "The Egyptian himself escaped and was seen no
more. The tribune supposed that he had reappeared and was experiencing the re-
sentment of the populace. Luke's report seems to be quite independent of
Josephus's. Luke's moderate figure of 4,000 followers is more likely than
Josephus's 30,000 (BJ 2.261 ); indeed, it is supported by Josephus's own figures for
those killed and taken captive. It has been pointed out that if, at some point in the
transmission of Josephus's text, the numeral was expressed by a letter instead of
being spelled out, an original 4,000 would have been indicated by ,I)., which could
have been misread as, A (30,000). The Egyptian has been identified with Ben Stada
(bShabbat 104b) by R. T. Herford, Christianity in Talmud and Midrash (London,
1903), p. 345, n. I, and J. Klausner, Jesus of Nazareth, E.T. (London, 1929), pp.
20-22. See further L. H. Feldman's note a in the Loeb Josephus, 9, pp. 480f.
ava<Ttatwoa;] See on 17:6.
il;ayaywv d; t~v EQl]µov] As Moses had done, although this was the wilder-
452
21:37-40 PAUL OBTAINS LEAVE TO ADDRESS THE CROWD
ness of Judaea. Josephus (BJ 2.259;Ant. 20.167f.) tells how many imposters at this
time led people into the wilderness, promising to perform miracles (cf. Mt. 24:26).
See P. W. Barnett, "The Jewish Sign Prophets, A.D. 40-70-Their Intentions and
Origin," NTS 27 (1980-81), pp. 679-97.
,:fuv GLX<lQLWV] "of the assassins" (Lat. sicarius, from sica, "dagger"). The
sicarii began to be active in the time of Felix and, after murdering the former high
priest Jonathan (cf. 4:6 b), appeared as bitter enemies of pro-Roman Jews. They
mingled with crowds at festivals and stabbed their victims unawares. Cf. Jos. BJ
2.254-57;Ant. 20.162-65, 185-87. In bGi{!in 56a mention is made of one Abba Siqera
(?father of the sicarii), who was a leader of the insurgents in A.D. 70. See M. Smith,
"Zealots and Sicarii: their origins and relation," HTR 64 (1971), pp. 1-19.
21:39 hw a.v0Qw:n:o£ µEv dµL ... bfoµm be aou] Observe the balance ofµiv
and bE. "I, as regards your question to me, am a man ... , but, as regards my ques-
tion to you, I ask ... " (T. E. Page, ad Loe.).
oux aa~µou :n:6J..EW£ :n:oJ..ttTJ£] Cf. Euripides, Jon 8, EITTL v ya.Q oux ciaT]µo£
'EA.)..~vwv :n:6J..L£ (i.e., Athens). Note the litotes (for mix aaT]µO£ cf. BJ 2.469; 4.213;
5.6, 419) and the alliteration :n:6J..EW£ :n:oJ..LtT]£ (cf. v. 28). He was not only a native,
but a citizen, of Tarsus. But his Tarsian citizenship (which required a substantial
property qualification) made no such impression on the tribune as his Roman citi-
zenship did when later revealed (22:28f.).
21:40 xatfoELGE tfl XELQi,] A characteristic action; cf. 13:16 (also 12:17;
19:33).
tfl 'E$Q<x'tfa bLaJ..Extcµ] "in the Aramaic speech" (for so we should understand
this expression or the adv. 'EflQa'tmi in the NT except in Rev. 9:11; 16:16, where
"Hebrew" is meant). The use of Aram. was probably designed ad captandam
beneuolentiam. Not only was it the Palestinian vernacular; it was the lingua franca
of non-Greek speakers in the eastern Roman world and in the Parthian Empire. The
first edition of Bl, according to Josephus, was composed in Aram. for the benefit
of Jews beyond the Euphrates (BJ 1.3, 6).
453
ACTS22
5. Paul's Defense to the People ofJerusalem (22:1-21)

a. His early days (22:1-5)
I'AvbQE~ abd.cpol xal JtaTEQE~, axouaatE µout~~ JT.QO~ uµa~ VlJVL a..itOAoy(a~.-
2 axouaavtE~ bi: OTL tfi .EflQa'Lf>L bLUAEXtcp ltQO<JEq>WVEL amoi:~ µaAAOV ltUQE<JXOV
~<JlJXLUV. xa( q>Tj<JLV- 3 'Eyw EiµL UV~Q 'Ioubai:o~, YEYEVVT]µEVO£ EV TaQ<Jcp T~£
KL1.LxLa£, avatE0Qaµµivo£ br. Ev tfl n61.EL tam:n, naQU tou~ n6ba£ raµa1.L~A
JtEJtaLbflJµEVO£ xata UXQL~ELUV to'U JtUtQcµOlJ v6µou, 1;l]AWT~£ 'Ult<lQXWV toii 0wii
xa0W£ lt<lVTE£ 1JµEL£ f<Jtf. atjµEQOV, 4 0£ taUTl]V t~V obov EMw;a UXQL 0avatolJ,
bwµEuwv xal JtaQabLboi,£ EL£ cpu1.am£ livb(la£ TE xal yuvai:xa£, s m£ xal o
UQXLEQEU£ µUQTlJQEL µm xal nav to JtQE<J~trtEQLov· JtaQ' chv xal EJtLITTOAct£
bE;<lµEVO£ ltQO£ TO'U£ abEAcjJOU£ fl£ t<.aµaaxov fltOQElJOµljV li;wv xal TOU£ fXEL<JE
ovta£ bEbEµEVOU£ EL£ 'IEQOlJ<JaA~µ 'iva nµwQT]0&m v.
22:1 livbQE£ abE1.cpol xal natEQE£, axouaatE l The opening words of
Stephen's defense, 7:2.
axotJ<JatE µout~£ ... ano1.oy(a£] "Hear my defense" (take µou with ano1.oy(a£
rather than with axouaatE ).
22:2 tfi 'EflQa·if>L bLaAEXtcp] See on 21 :40.
ltQO<JEq>WVEL amoi:£] JtQoacpwvew (here and in 21:40; cf. Lk. 7:3 par. Mt. 11:16;
Lk. 6:13; 13: 12; 23:20) is poetical in classical Gk. but standard prose in Hellenis-
tic; its regular NT sense is that of public address. See New Docs. 3 (1978), § 62.
µaHov itUQfoxov ~aux(av] As though an audience of Irish or Welsh nation-
alists, expecting to be addressed in English by someone believed to be a traitor to
the national case, suddenly became aware that they were being addressed in the
Celtic vernacular. In spite of the sorry appearance that Paul must have presented
after his rough handling, Luke portrays him as an impressive and eloquent speaker.
22:3 Eyw dµt U~Q 'Ioubaio£, YfYEVVT]µEV0£ EV TaQ<J(Jl T~£ KLALXLU£] Cf.
21:39 for the very similar language in which he identified himself to the tribune.
But to the tribune he emphasizes his Tarsian citizenship; to the Jerusalem crowd,
his Jewish birth and rabbinical upbringing. The three participial phrases, arranged
in a rhetorical topos, point to three successive phases in Paul's early days: (a) born
in Tarsus of Cilicia, but (b) brought up in this city (Jerusalem), (c) educated at the
454
22:1-5 HIS EARLY DAYS
feet of Gamaliel. See W. C. van Unnik, Tarsus or Jerusalem: The City of Paul's
Youth, E.T. (London, 1962).
:JtUQ<l toi,c; :Jtofuc; raµaA.t~A] The Mishnaic idiom for sitting at the feet of teach-
ers is hi!'abbaq ba 'iipar raglehem, lit. "to cover oneself with the dust of their feet"
(cf. Pirqe 'Abot 1.4f "Dudng instruction, the students sat on the floor (beqarqa')
and the teacher on a raised dais" (Schurer II, p. 334). Cf. Lk. 2:46; 8:35; 10:39. For
Gamaliel see on 5:34; the moderation which he counsels there forms a contrast to
his pupil's persecuting zeal. B '11 614 pc inflect raµa1.t~1.ou (cf. Mt. 24:15 D,
t.avt ~A.ou).
xata a,ie(~Etuv toii :JtUtQcpou v6µou] "according to the strict letter of our an-
cestral law." Cf. 24:14; Mk. 7:3; 1 Pet. 1:18; Jos.Ant. 13.297 (exm1tEQwvbtaboxijc;),
408 (xata t~v :JtUtQc.oav :JtUQcioomv); cf. also Gorgias, Epitaphius, for the phrase
v6µou a,iet~da~. Paul's fidelity to Jewish law is stressed, as in 21:24; 25:8; 28:17.
~TJA.Wt~c; u:JtciQxwvtoii 0rnii] Cf. 21:20; Rom. 10:2; Gal. I: 14 (~TJA.Wt~c; u:JtaQxwv
tmv :JtUtQtxwv µou :JtUQUbooEwv). His zeal was shown by his persecuting the church;
cf. Phil. 3:6 (the whole context, Phil. 3:4-7, should be compared with the present
passage). Fortoii emu 88 latvg read toii v6µou, syrhcl** reads "of my ancestral tradi-
tions" (representing twv :JtutQtX<ilv µou :JtUQabooEwv, from Gal. 1 :14).
22:4 tuutT]V t~v 6bov] See on 9:2.
UJCQL 0avcitou] Inv. 20 below he mentions his complicity in Stephen's death;
cf. also 9:1; 26:10. Cf. M. Hengel, Acts and the History of Earliest Christianity,
E.T. (London, 1979), p. 74. For<iJCQL 0avcitou cf. Rev. 2:10; 12:11; cf. µEJCQL 0avcitou,
Phil. 2:8, 30; ewe; eavcitou, Mk. 14:34.
22:5 6 UQJCLEQEU~] + 'Avav(a~ 614 pc syrhcl** (cf. 23:2). But Ananias was
not the high priest at the time of which Paul is speaking.
µUQtuQEI] EµUQtlJQEL B.
to :JtQEO~utEQtoV] "the elderhood," i.e., the Sanhedrin (see on 4:5, 15). The
word is used in this sense in Lk. 22:66, and of the elderhood of a Christian church
in 1 Tim. 4:14.
:JtUQ' cliv xal emato1.ac; bEl;ciµevoc;] Cf. 9:2. This is the second of three accounts
in Acts of Paul's conversion. In 9: 1-30 we have Luke's account in the third person;
in 22:3-21 and 26:4-23 the story is told in the first person by Paul himself to two
quite different audiences. Here those features are emphasized which are calculated
to appeal to the Jerusalem populace; the contrasts with the two other accounts are
significant.
:JtQoc; touc; abEA.cpouc;] The "brothers" here are Jews ( cf. 28:21 ); Paul speaks as
a Jew to Jews.
a;wv] Fut. ptc. expressing purpose; cf. 8:27; 24: 11, 17.
exEioE] EXEL D. If the meaning "thither" be pressed here for exEi:aE, the refer-
ence will be to those disciples who had gone to Damascus to escape the persecu-
tion in Jerusalem (8:lb).
bebeµtvouc;] "as prisoners" (as in 9:2).
EL~ 'IEQouoa).~µ] EV 'lEQouoa).~µ D (which would have to be construed with
ha nµWQTJ0&m v).
455
b. The Damascus road (22:6-11)

6 'EyEVETo bE µm :7tOQEUOµEV<J) xal tyy(~ovn Tfl 6aµaoxcp :7tEQl µE<JT]µj}Q(av
t;atq>VTJ£ EX Toii OUQavoii :7tEQtacn:Qa'ljlm cj><i'>£ txavov mQl EµE, 1 iixwa TE EL£ To
iibaq,~ xal ~xouoa q,rovij£ )..eyouOrJ£ µOL, Toou).. Toou).., ti µE btcoXEt£; BEyoo bE
U:7tEXQi9r]v, Ti£ d, XUQLE; El:7tEV TE 3tQO£ iµE, 'Eyco dµt 'Iriao~ 6 Na~O>Q<lLO£ ov
au btCOXEL£. 90L bE (J'l)V Eµol OvtE£ to µEv q,£ E0taoavro t~V 6£. q,w~v OlJX
~xouoav TOii )..a)..oiivt6£ µm. 10 el:71:0v bE, Ti xm ~om, XUQLE; 6 bE XUQLO£ dxev
31:Q~ µE, 'AvaO'tct£ 31:0QEUOU El£ 6aµaox6v, xaxti <JOL AUAT]0tj<JEtm 31:EQL 31:Ctvt(J)V
div TEtaxTai am xm fjam. 11 W£ bE oux EVEl})..rnov axo Tfi£ bo;T]£ Toii q,wto£
Extivou, ):'.ELQ(lywyouµevo£ uxo Tmv auv6vrwv µm ~)..0ov d~ 6aµaax6v.
22:6 EYEVEto be µot :7tOQEUOµEV<J> xal Eyyitovrt ... :7tEQtaO'tQet'ljlm q,£) For
the construction cf. v. 17; see on 4:5.
:7tEQl µeariµIJQ iav] Cf. ~µEQ~ µfol]£, 26: 13. Contrast xaTa µwriµt3Q(av, "sou th-
ward," 8:26.
:7tEQLaO'tQU'ljlm] Cf. :7tEQttjcn:Qa'ljlEv, 9:3.
22:7 ~xouaa q,oovfi£ AEYOOOrJ£ µm] + tfl 'El}Qa°l.bt btaAExt<J) latg syrhcl.mg
(from 26: 14). See on 9:4, ~xouatv q,w~v ).iyouaav aut<j>, for the difference in con-
struction.
TL µE «'>LcoXEL£;] + <JXAfjQOV am :7tQO£ XEvtQ(l AaxtitELv E latg vg.codd syrhcl.mg
(from 26:14).
22:8 tyro ElµL 'ITJOOii£ 6 NatwQai~ ov ou bLcoxeL~] G. H. Dalman, Jesus-
Jeshua, E.T. (London, 1929), p. 18, suggests 'iinii Yesua' Na,trayii de'att
riigepinneh as the Aram. wording. The parallels in 9:5; 26: 15 lack 6 NatwQa'io£ (for
which see on 2:22).
22:9 t~v bE q,wv~v oux ~xouaav Toii )..a)..ouvt6£ µm J See on 9:7, axouovtE£
µEv Tfj~ cpwvfi£, for the apparent contradiction.
22:10 avacn:a£] More than a Semitic redundant ptc. here (see on 5:6, 17),
as he had fallen to the ground.
:7tEQL mivrwv div TEtaxtai am :7t0Lijam] TL OE bEi xmijom (xotEiv) HS 1765 pc
Chr. (under influence of 9:6).
22:11 CO£ bE] avacn:a£ bE 1611 latd g syrhcl.mg_
ovx
oux EVEj}AE:7tov J oubEv iij})..rnov B I /ijJ)..rnov E 2464 pc.
axotij£ b6;TJ£] The causal use ofax6 (cf. 11:19; 12:14; 20:9; Lk. 19:3) is par-
alleled in both classical and vernacular Gk.
):'.ELQaywyouµEvo~J Cf. 9:8, ):'.ELQaywyoiivtE£.
c. Ananias of Damascus (22: 12-16)

12 'AV<lVLU£ bE TL£ UV~Q EUAaj}~£ X<lt<l TOV v6µov, µaQTUQOUµEVO£ 'U:71:0 xavrrov TWV
xaTotxouvrwv 'Ioubaiwv, 13 EA0wv :7tQO£ E!J.E xal imatct£ d:71:E v µm, Toou).. abEAcj,E,
avaj}AE'ljlov· xayw autfl Tfl &w UVEj}AE'ljla El£ amov. 14 6 bE dxev, ·o 0EO£ TWV
xmEQWV ~µwv :7tQOE):'.ELQtam6 OE yvvm To 0EAT]µa amoii xal tbeiv Tov b(xmov
xal axooom cpwv~v EX TOU cn:6µUto£ (l'IJtOU, 15 OtL fon µCtQTU£ am<j> :7tQO£ :7tetvta£
av{lQ(imou~ <l>v ECOQUX~ xal ~XOU<J~. 16 xal viiv Tl µEAAEL£; avacn:a~ j}a:7ttwm
xal (l:71:0AOU(J(lL t(l£ aµUQTL~ <JOU E:71:LXUAE<JetµEV~ TO ovoµa autoii.
456
22:12-16 ANANIAS OF DAMASCUS
22:12 'Avav(ac; bi: nc; av~Q EUA.a~~c; xata tov v6µov] Ananias is here de-
scribed as a devout Jew (for EuA.af}~c; see on 2:5; 8:2), in terms calculated to appeal
to other devout Jews, and his part as the Lord's messenger to Paul at the time of
his conversion is emphasized. The discrepancy between this account and Gal. 1:1,
12 should not be exaggerated. In Gal. 1:1, 12 Paul denies all human mediation or
derivation for his apostleship or for the gospel which he preached; it is not sug-
gested here that he was indebted to Ananias for the one or for the other. A private
believer like Ananias could not in any case have commissioned him; his role in this
narrative is simply that of the Lord's mouthpiece.
22: 13 Tooui a&1,.cpr:, ava~A.E'ljmv] A summary of the words of Ananias in
9:17.
amfi tfi ii>Q~] See on 16:18.
avi:~u'ljla Etc; am6v] Here ava~Hn:co has the double meaning "recover sight"
(ava, "again") and "look up" (ava, "up").
22:14 6 0£oc; t&v n:atEQCOV ~µ&v XtA.] Ananias's words are such as a pious
Jew might use. They are not reproduced in the two parallel accounts; but cf. the
Lord's words to Ananias in 9:15f. Ananias communicates to Paul what he himself
had been told about him by the Lord.
l'l:QOEXELQLOato] Cf. 3:20; 26:16 for this verb. Here and in 26:16 it is used of
Paul as being chosen (almost "hand-picked") for his life's work. See New Docs. 3
(1978), § 62.
yv&vm to 0r:A.T)µa amou] Cf. Rom. 2:18; 12:2; Col. 1 :9. "To know his will"
or "to know the will" may have been a phrase in general Jewish currency.
tov b(xmov] For "the righteous one" as a messianic title see on 3: 14 ( cf. 7:52).
J. A. T. Robinson mentions "other interesting affinities" of this verse with Ac. 3
("The Most Primitive Christology of All?" Twelve New Testament Studies, SBT 34
[London, 1962], p. 151, n. 31); in particular, he draws attention to A. Descamps'
seeing an allusion to Dt. 18:15 in axouam cpcov~v i\x tou at6µatoc; amou and in
general to his seeing 6 b(xmoc; "as virtually equivalent to 6 n:eocp~tT)c; and part of
the same theology" (Les justes et la justice [Louvain/Gembloux, 1950], pp. 74-84).
22:15 on fon µaQtuc;] "for you shall be a witness"; cf. µaQtUQU, 26:16.
n:eoc; n:avtac; av0Qwn:ouc;] Cf. 9:15, Evwmov t&v E0v&v tE xal ~aOLA.ECOV ut&v
tE 'laQU~A..
o:iv EWQaxac; xal ~xouaac;] Cf. 26:16, o:iv tE dbi:c; µE o:iv tE ocp~ooµai aot. A
witness is one who tells what he has seen and heard (4:20; cf. Jn. 3:32; 1 Jn. l:3a).
Paul had seen the risen Lord (1 Cor. 9:1); he had heard his voice. In 26:16 Paul re-
ports as part of the "heavenly vision" the substance of the communication here re-
ceived from Ananias. Cf. 9:12, where Paul in a vision foresees the visit of Ananias.
22:16 tt µEA.A.Etc;;] "Why do you delay?" Perhaps an introductory formula,
like ti )t(J)A.'IJEL; in 8:36.
avaatac; ~cimwm xal an:61,.ouom tac; aµaQtiac; aou] Here avaatcic; may well
be the Semitic redundant ptc. (see on v. 10). The imperatives are in the middle
voice: "get yourself baptized and get your sins washed away" -or even (but less
probably) "baptize yourself and wash away your sins," in accordance with the reg-
457
ular reflexive force of Gk. verbs of washing in the middle voice (cf. UJtEA.ououo0E,
1 Cor. 6:11; E~am(oavro, 1 Cor. 10:2). For the view that Paul was told to baptize
himself see B. S. Easton, "Self-Baptism," AJT24 (1920), pp. 513-18. The bodily
washing was the outward and visible sign of his inward and spiritual cleansing.
Paul's own developed teaching on baptism relates it to incorporation into Christ
and participation in his death and resurrection (Gal. 3:27; Rom. 6:3-11).
EJUXUA.EO<lµEVO£ to ovoµa amou] "invoking his name" and thus being bap-
tized in (or with) that name (see on 2:38).
d. Paul's vision in the temple (22:17-21)

17 'EyEvEto M. µm UJtOITTQE'ljJUvtL EL£ 'IEQOUOUA~µ xat JtQOOEUX,oµivou µou EV tcµ
LEQcj} yEvfoem µE EV EXITTUOEL 18-X.Ul tbEIV amov Aiyovt<i µoL, nreuoov -X.Ul
e!;d.0E EV tUX,EL Es 'IEQOUOUA.~µ, bLOtL OU JtUQUbE;ovta( oou µaQtUQLUV 3tEQl
ilµou. 19 xayio Eixov, KVQLE, U'UtOlEJtLITTUvtUL OtL eyio ~µl]V qlUA.UXL~(l)V xat bEQ(l)V
xma ta£ ouvay(l)ya£ to\J~ n:LITTEUOvtU~ E:Jtt OE' 20-x.al OtE E;EX,UVVEtO to alµa
LtEq,<ivou tou µ<iQtUQO£ oou, xu1 auto£ ~µl]v Eq>EITTW£ xat ouvEubox&v xat
qlUA.UOO(l)V ta i.µ<ina t&v UVULQ01Jvt(l)V amov. 21 xui EL1tEV JtQ0£ µe, TIOQEUOU,
on ilyio EL£ E0Vl] µaXQav E;(l:JtOITTEA.00 OE.
22:17 EYEVEto be µm lJJtOITT(>E'ljJUvtL ... xai. JtQOOEUX,Oµevou µou ... YEVE00UL
µE JAn awkward sentence in more ways than one, e.g., in the double sense ofy(voµaL
(avoided in 21:35); in the lack of concord in the pronouns µm ... µou ... µe (cf.
15:22); in the gen. abs. JtQoornxoµivou µou referring to a noun or pronoun already
in the sentence, with no attempt to bring the cases into line (cf. Lk. 12:36; also Mt.
1:18; 8:1; 9:18; Mk. 13:1).
uxootQE:'ljmvtL EL£ 'IEQouou)..~µ] I.e., during his first visit to Jerusalem after his
conversion (9:26-30).
iv ixm<ioEL] Cf. 10:10; 11:5. For yEvfo0m µe EV EXITTUOEL cf. Vettius Valens
201.16f., EV exm<ioEL q>QEV&v y(vovrm.
22:18 xai lbEiv amov A.Eyovtu] The account of Paul's temple vision may be
modeled on that oflsaiah's temple vision (Isa. 6:1-13); see 0. Betz, "Die Vision
des Paulus im Tempel von Jerusalem," in Verborum Veritas: Festschrift fur
G. Stiihlin, ed. 0. Bocher and K. Haacker (Wuppertal, 1970), pp. 113-23. Both
Isaiah and Paul were warned that the people of Jerusalem would pay no attention
to their message, but Isaiah was told nevertheless to persist in his witness to them,
whereas Paul was told to leave the city. Isaiah's call provides one of the OT mod-
els for Paul's own account in his letters of his call and commission.
o:JtEuaov xai ii;d.0E ,a:1,,] Cf. 9:29f., where the Jerusalem believers, getting
wind of a plot against Paul's life, convoy him to Caesarea and put him on board a
ship for Tarsus. This is not the only place where action is taken in response both to
divine revelation and to coincident human advice.
22:19 XUQLE, amoi EJt(otavtm ia:A] From the initial "revelation of Jesus
Christ" on the Damascus road Paul had been commissioned to preach him to the
Gentiles, and he proceeded immediately to fulfil that commission by going to
(Nabataean) Arabia (Gal. 1: 16f.). But now that he found himself in Jerusalem for
458
22:22-29 PAUL REVEALS HIS ROMAN CITIZENSHIP
a short time, his natural "heart's desire and prayer to God" for Israel's salvation
(Rom. 10:1) prompted him to bear his witness there. He is told to desist, because
his witness will not be accepted. He replies that he is just the man to convince his
fellow Jews. His argument may be paraphrased: "They know how whole-heartedly
I persecuted the church; they remember the part I played at Stephen's martyrdom.
They must realize therefore that the reasons for my change of attitude must be over-
whelmingly cogent."
~µT]v cpu1,.axitwv xal bEQWV] Cf. 8:3; 9: lf. For the periphrastic construction see
on 1: 1O; does its occurrence here add verisimilitude to the statement that the speech
was delivered in Aram.? (See also on 22:20.)
22:20 µ<1QtUQO£] "witness"; the use of the word in this context is a step in
the direction of the later meaning "martyr" (cf. Rev. 2:13; 17:6).
~µT]v Ecj>Em:w; xat auvrnboxrov xat cpuA<iaawv xtA] Cf. 7:58; 8: la. Periphrastic
construction as in v. 19.
t&v a.vmQOuvi:wv amov] In 7:58 (q. v.) they are called the witnesses. In an ex-
ecution for blasphemy the witnesses played the leading part. With a.vmQouvi:wv cf.
<lV<lLQECTEL, 8:1; UV<lLQOuµEVOlV, 26:10.
22:21 EL£ HlVT] µaXQUV Es(l:rtoO"tEAW (a:rtoO"tEA.00 BI Es(lltoO"tEAJ..Ol D) OE] When
the Jerusalem brethren had sent him off to Tarsus, he had every opportunity to wit-
ness to Gentiles in "the regions of Syria and Cilicia" (Gal. 1:21). F. Watson (Pau~
Judaism and the Gentiles, SNTSM 56 (Cambridge, 1986], p. 31) defends the view
"that Paul was engaged in preaching only to the Jews in his early years as a Chris-
tian" -a view which cannot be squared with Paul's own account of his call (Gal.
1:16; 2:7-8), whatever may be said of Luke's account. The Lord's command to Paul
during the temple vision may be regarded as a reaffirming of the Damascus-road
commission. On this later setting for the call to the Gentile apostolate see E. Meyer,
Ursprung und Anfiinge des Christentums, III (Stuttgart/Berlin, 1923), p. 205, n. 1;
A Fridrichsen, The Apostle and his Message, Uppsala Universitets Arsskrift 1947.3
(Uppsala/Leipzig, 1947), p. 23, n. 26; J. Lindblom, Gesichte und Offenbarungen,
Acta Reg. Societatis Humaniorum Litterarum Lundensis, 65 (Lund, 1968), pp. 52f.;
C. Burchard, Der dreizehnte Zeuge, FRLANT 103 (Gottingen, 1970), pp. 161-68.
6. Paul Reveals His Roman Citizenship (22:22-29)

22 "Hxouov be amoii UXQL 'tO'U'tOU toii Aoyou X<lL E:rtfiQ<lV t~V cpwv~v aut&v Hyov-
tE£, AlQE U:rtO tfi; yfi; tOV 'tOLOU'tOV, OU YO.Q xa0fiXEV amov tfiv. 23 XQUuyatovi:wv
tE am&v xul QL:rttO'UV'tOlV ta l.µ<ina ?((lL XOVLOQtOV ~UAAOV'tOlV EL£ tOV 0.EQ<l
24 EXEAEUOEV OX,LAL<lQ:X.~ Ei.aciyrn0m amov El.£ t~V :rtUQE~OA~V, t'i:rta; µ<im:t!;l v
UVEtatrn0m amov 'iva Emyv<j> bt' ~v ahiuv omw; E:rtEq><tJVOUV Uut<J). 25 w; bE
:rtQOE'tElvuv amov 'tOL£ l.µiiat v El:rtEV :rtQ~ tov EO"tW'tU EX<ltOV't<lQX,OV o TiuiiA~,
Et liV0QOl:rtOV 'Pwµai:ov X<lL a.xatciXQL'tOV E!;EO"tlV uµi:v µum:itELv; 260.XO'UO<l£ {)£
oEX<ltOV'tClQ:X.TJ£ :rtQOOEA.0wv t<j> X,LALUQ:X.<!> a:rt~YYELAEV Hywv, Ti µEA.A.El£ :rtOLEi:v;
6 yo.Q liv0Qw:rto; omo; 'Pwµai:6; EO"tl v. 27 :rtQOOEA0wV {)£ 6 X,LALUQ:X.0£ El:rtEV
uut<j>, Ai:yE µm, au 'Pwµui:o; El; 6 bE Eq>T], Nai. 28 a.:rtEXQi0T] be oX,LAL<XQ:X.0£, 'Eyw
:rtOAAOU XEq><lA<lLOU t~V :rtoJ..ltEL<lV t<l'U'tT]V EXtT]aciµT]V. o{)e TiaiiAO~ Ecj>T], 'Eyw {)£
459
Ml YEYEVVljµm. 29 Ell8EW£ OlJV ootEO'tlJOUV a:rc' am:ou Ol µEA.AOvtE£ autov

UV£t(l~El v· xat 6 XLALUQXO~ OE e4>ofitj81J Em yvoi,~ OtL 'Pwµaio~ EO'tL v XUL OtL
am:ov ~v 0£0£%00£.
22:22 ~xouov OE am:ou i':ixgt toutou tou 1,.6you] They listened to him atten-
tively enough until he mentioned his mission to the Gentiles: the word "Gentiles"
reminded them of their main grievance against him. This was the man who, as they
had been told, had polluted the holy precincts by taking Gentiles into them: such a
wretch should be killed on the spot.
a[QE futo tfi£ Yii£ tOV tOLOUTOV] See on 21 :36.
xa8fiuv] The imperf. indic. in classical Gk. may indicate necessity or possi-
bility when the opposite is taking place; but the usage is extended in Hellenistic
Gk. to cover what in classical Gk. would be expressed by the pres. For xaSfiXEv
here classical usage would require JtQOO~KEL. See J.B. Lightfoot on Col. 3:18, W£
avfix1;:v (cf. also Eph. 5:4).
22:23 QL:rctouvtwv] From QL:rctew, a variant of QL:rctw. F. Field suggests that
it means "shaking" or "waving" (Lat. iactatio togarum) rather than throwing off,
though both may be implied. Chrysostom (Hom. 48.2) uses eimvaaaw (cf. 13:51;
18:6). See on 14: 14 for the tearing of garments as a gesture of horror at blasphemy.
xovtoQtov] "dust." "In England mud is more frequently available" (LC). See
also on 13:51.
22:24 EKEAEUOEV ... E°L3ta£] Coincident aor. ptc.; cf. 4:19; 11:30; 15:8f.
µaITTL~L v] The scourge (Lat. flagrum, flagellum) was a murderous instrument
of torture, much more fearful than the lictors' rods at Philippi. A slave or alien might
be scourged in order to make him confess the truth (the theory being that he could
not be trusted to confess it without such persuasion). But Paul immediately affirms
his Roman citizenship, which, by the Valerian and Porcian Laws (see on 16:37),
exempted him from such treatment.
avEta~wSm] MM refer to P.Oxy. 34.i.13 (AD. 127), in which a prefect of
Egypt uses this verb in directing government clerks whose business was to "ex-
amine" documents before filing them.
ha emyvcji OL' ~v ULtLUV OutW£ EJtElj>mvouv autcji] "that he might ascertain for
what reason they were shouting against him so." The tribune might not have made
much of Paul's speech even if it had been delivered in Gk., but, being delivered in
Aram., it was completely unintelligible to him. For emq,wvew cf. 12:22; 21:34; Lk.
23:21.
22:25 JtQOEtELvav amov toi£ iµa.m v] lµ<iaL v may be either instrumental dat.,
referring to the thongs or straps with which the soldiers tied him up ("when they
stretched him with the thongs"), or dat. of purpose, referring to the lash ("when they
stretched him out for the lash"). For the former cf. syrpesh matJ:iuy be'arqe, "they
were stretching him with thongs" (Lat. loris); Syr. metal}, "stretch," is used techni-
cally of tying someone up for whipping (cf. R. H. Connolly, "Syriacisms in St.
Luke," JTS 37 [1936], p. 383 ). If the latter construction be preferred, the plur. iµa.m v
may have the sense "for scourging," "for flogging." See F. Field, Notes, pp. l 36f.
faatovtUQXOV] 2nd declension; contrast EXUtoVUQXTJ£ (v. 26), 1st declension.
460
22:30 PAUL BROUGHT BEFORE THE SANHEDRIN
Et] Introducing a direct question as in 21:37.

'Pwµaiov 1«1l uxataXQLtov] For the privileges of Roman citizenship see on
16:37, as also for the force of Ul«lt<lXQLtOS, which may mean re incognita as well as
"uncondemned." (Here, as at Philippi, the former is the more probable meaning.)
22:26 t( µEA.A.ELS itmElv;] "What are you about to do?" The sense of µEA.AW
here is to be distinguished from that in v. 16.
22:27 au 'Pwµalos d;] See on 16:37 for the possibility of proving one's
claim to be a Roman citizen.
Eq>T], Nat] ELitEv, Elµ( D (the kind of variant which lends color to the theory
that b is a retranslation of a translation; see pp. 74f., nn. 21, 22).
22:28 Eyw itoHou XEq>a1..a(ou t~v ito1..ttdav tamriv Extriaaµriv] Eyw otba
it6aou XEq>a1..aiou t~v ito1..ttdav tautT]V txtriaaµ11v D. This may be sarcastic: "It cost
me a huge sum; it seems to have become cheap nowadays." Cf. Bede ad lac.:" Alia
editio manifestius quid dixerit insinuat: dixit tribunus, tam facile te dicis ciuem Ro-
manum esse? ego enim scio quanta pretio ciuitatem is tam possedi." Probably Paul's
appearance after he was snatched from the mob had little of the gravitas tradition-
ally associated with a Roman citizen.
ito1..1..ou XEq>a1..a(ou] For the monetary sense of XEq>a1..mov cf. Dem., Aphobus
1.10, where it means "capital," and Plat. Legg. 742C and LXX Lev. 6:5; Num. 5:7,
where it denotes the "principal" of a debt. See New Docs. 3 (1978), § 43. The
tribune's nomen, Claudius (23:26), implies that he acquired the citizenship in the
principate of Claudius. The "great price" which he paid was "the bribe given to the
intermediaries in the imperial secretariat or the provincial administration who put
his name on the list of candidates for enfranchisement" (A N. Sherwin-White,
Roman Society and Roman Law in the New Testament [Oxford, 1963], pp. l 54f.);
it is to this that Dio Cassius refers when he speaks of the sale of citizenship under
Claudius (Hist. 60. l 7.5f.).
be xal] Emphasizing the adversative force of be.
yqevv11µm] Therefore Paul's father was already a Roman citizen. But how
he, or his father, acquired the citizenship we have no means of knowing. "Were
they not a firm of ax11voitmo(, able to be very useful to a fighting proconsul?"
(W. M. Calder, personal letter, February 18, 1953).
22:29 UJtEatT]aav] Lit. "stood away from."
UVEt<lsELV] See on v. 24.
rcpol3tj811 EmyvoiJ£ on 'Pwµalos Eattv] Cf. 16:38. He could have been in real
trouble had he carried out his plan to have Paul flogged.
~v bEbExws] + 1«1l itUQUXQfJµa ii1..uaEv am:6v 614 syrhcl** copsa (representing
b)-perhaps a lectionary ending (G. Zuntz, Opuscula Selecta [Manchester, 1972],
p. 205). Note the periphrastic form of the plupf. (for classical EbEbExEL ).
7. Paul Brought before the Sanhedrin (22:30)

30Tfl be EltU'UQLOV !3ou1..0µEVO(:; yvwvm to UOq>UA.ES to tl l«ltT]YOQEltm imo twv
'Iouba(oiv EA.UOEV am6v, XUL EXEA.EUOEV OUVEA.0E°iv tous UQXLEQELS xal JtUV to
OUVEbQLOV, xal xatayaywv tov ITau1..ov EITTT]OEV ELS amovs.
461
22:30 yvwvm to aocpa11.e;] As in 21:34.

to tt XUtlJYOQEitm] The def. art. controls the noun clause,just as it would con-
trol a simple noun.
EA.UCJEV m'.n:6v] + aJto tcilv bwµwv byz (i.e., from custody, which is in any case
probably the sense ofE11.00Ev here).
mu; UQXLEQEi; ,ml miv to auvEbQLOV] "the chief priests and all the Sanhedrin"
(see on 4:5, 15). The tribune realized that Paul was charged with an offense against
Jewish law, and should therefore be examined by the Jewish authorities. An ad-
verse judgment from them would be upheld by the Romans, but meanwhile, lest
his liberties as a Roman citizen should be prejudiced, the tribune kept him under
military protection.
462
ACTS23
8. Paul's Appearance before the Sanhedrin (23:1-10)

a. Interchange with the high priest (23:1-5)
I UtEVLO<l\; bE () TIUUA.O\; t<j> OUVE{>Qt<µ d:JtEv, ''.AvbQE\; ubE)...cpot, Eyoo mion
OUVEtb~OEl uya0fl :JtE1tOA.LtEUµm t<J) 0E<j> UX,QL t<lU'tTJ\; t~\; ~µEQ<l\;, 2 0 bf UQX,LEQEU\;
'AV<lVL<l\; E:JtEt<l!;Ev tOL\; :Jt<lQEotOOotV <l\Jt<J) tUITTEtV (l\JtO'U to ot6µa. 3totE 6
Tiuu).,o\; :JtQO\; (l\JtOV El:rtEV, TumEt v OE µinu o 0EO\;, toLX,E 'ltEXOVL<lµEVE' )((lL OU
xaen XQLVWV µE )((lt(l tov v6µov, )((lL :Jt<lQ<lVOµV XEAE'UEL\; µE tumw0m; 40L bE
lt<lQEotOOtE~ ditav, Tov UQX,lEQE<l tO'U 0EO'U A.OtbOQEL~; 5 E«pTJ tE o TIU'UAQ\;, Om
fibuv, ubEA«pOL, OtL EotLV UQX,LEQE'IJ\;' YEYQ<lITTClL YUQ OtL nAQx.ovta tou A.<lO'U oou
O'Ult EQEL\; )((l)(.(J)\;.
23:1 utEvioa\;] See on 1:10.

ltE1tOAttEUµm] This ethical sense of 1toAL tEuoµm, "live as a citizen," i.e., "con-
duct oneself in public" (cf. 1tEQL1t<1tew, 21 :21; otoLX,EW, 21 :24), is found not only in
the Gk. Bible (e.g., Phil. 1:27; 2 Mace. 6:1; 11:25; 3 Mace. 3:4; 4 Mace. 2:8, 23;
4:23; 5:16), but also in Philo (e.g., De virtutibus 161), Josephus (Vit. 12), Clement
of Rome (1 Clem. 6: 1), later Christian writers, and papyri.
ouvEtb~on uya0fl] Cf. 1 Tim. 1:5, 19; 1 Pet. 3:16, 21; 1 Clem. 41:1; also
u;cQ6oxo;cov ouvEtbTJot v (24: 16 below); EV m0aQ~ ouvEtb~oEt (1 Tim. 3:9; 2 Tim.
1:3); m>..~v ouvEic'ITJOLV (Heb. 13:18), ouvEic'il]OLv emu (1 Pet. 1:19). The noun
ouVEtbTjot\; is not current in classical Gk. It belonged to the vernacular tongue and
did not attain literary status until shortly before the Christian era; though it became
current in nonphilosophical writers, it was not generally adopted by philosophers
(LSJ, however, quote it from Bias and Periander apud Stobaeum in the sense "con-
sciousness of right or wrong doing," and from Democritus and Chrysippus in the
sense "awareness"). Cf. H. Osborne, "~uvEibTJOL\;," JTS 32 (1931), pp. 167-79. It
occurs two or three times in LXX (Eccles. 10:20; Wisd. 17: 11; Sir. 42: 18 X). "The
word would seem, therefore, to have been 'baptized' by Paul into a new and deeper
connotation, and to have been used by him as equivalent toto ouvEtbo\;" (MM). In
this sense it means "consciousness with oneself," i.e., consciousness of one's own
good or bad behavior, and is spoken of as a sort of independent witness (cf. Rom.
2:15; 9:1). Cf. Philo's use ofto ouvEtbO\; as examining and passing judgment on
463
conduct (e.g., De opificio mundi 128, tov to'U OUVEtb6toc; EA£YXOV, oc; EVLbQuµEvoc;
tfl ljJUXfl xa8ci.1tEQ btxaot~c; EJtLJtA.~ttwv ou buow.1tEitm. See further C. A Pierce, Con-
science in the New Testament, SBT 15 (London, 1955); J. Stelzenberger, Syneide-
sis im Neuen Testament (Paderborn, 1961 ); M. E. Thrall, "The Pauline Use of
LUVELbl]otc;," NTS 14 (1967-68), pp. 118-25; R. Jewett, Paul's Anthropological
Terms (Leiden, 1971 ), pp. 402-46.
tcji 8Ecji J"in the sight of God" or "in a godly manner"; cf. 24:16; Rom. 6: lOf.;
14:8 (with which cf. Lk. 20:38); Gal. 2:19; 1 Pet. 2:19. For Paul's good conscience
in God's sight even at the height of his persecuting activity cf. 26:9; Phil. 3:6.
23:2 'Avavirn;] Ananias, son of Nedebaeus, a notoriously rapacious politi-
cian, had been appointed high priest by Herod of Chalcis c. A.D. 47. Like most of
the high priests of the period, he was a Sadducee. About 52 he was sent to Rome
by Quadratus, legate of Syria, charged with fomenting disorder in Judaea, but was
acquitted and was now at the height of his power. Even after his supersession in
57/58 he wielded great authority. He was assassinated at the outbreak of the revolt
in AD. 66 by followers of the Zealot leader Menahem; his son Eleazar, captain of
the temple at that time, took a suitable revenge when Menahem fell into his power.
The Talmud (bPesii~im 57a) reproduces popular lampoons on his gluttony. See Jos.
BJ 2.243, 426, 441f.; Ant. 20.103, 131, 205-207, 208-10, 213.
23:3 tuJttEL v oE µ£A.A.EL 6 8E6c;] Some have seen the fulfilment of this "pre-
dictive curse" in Ananias's death at the hands of insurgents (called lnota( by
Josephus) some nine years later.
toiXE xExovwµi:vE] "whitewashed wall." Cf. Mt. 23:27, JtaQoµmci~EtE tcicpotc;
xExovwµi:vmc;, contrasting the decent exterior of tombs with the unclean contents.
But the point of the whitewash figure here is different; it is more in line with the
whitewash~d wall of Ezek. 13:10-16, which looked stable enough, but collapsed
before the stormy wind. But there is probably no special biblical allusion here.
xal oi, xcifln] xa( indignantis: "do you actually sit?" Note the thematic x<ien
for classical xcifll]Oat, as in Hyperides, frag. 115; POxy. 33.iii.13 (2nd cent. A.D.);
cf. imper. xci8ou for xa8fjoo in 2:34.
Jta(_)avoµwv] Emphatic; the Jewish law presumed innocence until guilt was
proved.
23:4 tov UQXLEQfo toii Srnii A.OLOOQEic;;] Cf. the bystanders' words to Jesus
in the house of Annas, oih:wc; UJtOXQLVTI tcji UQXLEQEI; (Jn. 18:22), words which were
actually accompanied by a slap on the face. As on the journey to Jerusalem, so now
before the high priest Luke seems to draw conscious parallels between the experi-
ences of the Master and the servant.
23:S oux ijbn v, abEA.cj>oi, on eotlv aQXLEQEut;] Various reasons have been
suggested for Paul's failure to recognize him, e.g., his alleged weak eyesight, a
change of high priests since Paul's last visit, or irony ("I did not think that a man
who spoke like that could possibly be the high priest"). As president of the Sanhe-
drin ex officio, the high priest was in the chair. We may dismiss Ramsay's idea that
the tribune presided at this special meeting, with the Sanhedrin on one side and
Paul on the other, while Luke and others formed the audience (corona adstantium).
464
23 :6-10 THE RESURRECTION HOPE
After Paul's appeal to the resurrection hope (v. 6), he supposed that the Pharisaic
members of the council crossed the floor and stood beside Paul (BRD, pp. 90-94).
UQ:XOVT<l toii 1,,aoii aou oux EQEic; 'XUXO)c;] From Ex. 22:28 (LXX 22:27), liQxov-
t~ toii 1,,aoii aou mi xaxfuc; EQEL£. (See on 19:37 for Jewish exegesis of the earlier
part of this verse.) Cf. Jude 8f.; 2 Pet. 2: lOf.
b. The resurrection hope (23:6-10)
6 rvous bE 6 [foii1,,oc; on to EV µEQOS EITTLV ToMouxu(rov to bE EtEQOV
<licJ.Qtau(rov E'XQU~Ev EV t0 auvEb(licµ, 'AvbQE£ utiEA.<j>o(, EYW <licJ.Qtoai6£ Eiµt, uio£
<licIQLO<ll(J)V' JtEQL EAJti{)oc; ')((lL UV<latUOEroc; VE'XQO)V [Eyoo] 'XQLVOµm. Hoiito bE
amoii dx6vtoc; EYEVEtO otumc; t<OV <licIQW<ll(l)V ')((ll, ~<lMOU')((ll(l)V, ')((ll, ECJ)'.LCJ0Tj
to JtA.f]8os. 8 ToMouxuim µi:v YUQ AEYOUCJL v µ~ El vm (lV(lat(l(JL v µ~tE a.yyEAOV
µ~tE JtVEiiµU, <licIQLCJ<llOL {)i; 6µ01,,oyoiim v ta uµ<j>6tE(l<l. 9 EYEVEto {)i, 'X(l<luy~
µqUA.1], ')((lL UV<latUVTES tL VE£ tfuv yQaµµatEOOV tou µEQOu<; tfuv <licIQW<lL(l)V
btEµU)'.OVTO HyovtES, OubEV ')((l')(()V EUQLO'XOµEV EV t<j> UV8Q<03t0~118Elc;
6 :XLAL<lQXO£ µ~ btaaxaaen 6 Iluii)..oc; ux' <lllt<OV E'XEA.EUOEV to ITTQUtEUµu
xata~av UQJt<iam umov ix µfoou umfuv, a.yEL v tE de; t~v Jt<lQE~o)..~v.
23:6 ToMouxuirov ... <licIQLCJaioov] For Sadducees see on 4: 1; for Pharisees

see on 5:34. Though the chief-priestly families were mainly Sadducean, the
Pharisees were also strongly represented on the council.
iyw cliclQwui6c; dµt, uioc; <l>o.Qtauirov] Cf. 26:5; Phil. 3:5. True to his policy of
being "everything to everybody" (1 Cor. 9:23), Paul, who had appealed to Claudius
Lysias as a Roman, now appeals to the Jewish rulers as a Pharisee. The natural im-
plication ofuioc; <l>o.Qwairov is that Paul's father or remoter ancestors had a Pharisaic
association; the phrase might, however, mean that he was the disciple of Pharisees.
See D. Li.ihrmann, "Paul and the Pharisaic Tradition," JSNT 36 (1989), pp. 75-94.
JtEQt EJ..Jttboc; xut uvamuaEroc; VEXQfuv] Hendiadys: "concerning the hope of
the resurrection of the dead." New Docs. 2 (1977), § 110, quotes from a Christian
inscription from Callatis, E<j>' EAJttbL uvumuoEros [iv ]0ub[E] ~xuµtv ("in hope of res-
urrection we have come hither"). Cf. Tit. 1:2, EJt' H.xibL ~rof]s ulrov(ou ( also Tit.
3:7).
The hope of Israel, as Paul saw it, was bound up with the resurrection of
Christ (cf. 13:32-39) and therefore with the hope of resurrection as such (cherished
by the Pharisees), "for if the dead are not raised, then Christ has not been raised"
(1 Cor. 15:16). Paul's commitment to the hope of Israel is stressed repeatedly in
his speeches in the closing chapters of Acts (cf. 24:15; 26:6-8; 28:20). Cf. Rom.
15:8, "Christ became a servant to the circumcised to show God's truthfulness, in
order to confirm the promises given to the patriarchs."
That Paul's argument was not frivolous is indicated by the presence of
Pharisees in the Jerusalem church (15:5; cf. 21 :20). The gospel of the risen Christ
was not discordant with the Pharisaic creed; but it was totally unacceptable to the
Sadducees (cf. 4:2). A Pharisee could become a believer and remain a Pharisee; a
Sadducee could not become a believer without ceasing to be a Sadducee. Paul's re-
465
nm ACTS OF THE APOSTLES
appraisal of the law was indeed incompatible with Pharisaic tradition; but that does
not come into the picture here. It is overscrupulous to blame Paul for his action on
this occasion (whether he be the historical Paul or the Lukan Paul), as if his sole
purpose were by a disingenuous claim to set his accusers by the ears (24:21 is not
necessarily a confession of fault).
eyw XQL voµm]eyw om B latg cop83 .
23:7 d:n:6vro~] P74 ~c AE 33 323 945 1739189] 2464pc /d:n:avro~ X*/
1.a1.ot1vroi; B pc I 1.a1.~oavroi; C \JI byz.
eyEVEto] X AC byz I e:n:e:n:wEv B *I E:n:EOEV Be 2138 pc syr.
cn:a.ot~] "division," as in 15:2.
to n:1,,.fi8oi;] "the company," as in 4:32.
23:8 ToMouxai:OL µev yaQ 1.eyouatv µ~ dvm ava.cn:aatv] µev om B pc lat.
For the Sadducean denial of resurrection cf. Mk. 12:18 par. Mt. 22:23 and Lk.
20:27; Jos. BJ 2.165; Ant. 18.16. By this denial they refused to entertain the mes-
sianic hope in the form which it had increasingly taken in the last centuries B.C. The
doctrine of resurrection and retribution after death (cf. Dan. 12:2) tended more and
more to be regarded as part of "normative Judaism"; from this point of view the
Sadducees, for all their claim to remain faithful to the old-time religion, represented
a sectarian opinion. The statement of their disbelief in angels and spirits, though
not expicitly confirmed elsewhere, is in keeping with their general outlook: prob-
ably "what they rejected was the developed doctrine of the two kingdoms with their
hierarchies of good and evil spirits" (T. W. Manson, "Sadducee and Pharisee,"
BJRL 22 [1938], p. 154, n. 4; cf. The Servant-Messiah [Cambridge, 1953), p. 17,
n. 3). This developed angelology and demonology, like the belief in resurrection,
they would reject as a late accretion to the original faith of Israel Forµ~ with infin.
after 1,,.eyoumv cf. the same construction after xatEA.a~oµT]v in 25:25 (also after
1.oyitoµm in 2 Cor. 1] :5).
<roQLOULOL liE 6µ01,,.oyoliot v ta aµq,otEQU] If ta aµq,6tEQU means "both," then
the two beliefs are (1) in resurrection and (2) in angels and spirits. But it is just
possible that ta. aµq,otEQa means "all three" (see on 19:16). For the Pharisaic doc-
trine cf. Jos. BJ 2. l63;Ant. 18.14. This doctrine is perpetuated in the Mishnah: "He
who says that the resurrection of the dead is not to be inferred from the law has no
part in the age to come" (Sanh. 10.1 ). According to Josephus, the Pharisees and
Sadducees also differed in their view of divine providence and human free will.
23:9 nvE~ tfuv yQUµµatewv] The scribes were mostly attached to the Pharisaic
party (see on 4:5; cf. Mk. 2:16; Lk. 5:30). With their positive reaction to Paul's dec-
laration cf. the scribe's admiration of Jesus' reply to the Sadducees on the question
of resurrection (Mk. 12:28; Lk. 20:39). Luke does not disparage the Pharisees: to
him they represent what is best in Judaism. According to E. Haenchen (Acts, p. 643),
Luke is concerned to show "that the bridges between Jews and Christians have not
been broken. It is Luke's honest conviction that fellowship between Pharisaism and
Christianity is in the end possible: the Pharisees also hope for the Messiah, await the
resurrection of the dead" -what is lacking is their recognition that Jesus, raised from
the dead, has thereby been made "both Lord and Messiah" (2:36).
466
23: 11 TuE LORD APPEARS TO PAUL BY NIGHT
Et l'>e nveuµa e11.a11. TJOEV ai'rt<j> ~ liyye1.o;] Referring to Paul's experience on the
Damascus road. If they can bring themselves to admit the possibility that this ex-
perience was a genuine revelation from heaven, then indeed they are not far from
the kingdom of God (Mk. 12:34). The apodosis to the conditional clause is
suppressed; byz supplies it withµ~ 8rnµaxooµ£v (cf. 5:39).
23:10 µ~ l'>Laonao0fi] "lest he should be pulled apart" (cf. Mk. 5:4, of
Legion's treatment of the chains with which he was bound).
to atQcttEUµa] I.e., the detachment of soldiers on duty at the time (cf. Lk.
23:11).
xata~av] From the Antonia fortress (the naQE~o11.~); the Sanhedrin's meet-
ing place was on the southwestern slope of the temple hill (Jos. BJ 5.144).
liyEL v tE] tE om B 69.
9. The Lord Appears to Paul by Night (23:11)

11 Tfi & Emouon V'IJXtL Emata; autLEµUQtUQW
ta 3tEQL eµou d; 'IEQOllCJUA~µ om:w OE l'>EL XUL EL£ 'PmµTJV µaQtllQ~CJm.
23:11 emata;] "standing over"; cf. EJtEITTTJ, 12:7.
o XUQLO£] Jesus. For other visions of the Lord experienced by Paul cf. 9:4;
18:9; 22: 17 (also 16:9, the man of Macedonia; 27:23f., the angel of God).
8ctQCJEl] + TiaUAE b byz (cf. 27:24).
EL£ 'PmµTJv] Thus confirming Paul's purpose, conceived in the Spirit (19:21 ).
10. Plot against Paul's Life (23:12-15)

12 f'EvoµEVTJ£ l'>e ~µEQ<l£ nm~aavtE£ CJllatQO<p~V oi 'Ioubai:OL a.vE8Eµanaav
foutoil£ A£yovtE£ µ~tE qiayElv µ~tE mei v iiw; oil anoxtE (vwm v tov I1au1.ov.
13 ~aav l'>e JtAELOll£ tECJCJEQctxovta oi taUtTJV t~v auvwµoa(av JtOLTJOctµEvm·
140ltlVE£ JtQOCJEk86vtE£ toi:£ UQXLEQEUCJLV xal toi:£ 3tQECJ~lltEQOL£ dnav,
'Ava8eµatl C1VE8Eµat(aaµEv EalltOU£ µTJl'>EVO£ yeuoaa8m EW£ oiJ 0.3tOXtELVWµ£V
tOV Ilau11.ov. 15 vuv ouv 'Uµ£L£ eµ<jlav(aatE tQL<µ 03tW£
xatayuyn ai'rtov EL£ 'Uµ<l£ 00£ µiHovta£ bLayL VWCJXEl v CLXQl~EatEQOV ta 3tEQL
ai'rtofr ~µEL£ l'>E JtQO toU eyy(am ai'rtov EtOLµo( ECJµ£V toU O.VEA.ELV am6v.
23:12 CJllatQO<jl~v] In LXX (e.g., Am. 7:10; Ps. 63:3 [MT 64:2]) this some-
times means "conspiracy," "plot"; here it is synonymous with auvwµoa(av (v. 13).
oi 'Ioul'>aim] n VE£ toov 'Ioul'>a(wv I'> byz; this accords better with v. 13, but if
it had been the original text, it is difficult to see why it should have been changed
to oi 'Ioubai:m.
ave8Eµa.noav fomou£] "laid themselves under a curse," inviting God to deal
with them severely if they failed to carry out their sworn purpose; cf. the OT
formula, "So may God do to me, and more also, if.... " The rabbis held that relief
could be given from such vows as could not be fulfilled "by reason of constraint"
(mNedarim 3.1, 3).
µ~tE <jlayEivµ~tE mEi:v] Here and in v. 21 B has the Hellenistic formnei:v. With
the terms of the vow cf. Jerome's account of James the Just, from the Gospel ac-
467
cording to the Hebrews: "iurauerat enim Iacobus se non comesurum panem ab ilia
hora, qua biberat calicem domini, donec uideret eum resurgentem a dormientibus"
(De vir. ill. 2). Deissmann (LAE, p. 203) compares ou µ~ q,<iyw, ou µ~ :n:dvw, from
the boy Theon's letter (see on 17:6)-but Theon's threat of a hunger strike was a
piece of domestic blackmail.
23:13 auvwµoaiav] For papyrus attestations of this word see New Docs. 2
( 1977), § 78.
23:14 toi<; UQXLEQEiiat v ,ml to~ ltQEO~trrEQOL<;] I.e., to the Sanhedrin (cf.
4:23; 25:15; Lk. 22:52), or rather to a section of it, as may be gathered from auv Tcji
ouvEOQLCJl, v. 15. The would-be assassins would naturally approach that section
which had shown itself most hostile to Paul.
avaStµan avESEµatiaaµEv] For the Semitic construction cf. 2:17, 30; 4:17;
5:28.
23:15 viiv oiiv xd.] b (represented by latg h syrhcl.mg copsa Lucif and recon-
structed by Ropes, BC 1.3, p. 218, after Zahn) expands thus: viiv oiiv EQOJTWµEV uµac;
toiiTo ~µiv :n:aQEXEL v· auvayayoVTE<; To auvEO(}Lov iµq,aviaatE Tcji XLA.LUQXCJJ o:n:wc;
ltatay<iyn amov de; uµa<;.
Eµcj>aviaatE] "lay information before"; cf. v. 22; 24: l; 25:2, 15; Esth. 2:22;
2 Mace. 3:7. An inscriptional occurrence of the verb from Macedonia (2nd cent.
B.C.) is mentioned in New Docs. 2 (1977), § 82.
auv Tcji auvEbQLCJl J I.e., with the rest of the Sanhedrin; see on v. 14.
bLayL vwaxEL v] Including the ideas of inquiry and decision; cf. 24:22; 25 :21.
UXQL~EOTEQOV] MM suggest on papyrus evidence that the use of this compara-
tive with verbs denoting inquiry was evidently formulaic (cf. v. 20). Here it plainly
retains its comparative force (cf. 18:26).
EtoLµoi EOµEV Tou avEi..Eiv am6v] The sense could equally well be expressed
without wii. But Luke is fond of toii with infin.; for various ways in which he uses
it cf. 3:2, 12; 7:19; 10:25; 14:9; 15:20; 20:3; 21:12; 26:18. With the men's state-
ment cf. the activities of the sicarii (see on 21 :38), described in Jos. Ant. 20.164f.
b (represented by 614 214 7 lath syrhcl.mg) adds Ea.v bin xa l &:n:oeavEI v, "even if we
must die for it" (as might well happen, since Paul would be guarded by soldiers).
11. The Plot Revealed (23:16-22)

16 'A)(()uaac; be 6 u[6£ T~<; abei..q,~<; Ilau1,.ou T~v ivtb()av, :n:UQayev6µEvoc; xal
daei..8wv de; T~V ltUQEµtioi.. ~v lllt1)YYELA.EV Tq> Ilaui..cp. 17 ltQOOXUA.W<iµEvoc; OE O
Ilaiii..oc; EVU TWV EXUtoVTUQXWV Eq>TJ, Tov vrnviav toUTOV li:n:ayE ltQO<; TOV
XLA.LUQXOV, EXEL ya() a:n:ayyei:i..a( TL amcµ. 180 µiv ouv ltUQUA.a~wv amov ~yayEV
:n:Qo<; Tov XLi..taQxov xal q>TJOL v, ·o bfoµwc; Ilaui..oc; :n:Qoaxai..w<iµEv6c; µE
~QWTTJOEV ToiiTov Tov vrnviaxov ayayEi:v :n:Qo<; aE, EXOVT<i TL i..ai..~aai am.
19EltLA.U~OµEVO<; OE T~<; XELQO<; amou 6 XLA.LUQXO<; xal UVUXOJQ~Oa<; KUT' lOLUV
ElttJV0a.VETO, T( EITTLV O EXEL<; a:n:ayyeii..a( µm; 2od:n:Ev OE OTL, O[ 'Ioubai:OL
auvESEVTO tou EQOJT~aai OE OltOJ<; UUQLOV TOV Ilau).ov XUTay<iyn<; de; TO
OUVEbQLOV we; µEA.A.OV TL UXQL~EITTEQOV ,wvS<ivwSm ltEQL amofr 21 au ouv µ~
3tEL08fi<; amoi:<;, EVEO(}EUOOOL v ya.Q am:ov E~ (llJt(J)V UVOQE<; ltA.ELOtJ<; TEO-
468
23: 16-22 THE PLOT REVEALED
OEQUXOvta, o'(n VE£ UVE0Eµcmoav EUutO'U£ µ~tE qiayEiV µ~"CE JtLElV EW£ OU
UV£A.(l)Ol v m'n:ov, xal vuv dolv hotµot n:QOOl'lEXDµEVOl "C~V an:o oou E3tU'Y'YEALUV.
226 µEv oiiv XLALUQXO£ aJtEA.lJOE -cov vrnv(oxov Jtagayyd,.ai;; µT]l'lEvl EXA.aHjam
on rnma EVEqiavwai;; JtQ<Ji;; tµL
23:16 6 uioi;; -ciji;; abdqiiji;; ITau,.ou] The sudden introduction of Paul's

nephew, evidently resident in Jerusalem, is interesting; it makes us wish we knew
more about Paul's relations with his family, which might provide a background to
this incident.
EVEbQav] Lit. "ambush"; the word might be taken here as practically synony-
mous with oumgoqi~v (v. 12) and auvwµoa(av (v. 13), but the plotters were certainly
arranging to lie in wait for Paul as he was being escorted from the fortress to the
council chamber.
Jt<lQ<l)'EVOµEvoi;;] This ptc. might be taken along with axouaai;;, in the sense
"having been present"; this would raise questions about the likelihood of one of
Paul's relatives being present when the plot was hatched. (Either his relationship
to Paul was unknown, it might be supposed, or Paul's bitterest enemies may have
been members of his own family, so that his nephew's presence would occasion no
misgivings.) But much more probably Jt<lQ<l)'EvoµEvoi;; is to be construed along with
dad0wv, "having arrived and entered into the fortress" (cf. latvg uenit et intrauit
in castra).
an:~yyEtA.EV -c<j) ITaUA.<Jl] Paul was kept in honorable custody, as befitted an un-
convicted Roman citizen; he was allowed to receive visitors and (as appears from
v. 17) could give instructions to a centurion.
23: 17 -cov vrnviav rnmov] The word vrnviai;; gives but little clue to his age
(it covers a range between 20 and 40 years of age), but the diminutive form
vrnvtaxoi;; (vv. 18, 22) and the fact that the tribune took him by the hand to a place
where they could have privacy may point to the younger end of its range.
23:18 6 ooaµtoi;; IlaiiA.oi;;] Paul claims the designation bfoµtoi;; as one of dis-
tinction when it is qualified by the genitive Xgtmou 'IT]aou (Phlm. 1, 9; Eph. 3: I;
4:1).
vrnviaxov] P 74 X A E 33 81 323 453 945 1175 1739 1891 al/ vrnv(av B 'P
byz.
23:19 EJtLA.al36µEvoi;; bE -ciji;; XELQO£ am:ou] "Never was a tribune more amia-
ble" (A Loisy, Les Acres des Ap6tres [Paris, 1920), p. 840)-but Luke presents all
his military officers, commissioned and noncommissioned, in an amiable light.
23:20 on] recitantis.
µ£Hov] X * 33 1891 pc I µEA.A.WV P 74 ABE 81 451 pc I µEA.A.Ovta byz I µi;Hov-
-cru; 2127 pc /µi;HovtEi;; 630allat syr /µEHovtwv X 2 'P 36 614 9451175 1739 2495
al. See Ropes (BC 1.3, p. 219) on behalf ofµEAAOV (in concord with auvEl'lQtov).
axgtl3Ea"CEQOv] See on v. 15.
23:21 EVEbQEUOootv] Lit. "are lying in wait for" (cf. rvi\bgav, v. 16).
n:tEiv] n:Elv B (see on v. 12).
ln:ayyE,.(av] "consent."
469
23:22 ,ragayyd11.a£ µT]bEvl ix11.aAfjam on taiita EVE«j><ivtaa£ :rtQO£ iµi] For the
mixture of direct and indirect speech cf. vv. 23f.; 1:4; 25:4f.; Lk. 5:14.
12. The Tribune Prepares to Send Paul to Caesarea (23:23-25)

23 Kai 3tQOGXUA.EO<lµEVO£ tL VU£ Mo tOlV Exatovtagxwv El3tEV, 'Etotµ<iaatE
atgatuiita£ btaxoaiou£ 03t0l£ 3tOQE1J06imv EOl£ Kmaagda£, ,ml lMEL£
E~boµtjxovta xal 6E!;to11.<ipou£ 6taxooto1)£, aJtO tQLTTJ£ WQU£ tf)£ vuxt6£, 24 xttjVT]
tE rragaatf)om 'i'.va imPtP<ioavtE£ tov Ilau11.ov bwowoooot 3tQO£ <PIJ11.txa tov
~y1::µ6va, 25 YQ<l\j)U£ EmatOA. ~v exouoav tOV t1J3tOV toiitov.
23:23 xal ,rgooxaAEo<iµevo£ xr11.] The 6 text of vv. 23-25 may be tentatively
reconstructed from the evidence of P48 88 614 915 1611 2147 latg h P syrhcl.mg hcl**
(see Ropes, BC I.3, pp. 220f.): xal 3tQOOXUA.EO<lµEV0£ buo t<iiv EXatOVTUQXOlV EL3tEV,
'Etotµ<ioatE atganoota£ iv6,r11.01!£ 03t0l£ 3tOQE1J06im v EOl£ Kmoag1::(a£, lrrrrEL£ lxatov
,ml OE!;L011.~01J£ OLUXOOL01J£• ol OE EL3tav on, "Etotµo( ELOL 3tOQEUE00m. 6 OE EXEA.E1JOE
toil£ faatovt<iQXU£ xal xttjVT] ,ragaatf)om 'tva imptp<ioavtE£ tov Ilau1,.ov vuxtO£
bwowooom v EL£ Kmo<ignav 3tQO£ <PIJA.txa tov ~y1::µ6va. l«poptj0T] ya.g µtjrrotE
UQ3tUGQVTE£ amov ol 'loubalOL <lJtOxtELVOlOL, xal Ullt0£ µEta!;u EYXA.T]OLV EXTI 00£
UQYUQLOV ELA.T]q>W£ eyga\j)E 6£ EmatoA.~V 3tEQLEX01JOUV tabE.
0
atganoota£ ... bt.1tEl£ ... 61::!;w1,.apou£] The escort was composed of heavy
infantry, cavalry, and light-armed troops (leuis armatura), the three constituents of
the Roman army. The unusual word 61::!;to11.~0L makes its first appearance here, and
does not occur again until Joannes Lydus (6th cent. AD.) cites it as a technical mil-
itary term. Etymologically it would mean "holding (11.aptj = 'grip') with the right
hand"; it may indicate spearmen (cf. LSJ) and is so taken in latvg (lancearios). A
33 read 61::!;w~61,.ou£, "slingers" or "javelin throwers" (lit. "throwing with the right
hand"; so syrpcsh sii{jyay beyamfnii). See MHT II, pp. 272f.
a,rotQLTTJ£ WQU£ tf)£ vuxt6£] About 9 p.m. The Romans divided the night (from
sunset to sunrise) into 12 hours, corresponding to those of daylight.
23:24 xrtjvTj tE rragaatf)om XtA.] The direct speech gives way to indirect;
contrast the opposite change in v. 22.
xttjv11] Horses or mules (LC).
btaowooom] "bring safely through" (preceded by vuxt6~ in 614 lath and fol-
lowed by EL£ KmoagEtaV in 614 2147 lath).
<PIJA.txa rov ~y1::µ6va] ~y1::µwv is a general word for a governor; here it is used
of a procurator (Gk. foitQ03tO£). In Lk. 2:2 ~y1::µov1::uoo is used of the imperial legate
(legatus pro praetore, Gk. avttatQUtTJYO£) of Syria. In Gk. papyri from Egypt
~y1::µwv refers to the Roman prefect {E3taQXO£) of Egypt (cf. New Docs. 1 [1976],
§ 12).
Felix was a brother of Pallas, most influential of the imperial freedmen under
Claudius. Both were former slaves: Pallas was given his freedom by Antonia,
Claudius's mother, and so bore the gentile name Antonius, and if, as Tacitus says
(Hist. 5.9), this was Felix's gentile name also, he too will have been emancipated
by Antonia. The MSS of Josephus (Ant. 20.137), however, give Felix's gentile name
470
23:26-30 THE TRIBUNE'S LEITER TO THE GOVERNOR
as Claudius (so also Suidas, Lex., s. v. K1..aubLO£, perhaps in dependence on

Josephus), which would imply that he was emancipated by Claudius, who inherited
his mother's household on her death. In 1966 a Gk. inscription was discovered at
Bir el-Malik, Israel, which mentions a procurator (bdtQooo;) bearing the praeno-
men and gentilicium Tiberius Claudius (the cognomen is tantalizingly missing, but
could well have been Felix). See M. Avi-Yonah, "The Epitaph of T. Mucius Clem-
ens," IEJ 16 (1966), pp. 258-64, with plate 28; F. F. Bruce, "The Full Name of the
Procurator Felix," JSNT 1 (1978), pp. 33-36; C. J. Herner, "The Name of Felix
Again," JSNT31 (1987), pp. 45-49.
According to Josephus (BJ 2.247; Ant. 20.137f.), Felix succeeded Ventidius
Cumanus as procurator of Judaea in 52; even before that he may have held some
office in the province, since Tacitus (Ann. 12.54.3) makes him governor of Samaria
while Cumanus ruled Galilee (48-52). Who then governed Judaea at that time? It
is difficult to acquit Tacitus of some confusion. M. Aberbach, "The Conflicting Ac-
counts of Josephus and Tacitus concerning Cumanus' and Felix' Terms of Office,"
JQR 40 (1949-50), pp. 1-14, argues, with considerable plausibility, that Cumanus
was procurator of Judaea (with Samaria) from 48 to 52, while Felix occupied a re-
gional post in Galilee, and that when Cumanus was disgraced in 52, Felix was pro-
moted to procuratorship of the whole province, an unprecedented honor for a freed-
man. His term of office was marked by increased insurgency; his attempts to repress
it alienated a great part of the nation. His recall (see on 24:27) was due to his vi-
olent but unsuccessful intervention in riots between the Jewish and Gentile popu-
lations of Caesarea. Tacitus sums up his character in the biting epigram: "per
omnem saeuitiam ac libidinem ius regium seruili ingenio exercuit" (Hist. 5.9). Of
his three wives (all of royal birth, according to Suet. Claud. 28), one was a grand-
daughter of Antony and Cleopatra (Tac. Hist. 5.9); the third and last was Drusilla,
daughter of Herod Agrippa I (see on 24:24). See Jos. Bl 2.247-70;Ant. 20.137-82.
23:25 ii:xouoav tov tuJtov i:ofrtov] For this use of tuJto; cf. 3 Mace. 3:30, xa1,
6 µEv tfJ£ Emmo1..fJ; tUJtO£ omw; EYEYQUITTo. E. A. Judge, commenting on the use of
tuJtO£ in a schoolmaster's letter of the mid-third century A.O. (P.Oxy. 3366), argues
that the word properly means a verbatim copy (New Docs. 1 [1976], § 26; cf. 2
[1977], § 27). Commoner expressions are EXEL v tov tQOJtov i:ofrtov (1 Mace. 11 :29;
2 Mace. 1:24; Jos. Ant. 11.272) and JtEQLE:XELV tov tQOJtov i:ofrtov (1 Mace. 15:2;
2Macc. ll:16;Jos.Ant. 11.215; 12.228).Seeon 15:23.
13. The Tribune's Letter to the Governor (23:26-30)

26 K1..aubL0£ A 'UO LU£ t<j> XQUtLITT(!l ~yeµovL <PIJA.L XL :xa LQEL V. 27 Tov O.VbQU tofrtov
O'UA.A.T]µtj>0h,:a {mo tciiv 'louba(wv xal µEA.A.OV'tU <lVULQE'io0m {m' amciiv EJtLITTU£
O'UV t<j> ITTQU'tEUµan E!;EL1..Uµl]V, µa0wv on 'Pwµaioi; EITTL v, 28 ~O'UAOµEvoi; 'tE
Emyvciivm t~V UltLUV bL' ~v EVEXUA.O'UV aut<j> XClt~yayov di; to O'UVEbQLOV amciiv·
290V EiJQov EYXUA.O"UµEVOV JtEQt ~l]tl]µatwv toii v6µou amoov, µl]bEV bE a!;LOV
0av<ii:ou ~ bwµciiv ii:xovi:a iiyx1..l]µa. 30µl]V'U0ELOT]£ bi µm Em~ou1..fJ£ EL£ tov
a.vbQU fow0m E;amfJi; EJtEµ'lj)a JtQoi; OE, JtUQUYYEL1..ai; xal to'ii; XUtl]YOQOLi;
A.EYEL v [ta] 3tQO£ amov EJtt ooii.
471
23:26 Whether Luke was in a position to provide a verbatim transcript of

the tribune's letter or not, this reproduction of it is very true to life, especially in
the exaggerated place which Lysias gives to his own part in the events, and in the
slight twisting of the truth at the end of v. 27.
KAaubLO£] He acquired this gentile name when he became a citizen, proba··
bly because it was the emperor's gentile name (see on 22:28).
XQatimcp] Cf. 24:3; 26:25; Lk. 1 :3. The title is given to Felix in virtue of his
office; it belonged properly to members of the equestrian order, from which the
governors of such third-class provinces were normally drawn. Sec on 1: 1, and for
further bibliography cf. New Docs. 3 (1978), § 2.
xaiQEL v] See on 15:23.
23:27 tov avbQa tofrrov xr)..] Lysias skillfully presents the facts in a manner
calculated to reflect credit on his own action. It is amusing to contrast his account
with that ofTertullus (24:6f.), which is equally calculated to reflect discredit on him.
tij.> ITTQatEuµatt] See on v. 10.
µa8wv on 'Pwµaio£ emt v] Actually it was later, when he had ordered Paul to
be flogged, that he learned he was a Roman. Lysias passes over his faux pas in such
a way as to make his behavior seem the more praiseworthy.
23:28 ahiav] The meaning may be "cause," "reason," or more specifically
"charge,' "crime." Cf. 13:28; 25:18, 27; 28:18; ahLOv in 19:40; Lk. 23:4, 14, 22;
aitiwµa in 25:7.
xattjyayov EL£ to CTllVEb{?LOV aurwv J om B* 81, but added in the margin of B,
with am:6v after xattjyayov.
23:29 :rtEQL tTJtT]µ<itwv toii v6µou aurci>v] Cf. 18: 15. After am:ci>v the b text
(614 2147 latg syrhcl.mg) adds MwuoEW£ xai 'I11ooii ttVO£ (cf. 25:19).
µT]bEV DE a!;LOV 0avatou ~ Drnµci>v EXOvta EYXAT]µa l + E!;tjyayov am:ov µDAL£ t'fi
~(q. 614 2147 latg syrhcl.mg (representing b); cf. 24:7. Only here and in 28:6 is the
ptc. negatived by µtj in direct speech. On eyxt..T]µa see New Docs. 2 (1977), § 106;
3 (1978), § 32. As in the Gospel Luke is at pains to emphasize Pilate's finding no
fault in Jesus (Lk. 23:4, 14f., 22), so now in the mouth of many official witnesses
he emphasizes Paul's innocence of the charges brought against him (cf. 25:18;
26:3 lf. ). The charge of temple violation was indeed "deserving of death" if it could
be proved, but no witnesses came forward to press it.
23:30 µ11vu0dOT]£ DE µm Em~out..i']£ d~ tov avb{?a forn0m] Blass points out
that in a construction of this kind classical Gk. would require the acc. (or gen.) abs.
of the neut. sing. ptc. followed by the acc. and infin., thus: µ11vu8£v ( or µ11vu0EvtO£)
bE µot Em~ouA~v EL£ tov avDQa fow8m (cf. BDF § 424). What we have here is a
mixed construction, the gen. abs. passing into an indirect statement.
forn0m] The fut. infin. hardly existed in Hellenistic Gk.; fow8m is the one
real exception, and rare at that: here it occurs in an official letter; cf. 11:28; 24:15;
27:10 (where µEAAELV forn8m is a set phrase). Cf. also xatavttjonv, 26:7 (B pc);
XWQtjOELV, Jn. 21:25; ELCT£A£uarn8m, Heb. 3:18. See MHT II, p. 219.
E!;auti'J£] "immediately"; so B byz IE!; ai'rcwv X A E 33 81 al.
E:rt£µ1j)a] "I am sending" (epistolary aor.).
472
23:31-35 PAUL TAKENTOCAESAREA
:n:a.Q(lyydla.£ xtl] Cf. 24:8. It is characteristic of Luke to introduce in a speech

or letter matter not mentioned in the accompanying narrative; cf. 11:12; 15:26;
22:6; Lk. 4:23; 24:34.
[ta] :11:QO£ a.m:ov] "the things concerning him"; om ta B 1175 I ta :11:QO£ 0.1JtOU£
X A33 pc.
t:n:l oou] + EQQOOOo X E q, byz. (Cf. EQQ0000E, 15:29.)
D. PAULATCAESAREA(23:31-26:32)
1. Paul Taken to Caesarea (23:31-35)
31 Qi µEv m'iv ITTQO.tLGltm XO.ta to Ola.tEta.yµivov O.U'tOL£ uva.)..af!ovtE£ tov
Ila.UA.OV ~ya.yov Illa VU'Xt0£ EL£ tT]V 'Avtl:11:a.tQtl\a.· 32tft IIE E:11:0."UQLOV EUOO.V'tE£
toll£ l:n::n:EL£ U:11:EQXE00m <JUV a.m<jl U:n:EITTQE,jla.V EL£ tT]V :11:0.QEµt}o}.tjv· 330°LtlVE£
ELOEA.06vtE£ EL£ tT]V KmoUQElO.V xa.l uva.l\6vtE£ tT]V E:n:LITTOA.TJV tcj'> ~y£µ6vL
:11:0.QEITTlJOO.V XO. t tOV Ila.UA.OV a.m<jl. 34 uva.yvOU£ OE xa.i E:11:EQOOttjOa.£ EX :n:otO.£
E:11:0.QXELO.£ Eotiv xa.i :n:u06µEV0£ OtL a:n:o KLALXLO.£, 35 ti.wxouooµa.( oou, Eq>lj,
ota.v xa.l ol xa.ttjyoQOL oou :n:UQa.yhoovtm· XEAE'IJOa.£ EV t<jl :n:QmtooQL(]) toii
'HQq)oou q>UA.0.00E00m O.U'tOV.
23:31 'AvtL:n:a.tQLlla.] Antipatris, modern Rosh ha' Ayin (Ras el- 'Ain), about
12 miles north of Lydda (Lod) and 25 miles south of Caesarea, was built by Herod
the Great on the site of the earlier Kaphar-Saba, and named after his father Anti p-
ater. It lay in a well-watered and well-wooded plain. The main road to it from
Jerusalem ran through Lydda; it was also possible to take a hill road by Bethel. Cf.
Jos. BJ l.99, 417; Ant. 13.390; 16.142. Luke, having come up to Jerusalem from
Caesarea a few days before, could speak from firsthand knowledge of the route ( cf.
M. Hengel, Between Jesus and Paul, pp. 119f.).
23:32 Eo.oa.vtE£ toil£ [:n::n:Ei£ a:n:EQXE00m ouv a.m<j> u:n:EotQE,Pa.v] From Antip-
atris on, the country was open and inhabited mainly by Gentiles. As the conspira-
tors had now been left far behind, the large escort was no longer necessary.
23:33 o'invE£] l.e., the horsemen (l:n::n:Ei£).
EL£ tTJV Kmoo.QELa.v J Caesarea lay about 60 miles from Jerusalem.
ava.l\6vtE£] MM quote several papyrus examples of ava.l\il\ooµL in the sense of
"presenting" a document to an official.
23:34 ava.yvou£ ,a}.] I\ ( 614 214 7 syrhcl.mg) gives this verse in the more vivid
direct speech: uva.yvoU£ OE tTJV i\mmo1.1Jv E:11:lJQffitlJOE tov fla.ulov, 'Ex :n:oia.£
i:n:a.QXELO.£ Ei; Eq>lJ Kill~. xa.i :n:u86µEVO£ Eq>lJ .... See Clark, Acts, p. 152; Ropes, BC
1.3, p. 223.
ex :n:o(a.£ i\:n:a.QXELO.£] On E:11:UQXELa. ("province") see New Docs. 2 (1977), § 47.
It is oversubtle to suppose, with H. H. Wendt (ad lac.), that Felix meant "From what
kind of province-imperial or senatorial?" In Hellenistic Gk. :n:oia.£ is used in the
sense oftLVO£. Cf. Pilate's inquiring if Jesus was from Galilee (Lk. 23:6).
a:n:o KL1.LxLa.£] Cilicia (at least Eastern Cilicia, including Tarsus) belonged
from 25 B.C. to A.D. 72 to the united province of Syria-Cilicia. At this time the leg-
ate of Syria-Cilicia was Ummidius Quadratus.
473
23:35 btaxouaoµm] axouaoµm 614 2147 (representing b). The compound

is a legal term for "holding a hearing" (cf. Job 9:33); it is used thus in Hellenistic
writings, inscriptions, and papyri. For the similar use of the simple axo1Xll see New
Docs. 1 (1976), § 12.
XEAEuaru;] Not necessarily a simultaneous aor. ptc.; it "may perfectly well
mean that Felix first told his soldiers where they were to take Paul, and then as-
sured the prisoner of an early hearing, just before the guards led him away" (J. H.
Moulton, MHT I, p. 133).
n:c_im tcoQicµ] The praetorium (originally the headquarters of the praetor or
military commander) was ( among other things) the official residence of the Roman
governor of an imperial province; the word is here used of the palace built for him-
self by Herod the Great at Caesarea (the paaD.eta 1to1.md.fotata of Ant. 15.331),
which served as a residence for the procurator. In Mk. 15:16 and Jn. 18:28 the word
is used of Pilate's headquarters in Jerusalem (probably Herod's palace on the west-
ern wall); in Phil. 1:13 it is used probably of the praetorian guard in Rome. See
MM, pp. 532f.; New Docs. 2 (1977), § 106.
474
ACTS 24
2. Paul Accused before Felix (24:1-9)

I Mtta bE nEvtE ~µEQ<l£ xatE~ll 6 UQXLEQEU£ 'Avavias µtta JtQEO~utEQWV nv&v
()~toQOc; TEQtunou tl voe;, 0 'in vrc; EVEcj>UVLCJ<lV t<p ~yrµ6vt xatu toii TiaUA.Oll.
)!.(ll
2 KA110Evtoc; bE amoii ~Q~<ltO X<ltllYOQELV 6 TEQtllAAoc; AEywv, nonijc; ELQ~vric;

rnyx<ivovtES bta ooii mi. btoQ0wµ<itwv YL voµivwv ti)) iievEL toutcp btu tfis ofis
3tQOVOL<l£ 3 n<ivtn tf Ml navtaxoii <inobrx6µr0a, XQUtlatE cf,ijAL!;, µEtCl n<ioric;
EUX<lQLOtL<l£. 4 'iva OE µ~ Enl 3tAEl6v OE tyxontw, Jt<lQ<lX<lAW axoiiaai OE ~µ6:Jv
ouvt6µwc; tfi oft EnLELXE L(.l. 5 EUQOvtEc; YUQ tov UVOQ<l toiitov Aotµov ml XL voiivta
0t(l0fl£ JtO.OLV tole; 'lotJOOlOl£ tole; X<ltU t~V OLXOllµRVllV JtQWtOOt(ltllV tE tfi£
t&v Naf;WQ<llWV <lLQEOEWS, 6 0£ ml to LEQOV EJtELQ<lOEV ~E~llAWO<ll, ov ml
EXQ(lt~oaµrv, 8 Jt<lQ' OU buv~on amoc; UV<lXQL VU£ JtEQl mivtwv tO'IJt(J)V Ent yv&vm
U>V ~µEl£ MtllYOQOiiµEV amoii. 9 OlJVEJtE0EvtO bE xal oi 'Ioubaim cpcioxovtEc;
rniita om:wc; EXEL v.
24:1 'Avaviac; µtta JtQEO~utEQWV n v&v J It might be supposed that the elders
chosen to accompany Ananias would be less sympathetic to Paul than the Pharisees
who had sided with him when he appeared before the Sanhedrin (23:9); see,
however, on v. 15 below.
Q~toQoc; TEQtuHou ttv6c;J Tertullus is a common Roman name. This advo-
cate seems to have been a Jew (to judge by EXQat~oaµrv, v. 6), probably a Hellenist.
EVEcj><ivtoav J "laid information" (cf. 23: 15).
24:2 noHijc; dQ~VllS xtA J Tertullus begins his speech with a great flourish,
after the rhetorical fashion of the times; the rest of the speech, unfortunately, does
not fulfil the promise of the exordium, and it tails away in a lame and impotent per-
oration. The flattering reference to the "great peace" enjoyed under Felix's gover-
norship (a conventional captatio beneuolentiae) is in glaring contrast to the facts
related by Josephus and Tacitus. The Jews of Jerusalem had cooperated with Felix
in putting down the Egyptian mentioned in 21:38.
t<p iievEL tomcp J See on v. 10.
but tijc; oijc; 3tQOVOLU£] Cf. 2 Mace. 4:6, UVEll ~UOLALXijc; JtQOVO(ac; abuvatov
Elvm ttJXEiv ELQ~VTJc;] The term nQ6vma was a favorite among the Stoics; cf. Chry-
sippus's treatise TIEQL TIQOVOL<l£. For its conventional use (as here) cf. P.Oxy.
3314.3, with commments in New Docs. 3 (1978), § 100.
475
24:3 mivrn tE xai Jtav-raxou] Rhetorical alliteration; cf. 17:30; 21 :28.

JtQcitun:E <Pfjt..t!;J See on 23:26.
µm1 JtaalJ~ EUXUQLITTta£] "This is a topos of profane speech," says H. Conzel-
mann (1DNT 9, p. 411, n. 41, s.v. EllXUQLITTEw icrt..); he compares Philo, Flacc. 98f.;
Leg. ad Cai. 284, for similar instances of the complimentary use of euxaQLatia. Cf.
New Docs. 1 (1976), § 37; 2 (1977), § 79.
24:4 ryx6mw] Either "hinder" (as in 1 Th. 2:18) or (more probably in the
present context) "weary," "bore" (so syrresh), in the sense of x6Jttw (the apparent
reading of A* here); cf. l::yxoJtov JtOLEW, Job 19:2; Isa. 43:23.
m,vr{iµw£] Ancient speakers, like those of later days, considered it advisable
to promise brevity at the outset of their speeches. Tertullus at any rate seems to
have kept his promise.
EJUELXEL~] "moderation," "clemency"; the word is found in papyri in exactly
such complimentary addresses to officials.
24:S EUQ6vtE£ xtt.. J He "arrives at the goal by way of anacoluthon-Luke
cruelly reports the orator verbatim" (J. H. Moulton, MHT I, pp. 224f.). But Ter-
tullus is not the only speaker at this hearing to perpetrate anacoluthon (see on
v. 19). With EUQ6vtE£ cf. E'UQaµev in Lk. 23:2, where a threefold indictment is also
introduced. Here the accusation is that Paul is (1) a troublesome pest, (2) a ring-
leader of the Nazarenes, and (3) a desecrator of the temple. The first charge put
him in the same category as many who stirred up strife around that time, not least
in Jewish communities throughout the empire, and had more sinister implica-
tions than might appear on the surface. The second associated him with a mes-
sianic movement, and was calculated to arouse suspicion in a Roman official
who knew how much trouble had lately been caused by political messianism and
who might not distinguish between political and purely religious messianism.
The third was the most serious: it alleged that he had committed a specific of-
fense which would certainly have incurred the death penalty if it could have been
proved true.
t..mµov] "plague," "pest"; a common term of abuse. In Claudius's letter to the
Alexandrines (November 10, A.O. 41), he warns the Jews of that city that, if they
do not desist from activities which arouse suspicion, he "will proceed against them
with the utmost severity for fomenting a general plague (v6ao£) which infests the
whole world" (PLond. 1912 = CPJ 153, line 99). The language may point to a
charge of maiestas (sec on 17:7), to which Paul on a later occasion replies specifi-
cally (25:8). F. J. Cramer, Astrology in Roman Law and Politics (Philadelphia,
1954), p. 252, notes that it was not uncommon to "throw in for good measure a
maiestas charge along with other less deadly accusations."
JtQWtoatatlJV] "ringleader"; nowhere else in the NT; used from Thucydides
onward in the sense "a man of the front rank."
aiQEOEw~] "party"; cf. 5:17; 15:5. The word is not used by Christians with
reference to their own community. Its use here (cf. v. 14; 28:22) implies that by the
Jews the disciples of Jesus were regarded as a (heretical) Jewish sect. (See
M. Simon, "From Greek Hairesis to Christian Heresy," cited in the note on 5:17.)
476
24: l 0-21 PAUL'S DEFENSE BEFORE FELIX
NasWQ<lLWV] Probably so called because they were followers of Jesus, 6 Na-

suiQaio£ (see on 2:22). In Hebrew and Arabic Christians are called "Nazarenes" to
this day. The name NatwQUiot was later appropriated by a Jewish-Christian group
(Epiphanius, Pan. 29.7) and (in the Syriac form Natraye) by the Mandaeans.
Another view is that it originally meant "observants" (cf. Heb. nii~ar, "observe,"
"guard"). See H. H. Schaeder, 1DNT 4, pp. 874-79, S, V, NasUQT]VO£, NasWQ<lLO£,
24:6-8 ~E~T]A.WCTm] Cf. 21 :38, where the term used is )«)t vow, appropriate
in a Jewish setting; here the Gentile term ~E~T]t..6w is used in addressing Felix.
EXQ<lt~CTaµEv J "we arrested"; an excessively refined description of what, from
the narrative of 21 :27-32, appears to have been an attempt at lynching. Lysias was
not the only one who presented the details of the incident to his own advantage.
The b text (E IJI 33 323 614 945 1739 2495 pm latg vg.codd syrpesh) adds xal xata
tov ~µEtEQOV v6µov ~0Et..~CTaµEv 'XQL Vfl v. ltaQEt..0wv bE AuotU£ 6 XLA.LUQX.0£ µEta
l1:0AA.T)£ ~LU£ E'X tmv XElQWV ~µwv an:~yayE, 'XEA.EUCTU£ toll£ 'XatT]YOQOU£ autoti EQXECT0m
en:l CToti (so also TR). This addition bears marks of genuineness, and the reproach-
ful reference to the tribune's '"great violence" in rescuing Paul is an amusing
travesty of the facts as reported by Luke (with µEta n:oJJ..fJ£ ~La£ cf. µ6t..t£ tfi ~(~,
23:29 b, of the tribune's later saving Paul from being torn in two by the contend-
ing parties in the Sanhedrin). No mention is made here of the ''great violence" of
the crowd's attack on Paul. But by presenting this attack as an orderly arrest, Tcr-
tullus tries to score a point against Lysias, who had no right to interfere with the
temple authorities' prerogative of safeguarding the sanctity of the holy place. Ob-
serve the antithesis of tov ~µEtEgov v6µov and EltL CToti.
n:aQ' ou] According to the~ text, the antecedent is Paul; according to the b
text, it seems to be Lysias.
Emyvwvm xtt..] "get at the facts"; cf. 22:24; Lk. 1:4.
24:9 CTuvrnE0Evto) "joined in the attack."
3. Paul's Defense before Felix (24:10-21)

10 'AltEXQL0T] tf o ITatit..0£ VEUCTUvt0£ autiµ toti ~yEµoVO£ A.EYEl v, 'Ex ll:OAA.(J}V
Et(J}V ovta OE 'XQlt~V tiµ E0vEt tOut(Jl El1:tcrtciµEVO£ Eu0llµOl£ ta ll:EQL Eµamou
cin:ot..oyotiµm, ll buvaµEvou CTou Emyvwvm, ott ou l1:t..ELOU£ ELCTtv µm ~µEQUL
bmbExa af ~£ avE~riv n:QoCTxuv~CTwv El£ 'IEQouCTat..~µ, 12 'XUL omE Ev tiiJ tEgiiJ
E'IJQOV µE l1:QO£ tt va btaA.fYOµEVOV ~ En:(maat v n:ototivta oxt..ou om:E EV tai£
CTuvaywyal£ OutE xata t~V ll:OA.L v, 13 OUOE ll:UQUITTT)CTat buvavta( CTOL ll:EQL <liv
vuv L'XUtT]YOQOUCTL v µou. 14 6µ01,.oyw bE totit6 CTOL Ott xata t~V 61'>ov ~v t..eyoum v
a'(Qrnt v oiitw£ t..atQEUW tiµ n:atQ(flCJl 0Eiµ, matE'lJWV miat toi:£ xata tov v6µov xal
tol£ EV tOL£ l1:QOq>~tat£ yEyQaµµEVOL£, ISEA.n:(oa EXWV EL£ tov 0EOV, ~v 'XUL autol
O'IJtOL ll:QOCTOEXOvtm, avciataCTL v µEA.A.El v forn0m Ot'X{ll(J)V tE 'XUL al'>t'XWV' 16 EV
tout(Jl 'XUl U'Ut0£ UCT'X(J) Ull:QOCT'XOll:OV CTUVELOT]Ol v EXEL v l1:QO£ tov 0EOV 'X{ll tO'U£
civ0QWl1:0U£ Ota n:avtO£, 17 0t' ft(J}V OE ll:A.ElOVUlV EA.ET]µc)CTUVU£ n:m ~owv EL£ to
E0VO£ µou ll:UQfYEVOµT]V xal l1:QOCTq>OQU£, 18 EV al£ digov µe ~yvwµevov EV tcp
LEQ(jl, OU µEta OXA.OU oubE µEta 0og~ou, l 9tl VE£ OE an:o tfJ£ 'ACT LU£ 'Ioubalot,
OU£ Ebfl En:l CTOU ll:UQELVat 'XUL XatT]yOQELV E'( tt EXOLEV l1:QO£ EµE, -20 ~ amoi
o&ot dn:<itwCTav ti digov ab(xriµa m<ivto£ µou En:l toti CTUVEb{.)iou 21 ~ mgl µta£
477
tautTJ~ cj,wvf]~ ~~ EXE'XQal;a EV m'n:oi~ tmw~ on, IltQl avam<iarw~ VE'XQWV Eyw
XQivoµm atjµEQOV Ecj,' uµwv.
24:10 vruaavro~ umcµtou ~yEµovo~] "when the governor motioned to him."

1..EyEL v] Expanded in syrhcl.mg: "to make his defense, and taking up a godlike
attitude, he said ... " (a godlike attitude was thought appropriate in a public
speaker).
EX 1tonwv hwv] Paul also has a complimentary exordium, though shorter
than that of Tertullus. Felix had been governor of the whole province of Judaea for
about five years, but if we add a possible term of subordinate office in Samaria
under Cumanus (see on 23:24), the total would be eight or nine years. Note the
fondness for introducing a part of 1to1..~ at the beginning of a speech (cf. v. 2).
tq> E0vEL toutq>] As in v. 2. For Wvo~ used by Jews of their own nation cf. also
26:4; 28:19 (in both places Paul is again the speaker); Lk. 7:5; 23:2. It is used of
the Jewish nation by Gentiles in 10:22. The noun in the sing. was used of a politi-
cally organized ethnic community, e.g., of the Jews of Alexandria, with the
Ef.lv<iQXTJ~ at their head.
Eueiµw~ ... Cl3tOAOyouµm] Cf. 26:2.
24:11 ou x1..dou~ Eia( v µoL ~µEQm bwliExa] "there are not more days than
twelve"; for the omission of~ after a comparative before a numeral cf. the corre-
sponding Lat. omission of quam. The notes of time in this section of Acts are fairly
full; cf. 21:15, 18, 26, 27; 22:30; 23:llf., 23, 32; 24:1. Comparing these with Paul's
words here, we have to conclude (with A Schlatter and E. Haenchen) that the 12
days are reckoned from Paul's arrival in Jerusalem to his transfer to Caesarea, and
do not include the five days that had elapsed since his arrival in Caesarea (v. 1).
The calendar of events will then have been:
Day 1: Paul arrives in Jerusalem (21 :17)
Day 2: Paul and his company received by James and the elders (21: 18)
Day 3: Paul initiates the purification ceremony (21:26)
Day 3-9: The seven days of purification (21:27)
Day 9: Paul attacked in the temple and rescued by the Romans (21:27-
22:29)
Day 10: Paul brought before the Sanhedrin (22:30-23:10)
Day 11: Plot against Paul; Paul sent away from Jerusalem (23:12-30)
Day 12: Paul arrives in Caesarea (23:31-33).
JtQoaxuvtjawv] "to worship," "on pilgrimage" (as in 8:27). With the fut. ptc.
used classically to express purpose cf. 1tmtjawv, v. 17 below. Paul's intended wor-
ship involved not only the celebration of Pentecost but the rendering of an account
of his stewardship thus far and the rededication of himself for the next phase of his
ministry in the place where, years before, the Lord had appeared to him in a vision
and sent him "far away to the Gentiles" (22:21).
24:12 xal ovtE EV tq> LEQq> xt1..] Paul's explicit denial of the various charges
against him is more than a match for the ineffective rhetoric of Tertullus.
478
24: 10-21 PAUL'S DEFENSE BEFORE FELIX
JtQoc; tt va bta11.q6µevov] If he had engaged in debate in the temple precincts,

as Jesus and the Twelve had repeatedly done, he would have been well within his
rights; but on this occasion he was anxious to fulfil the obligation he had under-
taken as unobtrusively as possible and also to avoid any action which might em-
barrass the leaders of the Jerusalem church (who no doubt were sufficiently em-
barrassed by his mere presence in Jerusalem).
EJtLotaotv Jtotoiivta ox11.ou] For EJtLotaotv byz reads EJtLCJuotaotv (the same
variant is found in 2 Cor. 11:28). For the present phrase ("collecting a crowd") cf.
the more violent ox11.0Jtotew (17:5).
EV mic; auvaywyaic;] See on 6:9.
24:13 Jt<lQ<lotfjam] "provide proof," lit. "to set (the evidence) alongside
(the charge)." The word is so used in the Attic orators and philosophers; cf. Plato,
Repub. 600D, ouvavtm toic; Ecp' E<l'UtWV Jt<lQLotUV<lL XtA.. Cf. 3t<lQ<ltL0Eµm, 17:3.
24:14 t~v ooov ~v 11.eyooot v u'(Qwt v] For "the Way" see on 9:2. For a'(Qwtc;
cf. v. 5. o seems to have omitted t~v 6oov (cf. latg secundum sectam quam dicunt
isti; syrpesh del!eh behiinii yulpiinii d'iimrin). "The Way" was evidently the term
favored by the Christians themselves; it was non-Christian Jews who called them
an a'(Qwtc;.
oih:wc;] I.e., as a follower of the Way. This gives character to his worship of
the God of Israel and to his belief in the law and the prophets and his understanding
of them.
tiµ JtUtQ<pcp 0Eij)] Cf. 22:3; 28: 17. The adj. JtUtQij}oc; is important for Paul's
apologetic: the Jews' practice of their ancestral religion was authorized by Roman
law, and Paul ever insisted that he had not forsaken the faith of his fathers.
JttotEoov Jt<iot xtA.] Cf. Rom. 1:2; 3:21, where the gospel Paul preaches was
promised "in the holy scriptures" and is attested by "the law and the prophets." But
the law and prophets carried a new message to Paul after his Damascus-road con-
frontation: he now read them oih:wc; = mta t~v 6oov (cf. 26:22f.; 28:23). See J. Jer-
vell, "Die Mitte der Schrift: Zurn lukanischen Verstandnis des Alten Testaments,"
in Die Mille des Neuen Testaments ... Festschrift fur Eduard Schweizer, ed. U. Luz
and H. Weder (Gottingen, 1983), pp. 79-96.
24:15 eu(oo] The same ancestral hope as was invoked in 23:6; cf. 26:6-8;
28:20.
~v ml umol omot JtQOCJOEXOvtm] The high priest and his Sadducean col-
leagues certainly did not share this hope; presumably, then, some members of the
delegation from the Sanhedrin were Pharisees.
uv<iotuotv ... btxaiwv tE xul uo(xwv] As in 23:6, Paul insists that his teach-
ing, with which Israel's national hope is bound up, hinges on the resurrection
faith. For the resurrection of the unjust as well as the just cf. Jn. 5:28f.; Rev.
20:12-15. It is usually believed to be taught in Dan. 12:2; some exegetes,
however, follow Sa'adya Ga'on in seeing the only resurrection there to be that
"to everlasting life"; those who are not so raised are left "in the dust of the earth
... to shame and everlasting contempt" (cf. B. J. Alfrink, "L'idee de resurrec-
tion d'apres Dan., XII, 1.2," in Studia Biblica et Orientalia, Vol. I: Vetus Testa-
479
mentum = AnBib 10 [Rome, 1959], pp. 221-37). (For the resurrection of the just
cf. Lk. 14:14; 20:35f.)
In his letters Paul nowhere makes express mention of the resurrection of the
unjust. It could not have been for him on the same footing as the resurrection of
"those who belong to Christ"; for them resurrection is participation (at the parousia)
in the resurrection of Christ, the harvest of which his resurrection was the firstfruits
(1 Cor. 15:20-23; cf. Phil. 3:20f.).
µEAAELV fow0m] Cf. 11:28; 27:10; see also on 23:30.
24:16 EV tout<µ] "Therefore"; for causal EV cf. 7:29 (from LXX).
aaxw] "I exercise myself," the only NT occurrence of the word, which has a
note of moral strictness about it, without the later sense of asceticism. See H. Dress-
ler, The Usage of aaxEw and its Cognates in Greek Documents to 100 A.D. (Wash-
ington, D.C., 1947). For the sense cf. the use of aywv(l;oµm in 1 Cor. 9:25; 1 Tim.
4:10; 6:12; 2 Tim. 4:7; and ofyuµval;w in 1 Tim. 4:7.
a:rcgoaxo:rcov auveic'>TJOL v EXEL v xtA] For auvElblJOL£ see on 23: l. For
a:rcgoaxo:rco; cf. 1 Cor. 10:32; Phil. 1:10, where it means "not causing to stumble,"
i.e., not leading into sin. It is quoted from Sextus Empiricus,Adv. Math. 1.195, in
the sense "not giving offense." "In the papyri a:rcgoaxo:rc6; dµt is an idiomatic way
of saying, Tm all right'" (New Docs. 1 [1976], § 15).
24:17 bt' hciiv bE :rc)..etovwv] "And after an interval of several years." Five
years had probably elapsed since the hasty visit to Judaea mentioned in 18:22; the
reference, however, may be to the last occasion when Paul spent any length of time
in Jerusalem, viz. at the time of the Apostolic Council (15 :4-29). For this use ofllui
cf. 1:3; Gal. 2: 1.
EAETjµoauva; JtOL~OWV EL£ to rnvo; µou ... xal JtQOmj>OQ<l£] G. w. H. Lampe
(St. Luke and the Church ofJerusalem [London, 1969], p. 24) suggests that the ref-
erence may be "only to his acts of Jewish piety in the Temple concerned with the
vows and sacrifices that he undertook" (cf. 21 :23-26). But the majority of exegetes
are certainly right in seeing here a reference to the collection for the church of
Jerusalem which Paul organized in the closing years of his Aegean mission and
which had now been taken to Jerusalem by delegates from the contributing Gen-
tile churches (see on 20:4). Their gifts could properly be described as alms, since
they were designed primarily for the "poor (:rctmxoi) among the saints at Jerusalem"
(Rom. 15:26), in accordance with the injunction received by Paul and Barnabas
some years before from the leaders of the mother church: "'remember the poor'
(:rctwxoi)-which very thing," says Paul, "I was eager to do" (Gal. 2:10). As for
their gifts' being "offerings," it is made very plain by Paul, especially in 2 Cor. 8: 1-
9: 15, that they constituted a tribute of thanksgiving to God as well as a donation
for the relief of his people. The collection was an enterprise of high importance in
Paul's mind: it was not only an acknowledgment by Gentile Christians of the spir-
itual debt which they owed to those from whom the gospel first proceeded, but a
demonstration to the church of Jerusalem of the validity of his Gentile mission and
a means (he hoped) of binding Jewish and Gentile believers more closely together
in a conscious fellowship of love and gratitude.
480
24: 10-21 PAUL'S DEFENSE BEFORE FELIX
Luke plainly knew about the collection but, equally plainly, he is very reti-
cent about it. This may have been because it failed so disastrously to achieve its
purpose (the most probable explanation); another possible reason is that at Paul's
trial it was misrepresented as an attempt to divert from its proper recipients money
which should have gone to the Jerusalem temple tax.
See K. Holl, "Der Kirchenbegriff des Paulus in seinem Verhiiltnis zu dem der
U rgemeinde" ( 1921 ), in Gesammelte Aufsi:itze zur Kirchengeschichte. 2: Der Osten
(Ttibingen, 1928), pp. 44-67; P. S. Minear, "The Jerusalem Fund and the Pauline
Chronology," ATR25 (1943), pp. 389-96; J, Knox, Chapters in a Life of Paul (New
York, 1950), pp, 52-60, 68-73; C. H. Buck, "The Collection for the Saints," HTR
43 (1950), pp. 1-29; D. Georgi, Die Geschichte der Kollekte des Paulus fiir
Jerusalem (Hamburg, 1965); K. F. Nickle, The Collection: A Study in Paul's
Strategy (London, 1966); K. Berger, "Almosen fur Israel: Zurn historischen
Kontext der paulinischen Kollekte," NTS 23 (1976- 77), pp. 180-204; S. Garofalo,
"Un chef d'oeuvre pastoral de Paul: la collecte," in Paul de Tarse: Ap6tre du notre
temps, ed. L. De Lorenzi (Rome, 1979), pp, 575-93.
to
di; E0voi; µou] For E0voi; see on v, 10. It is perhaps implied that the collec-
tion might not only directly benefit the church of Jerusalem but also indirectly serve
a missionary purpose in relation to the populace of Jerusalem and the Jewish na-
tion as a whole and expedite the removal oflsrael's partial "hardening" and the ful-
filment of the promise of Rom. 11 :25-27. See N. Hyldahl, Paulinische Chrono-
logie, p. 127.
24:18 iv ali;] "while I was thus engaged"; formally the relative refers to
ekeriµoO'uvai; , . , xai JtQooq,oQ<ii; as its antecedents.
EUQOV µt ~yvwµrvov] His purification requirements had just been completed
with the ceremony prescribed for the seventh day (see on 21:24, 26, 27). Paul's
character as an observant Jew is thus emphasized. The subject of eilQov is left vague.
24:19 tlVES bE cmo tf)i; 'Ao(ai; 'IoubaiOL] Cf. 21:27, The sentence thus in-
troduced is left unfinished; it is broken off with the transition to~ amo1 outol xtk
(v. 20). With n VE£ , .. 'IouooiOL as subject one would expect xatTJYOQTJ<Jav µou wi;
to lEQOV XOL vofivtoi; (" accused me of profaning the temple") or similar language to
complete the principal clause.
oix; iibEL EJtt oofi JtaQE'ivm xai XUTTJYOQEiv J A strong point in Paul's argument:
the alleged eyewitnesses made no appearance.
XatTJYOQELV e'i n EXOLEv ngoi; EµE] "bring whatever accusation they had against
me"; for the opt. after d in Acts cf. 20: 16; 27:39.
24:20 amoi outoL] The delegates from the Sanhedrin, as in v. 15.
24:21 ~ JtEQL µuii; tumrii; q,wvf)i; xtk] Cf. 23:6. He does not blame himself
(he has just repeated the same argument about the centrality of the resurrection in
his teaching, v. 15); he simply insists that the only valid charge that can be brought
against him is a theological one, and one in which all who believe in the resurrec-
tion should share.
~i; EXEXQa!;a] ~i; by Attic attraction for ~v. The reduplicated aor. EXEXQU!;a is
the regular form in LXX.
481
4. Felix Adjourns Proceedings (24:22-23)

22 'AvEj}UAEtO l'>E auto\)£ 6 <Pr)AL£, <lXQLl}EO'tEQOV dbw(; ta :rtE()L tfJ(; Moii, EutU\;,
"Otav Au<JLU\; 6 XLALUQXO\; xataj}fi l>Layvooaoµm ta xa8' uµ<i(;• 23 bLata;aµEVO\;
ttji EXatO'Vt<lQXTI tlj()Et<J0m ain:ov EXEL v tE UVE<JL v xal µljOC'V(l X<llAUEL v tO)'V tbioov
ain:oii U:rtT]QEtEi v am:tji.
24:22 avEj}a)..Eto] "put off'; Blass compares the Lat. technical expression
pronuntiauit "amplius" (cf. Cic. Ven: 2.1.74). J. AT. Robinson argued that the
proceedings now adjourned by Felix are referred to in 2 Tim. 4:6 as Paul's :rtQOOtT]
a,ro)..oyia (Redating the New Testament [London, 1976], p. 74; cf. his Can We Trust
the New Testament? (London, 1977], pp. 65f.).
UXQLl}EatEQOv] Cf. 23:15, 20. The sense is here elative, "rather accurately"
(cf. xaULOv, 25:10). How Felix was so well acquainted with the Way must be a
matter of speculation; some have thought he was indebted for it to his wife Drusilla
(see on v. 24). Her father certainly had some knowledge of the Way (see on 12:1),
but she was only six years old at the time of his death.
ta :rtEQl tfJ£ oboii] See on v. 14.
l>Layvooaoµm] "I shall examine"; cf. 23: 15. Luke does not say whether Lysias
ever came to give his evidence.
24:23 btata;aµevo£] This aor. ptc., like d:rta(; in v. 22, denotes one of the
elements in the action described by avEj}a)..Eto.
EXEL v tE avwt v] This is the only occurrence of avE<JL\; in the NT outside the
Pauline letters, where a contrast with 0Ai'IJL£ is regularly implied if not expressed.
MM suggest that it refers here to a kind of Libera custodia. So Moffatt: "allow him
some freedom." LC compare Jos. Ant. 18.235, 4>u)..ax~ µEv yae xal t~QlJOL\; ~v, µeta
µEVtOL civfoEOO\; tfJ(; Et\; t~v b(mrav (of the relaxed conditions of Agrippa's impris-
onment after the death of Tiberius).
tv ibirov ain:oii] "of his own (friends)"; see on 4:23; 20:28; cf. Jn. 1:llb;
13:1; 1 Tim. 5:8. See New Docs. 3 (1978), § 100, on POxy. 3314.15.
U:rtlJQEtEiv ain:tji] This might include providing him with food (cf. EL\; t~v
Mmtav in the quotation from Jos. Ant. 18.235 above). These friends of Paul may
have been members of the church of Caesarea, or some of his fellow travelers who
made their way from Jerusalem to Caesarea to see what could be done for him.
5. Paul's Interviews with Felix (24:24-26)

24 MEta OE ~µEQU\; tL va(; :rcaeayEvoµEvo(; 6 <Pr)AL; auv ix>ooo(Un tfi tMc;t yuvmxi
oiian 'Ioubaic;t µEtE:rtEµ'ljlato tov Ilaii)..ov xal ~xouaEv ain:oii JtEQL tfJ(; Et\;
XQLCJ'tOV 'IT]<JO'UV :rtLCJ'tEOO(;. 26 bLUA£YOµevou bE ain:oii :rtE()L bLXULOCJUVT]£ xai
EYXQUtELU£ xai. toii xe(µato(; toii µe)..)..ovro(; tµ4>0~0£ yEv6µevo£ 6 <Pr)AL£
U:rtEXQt0t], To viiv EJ(.OV :rtO()E'UOU, XULQOV l'>E µEtaAaj}wv µetaxa)..fooµa( (1£• 26 ciµa
xal fA:rtL~(J)'V OtL XQ~µata bo0~<JEtUL ain:<jl U:rtO toii Ilau)..ou· OLO xal :rtUXVOtE()OV
ain:ov µEta:rtEµ:rtOµEVO£ mµLAEL ain:<jl.
24:24 avv 4iouainn tfi [bic;t yuvmxl oiian 'Iouba(c;t] Drusilla was the
482
24:24-26 PAUL'S INTERVIEWS WITH FELIX
youngest daughter of Herod Agrippa I (see on 12:1), being born in A.O. 38 (Jos.
Ant. 19.354). She was betrothed by her father to Epiphanes, son of the king of Com-
magene, but when the time for the marriage arrived, Epiphanes refused to be cir-
cumcised (though he had previously agreed to this condition), so she was given in
marriage by her brother, Agrippa II (see on 25:13), to Azizus, king of Emesa. But
very soon afterward (A.O. 54) Felix persuaded her to leave Azizus and join himself
as his third wife, promising her every "felicity" if she did so. Felix is said to have
approached her first through a Cypriot magician named Atomos (called Simon in
some MSS of Ant. 20.142); it would be farfetched to connect his name with Ety-
mas, the name given in b to the Cypriot magician of 13:8 above. Felix and Drusilla
had a son named Agrippa, who perished in the eruption of Vesuvius in A.O. 79 (see
Jos. Ant. 20.139-44 ).
After 'loubait;t syrhcl.mg (representing b) adds "who asked to see Paul and
hear him speak; so, wishing to satisfy her, he summoned Paul." According to
Deissmann (BS, pp. 123f.), 'ibws is used in the postclassical age in an "exhausted"
sense, merely serving as a possessive, and tfi tbit;t yuvmx( here seems to be an in-
stance of this: "Luke is not ironically suggesting the poverty of Felix's title" (J. H.
Moulton, MHT I, p. 88).
24:25 :rtEQL blxmoouvris 1(0.L EYXQO.tELO.S )(().L toll XQLµo.tos toll µEU..ovrns]
"about righteousness, self-control, and the comingjudgment"-three subjects that
Felix and Drusilla certainly needed to hear about.
iiµcpo~os yev6µevos] Cf. 10:4; Lk. 24:5, 37; Rev. 11:13.
to vuv lixov] A good Hellenistic idiom; cf. Tob. 7:11, aAJ..a to vuv lixov ~bfois
y(vou.
MLQOV bio µeto.1-.o.j3wv] "and when I have a spare moment." Luke depicts
Roman officials in a favorable light, so far as their attitude to the gospel is con-
cerned; and Felix, with his ·'rather accurate knowledge of the Way," is more inter-
ested than Gallio was. The material consideration mentioned in v. 26 was a subsid-
iary motive for his frequent interviews with Paul; there is no reason to doubt his
interest in religious discussion-so long, of course, as it was kept within purely
academic limits.
24:26 aµo. xo.L E1-.1ti~wv J "hoping at the same time also," i.e., in addition to
the interest he felt. Cf. 27:40, aµo. avEvtES. For the question of Paul's financial re-
sources at this time, which might have stimulated Felix's expectations, one need
only reflect that Paul had recently arrived in Judaea with substantial "alms and
offerings" and therefore (it might be supposed) had access to money. The taking of
bribes was forbidden by the lex Julia de repetundis, which was, however, as often
as not violated by provincial governors. Albinus, who succeeded Festus as procu-
rator of Judaea in A.D. 62, was notoriously venal (cf. Jos. BJ 2.272-76; Ant. 20.205,
209, 215).
1tuxv6tEQOV] Either "rather often" ( elative; cf. v. 22) or "the more often" (be-
cause of his financial expectations).
00µ(1-.n o.m:0] "he conversed with him" (see on 20: 11 ).
483
6. Festus Succeeds Felix; Paul Left in Custody (24:27)

27 f.LETLU~ bE ltATJQW0ELCTTJ~ EAU~EV buiboxov 6 <l>fjAll; IlOQXlOV <l>fjatov· 0EAWV TE
xaQLta xma0foflm tot~ 'Ioubafm~ 6 <l>fjALl; xatEAlltE tov Ilm1i-.ov 6E6Eµivov.
24:27 bLEtia~ be ltATJQWflELaTJ~] This is most naturally taken to mean that
Paul had been in custody for two years when the change of governors took place.
It is unlikely to mean that Felix was removed after two years in office. He became
procurator at the latest in AD. 52, the year of Cumanus's deposition (Tac. Ann.
12.54.7), and even if Eusebius were right in dating his removal in the second year
of Nero (Chron., anno Abr. 2072), that would give him three years in office, not
two. One argument in favor of accepting Eusebius 's dating is that Felix, when ac-
cused in Rome by leading Jews of Caesarea after his recall from Judaea, escaped
punishment through the influence of his brother Pallas (Jos. Ant. 20.182), who was
dismissed from his office as head of the imperial treasury in AD. 55 (Tac. Ann.
13.14.1 ). But Pallas, partly no doubt because of his colossal wealth, retained great
power for several years after his dismissal from office. A pointer to the date of
Felix's replacement by Festus has been found in a change in the Judaean provin-
cial coinage attested for Nero's fifth year (A.D.58-59); this coin issue "is more likely
to be the work of a new procurator than of an outgoing one who had already minted
a large issue" (E. M. Smallwood, The Jews under Roman Rule [Leiden, 1976),
p. 269, n. 40); cf. F. W. Madden, History of Jewish Coinage (London, 1864),
p. 153; A Reifenberg, Ancient Jewish Coins (Jerusalem, 1947), p. 27; H.J. Cad-
bury, The Book ofActs in History (New York, 1955), p. 10.
For Luke, says J. H. Moulton, the two years of Paul's Caesarean imprison-
ment "were doubtless the opportunity of collecting material for his Gospel and the
earlier parts of Acts. Did he trouble to acquire Aramaic for the purpose?" (MHT II,
p. 19). An Antiochene might have known some already. Cf. R. H. Connolly,
"Syriacisms in St. Luke," JTS 37 (1936), pp. 374-85.
n~ev 6Laboxov] "received as successor" (6Laboxo~ survives in Mod. Gk.
with the meaning "crown prince").
116QxLov <l>fjatov] We have no information about Festus outside the writings
of Luke and Josephus. The gens Porcia was a well-known one. Eusebius brings
him to Judaea in AD. 55-56, as we have seen, to be succeeded by Albinus four or
five years later. But Josephus gives the impression that the rule of Festus was short
as compared with that of Felix, and AD. 59 is a more probable date for his coming
to Judaea (cf. C. H. Turner, "Chronology of the NT, II. The Apostolic Age," HDB
I, pp. 418b-419b; Schiirer I, p. 465, n. 42). The administration of Festus was not
marked by the excesses of his predecessor and successors, although vigorous ac-
tion continued to be taken against insurgents. See Jos. BJ 2.271; Ant. 20.182-97.
0EA!!!V TE ;(<lQLta xata0fo8m tot~ 'loubafm~] "and wishing to ingratiate him-
self with the Jews" (cf. 25:9, where the same phrase is used of Festus). To discharge
Paul would have given offense to the Sanhedrin, and Felix could not risk having
them lodge an adverse report against him in Rome, where the leaders of the Jewish
community in Caesarea were already prepared to voice their grievances against
484
24:27 FESTUS SUCCEEDS FELIX; PAUL LEFT IN CUSTODY
him because, when intervening in communal strife in that city, he had allegedly
discriminated to their community's disadvantage.
The nonclassical acc. XUQLt<l (contrast XUQLV, 25:9) is well attested in the ver-
nacular of the imperial age.
xutElL:itE tov Ilaulov l'>El'>EµEvov] "left Paul a prisoner" (cf. 9:2, 21; 22:5 for
this use of the perf. ptc. btbEµEvo~).
485
ACTS25
7. Festus Visits Jerusalem (25:1-5)

l <Pijat0£ ouv E3tl~<l£ tfi E3tUQl(El<;l µEta t()EL£ ~µEQU£ ctVE~l] EL£ 'IEQOOOA. uµa MO
KmoaQELU£, 2 EVE(j,avLoav tE amciJ o[ OQJCLEQEL£ xai, o[ 3tQci>toL tci>v 'Iovooiwv
XUt<l to'U flatJA.OV, XUL 3tUQEl«lA.OUV UutOV 3ULt01JµEVOL JC<lQL VXUt' UutO'U 03tW£
µEtmtEµ1jll]taL autov EL£ 'IEQOUOUA.~µ, EVEOQUV 3tOLO'UvtE£ UVEA.EiV autov xata
t~V obov. 40 µEv ouv <PijITTO£ MEXQL0r] tl]QEio0m tov IlmiA.OV EL~ KmoaQELUV,
foutov bi µEAAELV EV t<ll(EL EX3tOQEtJE00m· sO[ ouv EV i,µIv, q,rioiv, buvatot
ouyxata~avtE~ EI ti EO'tLV EV tciJ ctVOQL ato3tOV X<ltl]YOQElt(t)OUV autou.
25:1 E3tL~U£ tfi E3tUQJCEL<;I] "having entered upon his province." For E3tUQJCEL<;l
P 74 X * A read haQJC(E )iq.i, an adj. of two terminations qualifying an implied sub-
stantive x;ww. Cf. Jos. Ant. 14.317, Em~~vm t~£ E3tUQJC(E )(a£ ~µci>v (where, however,
em~~vm means "invade"). See New Docs. 2 (1977), § 47.
25:2 EvEq,avwav] "laid information"; cf. 23:15; 24:1.
o[ OQJCLEQEi~ xal o[ 3tQci>tOL tci>v 'Iovbaiwv] Yet another way of referring to the
Sanhedrin; with o[ 3tQci>toL tci>v 'Ioubaiwv cf. 13:50, toll£ 3tQWtou~ t~~ 3tOA.Ew~.
25:3 JCUQLV] "a favor" (cf. vv. 11, 16; also 24:27, where the form used is
XUQLta). LC compare the Cambridge expression "a Grace of the Senate," i.e., a de-
cision (placitum).
xat' amou] "against him" (cf. v. 2, xata tou ITavi..ov).
'IEQoooai..~µ] The unhellenized form is used (by contrast with 'IEQoooi..uµa, vv.
1, 7, and 9), probably because the Jewish authorities are the speakers. See on 1:4.
EVEO()av] Cf. 23: 16; an addition in syrhcl.mg indicates that this plot was laid
by the same people as bound themselves by a vow in 23:12.
25:4 6 !AfV ouv <Pijcn:o~] "Festus, however."
Tl]QEio0m tov Ilaui..ov] "that Paul was being kept in safe custody."
fomov be µiUELV icri..] One might have expected auto~ rather than fomov, but
where there is a contrasted clause with acc. and infin. (as here, Tl]QEio0m tov
Ilaiii..ov), the acc. of the reflexive pronoun may be used even in classical Gk. See
on v. 21.
25:5 buvmol] "men of power," "men of influence"; a term frequent in
Josephus (e.g., BJ 1.242; Ant. 14.324). These buvatoi would be more or less iden-
tical with the 3tQciJTOL of v. 2.
486
25:6-12 PAUL APPEALS TO CAESAR
litoJtov] "amiss," "improper," lit. "out of place"; cf. 28:6; Lk. 23:41; 2 Th.
3:2.
8. Paul Appeals to Caesar (25:6-12)

6 &crtQi'ljmc; bt EV amo Ic; ~µiQac; ou Jti..E (ouc; oxtm ~ f>Exa, xatapac; de;
KmOUQElUV, tfl EJtUUQlOV xaO(oac; EJtL tOU p~µatoc; EXEA.EUOEV tov Ilaui..ov
uxe~vm. 7 Jt<lQUYEVOµEVOU bt amou JtEQlEITTTJOUV amov ot llJtO 'IEQOOOA.U!J.CllV
xataPEPTJXOtEc; 'loubai:OL, JtOA.A.U XUl PUQEU atnwµata xutacpEQOvtEc; a mix
foxuov (lJtObEI;m, 8tOU Ilaui..ou Wtoi..oyouµivou on, OutE de; tOV v6µov tcilV
'Iou&tiwv OutE de; to LEQOV OutE Etc; Ka(OUQU tl ~µUQtOV. 9 0 cl,i')otoc; bt 8EA.CllV
toi:c; 'Iou&t(mc; )'.UQl v xata8fo8m WtOXQLOELc; tcj'> naui..<µ ElJtEV, 0Ei..ELc; Etc;
'IEQoo6i..uµa avapac; EXEL JtEQL toutCllV XQLOftvm EJt' Eµoii; 10ElJtEV bt OIlaui..oc;,
'E.Jti toii p~µatoc; Ka(oaQOc; Eotwc; dµL, ou µE f>Ei: XQ(vwOm. 'Iou&t(ouc; ooorv
~bLXTJXU, ci>c; xal OU l((lA.A.lOV EJtlYl VWOXEL<;. II EL µEv ouv abLXW XUL li;LOV Oav<itou
JtEJtQUXU n, mi JtUQULtoiiµm to a.1to8avEi:v· Et bE OOOEV EotlV <l'lv OutOL
XUtTJYOQOOOLV µou, oubdc; µE buvatm amoic; )'.UQLOU08Ul' KatOUQU EJtl-
xai..ouµm. 12 t6tE o cl,i')otoc; oui..i..ai..~oac; µEta toii ouµpoui..Lou WtEXQ(OTJ,
Ka(oUQU rmxfai..1Jom, EJtL Ka(oaQU JtOQEoon.
25:6 ~µiQac; ou Jti..E(ouc; oxrw ~ f>Exa] The same construction as in 24: 11, ou
Jti..E(ouc; ... ~µiQm bwbExa (see ad Zoe.).
xaO(oac; EJtt toii p~µatoc;] "having sat down on the judgment seat." This was
a necessary formality so that his decision might have legal effect. Cf. 18:12, 16;
Mt. 27:19; Jn. 19:13; Jos. BJ 2.172, 301; 3.532 (see also Schurer I, p. 339, n. 7,
with reference to Philip the tetrarch's itinerant 8Q6voc;, Jos. Ant. 18.107).
25:7 JtUQUYEVOµEVOU bE amou JtEQlEITTTJOUV amov] Note the change of case,
amoii . .. am6v (cf. 19:30; 21: 17; 28: 17).
atnwµata] "charges." Less classical than alttaµata. MM quote it from an il-
literate Fayum papyrus of A.D. 95/96 in the sense of "blame."
a om foxuoav uJtobEi:;m] "which they were not able to prove."
25:8 on] recitantis.
oiitE ... oiitE ... oiitE ... ] Cf. the form of Paul's reply to his accusers before
Felix (24:12). Here he presumably replies one by one to the "many serious charges"
brought against him by his accusers before Festus. In om:E de; tov v6µov t&v
'Iou&t(wv and outE de; to LEQ6v he answers the old charges of infringing Jewish law
and profaning the temple; in outE de; Ka(oaQa he replies explicitly to the charge of
maiestas or other offenses against the imperial order which were implied in his
stigmatization as a i..mµ6c; (24:5) and may have been voiced more specifically by
his present accusers. The other charges fell within the jurisdiction of the Sanhedrin,
but by denying that he had committed any crime against Caesar (cf. the charges at
Thessalonica, 17:6f., and the charges against Jesus, Lk. 23:2; Jn. 19:12), he reminds
Festus that this is a matter with which he, as C?..:sar's representative, is alone com-
petent to deal.
25:9 OEi..wv tole; 'Iouf>a(mc; XUQLV (X<iQLta A) xata8Eo0m] The same lan-
guage as is used of Felix in 24:27.
487
aJtoXQL0d;; ... dJtEv] See on 4:19. Only here and in 19:15 is this idiom used
in a non-Semitic context in Acts.
0EAEL£ EL£ 'IEQooo}.uµa xtA] The suggestion was plausible enough: the one
specific action alleged against Paul had ostensibly been committed in Jerusalem,
and Jerusalem might therefore be the most convenient place for investigating the
allegation; Festus himself proposed to act as judge (XQL0fjvm EJt' iµou). That would
normally have ensured impartiality; but since Festus had begun to conciliate the
Jewish authorities thus far, he might through inexperience be led into conciliating
them further. No doubt they wished Paul to be handed over to their own jurisdic-
tion, but they overreached themselves by accusing him in addition of offenses
against the emperor, which fell within the procurator's jurisdiction.
25:10 Eatm£ dµL] For the periphrastic construction see on 1 :10; here it pro-
duces a more solemn and rhetorical impression. In B Eatm£ appears twice-before
£Jti tou ~~µato£ as well as after KaiOUQO£-which yields an attractive reading, ap-
proved by LC ("standing at Caesar's tribunal, I am standing where I ought to be
judged"). WH and Ropes retain Eatm£ before EJti and omit it after KaiaaQO£.
xanwv] Here the comparative is definitely elative: "very well" (cf. 24:22,
<lXQL~EO'tEQOV).
25:11 EL µi;v ouv ... EL bi; . .. ] Antithetic µrv and br in the classical manner
(cf. 21 :39).
afaxw] "I am guilty," an Attic use.
ou JtUQaLtofJµm to aJto0uvEi v] "I do not beg myself off from death" ( cf. Lat.
deprecor, as in Virgil,Aen. 12.931, "equidem merui, nee deprecor"-an instance
pointed out to me by Professor H. H. Huxley). Cf. Jos. Vita 141, 0avE'iv µi;v EL
[)(,emov EatLV OU JtUQaLtouµm.
Ei 6E oubrv EITTLV] Even after EL the negative oubEV is here preferred to µT)bEV
as denoting greater absoluteness: "nothing at all."
XUQtoao0m] "give up as a favor" or "in order to win favor" (cf. v. 16; 3:14;
27:24).
KaioUQa EJtLXat..ofJµm] For emxat..ouµm in the sense "I appeal" see N cw Docs.
l (1976), § 12 (where, however, it is not to Caesar that the appeal is made). Paul's
statement of appeal corresponds to Lat. ad Caesarem prouoco (cf. Tac.Ann. 6.5.2,
"ad imperatorem prouocauit"). The right of appeal (prouocatio) to the emperor
arose out of the earlier appeal to the sovereign people (ad populum), one of the
most ancient rights of a Roman citizen, traditionally dating from the foundation of
the republic in 509 B.C. The right was usually exercised by appealing against a
magistrate's verdict, but might be exercised at any earlier stage of the proceedings,
claiming "that the investigation be carried out in Rome and judgment passed by
the emperor himself' (Schurer I, p. 369). According to Dio Cassius (Hist. 51.19),
Octavian (later Augustus) was granted the right to judge on appeal, EXXATJtOV
blxct~ELV, in which A. H. M. Jones recognized the Gk. equivalent of ex prouoca-
tione cognoscere (Studies in Roman Government and Law [Oxford, 1960], p. 96).
The lex Julia de ui publica (see on 16:37), also dating from the early principate,
safeguarded Roman citizens not only against degrading forms of punishment or
488
25:6-12 PAUL APPEALS TO CAESAR
coercion but also against being sentenced aduersus prouocationem ("in face of an
appeal") or being prevented from going to Rome to lodge the appeal there within
a fixed time (Digest 48.6, 7; Paulus, Sententiae 5.26.1).
Paul did not appeal while Felix was in office: Felix had virtually decided that
there was no case against Paul and was simply postponing the formal acquittal and
discharge. One day (it might have been hoped) his procrastination would come to
an end and Paul would be discharged. But with Felix's recall and Festus's apparent
readiness to make concessions to Paul's accusers, a potentially dangerous situation
was developing for Paul; hence his momentous decision.
Ordinary provincials, unlike Roman citizens, had no such right of appeal, as
they had no rights under the Valerian and Porcian Jaws (see on 16:37; 22:25). By
the beginning of the second century A.D. it evidently became the regular practice
for Roman citizens in the provinces, charged with offenses extra ordinem (not
covered by the standard code of procedure), to be sent to Rome almost automati-
cally, without going through the formality of appealing to Caesar. Thus when the
younger Pliny, legate of Bithynia and Pontus (A.D. 111/112), wrote to Trajan about
the growth of Christianity in his province, he told him how he had dealt summarily
with ordinary provincials, but added, "fuerunt alii similis amentiae, quos quia ciues
Romani erant adnotaui in urbem remittendos" (Ep. 10.96.4). There was a gradual
erosion of the citizen's privileges with the steady increase in the number of citizens
throughout the empire in the second century-an increase which reached its cli-
max in 212 with the extension of the franchise to all freeborn provincials. Luke's
account of Paul's appeal conforms with what is known of conditions in the late fif-
ties of the first century. See A H. M. Jones, Studies in Roman Government and
Law (Oxford, 1960), pp. 51-98; AN. Sherwin-White, Roman Society and Roman
Law in the New Testament (Oxford, 1963), pp. 57-70; P. Garnsey, "The Lex Julia
and Appeal under the Empire," IRS 58 (1966), pp. 167-89.
The emperor at this time was Nero, who succeeded his stepfather Claudius
in 54 and ruled till 68. His first five years, while he was under the influence of the
philosopher Seneca and the praefectus praetorio Afranius Burrus, were regarded
in retrospect as a miniature golden age, the quinquennium Neronis.
25:12 µeta tou auµ~ouHou] "with his council"; these were the governor's
assessors (auvEl'iQOL, comites), of whose advice he might avail himself, though the
decision Jay in his hands alone. They included both the higher officials of his court
and the younger men who accompanied him to gain experience in provincial ad-
ministration.
t:n:l Ka(aaga :n:ogEuan] So said Festus, glad, no doubt, at being thus happily
relieved of an awkward responsibility. It has been thought that Paul simply ap-
pealed to Caesar in the person of Caesar's representative, who sat on "Caesar's
judgment seat," insisting on his right to be tried there and not handed over to the
Jewish court, but that Festus seized a way out of a difficult situation and took his
plea as an appeal directly to the emperor in person at Rome (so H.J. Cadbury in
BC 1.5, p. 319). But this is unlikely; Paul's Ka(aaQa rmxa1..oflµm could have meant
one thing only.
489
If Paul's appeal is (rightly) understood as an appeal to the emperor in person,

it may be concluded that he made it not only for the sake of his personal safety but
also from a desire to win recognition for the Gentile churches as col/egia licita in
their own right and, perhaps more than anything else, because of the incomparable
opportunity of preaching the gospel which the hearing of his appeal would give
him (cf. Eph. 6:19f.; Phil. 1:19f.; 2 Tim. 4:17?). See on 18:16.
9.Agrippa/I and Bernice Visit Festus (25:13-22)

13 'HµEQOJV OE otayEvoµivwv tL vwv 'AyQ(rcrca; 6 ~aotA.fU£ xal BEQVLXTJ
xat~vtTJOUV EL£ KmOOQELUV ClOltUO<lf.LEVOL tov <l>ijotov. 14 w; fJE ltA.ELO~ ~µEQ(l£
OLEtQL~OV EXEL, 6 <l>ijoto; tq:> ~aatA£i ClVE0Eto ta xata tOV IlaUA.OV AEYO>V, 'Av~Q
ti; Eott v xataA£AELµµivo; urco <l>rJAtxo; ofoµto;, 15 ltEQL ou yEvoµivou µou d;
'lEQoo6)..uµa EVEcj>avtoav oi ClQ:(LEQEi£ xal oi JtQEO~utEQOL twv 'Iouoa(wv,
aho,iµEVOL xat' ain:ou XataOLXTJV' 16 3tQO£ ou; <lltEXQL0rjv OtL oux Eotl V E0o;
'Pwµaim; X<lQLtwea( tt va liv8Q0>Jtov ltQLV ~ 6 xat1JYOQ01Jf.LEvo~ xata lt(l6owrcov
EXOL toll£ xat11y6Qo~ t6rcov tE arco)..oy(a~ )..a~ot ltEQl tou Eyx),.~µato~.
170UVEA00vtO>V ot'iv EV0aOE ClV~OA.~V µT]bEµ(av 3tOLTJO<lµEVO£ tfi E~ij; xa0LOU£
EltL tOU ~~µato; EXEAfUOa axSfivm tov UVOQa· 18 ltE()L OU ota0EvtE£ oi xat~YOQOL
oubEµ(av ah(av Eq>EQOV cov Eyw umv6ouv rcOVTJQWV, 19 tTJt~µata bE tt va ltEQl
tij; lbta; OEtotbmµovLU£ dx;ov 3tQO£ ain:ov xal JtEQL tL vo; 'llJoou tE0VTJXOto~,
OV Eq>UOXEV o IlaUA.0£ tfiv. 20 <llt0Q01Jf.LEVO£ bE iyw t~V ltEQL tOutO>V t~tTJOL V
EA£YOV d ~ou)..otto ltOQEuw0m El; 'IEQOo6)..uµa xaxEi XQtvwem ltEQL tomoov.
21 tOU OE Ilau)..ou Eltl)C(lA.EOaµEVOU tl)QTJ0fivm ain:ov El; t~V tou ll'.~aotou
btayvwotv, EXEA.fUOa tT]()Eia0m ain:ov EO>£ O'U avamµ,pw ain:ov ltQO£ KatO<l(Ja.
22 'AyQL3tltU£ bE lt()O£ tOV <l>ijotov, 'Et3ou)..6µ11v xal autO£ tOU avSQwrcou
axouom. AUQLOV, q>TJOLV, axouan ain:ou.
25:13 ~µEQOJV bE btayEvoµivoov tt vwv] "And after an interval of some days";

for bta in btayEVOµEVCllV cf. 24: 17.
'AyQtltltU£ 6 ~aotAEU£] Herod Agrippa II, described on his coins as Marcus
Julius Agrippa (his name as a Roman citizen), was the son of Herod Agrippa I (see
on 12:1 ), born in A.O. 27. He was in Rome when his father died in 44, and Claudius
was disposed to give him his father's kingdom, but was dissuaded (on account of
the son's youth), and Judaea again became a Roman province. In 50, however,
Claudius gave Agrippa the kingdom of Chalcis (in Lebanon) in succession to his
uncle Herod, together with the right of appointing the Jewish high priests. In 53
Agrippa exchanged Chalcis for Batanaea, Gaulanitis, Trachonitis, and Abila, which
had formed part of his father's kingdom; three years later Nero gave him in addi-
tion the regions of Tiberi as and Tarichaea, west of the sea of Galilee, together with
Julias in Peraea and 14 neighboring villages. As a compliment to Nero he changed
the name of his capital from Caesarea Philippi to Neronias (modern Banyas/
Ilavda£). Like his father he called himself ~aotAEU£ µeya; q,t)..6xmoaQ EUOE~~; xal
q>LAOQWµmo£. He did his best to avert the revolt of AD. 66 (see the speech attributed
to him in Jos. BJ 2.345-401); when his efforts failed, he remained loyal to the em-
pire throughout the war and was rewarded with a further increase of territory and
490
25: 13-22 AGRIPPA II AND BERNICE VISIT FESTUS
(in 75) with promotion to praetorian rank. He corresponded with Josephus about
the latter's BJ, confirming its accuracy (Jos. Vita 362-66; Ap. 1.51 ). He died child-
less about the end of the century. Cf. Jos. BJ 2.233, 245, 247, 309, 337-407; 3.56f.;
7.97; Ant. 19.354, 360-62; 20.104, 135, 138-40, 159, 179, 189-93, 203, 211-13;
Vita 34, 38f., 46, 48, 52, 61, 74, 112, 114, 126, 131, 149, 154f., 162, 180-82, 185,
220, 340-56, 359, 362-67, 381-84, 388-91, 397f., 407f., 410. See also A.H. M.
Jones, The Herods of Judaea (Oxford, 1938), pp. 207-31; Schurer I, pp. 471-83.
BEQVLX'I]] This form replaced the earlier BEQEVLX'I] by the operation of "Kret-
schmer's law" (which states that in popular Hellenistic Gk. an unstressed vowel
after A,µ, v, orQ dropped out when the same vowel stood in the preceding syllable).
Berenice was a common name for women of the Macedonian royal families (Ve-
ronica is a latinized form). The corresponding general Gk. form was ckQEVLXt].
Julia Berenice was the eldest daughter of Herod Agrippa I, born in A.O. 28,
and given in marriage by her father to his brother Herod, king of Chalcis. When
her husband died in 48, she lived in the house of her brother Agrippa. Later she
married Polemon, king of Cilicia, but soon left him and returned to her brother. As
the wife of Herod and, after him, Polemon she had the title "queen": she is styled
"great queen" in /G 3.556 == C/G 361 ('Iou1,.iuv BEQEVLX'l]V ~uaiA.LCJCJuv µqaA'l]V).
On a Lat. inscription from Beirut she is called regina Berenice regis magni
A[grippae ft.Zia] (Comptes rendus de l 'Academie des Inscriptions [1927], pp. 243f. ).
In Jerusalem, in the spring of 66, she performed a Nazirite vow and attempted in
vain, not without personal risk, to prevent a massacre of Jews by the procurator
Gessius Florus; later, however, when her house in Jerusalem had been burned by
Jewish insurgents, she became an ardent pro-Flavian, like her brother. She attracted
the attention of Titus during the war, and later lived with him on the Palatine, when
she came to Rome with Agrippa in 75. Titus was dissuaded from marrying her by
popular disapproval at Rome, and severed his connection with her. Cf. Jos. BJ
2.217, 220f., 310-14, 333f., 405, 426, 595;Ant. 19.276f., 354; 20.104, 143, 145f.;
Vita 48, 119, 180f., 343, 355; Juvenal, Sat. 6.156-60; Tac. Hist. 2.2; Suet. Tit. 7.1;
Dio Cass. Hist. 65.15; 66.18. See also G. H. Macurdy, "Julia Berenice," AJP 56
(1933), pp. 246-53; J. A. Crook, "Titus and Berenice," AJP 72 (1951), pp. 162-75;
D. C. Braund, "Berenice in Rome," Historia 33 (1984), pp. 120-23.
xut~vtt]auv ... <ia:n:ua<iµEvm tov cl,ijmov] I.e., to pay him a complimentary visit
on his assumption of the procuratorship. The aor. ptc. was early felt to be a difficulty
and altered to the fut. ptc. <ia:n:ua6µEvm (expressing intention) in \JI 36 81 323 1739
1891 2495 pm lat syr copsa (so also TR); "but the aorist participle is probably defen-
sible. It describes the condition of the visit, not any time relation between coming to
Caesarea and welcoming Festus" (LC). One may regard xut~vtt]CJuv ... <ia:n:aa<iµEvm
as equivalent to xut~vtt]CJUV xul ~a:n:aauvto, taking the aor. ptc. as roughly coincident
in force (cf. 1:24; 11:30; 15:8f.; 17:26; 22:24; 23:35; 24:22; Lk. 19:6). Cf. Pindar,
Pyth. 4.189, AEl;uto i:n:mv~am; ("mustered and praised them"), where, so far as time
relation goes, e:n:mv~am; is subsequent to A.E;Qto. See B. M. Metzger,A Textual Com-
mentary on the Greek New Testament (London, etc., 1971), p. 492.
25:14 :n:A.ELOU£ ~µEQU£] Cf. 21: 10.
491
avi0Eto] "communicated," with a view to consultation; cf. Gal. 2:2; 2 Mace.

3 :9. MM illustrate this late sense of &:vati0Eµm from a papyrus of A.D. 233.
25:15 ivEcpavumv] Cf. v. 2; 23:15; 24:1.
xmubtxT}v] "sentence of condemnation," a classical word, here only in the
NT (cf. Wisd. 12:27).
25:16 oux fon v E0oi; 'Pmµuimi; xtk] A vindication of the justice of Roman
law. Field quotes Appian, Bell. civ. 3.54, 6 µev voµoi;, w~ouk~, btxmoi tov
EU0UVOµEVOV autov &:xooou( tE tfJi; XUtT}YOQLU\; ,ml wtokoyT}aaµEVOV 'U:1tEQ umou
XQivw0m.
:1tQiv ~ t;:(OL] Opt. in historic sequence after an:exei0TJV. In Lk. 2:26, :rtQLV ~ civ
Ion, the subjunctive is retained even in historic sequence for the sake of vividness.
xma :rtQoamn:ov] For the adverbial use of this phrase (Lat. coram) cf. 2 Cor.
10:1; Gal. 2:11 (it is a regular Gk. usage). See also on 3:13.
ton:ov] "opportunity" (Lat. locus is similarly used). Cf. Heb. 12: 17; Jos. Ant.
16.258, µ~t' an:o)..oyiui; µ~t' Ekiyxou ton:ov iimi; a)..T}0ELai; EXOVTOOV.
iyxk~µatoi;] See on 23:29.
25:17 <lVU~o)..~v] "deferment"; cf. 0:VE~a)..EtO, 24:22, but the noun here is
used in no technical sense.
t'fi E;fJi;] SC. ~µEQ(.l.
25:18 n:ov11Qv] xc BE 81104pc /:1tOV1JQ<1V p74 AC* q, 36 614 9451175
1739 1891 2495 al latg vg.codd I n:oVT}Q<l X * C 2 I om byz.
25:19 ~1Jt~µutu] Cf. 15:2; 18: 15; 23:29; 26:3 (also ~~tT}ati;, v. 20; 15:2, 7).
tfJi; toiai; OELatbmµoviai;] "their own religion" rather than "their own super-
stition"; the more derogatory sense would be out of place here, since Agrippa was
a very distinguished Jew. LC suggest (less probably) "his own superstition" (i.e.,
Paul's). See on oewtooLµovEatEQoui;, 17:22.
:1tEQL n voi; 'I11aou TE0v11xotoi; ov Ecpuaxtv 6 Iluukoi; ~fJv] The puzzled allusion
of the pagan Festus contains the crux of the dispute. Paul's insistence (Ecpaaxtv) on
the resurrection as the hope of Israel and in particular on the resurrection of Jesus
as the validation of this hope had impressed itself on the governor's mind. In Paul's
earlier appeals to the resurrection hope as the core of his faith (23:6; 24: 15) the res-
urrection of Jesus was probably affirmed and not simply implied, as might be in-
ferred from the narrative; otherwise Festus would not have grasped the point so ac-
curately.
25:20 ~~TTJOL v] Cf. ~T}t~µuta in v. 19. For ~~tT}ati; cf. 15 :2, 7; also Jos. Ant.
14.195, av{)£ µEtu;U YEV1JTUL tti; ~~tT}aLi; 1tEQL tfJi; 'loooaimv &:ymyfji;, o:QEOXEL µm
XQLOL v yEvfo0m :1taQ' auto ii;. For the acc. after wtOQEOO or &:n:oQfoµm cf. Plato, Craty-
lus 409D, to 1tiiQ wtOQW.
25:21 T1JQ1J0fjvm umov ... t1JQEia0m amov] The aor. does not include his
custody to date, as the pres. does: "to continue being kept," "to remain in custody."
With t1JQ1J0fJvm (expressing Paul's plea for himself) the pronoun amov is superflu-
ous (or the reflexive might have been used); it conforms here with its proper oc-
currence after t1JQEia0m.
di; t~v tou :U~aatoii btayvmat v] "for His Majesty's examination and deci-
492
25:23-27 PAUL BROUGHT BEFORE AGRIPPA
sion." LE~am:6<; is the equivalent of Lat. Augustus (transliterated, not translated, in

Lk. 2: 1 because in the case of the first Augustus the word was treated as a personal
name and not simply as a title of majesty). With l>uiyvwm<; (Lat. cognitio) cf. l>ta-
ytvrooxw in 23:15; 24:22. In /G 14.1072 the office a cognitionibus Augusti is ren-
dered i:n:l. ... l>tayvwoEwv toii LE~ao,;oii (end of 2nd cent. AD.). Cf. P.Hib. 1.93.10
(c. 250 B.C. ), ~ l>uiy [ywm<; :n:EQL amoii fo ]tw :n:Qo<; ~ao[ t>..txa (MM); also perhaps
Wisd. 3: 18, iv ~µEQ~ btayvwoEW<;.
ava:n:Eµ'ljlw] Used, like Lat. remitto, of referring or "remanding" to a higher
tribunal.
25:22 :rreo<; tov <l>fjm:ov] + Eq>TJ p74 C E q, byz latg vg.codd syr.
i~ou>..6µT]v] "I should like"; cf. the similar use of the imperf. in Rom. 9:3; Gal.
4:20; Phlm. 13. The classical construction Ells(liµriv av occurs in 26:29. Less prob-
ably Agrippa means that he has already heard of Paul and wished to see him: "I
was wishing" (cf. the desire of Antipas to see Jesus, Lk. 9:9; 23:8).
10. Paul Brought before Agrippa (25:23-27)

23 Tfl o-&v £31:UU(.)tOV t>..06vto<; toii 'Ay(.)LltltU XUL tf]<; BEQVlX'l<; µEta ltOAAT]<; qiav-
ta<JLU<; XUL El<JEA0ovtwv EL<; to OX(.)OUt~(.)lOV <JUV tE X,lAt<l(.)X.OL<; xal avl>Qa<Jt v
tole; xm' il;ox.~v tf]<; ito>..Ewc;, xul xE>..Euoavr~ wii <I,rJm:ou ~X.0TJ 6 ITaii>..oc;. 24 xu(
qirim v 6 <l>fjm:o<;, 'AyQiltlta ~am>..Eii xal it<ivtE<; oi ouµ:n:UQOvtE<; ~µiv civl>(.}E<;,
0EW(.)E itE tofuov 31:E(.)l OU ii:n:avto :n:>..f]0o<; tfuv 'Iou[>u l(l)V EVEtUX,OV µm EvtE 'IEQO-
oo>..uµOt<; xal ive<il>E, ~OWvtE<; µ~ l>E°iv amov ~f]v µrixfo. 25 iyw l>E X<ltEkc4}oµriv
µril>tv cil;tov amov 0avatou ltE:rfQUX.EV<ll, amoii l>E tOutOU EltlXUAE<JUµEVOU tov
LE~ao,;ov EX(.)l va :n:EµitEl v. 26 31:EQL OU aoqia>..ec; tt YQ<l'ljl<ll t<µ XU(.)l(?) O\JX EX.W" l>to
31:(.)0~yayov (l'IJtOV tqi' uµwv xal µakL<Jt(l r:n:l <JOU, ~(l(JLAEU 'AyQLJtlt<l, OJtW<; tf]c;
OVUX(.)l<JEW<; yEvoµEVTJ<; oxoo ,:( YQU'lj)W' 27 a>..oyov y<iQ µm boxEi JtEµitovta
l>foµtov µ~ xal ta<; xat' amoii <lltiac; oriµavm.
25:23 i>..eovro<; toii 'AYQLltlta xal tf]<; BEQvixri<;] Bernice also sat by Agrippa
when he made his appeal to the Jewish leaders in Jerusalem not to revolt against
Rome (BJ 2.344).
µEta noHf]<; qiavraoia<;] "with great pomp";fantasya is still used in Palestin-
ian Arabic for a procession (cf. "pomp" from Gk. itoµ:n:~, "procession," the reverse
semantic development). Cf. Polyb. Hist. 16.21.1 (µEta qiavraoiac;); Vettius Valens
38.26 et saepe (cf. MM).
aXQoat~Qtov] "audience chamber," probably in Herod's palace. Cf. audi-
torium in Digest 4.4.18.1, of a room used by the emperor for hearing trials (see also
C. 1. Herner, "Audeitorion," TynB 24 [1973], p. 128).
Xtkt<iQXOt<;] There were at Caesarea five auxiliary cohorts, each of which
would be commanded by a military tribune (Jos. Ant. 19.365).
tole; xat' il;ox~v i:f]c; :n:okEwc;] "the leading men of the city," i.e., of Caesarea.
These would be mainly, ifnot entirely, Gentiles. Cf. touc; JtQWtOU<; tf]c; JtOAEW<;, 13:50.
The l> text is represented by the addition in syrhcl.mg "who had come down from
the province," reconstructed by Ropes as toi<; xatE>..0oiimv (xatc4}E~'lx6mv,
T. Zahn, A. C. Clark) a:n:o tf]<; titUQXEiac;.
493
~X0TJ 6 IlauJ..rn;] Some of Luke's readers may have been impressed by Paul's
temporary association with such eminent persons (cf. Haenchen,Acts, pp. 677-79).
But even then some of them may have reckoned it a privilege for the eminent per-
sons to have this temporary association with Paul; and certainly today (and for a
long time now) the majority of people who know anything about Festus, Agrippa,
and Bernice know them for the part they play in Luke's record of the trial of Paul.
25:24 oi auµ,taQOvtE~ ~µiv avb()E~] Called in 26:30 oi auyxa0~µEvoL amoi~
(including the auµflou1..wv of v. 12). Bernice would not feel herself pointedly ig-
nored by the formal avl\QE£ in Festus's complimentary address.
:itJ..ij0os] "community," "people"; so Deissmann (BS, p. 232), who compares
to n).:fJ0os t&v 'Ioul\a(wv in 1 Mace. 8:20; 2 Mace. 11: 16 (= 6 l\ijµos t&v 'Ioul\a(wv,
2 Mace. 11:34); Aristeas 308.
Eviwxov] EVEttJXEV B H IJI 104 945 al.
xal he<il\E] I\ (represented chiefly by syrhcl.mg and partly by latvg.cod ardmach
and bohaemvet) continues: "that I should hand him over to them for punishment
without any defense. But I could not hand him over, on account of the commands
which we have from His Majesty. But if anyone was going to accuse him, I said
that he should follow me to Caesarea, where he was in custody; and when they
came, they clamored that he should be put to death" (reconstructed by A. C. Clark:
0:lt(J)~ :ltaQUI\& amov Et£ ~aaavov ava:itOAOYTJtDV' mix ~l\uvri01Jv l\e :ltUQal\oiivm am6v,
/\ta tU£ EVtoAU£ as EXOJ.lEV :ltUQU tOU LE~UCJ'tO'U. EUV I\E tL£ amoii XUtTJYOQELV 0EJ..TI,
EJ..fYOV UXOAOU0EiV µot EL£ KmaaQELav O'U EtpUA<lGGEto· o'itLVE£ EJ..06vtE£ E~O(J)V 'iva
UQ0fi ex tij~ twii~).
25:25 Eyw l\e xatEJ..a~6µTjv xt1..] I\ (represented by syrhcl.mg) reads: "But
when I heard one side and the other, I found that he was in no way worthy of death.
But when I said, 'Are you willing to be judged before them in Jerusalem?' heap-
pealed to Caesar" (reconstructed by Clark: axouaa~ l\e aµtj>otEQWV XatEJ..a~6µTJV EV
µTjl\EVL amov Evoxov dvm 0avatou· El:lt0vt0£ OE µou· 8EAEL~ XQLVEa0m µEt' am&v
EV 'lEQoaoJ..uµms; KaiaaQa E:ltEXaJ..foato.
J.lTJOEv a;tov amov Oavatou nrnQUxevm] Forµ~ {ILTJI\Ev) with infin. instead of
ov (ovbiv) after xateJ..a~6µTJv cf. 23:8 and the similar construction after J..oy(toµm
in 2 Cor. 11:5.
EXQLva mµnetv] Festus has already decided to allow Paul's appeal to go for-
ward (in fact, he had no option in the matter); he hopes that Agrippa will help him
(informally, as the responsibility lay exclusively with Festus himself) to draft a re-
port on a case which he found puzzling.
25:26 aatj>aAE£] "certain," "definite."
yQ<i1jlm] In Digest 49 .6.1 such a report is called litterae dimissoriae siue apos-
toli. Court records of the proceedings conducted by Felix, including Lysias's letter
(23:26-30), were no doubt available, but Festus had to prepare a coherent report,
and he knew himself to be out of his depth in some aspects of the case; Agrippa's
advice would therefore be most welcome.
tcp xuQ(q>] In Egypt and the east the emperor was called 6 XUQLO£, as the Ptole-
mies and other Hellenistic rulers had been. Under Nero and his successors there is
494
25:23-27 PAUL BROUGHT BEFORE AGRIPPA
a recognizable rise in the frequency of such ascriptions (Deissmann, LAE, pp. 353-
62). (See also New Docs. 2 [1977], § 6.) According to Dio Cassius (Hist. 62.5.2),
King Tiridates of Armenia paid homage to Nero as his "master" (bECJJtOtTJ£) and
"god"-but Tiridates was a foreigner. Later in the first century Domitian liked to
be called dominus et deus noster (Suet., Domitian 13.2).
avaXQLCJECO£] "preliminary investigation" is the meaning when the word is
used technically; here it is used in the looser sense of "inquiry." The only inquiry
that Festus could now hold was the questioning of those concerned which would
enable him to write an accurate report on Paul.
25 :27 µ~ ,ml ta£ ,mt' am:oii alt L<l£ 011µavm] "not to indicate also the charges
against him"; Festus was obliged to indicate them, but was anxious that his state-
ment should make sense.
495
ACTS26
11. Paul Accepts Agrippa's Invitation to Speak (26:1)

1 'Aygi:n::n:a£ OE :n:go£ tov I1au1..ov Ecj>TJ, 'E:n:ngE:n:erai om :n:egl ornmou 1..eyet v.
tOtE 6 ITaUA.0£ EXtELVO£ t~V XELQO a:n:EA.OYELto.
26: 1 :JtEQL (u:n:i;g B ['¥] byz) ornmou HyEL v] :JtEQi is the more appropriate
preposition here: Paul is not now defending himself in a court of law, but putting
Agrippa in the picture with regard to his mission and message.
I1au1..0£] + "confident, and encouraged in the Holy Spirit" syrhcl.mg (repre-
senting o): Clark reconstructs, 8UQQWV xal EV rcveuµan ay(cµ :JtUQUXA.T]OLV A.a~mv.
txtd VU£ t~v XELQa] A respectful salutation to the king, not (like xataodw tfi
XELQi in 13:16; 21:40) an appeal for a quiet hearing.
a:n:EA.oyEito] "made his defense," but not in the forensic sense: of all Paul's
speeches recorded in Acts, this may best claim to be his apologia pro uita sua. For
&:n:01..oyfoµm used absolutely (cf. Lk. 21 :14; Rom. 2:5) see New Docs. 2 (1977), § 62.
12. Paul's "Apologia Pro Vita Sua" (26:2-23)

a. Exordium (26:2-3)
2 ITEQL rcavtwv cliv tyxa1..ouµm urco 'Iouoaiwv, ~aotA.EU 'Aygircrca, ~yT]µm
tµautov µaxagwv E:JtL oou µEA.A.WV O~µEQOV U:JtOA.OyEio8m, 3 µaA.tota yvmITTT]V
ovta OE :Jtavtwv t&v xma 'louoaiou£ E0&v tE xal ~T]tT]µatwv· Oto ofoµm µa-
xgo0uµw£ &xouoa( µou.
26:2 :JtEQl rcavtwv XtA.] For the elaborate structure and complimentary style
of the exordium cf. 24: 10. See H. Conzelmann, Die Apostelgeschichte (Ttibingen,
1963), p. 137, E.T., p. 209.
urco 'Iouoaiwv] For the anarthrous 'Iouoaiwv cf. vv. 3, 7, 21; 25:10. In 25:8
(t&v 'Iouoaiwv) the article is due to the preceding tov voµov (BDF § 262, where it
is pointed out that the names of defendants in Attic lawsuits are anarthrous).
'Iouoafot is regularly anarthrous in Paul's letters (1 Cor. 9:20 and 1 Th. 2:14 are
exceptions).
~am1..Eu 'Ayg(:n::n:a] The position of the vocative in the sentence is unusual (cf.
its varying positions in vv. 7, 13, and 27), for stylistic effect.
496
26:4-8 THE RESURRECTION HOPE
~yl]µm Eµumov µm«iQLov] "I congratulate myself." Cf. 24: 10 (Eu01lµw£) for
the captatio beneuolentiae, but Paul meant what he said: such an opportunity for
gospel witness was to be eagerly welcomed. The perf. ~yT]µUL with pres. meaning
"is one of the literary touches characteristic of the speech before Agrippa" (MHT
I, p. 148).
26:3 µa)..unu] This most probably goes with the whole following phrase,
as giving a special reason for Paul's pleasure; less probably it goes with yvmc.n:lJV
("because you are especially expert").
yvmITTlJV ovru oe] The accusatives are left hanging in air, although in sense
they agree with ooii. The construction is made more tolerable by the addition of
Emc.n:aµevo£ (cf. 24: 10) after tTJtl]µfrrwv in (P74 ) xc AC 33 614 945 1891 al syrpesh.
E0ci>v tE X<lt tTJtl]µatwv] "customs and disputed points"; for t~tl]µa cf. 18:15;
23:29; 25:19. Agrippa evidently took his responsibilities as "lay governor of the
Jewish church" seriously.
µaXQo0uµw£] He does not promise to speak concisely (ovvt6µw£), as Tertullus
had done (24:4); perhaps he expected that Agrippa would be sufficiently interested
to listen to a fairly full statement. He does, however, ask for a patient hearing.
b. The resurrection hope (26:4-8)
4 TiJv µ£V ow fHwoi v µou EX VEOtl]tO£ tTJV rur' OQXTJ£ yEVOµ£ Vl]V EV t0 E0vn µov
EV te 'lEQOOOA.UflOL£ fouot v navtE£ [oi] 'Iovoulot, s JtQOYt vc.ooxovtE£ µE iivw8Ev,
Mv 0EA.WOL µaQtVQtiv, on X<lta t~v UXQL~Ec.n:atT]V u'iQwL v tfJ£ ~µEtEQ<l£
0Ql]OXEL<l£ etlJO<l OOQlO<ll0£. 6 X<lt V'UV Elt' EA.JtLOl tfJ£ El£ tO'U£ Jt<ltEQ<l~ ~µcilv
Elt<lYYEA.L<l£ YEVOµ€Vl]£ 'llltO to'U 0EOii EITTl]X<l XQL VOµtVO£, 7 EL£ ~v to
owoexaq>VA.OV ~µci>v EV ExtEVEL~ Vllxt<l X<lL ~µEQ<lV A.<ltQE'UOV EA.JtitEL X<lt<lvtf]om·
ltEQL ~£ EA.JtLOO£ EYX<lA.oiiµm {mo 'Iovou(wv, ~<lOLA.Efr 8tL iimc.n:ov XQLVEt<ll lt<lQ'
uµlv EL 6 8EO£ VEXQOtx; EYELQEL;
26:4 µ£V O'UV] "Well, then."
~iwm v] "way of life." The two other earliest known occurrences of this word
come also in a Jewish context: they appear in the preface to Sirach (tfJ£ Evv6µov
~Lc.ooEw~) and in an inscription dated between AD. 60 and 80 recording how Jews
I of Phrygia were honored by their synagogueota tE t~v EVUQEtov [~i]woL v xrA. (W. M.
~ Ramsay, CPB II [Oxford, 1897], p. 650). Its first known appearance in papyri is in
the sixth century AD.
EV tcµ E0vEL µov] For this use of E0vo£ see on 24:10. LC think that the E0vo£
here is Cilicia, in contrast to Jerusalem (ev tE 'IEQOOOA.uµm£), but the sense proba-
' bly is "in my own nation (the Jews in general) and particularly in Jerusalem (where
the charges against him originated)."
foumv] The classical (Attic) form, as against the common Hellenistico'ioum v
(as in Lk. 23:34). Cf. 2nd plur. 'ic.n:E (as against Hellenistico'ioutE) in Eph. 5:5; Jas.
1:19 (in the former passage it is probably, and in the latter certainly, imper.). Ac-
cording to Blass (PG, p. 9):
St. Paul, too, when he was called to speak before King Agrippa, and Queen Berenice,
and the Praeses (or Procurator) Festus, and the most distinguished society of Caesarea
497
and of the whole province, took care (if we trust, as we ought to do, Luke's account
in Acts xxvi.) not to employ vulgar inflections of the verbs, but to say wamv mivtES
'lou&tiot, not o'i'.&!mv. In his epistles, he constantly has o'i'.&!µEv, -atE, -am; but his
schoolmaster at Tarsus had warned him against such vulgarisms: "'i<JµEv, fotE,
'iaamv," he must have said, "are the true forms which you must employ if you care
to be considered a cultivated speaker or writer."
But whether the Atticizing diction of this speech should be credited to Paul or to
Luke, let the reader judge.
If o[ be read before 'Iou&tioL (with X A C 2 byz), this is an exception to the
tendency toward anarthrous 'Ioooaim (see on v. 2).
26:5 livw9ev] "for a long time," "for a considerable time back" (as in Lk.
1:3), but not necessarily going as far back as rut' OQXTJ£ (v. 4; cf. Lk. 1:2). The af-
finities between this sentence and the prologue to Luke (another classical composi-
tion) are striking.
fo.v 0Elwmv µaQtUQEiv] Cf. 22:5.
UXQL~E<Yt<ItTJV] True superlative force ("strictest"); "this speech is much af-
fected by literary style" (MHT I, p. 78, n. 1). This is the only superlative in -tato£
in the NT, apart from the elative uyuotmn in Jude 20, and u:n:louatato£ (a gloss on
<lXEQUl0£) in Mt. 10: 16D. Cf. :n:E:n:atbEUµEVO£ X(lt(l <lX{)L~ELUV toll :n:atQq>OU voµou
(22:3) and the comparative axeLPfotEQOV (18:26; 23:15, 20; 24:22).
a'iewtv] Cf. 5:17; 15:5; 24:5, 14; 28:22.
0Q11oxEia£] "religious practice" (with reference to the Pharisees' meticulous
attention to the laws of purity and tithing); cf. Col. 2: 18; Jas. 1 :26f.
E~T]CTa <liaQtoaio;] Cf. 23:6; Phil. 3:5; also Gal. 1:14. In the light of what is
now known, thanks to the discovery of the Qumran texts in 1947 and the follow-
ing years, it might be asked if the Essenes were not even stricter than the Pharisees.
26:6 fo' luibl tfJ; ... l:n:ayyEALU£] For the hope cf. 23:6; 24: 15; 28:20. For
the promise cf. also Lk. 1 :55, 72; Rom. 9:4f. The "fathers" to whom the promise
was more particularly made were the patriarchs Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob. It is
implied that the hope and the promise alike have been fulfilled in Jesus, preemi-
nently in his resurrection.
XQL voµevo;] A reference to his ongoing trial, not to his present hearing.
26:7 brobExaq,ulov] Properly an adj. (sc. £0vo£). This is the first known oc-
currence of the compound; later it appears in 1 Clem. 55:6; Protev. lac. 1:1; Sib.
Or. 3.248 (see MM, p. 174). Cf. Hort's note on Jas. 1:1, tai£ bro&xa q,ulai£. For
other references to the twelve tribes in this period cf. Mt. 19:28 par. Lk. 22:30; Rev.
7:4-8; 21:12; also Tlud. 25:1-3a; TBenj. 9:2. Such language expresses the totality
of Israel, whether in an ethnic, religious, or eschatological sense.
lv EXtEVEL<;l] Cf. EictEvw;, 12:5; EictEVECJtEQOV, Lk. 22:44; in both these places
the word is associated with prayer.
vuxta xat ~µi\Qav] At the morning and evening services of sacrifice and
prayer.
latQEfov EA:n:t~EL xatavtfJam] latQEUEL EV] ll:n:ibL x[atavtfJom P 29 ( Grenfell 's
reconstruction). This may represent the b text (cf. latg deseruiunt in spe). For
498
26:9-11 TuE HEAVENLY VISION
xata-vtftam B pc read xatavt~aEt v, which, if better attested, might be acceptable as

consistent with the classical style of the speech.
into 'louba(oov] See on v. 2. Perhaps emphatic: Jews least of all ought to pros-
ecute a man for asserting the hope of Israel. They would have said that it was not
for asserting the hope of Israel that he was prosecuted, but for his offensive activi-
ties while he propagated his own version (perversion, they would have called it) of
that hope.
26:8 tL limatov XQLVEtat :rtaQ' i,µiv] om p29 vid. :rtaQ' uµiv is emphatic:
"among you Jews."
d 6 0Eo~ VEXQOU~ eyELQEt] "that God raises dead people." This, of course, was
an article of faith among the Pharisees, as it had been for Paul in his earlier days.
But since his Damascus-road experience he had learned to believe in God not only
as the one who would raise the dead at the last day but also as the one who had
begun the work of resurrection by raising Jesus from the dead. For him the resur-
rection of Christ was now bound up with the resurrection of his people; cf. v. 23.
E. Nestle, followed by J. Moffatt, suggested that v. 8 should be transposed
to follow v. 22, leading on to the d clauses of v. 23. It is difficult to see how, in that
case, it could have been moved to its present position. V. 8 is very much in place
here, because of the close association in Paul's mind between the hope and the res-
urrection (see on 23:6).
c. Paul's persecuting zeal (26:9-11)
9 'Eyro µEV O'UV Eb0£(1 eµaut<iJ ltQO~ to ovoµa 'hjCJOU toii Natooea(ou 6Eiv :J'(Of,.A.(l
EVUvtLU ltQCl£(ll' 10 0 XUl EltOLTJOU EV 'IEQOOOAUµot~, XUl ltOAAOU~ tE tv ay(oov
eyro EV cpu)..axai~ XatEXAEtaa t~V ltUQ<l tv UQ)(lEQEUlV E;ouaiav Aa~rov,
avmeouµivoov tE am<iiv xat~vEyxa 'ljlftcpov, 11 xal xato. miaa~ to.£ auvayooyo.~
:JtOAAllXl£ tlµ<.OQWV autOU£ ~vuyxatov ~)..amj)TjµEL v' :JtEQlOOW£ tE eµµm VOµEVO£
U'UtOI,£ eMooxov EUl£ xal EL£ tO.£ E;Ul :JtOAEl£.
26:9 eyro µh ouv] Emphatic: "Pharisee though I was, and thus a believer in
the resurrection of the dead, I yet judged it incredible in this particular instance (the
resurrection of Jesus), and thought it my duty to oppose such a heresy."
With this section of the speech cf. 8: la; 9:lf.; 22:4f. This forms the introduc-
tion to the story of Paul's conversion, now to be told for the third time in Acts, and
for the second time in Paul's words.
tbo;a eµam<iJ] But wrongly, as it turned out: it was the discovery of how mis-
guided his reasoning had been then that made him later consider himself unfit to
form any judgment by himself, i.e., without reference to God (2 Cor. 3:5).
:ltQO£ to ovoµa 'IT]OO'U toii Natooeaiou] "against the name ...": for this em-
phasis on the Name cf. 2:38; 3:6, 16; 4:10, 12; 5:41, etc.
26:10 o xal] xai simply emphasizes o (as, e.g., in 11:30).
:JtOAAOU£ tE] :JtOHoiJ£ bi 36 453 pc I om tE B q, byz.
t&v ayioov] Cf. 9: 13 for this designation for Christians.
EV cpu)..axai:£ XatEXAEtaa] Cf. 8:3; 22:4, 19. For EV cpu)..axal£ cf. 2 Cor. 6:5;
11:23; also Vettius Valens 65.9f.
499
T~v 3taQa TO>V UQXLEQEOJV i!;oooiav la~cov] Cf. 9:2, 14.

avmQovµevwv] Cf. 22:20 (and the noun avatQEOLS in 8:la), where the word
is used of Stephen's martyrdom. Some have suggested the possibility that the plur.
may be generalizing, the actual reference being to Stephen (cf. also M. Hengel,
Acts and the History of Earliest Christianity, E.T. [London, 1979], p. 74).
xaT~vqxa ,pfjipov] "cast my vote against." The phrase may be used officially
or unofficially, like a1JVE1Jboxew in connection with Stephen's execution (8:la;
22:20; see on 8:la for F. C. Conybeare's interpretation of Paul's role on that occa-
sion); it cannot be taken to prove that Paul was a member of the Sanhedrin.
26:11 xaTa :mia~ Tas avvaywyas] Cf. 9:2; 22:19.
~vciyxatov] "I tried to compel them": imperf. tense (cf. the force of avv~llaa-
aEv, 7:26). He does not say that he succeeded in his attempt, as is implied in KJV
("I ... compelled them to blaspheme").
~laoipTJµElv] To say avci0Eµa 'llJoous (cf. 1 Cor. 12:3) or something similar.
Cf. Pliny, Ep. 10.96.5: " ... male dicerent Christo, quorum nihil cogi posse dicun-
tur, qui sunt re uera Christiani." Cf. 13:45.
iµµmv6µEvos] This verb occurs in Jos. Ant. 17.174; after that it is not found
until Epiphanius, Pan. 26.10 (4th cent.).
ew~ xal EL~] For EOJ~ with a following preposition cf. 17:14; 21:5; Lk. 24:50.
Tas E);w :JtOAELS] Cities outside Palestine; probably Damascus in particular is
m view.
d. The heavenly vision (26:12-18)
12 'Ev ols :JtOQEOOµEvos ELS T~V .&lµaoxov µET' i!;oooia~ )(UI, E:JtLTQO:JtfjS Tfj~ TOOV
UQXLEQEOJV 13 ~µEQU~ µEOTJ~ )((ITU T~V Mov dbov, ~UOLA.EU, OUQUV00EV 'U:Jt£Q T~V
laµ:JtQOTTJTU TOU ~A.l01J :JtEQLAciµ,Pav µE q>&~ XUL TOlJS O'UV eµot :JtOQE1JOµeY01JS'
14:JtUVTOJV TE XUTClJtEOOVTOJV ~µoiv Eis T~V yfjv ~l(OlJO(l ipoov~v AEYOlJOUV 31:QOS µE
Tfi 'F-l}Qa'tbt bLUA.EXTCJ), LUO'UA. Tooul, Ti µE btCOXEL~; OXATJQOV OOL :7tQOS XEVTQU
A.UXTLtEL v. 15 iyw bt d:n:a, T(~ d, X'UQLE; 0 bt X'UQLOS EL:7tEV, 'Eyco dµt 'ITJOOtJS ov
av l>LcoxEis· 16 aua avcicn:TJ0L xal cn:fiei e:Jtl Toils :n:6oas aov· ELS Tomo yaQ coipeTJv
OOL, :7tQOXELQLOU00a( OE 'U3tTJQETTJV )(UI, µciQTlJQU <bv TE dbes µE WV TE oip91laoµai
OOL, 17 E;<XLQO'UµEVO~ OE EX TOU A.UOU xal EX TOOV E0v&v, ELS oils iyw MOCJ't:EA.A.00
OE 18avoi1;m oip0a,.,µo~ am&v, TOU E:n:LCJ't:QE,PUL a:n:o OXOT01JS ELS ip&s )(UI, Tfj~
il;ovaias TOU ThmvEOLV aµUQTLOOV ?!.UL
xlfjQOV EV Tois ~YLUOµEVOLS :7tlCJ't:EL Tfi El~ EµE.
26:12 tv ols] "in these circumstances" (cf. 24:18 byz).

:JtO()ElJOµEVO~ El~ T~V ~aµaaxov XTA.] Cf. 9:2f.; 22:5.
26:13 ~µeQas µfoTJs] cf. :n:EQt µmTJ~Qiav, 22:6.
ouQav60Ev] Literary (cf. 14: 17); 9:3 and 22:6 have ix toii OUQavou. Cf.
4 Mace. 4:10, quoted in the note on 9:3.
U:n:tQ T~v laµ:JtQOTTJTU TO'U ~liov] This picturesque phrase is the equivalent of
ixav6v in 22:6.
:7tEQLlciµ,pav] The verb in 9:3 and 22:6 is :JtEQLUITTQcimOJ.
26: 14 mivtwv TE xam:n:w6vtwv] This is one of several additions to the story
500
26: 12-18 PAUL'S OBEDIENCE TO THE VISION
in this account: in the other accounts Paul only is said to have fallen, while (in 9:7)
his companions Eicn~xELaav EVEOL. (Presumably, if they fell with him, they got up
before he did).
dp~v yfJv] + Ola tov cpo~ov 614 1611 2147 pc latg syrhcl.mg copsa bo.codd (rep-
resenting o).
~xouaa cpwvriv] praef Eyw µ6vo£ 614 1611 214 7 pc latg syrhcl.mg copsa bo.codd
(representing b ). Cf. ~xouaEv cpwv~v, 9:4 (~xouaa cpwvfJ£, 22:7).
tfl ·Ej3Qa·i:bt {,taA.Ext(fl] I.e., in Aram. (see on 21 :40). That this was the language
spoken is implied already in the previous accounts by the use of the form ToouA
(see on 9:4). It is pointless to speculate if Aram. was spoken because it was Paul's
mother tongue([?] cf. ·Ej3QUio£ E~ •Ej3Qa(wv, Phil. 3:5) or because it was Jesus' ha-
bitual tongue.
aXA.TJQOV am :rtQO£ XEvtQa ).,axi:i~Etv] The Aram. may have been something
like cf se lii/s /imel!a 'ii{ii beziqtayyii. The proverb has not been found in an Aram.
source, but it is the sort of saying that might be current in any agricultural commu-
nity. It is frequent in classical literature; cf. Pindar, Pyth. 2.94f. (:rtotl xEvtQov be -cot
1,.axttteµEv tEA.E8Et o).,wOTJQO~ olµo£); Aeschylus, Agam. 1624 (:rtQO£ xEvtQa µ~
).,uxtttE ); P. V. 323 (:rtQO£ XEV'CQU xfu).,ov EX'CEVEi£); Euripides, Bacch. 795 (:rtQO£ XEvtQa
).,axt(tmµt); Terence, Phormio 1.2.27 ("aduorsum stimulum cakes"). (Cf. v. 26 for
another proverbial tag.) The "goads" against which Paul was told it was fruitless
for him to kick were not the prickings of an uneasy conscience over his persecut-
ing activity but the new forces which were now impelling him in the opposite direc-
tion to that which he had hitherto pursued. No light is cast on his state of mind on
the eve of his conversion by Rom. 7:7-25. See K. Stendahl, "The Apostle Paul and
the Introspective Conscience of the West" (1963), in Paul among Jews and Gen-
tiles (London, 1977), pp. 78-96.
26:15 'IT]aoii£] + 6 NatwQUio£ 048 6 104 181 614 1175 pc latgvg.codd syrrcsh
hcl ** (representing b ), from 22:8.
26:16 &nu av<icnTJOl xtAj Vv. 16 and 17 summarize the commission given
to Paul on the Damascus road (9:6; 22:10), through Ananias (9:15; 22:14-16) and
in the Jerusalem temple (22: 17-21 ). The passage is full of OT phraseology. For the
accumulation of infinitives with or without -cou cf. the Benedictus (Lk. 1 :72- 75).
Ananias is not mentioned in this account: Agrippa would not be so interested as
the hostile Jerusalem crowd was in the part played by this "devout man according
to the law" (22:12).
xal cnf]Ot (om B, by homoeoteleuton) Ertl rnii£ :rtoOa£ aou] From Ezek. 2:1,
where the words are addressed to Ezekiel, who had fallen to the ground when first
he saw "visions of God"; their repetition to Paul in similar circumstances suggests
that he too is now called to a prophetic ministry.
mcpOTJVCTot] Cf. 1 Cor.15:8,&cpOT]xaµoL
:rtQOX,EtQLaaaOm] Cf. 22:14 (where the appointment here made by the risen
Lord is ascribed by Ananias to "the God of our fathers"); also 3:20.
'll:TtTJQE'CTJV xal µ<iQtUQU I Cf. Lk. 1 :2, am6mm xal 11:TtTJQEtm. Like the Twelve
(1 :22), Paul is henceforth to be a witness to the risen Lord.
501
cfiv tE Elbe£ µE cfiv tE ocj>9rjaoµai aot] "of the visions which you both have had
and will have of me"; cf. 22: 15, c&v EWQ<lXU£ xa1 ~xouaa£. For later visions cf. 18:9;
22:17; 23:11; also 2 Cor. 12:1-10.
26:17 El;ULQ01JµEVO£ GE EX mu ).aou XUL EX tfuv E0vfuv] Cf. Jer. 1:8, µeta aou
dµt tou El;aLQEiaSa( GE (also in the context of a prophetic commissioning); 1 Chr.
16:35, xai. El;E).ou ~µii£ ex tfuv Wvwv. In fact, Paul needed deliverance from his own
people ().a6£) much more than from the Gentiles (ESvlJ). The sense of El;mQfoµm
here is certainly "deliver," though its classical sense is "choose."
EL£ oil£ Eyw arroarenw aE J Cf., from prophetic commissions cited above, Jer.
1:7 (itQO£ mivta£, OU£ EUV El;aitOITTEl/..Ol GE, ltOQEuan); Ezek. 2:3 (El;UitOITTE/../..Ol EYW
OE ltQO£ tov olxov wu 'IaQa~).). The relative oii£ agrees in sense, not in grammati-
cal gender, with its antecedent(s). If the antecedent is Wvwv alone, this is in line
with Paul's own testimony, but cf. 9:15, where his witness is to be borne to Israelites
as well as to Gentiles.
26:18 avoil;m ocp8a).µou£] Cf. Isa. 42:7, avoil;m oqi8a).µou£ mji).fuv, in the
first "Servant Song" (cf. 13:47 for the similar application of a passage from the sec-
ond "Servant Song").
toU EltLITTQE'ljlaL arro ax6toU£ EL£ cpfu£ XULtfi£ El;ouaia£ mu aatavii EltL tOV 0EOV]
Cf. Isa. 42:16 (rrm~aw m,toi£ to ax6to£ EL£ cpfu£); also Col. 1:13 (0£ EQQUaato ~µii£
Ex tfi£ £l;ouaia£ wu ax6toll£ xai. µEtEITTTJaEv EL£ t~v ~am).E(av wu u[ou tfi£ ayaitTJ£
am:ou). For amava.£ cf. 5:3; for ax6to£ cf. Lk. 22:53.
<'icj>wt v aµUQnfuv] Cf. 2:38; also Col. 1: 14, EV <µ EXoµEv t~v arro).mQwat v, t~v
UcpWL VtWV ctµUQtLUlV.
XAfjQOV EV toi£ ~ytaaµEVOL£] Cf. Col. 1:12, t<µ [xavroaavtL uµii; EL£ t~V µq_>(ba
mu x).~Qou i:&v ayiwv EV t<µ q,wi:i. The inheritance is associated with sanctification
rather than with forgiveness; cf. 20:32; 1 Th. 2: 12; 1 Pet. 5: 10. The XATJQovoµ(a is
for the ~ytaaµevm in Dt. 33:3f. LXX.
rriatEL i:fi EL£ EµE] "by faith which (is placed) in me." Cf. the use of EL£ after
matEUOJ (see on 10:43). For sanctification(= purification) by faith cf. 15:9.
e. Paul's obedience to the vision (26:19-20)
19 "08Ev, ~UCTL/..EU 'AyQtltltU, oux EYEVOµl]V UltEL8~£ tfi OUQUVLq> OITTUCTL<,l, 20 a).).a
wi;; EV L'laµaaxcµ ltQfut6v tE xa1 'lEQOao).uµm;;, rra.auv n: i:~v XWQUV tfi£
'Ioubata£, xal ml; E0vwt varr~yyE).).ovµEtavoEiv xai. ematQEcpEL v Errl i:ov0E6v,
<'il;ta tfi£ µEtavo(a;; EQYU ltQUOaovta£.
26:19 oux eyEv6µl]v a,i:£L8~£] Litotes.
i:fi OUQUVLq> omaai<,1] OUQUVLO£ is here used as an adj. of two terminations; cf.
ITTQatLii£ ouQav(ou, Lk. 2: 13 (it has three terminations in Attic). For omaaia (from
omuvw, cf. 1:3) cf. Lk. 1:22; 24:23 (it occurs four times in LXX and six times in
Dan. Theod.).
26:20 rriiauv TE t~v XWQUV tfi£ 'Ioubaia;;] xa(l tfi 'Iouba(<,1] p29 vid (Gren-
fell's reconstruction) I praefEL£ E lJl byz lat Irr. t. i:. X· i:&v 'Iouba(wv P 74 pc. The~
text as it stands is corrupt or solecistic; byz mends the construction by adding Et£
before m'iaav, but this does not remove the difficulty that the narrative of Acts has
502
26:22-23 PERORATION
no word of a ministry of Paul to "all the land of Judaea" and probably excludes
such a ministry (as Galatians certainly does).
As Greek, the text without d~ is hardly tolerable. The omission may be a very ancient
accidental error (-OICEIC), but with so firmly attested a text the theory of a Semi-
tism suggests itself, in view of the strikingly Semitic cast, and grammatical difficul-
ties of vv. 16-18. Cf. Deut. i.19, EltoQEu0TJµEv 1tacrav ,~v EQT]µov t~v µi;yo).T]v xalt~v
q,o~EQav (Ropes, BC l.3, p. 237).
Blass's emendation EL£ Jtiimiv tE xc.ogav 'IouoaioL£ xal, tOI£ E0vEm v ("and in
every country, to Jews and Gentiles"), approved by Ramsay (SPT, p. 382), removes
both the grammatical and the historical difficulties; it may be nearer the original
text than any of the extant MS traditions.
ait~yyEAlov] h~gu!;a P 29 I UJtayyE°U. mv byz (perhaps going with eyEv6µ11v of
v. 19).
µnavoEiv xal, EJtUTCQE<j>EL v EJtt tov 0Eov] These and the following words give
an epitome of apostolic exhortation. See on 20:21; cf. also 3:19; 9:35; 14:15; 15:19.
a!;LU tft~ µetavoia~ EQya n:gaooovta~] "doing works worthy of (consistent
with) their repentance." John the Baptist called for such works in those who had
signified their repentance by receiving his baptism (Mt. 3:8 par. Lk. 3:8, which has
xagn:otf£ in place of egya ); cf. in later parts of the Pauline corpus Eph. 2: 10; Tit.
2:14; 3:8. Although Paul's earlier letters do not use this phraseology, it is plain from
them that he looked for a life of holiness and love in his converts, regarding it as
evidence of the genuineness of their faith (cf. Gal. 5:22f.; 2 Cor. 13:5-7).
f. Paul's arrest (26:21)
21 EVEXU toutCfJV µE 'Ioubaim ouUa~oµEVOL EV tcj> LEQq> EJtELQWV'tO f>LUXELQlOUO-
em.
26:21 EVExa toutmv] Blass regards Attic EVExa as suitable to a speech in the
presence of royalty. "These things" cover the whole of Paul's missionary activity,
the gravamen of his opponents' charge against him being his breaking down of the
religious barrier between Jews and Gentiles (although this is not made explicit here).
ou)..)..~oµEVOL ovta (om AB 048 byz) ev tcj> lEQ<j>] These "Jews" are in the first
instance the Asian Jews who EJtE~U/..OV en:' amov 'tU£ XELQU£ (21:27). Nothing is said
here of the charge of temple profanation, which was the ostensible cause of his being
seized in the temple-that charge had evidently lapsed because of the lack of eye-
witness testimony. But the real ground of those Asian Jews' hostility to him lay back
in the years of his ministry at Ephesus (cf. 20: 19); hence EVExa toutmv is justified.
EJtELQci>vto] This is the only NT occurrence of Attic JtELQ<ioµm (apart from 9:26
byz); elsewhere Hellenistic n:ELQ<il;m is used.
f>LaXELQioao0m) Cf. 5:30.
g. Peroration (26:22-23)
22 emxoueia£ ouv rnxwv tft£ aito wu ewu iiXQL tft£ ~µeQa£ tautTJ£ i:mT]xa µag-
tue6µevo£ µLXQq> 'tE xa't µqa)..<p, oubEV EX't0£ )..eymv <ilv 'tE ol 11:QO<j>fttm E/..<l/..TjOUV
503
µEJ..>..ovtwv yivw0m xai Mwi.ia~£, 23d :n:a01JTO£ 6 XQLOTO£, d 3tQOOto£ i!;

avaatUOEW£ VEX{)OlV cj>ci>£ µEA.A.El xatayyEAAELV TCJl TE >..acji xai TOL£ E0VEOLV.
26:22 imxoUQLU(; oiiv TUJCWV] This is the one NT occurrence of the good
classical word imxouQia (it also occurs once in LXX: Wisd. 13:18). It is used with
Tuyxavw (as here) in Polybius, Diodorus, Josephus, and papyri. See New Docs. 3
(1978), § 37.
µtxQtj'J TE xal µqa>..(J)] I.e., to all. Cf. 8: 10; also v. 29 below, xal EV 6>..t y(J) xal
EV µey..(J).
oooi:v EXTO£ >..iywv] For 011 (oubiv) with ptc. cf. 7:5; 28:17, 19. Parallels are
quoted from papyri. "In many of these examples we can distinctly recognize, it
seems, the lingering consciousness, that the proper negative for a statement of a
downright fact is ou" (MHT I, pp. 231f.).
Jiv TE oi :n:Qocj>~Tm] For Jiv o'i TE :n:Qocj>*m, a not uncommon backward attrac-
tion of TE.
ot ltQOq>~Tm ... xa1 Mwi.io~(;] I.e., the OT scriptures; cf., in a similar context,
Lk. 24:27, 44. Paul insists throughout that his gospel is the logical and necessary
fulfilment of the OT revelation, "the law and the prophets" (Rom.1:2; 16:26; 1 Cor.
15:3f.).
µEHovtwv yivw0m] Note the attraction of µE>..>..ovtwv (for µt>..>..Etv) to v, it-
self an example of Attic attraction.
xal Mwi.ia~£] scriptum est enim in Moyse late h (probably by way of intro-
ducing the EL clauses in v. 23).
26:23 EL :n:a01JTO(; 6 XQtato(;] "whether the Messiah is to suffer." This and
the following EL clause may be regarded as headings from a collection of messian-
ic testimonia, OT texts in which Christians recognized predictions fulfilled in the
passion and resurrection of Jesus and in related gospel events (see on 1:20): "Must
the Messiah suffer?" "Must he rise from the dead?" and so on. See J. R. Harris,
Testimonies, I, pp. 19f.; II, p. 77; C.H. Dodd,According to the Scriptures, pp. 16f.;
B. Lindars, New Testament Apologetic, p. 80; A. T. Hanson, The Living Utterances
of God, p. 81. Cf. Justin, Dial. 39.7, on yo.Q :n:a01JTO£ 6 XQtatO£ bto. Tci>v yQUcpci>v
XTJQUOOETm ... ixavci>~ ... u:n:ooibrnam (similarly 89.2). By these headings Luke
summarizes the arguments from prophecy which Paul (it is implied) used in ad-
dressing Agrippa. For insistence elsewhere on the passion and resurrection of Jesus
as foretold by Moses and the prophets cf. 3: 18; 17:3; Lk. 24:25-27, 44-47.
:n:Qci>To~ E!; avaataoEw~ vExeci>v] "first out of the resurrection of the dead," i.e.,
"the first that should rise from the dead" (KJV) or "the firstfruits of those who have
fallen asleep" (1 Cor. 15:20). As has been pointed out already (see on 23:6), for
Paul the resurrection of the dead in general cannot be separated from the resurrec-
tion of Christ in particular, since his resurrection is the first instalment and
guarantee of theirs. For i!; avaataoEw£ VEX{)ci>v cf. Rom. 1:4, also with reference to
the resurrection of Christ.
cpoo£ µEA.A.Et xatayyi>..>..u v T<µ TE >..acµ xal toi~ ·rnvwt v1Cf. 13 :4 7, quoting Isa.
49:6 (with other scripture references in notes ad Loe.); Lk. 2:32. Both Israel and the
Gentiles are to receive the same gospel light.
504
26:24-29 AGREEMENT ON PAUL'S INNOCENCE
13. Interchange between Festus, Paul, and Agrippa (26:24-29)

24 Tafn:a bE amou UJto)..oyouµivou o 4,iim:0£ µq<i)..n tfl q,covfl cp1Ja(v, Ma(vn,
Ilmik tu :n:onQOOUVTJ£ Q~µata
a:n:ocp0EyyoµaL. 26 EJtl<J'tITTlll yaQ :n:EQL toutrov O ~ll0LAEU£, JtQO£ OV ')((lL
JtllQQTJOlll~OµEV~ f,.(lf,.(J)' AllV0<lVEl v yaQ ll'U'tOV n toutcov OU :n:EL0oµm ou0EV, OU
y<iQ EITTLV EV ycov((.l :n:£:n:QUyµivov toiito. 27:n:LITTEUEL£, ~am)..eu 'AyQ(:n::n:a, tOL£
:n:QOcp~tm£; olba on mm:F-UEL£. 2so bE 'AyQi:n::n:a£ :n:QO£ tov IIau)..ov, 'Ev o)..(yq>
µE n:Ei0EL£ XQLITTLavov n:mijam. 29 o bE Ilau)..0£, Eu~iµT]v liv tq> 0Eq> ,ml EV
o)..i yq> ')((lL EV µey<iA.q> ou µovov aE unu ')((ll :n:<ivta£ toix; uxouovt<i£ µou a~µEQOV
yEvfoem totoutOU£ on:olo£ ')((lL Eyw dµL 3tllQEXt<>£ tv beaµv toutcov.
26:24 µEy<i)..n tfl q,covfl] Note the predicative position of the adj.; cf. Mk.
8:17; Jn. 5:36; l Cor. 11:5; Heb. 7:24 (see BDF § 270).
µa(vn, IIau)..e] insanisti, Paule, insanisti lath (presupposing the b reading
µEµ1]Vll£, II au)..£, µiµ1]Vll£ or µa( vn, IlaUA£, µa( vn.
tu n:oH<i aE yQ<iµµata] For the position of the pronoun cf. Lk. 18:18; Jn. 13:6;
Rom. 1: 11; 1 Cor. 5: 1; Heb. 4: 11. The effect is an added emphasis both on ae and
on tu JtOHa yQ<iµµata (see BDF § 473 [1 ]). For YQ<iµµata in the sense of "learning"
cf. Jn. 7:15.
EL£ µav(av JtEQL tQE3tEL] Cf. Lucian, Abdicatus 30, EL£ µaviav 31:EQLEtQE'ljJEV. The
remark was not necessarily offensive; Plato, e.g., declares that without µav(a no
one can be a true poet (Phaedrus 245A). But anything in the nature of inspiration
could not be treated seriously by a matter-of-fact Roman judge. See comments by
Ramsay (SPT, p. 313) and LC (p. 321).
26:25 Ilau)..0£] om b (represented by latg h) byz.
'11.Q<ltl<J'tE 4,iim:E] Cf. 23:26; 24:3.
awcpQOOUV1J£] In Mk. 5:15 par. Lk. 8:35 acocpQOV£iv or acocj>Qoauv1J is the an-
tithesis of demon possession (cf. 2 Cor. 5: 13); here Paul uses it as the antithesis of
µavia (which is another kind of possession). Cf. Plato, Protag. 323B, o E'l!.£1
acocpQOOUVTJV ~youvto Elvm tUA1]0ij AEYEL v, EvtaOOa µav(av. According to Xenophon,
Mem. 1.1.16; 3.9.6f., acocj>QoauvTJ or aoq,(a is the opposite of µavia. According to
Philo, Vtt. Mays. 1.5.11, 21-23, 25, aco<j>QOOUVTJ is the result of good nmbE(a.
un:ocp0Eyyoµm] Of solemn utterance; cf. 2:4, 14.
26:26 ')((lL 3tllQQ1JOL<l~<>µEvo£] om ')((lL B 104 1175 pc lath vg.codd.
n toutcov] om n B IJI 36 614 1175 2495 syrhcl; Eyw 945 1739 1891 pc.
ou0h] om p7 4 xc A E 33 81 al. For the form see on 15:9.
Ou y<iQ EITTL v Ev ycov((.l ne:n:Qayµi vov tofn:o] Another classical tag (cf. v. 14 for
a previous one); cf. Plato, Gorgias 4850 (Ev ycovi(.l ... 'ljJL0UQL~Etm ); Epictetus, Diss.
2.12.17 (tov Y<lQ :n:otouvta (llJt() OU'l!. EV ycoVL(.l bT)AOVOtl bE~OEl :n:mEiv); Terence,Adel-
phoe 5.2.10, "in angulum aliquo abeam." This proverbial idiom contains the ele-
ment of litotes so dear to Luke and Paul: the saving events had taken place, and the
gospel had been preached, openly.
26:27 mm:euEL£, ~<XOLAEU 'AyQ(nna, toi£ 3tQOq>1Jtal£;] Not content with as-
suring Festus that Agrippa can vouch for the truth and sanity of his report, Paul
505
now turns to the king himself with a direct appeal for his corroborating testimony.
If Agrippa believed the prophets, as Paul was persuaded he did, then he must agree
with Paul, whose message contained "nothing but what the prophets and Moses
said would come to pass." It is unlikely that Agrippa's belief in the prophets in-
volved anything beyond his formal adherence to the Jewish religion.
26:28 6 be 'AyQi1t1tac; 3tQO<; tov Tiaiilov] + Eq>l'J lath (ait, representing ti) byz.
Cf. 25 :22 for the omission. If Agrippa says "No," his reputation as defender of the
Jewish faith is gone; if he says "Yes," he suddenly realizes that he is being maneu-
vered into an appearance of public agreement with Paul. Academic interest is one
thing; open confession of the truth of Christianity is quite another.
EV 6H yep µE 1td8EL<; (m, ien A) XQtatwvov (XQrJITTtavov X*) 1tm ~am (ytvfoem
E 'I' byz lat syr)] "In short, you are urging me to act the Christian." For the idiom
XQLatLavov 3tOLf]am A Nairne ('"Ev 6Hycp µE 1td8EL<; XQLattavov 1tmf]am-Acts
xxvi.28," JTS 21 (1919-20], pp. 17lf.) refers aptly to 3 Kms. 20:7 LXX (MT 1 K.
21 :7), ou viiv omwc; 3tOLEi<; ~aaLAfo E3tt 'laQatjl; "Is it thus that you now act the king
over Israel?" Cf. E. A Sophocles, Greek Lexicon of the Roman and Byzantine Pe-
riods (Boston, MA, 1870), s. v. JtOLEW. No. 3. The overlooking of this idiom has led
to variant readings mentioned (and to Hort's conjecture 3tEJtoL8ac; for µt JtEieEL<;).
For EV 61,.(ycp cf. v. 29 (where the phrase does not necessarily have the same sense);
Eph. 3:3 ("briefly").
26:29 6 be Tiaiiloc;] + Ecjll'J 'I' al (representing b?) I+ El3tEV byz.
Eu1;aiµl'jv iiv] Eu!;aµrJv X * A byz. The opt. with av ("I could pray") is the clas-
sical construction expressing a softened assertion, the "potential optative" (for the
same sense expressed without av cf. 25:22, E~ollAOµrJv). The whole sentence is very
elegantly expressed.
xal EV 6Aiycp xal EV µrya.lcp] "with few words or many," "with ease or with
difficulty"-playing on Agrippa's EV 61,.(ycµ.
JtaQEXto<; tc:ilv bwµc:ilv tomwv] Indicating his handcuffs (iiAllUL<;; cf. 21:33)
with a gesture (cf. 20:34).
14. Agreement on Paul's Innocence (26:30-32)

30 'AvEITTl'J tE 6 ~aaLAEV<; xal 6 ~yEµwv ~ tE BEQVLXl'J xal ol allyxa8tjµEvoL autoi<;,
31xal avax;wQtjaavtE<; EAUAOUV 3tQO£ <lAAtjAoll<; AEyovtE<; OtL, Oubev Sava.toll~
bwµc:ilv li!;wv TL 3tQUUUEL 6 av0QW3t0£ ot"rr:oc;. 32 'AyQL3t3ta<; bE tcj> 4>TJatcp Eq>l'J,
'A3tOAEAUa8m Ebuvato 6 av0QWlt0£ o&oc; EL µ~ EltEXEXAl'jtO KaiaaQa.
26:30 avEatl'J tE] xal tafua drr6vtoc; autoii avEatTJ] 614 lath syrhcl** (repre-
senting b) byz I avEITTTJ be 33 945 1739 1891 2495 al.
tE ... xal ... tE ... xai,] For the distribution of tE ... xal cf. 1:13; 2:lOf.;
13:1; this gathering in pairs seems to be purely stylistic.
26:31 EAo.Aollv JtQo<; antjloll<; leyovtE<;] Cf. allUaltjaac; µttu toii allµ-
~ollA.toll, 25: 12. The ptc. AEyovtE<; is redundant; cf. 8:36.
on] recitantis.
oubev Savo.toll ij bwµc:ilv a!;t6v n 3tQO.UUEL] Here and in v. 32 Luke emphasizes
506
26:30-32 AGREEMENT ON PAUL'S INNOCENCE
the official agreement on Paul's innocence of the crimes alleged against him; cf.
Antipas and Pilate's agreement on Jesus' innocence in Lk. 23: 14f.
n :n:QaOOEL) om n B byz lat vet syr. The continuous pres. may cover Paul's
whole manner of life and in particular his missionary activity.
26:32 E:n:El!.El!.ATJto JAL omit the augment (cf. 4:22; 14:23). The plupf. ex-
presses more than the aor. would have done: Paul's appeal to Caesar was not sim-
ply an act in the past, but had put him in a special position in the eyes of the law,
in which it was no longer competent for the procurator to discharge him.
KaLCTUQU J + l!.UL O'UtW~ El!.QLVEV aurov 6 ~yEµwv uva:n:Eµ'ljlm KaLCTUQL 97 pc lath w
syrpesh hcl.mg (possibly representing b )-but it was no longer within the governor's
discretion to "decide to send him up to Caesar" (cf. 25:21); he was bound to send
him as soon as Paul uttered his appeal. But at least Agrippa now understood enough
of Paul's case to enable Festus to draft well-informed litterae dimissoriae to be laid
before the supreme court. In Agrippa's words, "He might have been released if he
had not appealed to Caesar," J. V. Bartlet thought that Luke's readers would detect
(and were intended to detect) an ominous note, for by the time Acts was published
they would be well acquainted with the reputation Nero established for himself in
the last three or four years of his rule as a persecutor of Christians: they would infer
from those words that Paul, hy appealing to this particular Caesar, had sealed his
own fate ("Two New Testament Problems: 1. St. Paul's Fate at Rome," Exp. 8, 5
[ 1913), pp. 465f.).
507
ACTS27
E. PAUL'S VOYAGE AND SHIPWRECK (27:1-44)
Ac. 27 is one of the most vivid pieces of descriptive narrative in the whole book,
or indeed in the whole NT. H. J. Holtzmann called it "one of the most instructive
documents for the knowledge of ancient seamanship" (Handcommentar zumNeuen
Testament [Freiburg i/B, 1889], p. 421). In ancient times the narrative of a Medi-
terranean voyage regularly contained an account of storm or shipwreck, from the
Odyssey of Homer onward. Indeed, so far as Gk. and Lat. literature is concerned,
it is Homer who set the fashion in which stories of storm at sea and shipwreck con-
tinued to be told long after his day (sec on vv. 29 and 41 for Homeric reminiscences
in this chapter). In Heb. literature there is the storm narrative of Jon. 1:4-16, to the
diction of which this chapter is also indebted (cf. E. S. Krantz, Des Schiffes Weg
mitten im Meer: Beitriige zur Erforschung der nautischen Terminologie des A/ten
Testaments, ConBib: OT series 19 [Lund, 1982]). At a later date the same form is
preserved in descriptive records by Josephus (Vita 13-16) and Lucian (Nav. 7-9).
Josephus tells of a shipwreck in which he was personally involved; Lucian's ac-
count of a storm at sea is fictitious. But stylistically, historical and fictitious ac-
counts have much in common; Lucian's fictitious account can profitably be com-
pared with Luke's historical narrative (both tell of a ship of the Alexandrian grain
fleet which set out for Italy but did not make it).
With regard to one popular genre of ancient literature, it has been pointed out
that "next to kidnapping by robbers, storm and shipwreck provide the favorite ad-
venture in love romances" (F. Wehrli, "Einheit und Vorgcschichte der griechisch-
romischen Romanliteratur," Mus. Helv. 22 [1965], pp. 133-54, especially p. 141).
The style-critical approach to Acts, which has been practiced assiduously
since the pioneer work of M. Dibelius, has not passed over this narrative. Dibelius
himself says that, because of the "abundance of nautical details" with which the
voyage and shipwreck are described, "the older school of criticism, which thinks
only of the event and not of the account, has ascribed particular authenticity to this
description." But in his view "truly literary criticism will lead us to suppose that
the nautical description is taken from the numerous accounts of sea-voyages in lit-
erature and not from experience" (Studies in the Acts of the Apostles, E.T. [Lon-
508
27:1-44 PAUL'S VOYAGE AND SHIPWRECK
don, 1956], p. 107). If he is right in thinking that too little attention was formerly
paid to the manner in which the story is told, then the balance certainly needs to be
redressed. But no advantage would be gained by going to the other extreme and
thinking only of the account and not of the event.
Among those who have followed Dibelius's lead are H. Conzelmann, Die
Apostelgeschichte, pp. 140-47, E.T., pp. 215-21, and E. Haenchen, "Acta 27," in
Zeit und Geschichte: Dankesgabe an R. Bultmann ... , ed. E. Dinkier (Ti.ibingen,
1964), pp. 235-54. Conzelmann has developed Dibelius's observation that in Ac.
27 "Paul is mentioned only in little episodes, and these seem to have been added
later to the account of the voyage" (Studies, p. 107); he concludes that Luke has
used a popular story of a shipwreck by way of adding the spice of adventure to his
narrative, and has connected this story with the rest of his narrative by inserting
(fictitious) anecdotes about Paul. R. P. C. Hanson has pointed out that if the same
methods of stylistic and redaction criticism were applied to Thucydides' account
of the voyage of Nikias from Piraeus to Catana in Sicily (Hist. 6.1-61 ), similar con-
clusions could be drawn about an account whose historicity no one questions. As
for the Pauline episodes' being "detachable," Paul had no office on board the ship;
he was but a passenger, "and passengers are by definition detachable" ("The Jour-
ney of Paul and the Journey of Nikias: An Experiment in Comparative Historiog-
raphy" [1968], Studies in Christian Antiquity [Edinburgh, 1985], pp. 22-26).
E. Haenchen finds that it is the Pauline interventions inserted into the narra-
tive by Luke that give it its literary character. Those interventions are designed to
glorify Paul: he "always stands in the limelight ... is never at a loss for advice ...
never despairs"-unlike the Paul of 2 Cor. 1:Sf. (Acts, pp. 710f.).
A new style-critical approach is undertaken by V. K. Robbins, "By Land and
by Sea: The We-Passages and Ancient Sea Voyages," in Perspectives on Luke-Acts,
ed. C.H. Talbert (Edinburgh, 1978), pp. 215-42. He concludes that the "we" style
is used not to indicate that the narrator was present but because this was a style
traditionally favored in records of journeys by sea. He adduces as parallels pas-
sages from the Odyssey, from the Gk. lyric poets, from Hanno's voyage (in Gk.
translation), from the Antiochene Acta Martyrii lgnatii, and from other literature,
but none of them is truly parallel. A careful critique of his argument has been offered
by C. J. Herner, "First Person Narrative in Acts 27-28," TynB 36 (1985), pp. 79-
109. Herner finds "no sufficient reason for accepting the existence of this first-
person voyage-genre" (p. 81); he concludes "that historical scepticism has relied
on theoretical notions of improbability, without attempting a sufficient specificity
in the study of a context which can illumine the story" (p. 108). The 1st pers. points
rather to a participant in the voyage, who describes mostly in layman's language
what he and his companions experienced, without always understanding the sea-
men's reasons for acting as they did.
The question why so much of Luke's narrative is devoted to the details of
these few weeks at sea is best answered by Henry Chadwick, who sees in this
detailed narrative the author's emphasis on the divine determination that Paul's
purpose of seeing Rome should be fulfilled, despite all the circumstances that ren-
509
dered his ever getting there extremely improbable. "For the author of Acts the
preaching of the apostle to the Gentiles in the capital of the Gentile world is a su-
pernatural fact" ("The Circle and the Ellipse: Rival Concepts of Authority in the
Early Church" [1959], History and Thought of the Early Church [London, 1982],
pp. 3-17 (especially p. 16).
Human life has often been compared to a stormy voyage. It is not surprising,
then, that many readers have found in Ac. 27 an allegory of the soul's experience,
or even of the history of the church. Those who wish to pursue such methods are
invited to work the correspondences out for themselves; here we confine ourselves
to an exposition ad litteram.
The leading study of this chapter is James Smith, The Voyage and Shipwreck
of St. Paul (London, 1848, 4 1880), which most subsequent interpreters have found
indispensable. See also A. Breusing, Die Nautik der A/ten (Bremen, 1886);
H. Balmer, Die Romfahrt des Apostels Paulus (Bern/Miinchenbuchsee, 1905);
A. Koster, Die Nautik im Altertum (Berlin, 1914), Das antike Seewesen (Berlin,
1923), and Studien zur Geschichte des antiken Seewesens = Klio Beiheft 7 (Leip-
zig, 1934); W. Stammler,Apostelgeschichte 27 in nautischer Beleuchtung = For-
schungen und F ortschritte 7 (Berlin, 1931 ); L. Casson, The Ancient Mariners: Sea-
farers and Sea Fighters of the Mediterranean in Ancient Times (London, 1959),
and Ships and Seamanship in the Ancient World (Princeton, NJ, 1971 ); C. Torr, An-
cient Ships, ed. A. J. Podlecki (Chicago, 1961); J. Rouge, Recherches sur !'or-
ganisation du commerce maritime en mediterranee sous l 'empire Romain (Paris,
1966); G. Kettenbach, Das Logbuch des Lukas (Frankfurt/Bern, 1986); C. K. Bar-
rett, "Paul Shipwrecked," in Scripture: Meaning and Method-Essays presented
to A. T Hanson, ed. B. P. Thompson (Hull, 1987), pp. 51-64.
1. Caesarea to Myra (27:1-5)

1 'Q£ OE EXQL9r) toii a:n:o:n:A.ELV ~µii£ EL£ t~V 'ltaA.LUV, 1CUQEOLOOlJV t6v tE ITaiiA.OV
xa( n va; EtEQOU; bwµmta; £')((ltovt<iQXTI ovoµan 'IouHq> OJtELQTJ<; ~Efiaotij<;.
2 E:n:tfiavtE£ bE JtA.Ol<J) 'AbQaµmtl}Vq> µEA.A.Ovtl JtA.ELV EL£ to~ xata t~V 'Aoiav
t6:n:ouc; llvrJXfhJJJ.EV, ovto; ouv ~µiv 'AQtot<iQXOU MaXEOOVO£ E>waaA.OVLXEW£ 0
Jtfi tE EtEW xat~X01'jµEv EL£ Ltbrova, q>t>..av0Qw:n:w£ tE 6 'Iou}.w; tq> ITau>..q>

XQlJaa.µEvO£ E:n:EtQE'lj)Ev 1CQ0; to~ q,(}.ouc; JtOQEU0Evtt i:n:tµdEia; tllXEiv.
4 xaXEi0EV llVUX0£vtE; lJ:n:EJtA.ElJOUµEV t~V KtJJtQOV bta tO to~ llVEµOU£ E£vm
EVUVtlOU£, 5 t6 tE JtEA.UY~ to ')((lt(l t~V KtA.LXLUV ,cal flaµq>UA.LUV bta:n:A.ElJOUV-
tE<; xat~A.0UµEV d; Muga tij<; Aux(a;.
27:1 W£ bi ixgi011 xt>..] b (represented in part by 97 421 syrpesh and fairly

completely by lath syrhcl.mg) goes on from ,mi. oiitw; EXQLVEV amov 6 ~yEµrov
ava:n:tµ'lj)m Ka(aUQt (26:32b) and paraphrases: "And next day he called a certain
centurion named Julius, of the Augustan cohort, and handed Paul over to him, with
other prisoners also" (reconstructed by A. C. Clark: xal tfi EJtaugtov itgoa-
xa}.waµEvo; EXUtovt<lQXTJV tl va ovoµan 'louA.toV, 01CELQTJ<; Toflaotij<;, JtUQEl'Jlbou
amq'> tov ITaiiA.OV ouv ,cal EtEQOt; bwµonmc;).
510
27: 1-5 CAESAREA TO MYRA
EXQL0tj toti a:n:o:n:1.eiv ~µft£ EL£ t~v 'ltaHav] With this construction cf. espe-
cially 15:20; 20:3. It might have been more convenient to send the prisoners under
armed guard by land (as Ignatius was sent from Antioch about 50 years later); but
a centurion, with the troops under his command, was about to set sail from Caesarea
to join one of the vessels of the Alexandrian grain fleet, bound for Italy, at a port
in southwest Asia Minor, and Paul and the others were given into his charge. The
time required for the sea journey was about as long as that required for the land
journey (an express message could reach Jerusalem from Rome in five weeks); but
a voyage from east to west tended to take longer than one from west to east, be-
cause of prevalent winds. See L. Casson, "Speed under Sail of Ancient Ships,"
TAPA 82 (1951), pp. 136-48.
No intelligent reader would infer from ~µ<1£ that Festus decided that the nar-
rator (and Aristarchus) should sail to Italy along with Paul, but the b reviser took
no chances and excluded any such inference. The transition to the 1st pers. plur.
must be recognized as marking the resumption of the "we" narrative (which now
goes on to 28:16). If the narrator is the author of the preceding "we" narrative
(which came to an end in Jerusalem, 21:18), and is to be identified with Paul's
friend Luke (Col. 4:14), it may be assumed that he was never very far away from
Paul during the two intervening years. It is impossible to know if he joined the ship
as a passenger, hoping to find a connection for Italy, or signed on as ship's doctor.
See further, p. 533.
:n:aQEMbouv] The subject is not specified: "they," i.e., the Roman authorities.
The form in -ouv is borrowed from the contracted verbs (classical -oaav). It is dif-
ficult to say why the imperf. is used here and not the aor.
t6v tE Ilmi}.ov xai tL vu£ £tEQOU£ bwµmta£] A Roman citizen who had appealed
to Caesar would be in a different category from more ordinary prisoners.
ixatovtUQXTI 6v6µan 'Iou1.t(!l a:n:ELQTJ£ :U~cxat~£] For auxiliary cohorts in
Judaea see on 10:1. LEfktatiJ "seems to be ... the equivalent of Augusta, a title of
honour very frequently bestowed upon auxiliary troops" (Schiirer I, p. 364). There
is epigraphic evidence of a cohors Augusta I in Syria in the time of Augustus (!LS
2683), which may reappear as a:n:eiQTJ£ Au[yoootTJ£] in the time of Agrippa II in
Batanaea (OG/S 421); cf. the similarly named cohors III Augusta in CJL 6.3508.
:U~aatiJ should probably not be associated with the city of Sebaste, as though this
were one of the cohorts of Sebasteni, mentioned by Josephus (BJ 2.52, 58, 63, 74,
236, etc.). T. Mommsen ("Zu Apg 28,16" (1895], Gesammelte Schriften 6 =His-
torische Schriften 3 [Berlin, 1910), pp. 546-54), followed by W. M. Ramsay (SPT,
pp. 315, 348), inferred from Luke's words that Julius was a member of the corps
of frumentarii-centurions who served as liaison officers between Rome and the
armies in the imperial provinces, and who might be given as an additional duty the
escorting of prisoners from the provinces to Rome. There is, however, no evidence
that the frumentarii acted as liaison officers or imperial police before the princi-
pate of Hadrian (117-138); their immediate duty, as their name implies, was the su-
pervision of the transport of grain (frumentum) to Rome. Julius may well have been
a frumentarius in this primary sense; the authority which he exercised once he
511
boarded a ship of the Alexandrian grain fleet (cf. vv. 11, 43) points to this conclu-
sion. His name Julius suggests that he was a Roman citizen whose father or grand-
father had been enfranchised under Julius Caesar or Augustus.
27:2 'Al>Qaµunrivq>] Of Adramyttium (modem Edremit), in Mysia, opposite
the island of Lesbos. The spelling varies: P 74 vid AB* 33 pc copb0 arm show an in-
fixed nasal ('Al>QaµuvtrJV<Jl ). The ship was a coasting vessel; Julius no doubt expected
to find a ship bound for Rome in one of the Asian harbors at which it put in.
toll£ xata. t~v 'Aa(av t6Jtou£] "the places along the coast of Asia" (for this
use ofxata cf. v. 5; 2: IO; 17:28.
Ovt0£ ouv ~µIv 'AQLatUQX,OU MaxeOOVO£ E>woaA.OVLXEW£] E>woaA.OVLXEWV [le
'AQLITTUQXO£ xai Thxoiivbo~ 614 1518 2495 pc syrhcl (representing b), under the in-
fluence of 20:4. It has been generally supposed that Aristarchus accompanied Paul
to Rome (Col. 4: IO and Phlm. 24 would be relevant here if these letters were sent
from Rome); he may, however, have been on his way home to Thessalonica, for
which he could expect to find a connecting passage at one of the ports in Asia. Ram-
say (SPT, p. 316) supposed that Aristarchus and Luke "must have gone" as Paul's
slaves; thus "his importance in the eyes of the centurion was much enhanced" ( an
unnecessary and improbable supposition).
27:3 xat~x0r]µEv d~ LLbciJva] "we put in at Sidon," about 69 miles north of
Caesarea. Achilles Tatius (Leucippe and Clitophron I .I) mentions its double har-
bor and calls it "the mother city of the Phoenicians" (µ~tl'JQ fuL VL)((l)V ~ JtOAL£).
(j)LA.av0QooJtw~ ... XQrJoaµEvo~] "treated kindly" (an idiomatic expression).
JtQO£ tot)\; (jl(A.o~] "to his friends"; but Harnack (Mission and Expansion of
Christianity, E.T. [London, 1908], I, pp. 419-21, II, pp. 25-34) suggested "to the
Friends," regarding oi q>LA.oL as perhaps another name by which Christians called
one another (see on 11:26), and comparing 3 Jn. 15. Sidon was probably evange-
lized as part of the advance chronicled in 11: 19 (cf. Tyre, 21 :3-6).
lmµEA.ELa~ tuX,Eiv] Another idiomatic expression. This is the only NT occur-
rence of the noun emµe>.Ew. Cf. lmµEA.foµm, Lk. 10:34f., of medical attention.
27:4 uJtrnA.EuaaµEv t~v KuJtQov] "we sailed under the lee of Cyprus," i.e.,
east and north of the island, the prevailing wind in the Levant through the summer
months being westerly or northwesterly. Thus a ship going from Syria to Lycia
coasted, helped probably by the land breeze blowing, especially at night, about 90
degrees to the shore; a ship doing the reverse journey fared directly over the open
sea, passing west of Cyprus (cf. 21: 1-3).
27:5 t6 tE JtEAUYO£ ... bLUJtAEUOUvtE£] + bL' ~µEQWV bEXUJtEvtE 614 1518
2147 lath vg.cod.ardmach syrhcl * * ( representing b), a probable estimate for the voyage
between Caesarea and Myra, if they had to hug the coast until they had passed under
the lee of Cyprus, after which there was nothing for it but to "sail across the open
sea" (JteA.ayo~) between Cyprus and the southern coast of Asia Minor. Lucian (Nav.
7) gives nine days for a voyage from Sidon to the Lycian coast.
MuQCL] MUQQU B (whence, by a misunderstanding, LµUQvav 69; an even more
aberrant reading is AuatQuv p7 4 ~ lat copb 0 ). According to[), Myra was Paul's port
of trans-shipment on his last voyage to Judaea (21:1). Myra, or rather its port
512
27: 6-8 THEY TRANS-SHIP AT MYRA AND SAIL TO CRETE
Andriace (c. 3 1/2 miles west-southwest of Myra; cf. Strabo, Geog. 14.3.7), was one
of the chief ports of the imperial grain service. The site of Myra is now known as
Kocademre ("Old Demre," marked by remains of a theatre, aqueduct, and rock
tombs); modem Demre stands a mile to the south. See G. E. Bean, Lycian Turkey:
An Archaeological Guide (London, 1978), pp. 120-30.
2. They Trans-ship at Myra and Sail to Crete (27:6-8)

6 Kaxe l EUQWV 6 EXUtovtUQXTJ£ JtA.0 lov 'AfesavbQL VOV JtA.EOV EL£ t~V 'ltaHav
he~(~aoev ~µa£ EL£ am:6. 7 h [xavai£ bE ~µEQUL£ ~QUbun)..oouvte£ xai µo1..L£
yev6µevOL xatu t~v Kv(bov, µ~ JtQOOEfuvto£ ~µa£ tou avi\µou, unen1..euoaµev
t~v KQ~tTJV xatu LUA.µffiVTJV, 8 µ61..L£ tE JtUQU1..ey6µevOL am:~v ~)..0oµev EL£ t6nov
n vu xa1..ouµevov Ka1..0U£ ALµEVU£, cµ EYYU£ ~v n61..L£ Aaoa(a.
27 :6 EUQUJV 6 EmtovtUQXTJ£ n1..o iov 'AfesavbQL vov JtA.Eov EL£ t~v 'lta)..(av]
This ship of Alexandria appears from v. 38 to have been a grain ship. Egypt was
the chief granary of Rome, and the regular and adequate supply of grain from Egypt
was of the greatest importance for the stability of the state and the power of the
emperor. The service of ships devoted to the Alexandrian trade was a department
of state, "the oldest and best organized com fleet of Rome ... organized for the
service of the state as early as the Ptolemaic period" (M. Rostovtzeff, The Social
and Economic History of the Roman Empire (Oxford, 2 1957], II, p. 708). The ships
were privately owned, but as their owners (vamATJQOL, as in v. 11) let their services
out under contract to the state, they operated under state control, and if Julius was
afrumentarius (see on v. 1), the authority which he assumed on board this ship of
Alexandria is readily understood, and there may be more significance than appears
on the surface in the statement that it was "the centurion" who "found" this ship at
Myra. C. J. Herner ("First Person Narrative ... ," pp. 94f.) quotes a Lat. inscrip-
tion from Andriace (CIL 3.6738 = /LS 5908) of the time of Trajan (c. 119), mark-
ing an imperial building for the storage of grain, and another of the same period
from Patara (CJL 3.12129). See also New Docs. 1 (1976), § 9 (especially p. 44).
It was already late in the sailing season (see on v. 9), and the ship owner was
no doubt anxious to make what speed he could and complete the voyage before the
seas were closed for the winter. Myra was by no means out of his way: with a steady
wind from the west, the best route from Alexandria to Rome was by Myra. (Lucian's
ship, attempting the straight run from Alexandria to Myra, was driven to Sidon.)
From Myra a northerly wind would take the ship to Sicily; thence a change of wind
to the west would bring it to Puteoli or Ostia.
27:7 ~Qabun1.ooiivtE£ ml µ61.L£ yev6µevoL xatu t~v Kv(bov] "sailing slowly
and arriving with difficulty off Cnidus." (With the vb. cf. ~Qabun1.mfo, P.Oxy.
2191.8.) The difficulty was due to the strong northwest wind, like those mentioned
by Cicero, Fam. 14.5.1 (written from Athens, where he had arrived on October 14,
50 B.C., on his way home from Cilicia): "cum sane aduersis uentis usi essemus, tar-
deque et incommode nauigassemus" (quoted by J. Smith, Voyage, p. 75). Cnidus
was a Peloponnesian colony on the Carian promontory ofTriopium; it had two har-
513
bors, that on the east being particularly large. According to Thucydides (Hist. 8.35),
Triopium was frequented by merchant vessels from Egypt in the late fifth century
B.C. It is not clear if Paul's ship put in at Cnidus; probably it could not. Its depar-
ture from the vicinity of Cnidus marked Paul's farewell to Asia Minor (although
he may not have thought in our geographical terms).
un:t:n:A.EOOUJ.l.EV t~v KQ~tl]V xata LaA.µc.ovl]V] "we sailed under the lee of Crete
off Salmone" (the cape at the eastern end of Crete). By sailing thus east and south
of Crete, they were sheltered from the northwest wind. According to Smith (Voyage,
pp. 75f.), the ship would not have been prevented from pursuing the normal course
north of Crete had not the wind been west of north-northwest(µ~ :n:QoaEciJvto£ ~µa£
toii avEµou ), and she could not have fetched Cape Salmone had not the wind been
north of west-northwest; the wind was therefore northwest, "precisely the wind
which might have been expected in those seas towards the end of summer." Cf.
Aristotle, De mundo 4.15, ol bE 0EQOU£, 00£ ol Etl]Gtm A.EYOJ.l.EVOL, µi~t v EX,OvtE£ tciJv
tE a:n:o tfi£ UQXtoU q>EQOµEV(I)V l((ll, ~Eq>'IJQWV.
27:8 3tUQUA£YOJ.l.EVOL ain:~v] "coasting along it," i.e., the south side of Crete.
Although Salmone is the nearer noun, xma To)..µc.ovl]v is almost parenthetical (it is
in fact omitted by the b witnesses 614 2147 2495 pc). See F. Field, Notes on the
Translation of the New Testament, pp. 143f., against the view that the reference is
to the "weathering" of Cape Salmone.
Ka)..oi,£ AtµEVU£] A small bay two leagues east of Cape Matala, still so named
on modem maps (although the modem use of the name is probably a revival rather
than a survival). The bay is protected by small islands, but could not be a very good
winter harbor, since it stands open to nearly half the compass. Soon after Fair
Havens the coast tends northward, and would therefore no longer provide such
good protection against a northwest wind.
Aaaaia] Variously spelled: Aaafo B 33 1175 1739 1891 2464 al I Aaaia 36
81 453 945 pc I Aa'taaa X 2 I "A)..aaaa A syrhcl.mg copsa I Thalassa lat (cf. v. 13;
also 0<iaov for 'Aaaov, 20: 13). The strange reading Anchis (lath) is perhaps a mis-
reading of a.yx.t, which may have replaced syyu£ earlier in the clause. C. J. Herner
("First Person Narrative ... ," p. 95) quotes from A. Plassart, "Les inscriptions de
Delphes. La liste des theorodoques," BCH 45 (1921), pp. 1-85, especially p. 61,
n. 3 (col. 4, line 9), EV Aaoaoi<;t (from a list of Cretan cities arranged in clockwise
order in the angle southwest from Gortyna). Lasaia has been identified with the
Lasos or Alos of Pliny, NH 4.59, and with some ruins a little to the east of Fair
Havens.
3. Paul's Advice Rejected (27:9-12)

9 'Ixavou bE JCQOVOU btayEVOµEVOU xal Ovt0£ ~bl] E:n:tCTq>UAOU£ tOU 3tA00£ bta to
xul t~v Vl]otdav ~bl] MQEAl]AU0Evm, :n:aQT]VEL 6 Tiau)..0£ 10 A.Eywv amoi£, 'Av-
bQE£, 0EWQ& ott µmi U~QEW£ xul :n:o)..)..fj; ~l]µLa£ ou µ6vov tou q,oQt(ou ,ml, tou
:n:)..o(ou &na xal tOJV 'ljJUX,OJV ~µciJv µEA.A.EL v fow0m tOV 31:AO'IJV. 11 6 bE £XU-
tovtUQX,l]£ tq> XU~EQV~tn XUL tq> VUUXA.~Q<Jl µaA.AOV E:n:Et0Eto ~ tOL£ u:n:o fla'IJA.OU
AEYOµEVOL£. 12avrn0hou bE tofi ALµEvo; u:n:<iQJCOvto; JtQo; :n:aQUJCELµaa(av ol
514
27:9-12 PAUL'S ADVICE REJECTED
JtA.ELOVE£ E0Evt0 ~OUA ~v avaxHiJvm EXE i0EV, E°( :rt<Il£ buvm vto xatavt~aavtE£ EL£
4>o LVLXU JtUQUXELµaam, ALµE va tfJ£ KQ~t1)£ ~AEJtOvta xata A.L~U XU l xata XOOQOV.
27:9 ovto£ ~bl) Emaqialofl£ toii n:1.00£] According to Vegetius, De re mili-

tari 4.39, the dangerous season for navigation lasted from September 14 to Novem-
ber 11; from the latter date all navigation on the open sea ceased for the remainder
of the winter. For imaqia1.~£ (here only in the NT) see New Docs. 1 (1976), § 12;
Smith (Voyage, p. 84, n. 2) quotes as an antonym to EJtLaqia1.o'ii£ toii n:1..06£ the phrase
JtAOU£ aaqia1.~£ (Julius Pollux 1.105).
bta to xal t~v VT)atELav ~bl) ltUQEATJAU8EVm] The "fast" was the Day of Atone-
ment (Yam Kippurfm), falling on Tishri 10. Cf. tfi tfJ£ VT)atELU£ ~µEQc;:t, Jos. Ant.
14.66; also 17:166; Philo, Vzt. Mays. 2.23;Despec. leg. 1.186; 2.193;Leg. adGai.
306; mMena~ot 11.9 ("the day of fasting"). For other time notes relating to the
Jewish sacred year cf. 1:12; 2:1; 12:4; 18:2lb; 20:6, 16. Paul, it may be assumed,
observed the fast ( even if only by mentioning it) at Fair Havens; the ship, however,
had probably set sail from there before the Feast of Tabernacles began on Tishri
15, otherwise Luke might have mentioned that occasion and not the fast. The xa[
before t~v VTJITTELav is important; it has point only if the fast fell rather late that
year-and in AD. 59 it fell on or about October 5. So Luke's meaning is: "Not only
had the dangerous time for sailing begun: even the fast was now past" -so it was
more dangerous than ever. A late date for the Day of Atonement is implied,
moreover, by the subsequent time notes of the voyage to Italy. They cannot have
sailed more than about 50 or 60 miles to get under the lee of Cauda, and it was on
the fourteenth night from Cauda (v. 27) that they drew near land; on the following
day they came ashore on Malta, where they spent three months (28: 11 ). The seas
were closed until the beginning of February at the earliest (see on 28: 11 ); the three
months spent in Malta must therefore have been (roughly) November, December,
and January. This means that they left Fair Havens not much earlier than the middle
of October, and this reckoning accords with the date of the fast in AD. 59, but not
in any of the neighboring years from 57 to 62, when it fell earlier. See W. P. Work-
man, "A New Date-Indication in Acts," ExT 11 (1899-1900), pp. 316-19. This, in-
cidentally (in the light of 24:27), supports the dating of Paul's last journey to
Jerusalem in AD. 57 (see on 20:6). Cf. Herner, "First Person Narrative ... ," pp.
106f.).
JtUQTIVEL] Imperf., "offered his advice." Paul was an experienced traveler, both
by land and by sea (cf. 2 Cor. ll:25f.); he knew what he was talking about. It is un-
necessary to suppose, with Ramsay, that he was invited for that reason to attend a
ship's council, presided over by the centurion.
27:10 1.eywv am:oi,£] I.e., to any who cared to listen to him, and especially
(it appears) to the centurion.
otL ... µinn v forn8m tov n:1.oiiv] Mixture of the on construction with the
acc. and infin. construction. Cf. 16:190 (on MEITTEQf}a8m); Xenophon,Hell. 2.2.2
(dbW£ OtL oacµ av JtAELOU£ OUAAEYWOLV EL£ to <latll xal tOV IlELQULO. 86.ttOV tfuv
EJtLtl)bEiwv tvbnav forn8m).
515
ii~QEwi;J "injury." LC compares Jos. Ant. 3.133, t~v ci:n:o twv o!$QWV ~QLV.
Paul's present forecast of "injury and great loss" (:n:o)..)..~ ~T]µ(u) "not only to the
cargo and the ship but also to our lives" (ci)..)..a xul twv 'lj)UX,wv ~µwv) is contradicted
by his later statement (v. 22) that, although the ship would be wrecked, there would
be "no loss of life" (ci:n:o~o)..~ ... 'lj)uxfJi; oubEµ(u). But the later statement reported
a divine revelation; here he is expressing his private judgment, on the basis of past
experience. His positive advice, as may be gathered from v. 21, was that they should
winter in the port where they were (Fair Havens).
Considering the suddenness, the frequency, and the violence with which gales of
northerly wind spring up, and the certainty that, if such a gale sprang up in the pas-
sage from Fair Havens to Lutro, the ship must be driven off to sea, the prudence of
the advice given by the master and owner was extremely questionable, and ... the
advice given by St. Paul may probably be supported even on nautical grounds (Smith,
Voyage. p. 85, n. 2).
27: 11 6 bE ixutovt<iQXTJ£ XtA. l "But the centurion paid more heed to the
steersman and the shipowner than to Paul's warning." The centurion naturally
deferred to expert opinion, but the narrator seems to find his doing so rather than
taking Paul's advice surprising, if not reprehensible. This is one of the touches
which A. D. Nock (Essays, p. 823) and others have regarded as "an authentic
transcript of the recollections of an eyewitness, with the confusion and coloring
which so easily attach themselves to recollections." The VU1JXA.TJQO£ (Lat. naui-
cularius) was a merchant shipowner, who usually acted as captain of his own
ship. As this ship was part of a state service (see on v. 6), he was thus a contrac-
tor for the state transport of grain. Ramsay (SPT, pp. 324f.) quotes from JG
14.918: o[ vuVXA.TJQOL toii :n:OQEutLxoii 'A)..E1;avbQELVOii oto)..ou. Rostovtzeff ex-
presses his conviction "that from the very beginning the corporations of mer-
chants and shipowners who dealt in some of the necessities of life, and especially
the latter, were recognized by the state because they were agents of the state-
more or less concessionaires of the Roman government" (Social and Economic
History, II, p. 607). While ultimate responsibility normally lay with the
vuvXA.TJQO£ (see New Docs. 2 [1977], § 25), the final decision on this occasion
was left to the centurion, probably because he was an officer of the grain ser-
vice. Cf. Herner, "First Person Narrative ... ," p. 94.
27:12 civEUflEtou] "unsuitable" (see on v. 8 for the reason). This is the first
known occurrence of avEvflEtoi; (for Eu0Etoi; cf. Lk. 9:62; 14:35; Heb. 6:7).
E°L :n:wi; ovvm vto ... :n:uQUxnµ<iom] A telescoped conditional and final con-
struction: "in order that, if possible, they might ... spend the winter"; for the con-
struction cf. v. 39; 8:22; 17:27; Lk. 14:28; Rom. 1:10; Phil. 3:11.
di; <Iio l Vl XU . . . A.lµE va tf]i; KQ~tT)i; ~A.E:n:ovta XUTa A. l~(l xal XUT<l XOOQOV]
Phoenix is one of the many place names showing the extent of Phoenician influ-
ence in antiquity. The name is preserved in Phineka Bay, on the west side of Cape
Mouros, 33 miles from the west end of the south coast of Crete. Before the seismic
uplift of the sixth century AD., this bay had two sheltered inlets, facing respectively
516
27: 13-20 THEY ARE CAUGHT BY THE WIND EURAQUILO
southwest and northwest (the inlets are now marked by raised beaches and a lack
of traces of ancient occupation). All the conditions for Luke's brief description of
the site (which he did not see, because the ship failed to reach it) are thus satisfied;
see R. M. Ogilvie, "Phoenix," ITS n.s. 9 (1958), pp. 308-14.
Smith (Voyage, pp. 86-95) preferred to identify Luke's Phoenix with Loutron
(Lutro ), on the east side of Cape Mourns, where the modern village of that name
"lies round a deep harbour with a shingle beach facing south-east" (Ogilvie, p. 310).
His interpretation seems to have influenced RVI ARV "looking northeast and south-
east" (margin: "down the southwest wind and down the northwest wind"). Smith
was authoritatively informed that Loutron is "the only secure harbor in all winds
on the south coast of Crete" (Voyage, p. 91, n. 1). But it was not necessarily so
before the seismic upheaval of the sixth century, which substantially raised the
coast level here by tilting the island from west to east. The conclusive argument
against Smith's identification is that xm;o. ,..i~a xal xata XfuQOv can only mean
"facing southwest and northwest" -which rules out Loutron. Smith's attempts to
prove the contrary have not succeeded. His quotations from Herodotus (Hist. 4.110)
of a ship being driven xata xiiµu xui livEµov, and Arrian (Periplus Euxini 5) of a
cloud which rl;EQQUYTI xut' EiiQoV (Lat. tr. ab Euro ... erupit), are not exactly par-
allel. Nor is the parallel from Jos. Ant. 15.333 more helpful, where Joppa and Dora
are said not to provide good havens bLa ta; xuta A.l~(l JtQOO~OAU£, even if that be
taken to mean that they are approached "down the southwest wind," for after all
Joppa and Dora face west.
1..(ljl is the "Libyan" wind (this may be a popular etymology; cf. Lat.Africus);
it is mentioned by Theocritus, Id. 9.11, where it can be strong enough to blow graz-
ing animals off a cliff edge. C. J. Herner ("First Person Narrative ... ," pp. 95f.)
quotes, from IGRR 1.177, the wind directions on a twelve-point scheme, with the
names in Gk. and Lat., 'Icimil; I Chorus (30 degrees north of west) and A(ljJ I Afri-
cus (30 degrees south of west). Even in a Lat. form the initial of the word usually
spelled Caurus is here aspirated. Ioanncs Lydus (6th cent.) hellenizes it xfuQO£. The
modern Cretan form Livas is quoted as equivalent to ancient )..(,p. Winter accom-
modation could have been found for the ship's company in Anopolis, a city a few
miles inland from Phoenix and Loutron.
See Xan Fielding, The Stronghold (London, 1955), pp. 215-24, for Loutron
today, and pp. 216, 262-65, for Phoenix.
4. They Are Caught by the Wind Euraquilo (27:13-20)

13 'Yxoxveuouvr~ bf v6tou o6!;avrei; ttji; JtQo0foew; XEXQUtrixivm «QUvtE£
cfooov JtUQE1..Eyovto t~v KQ~triv. 14µEt' ou Jto)..u bE E~u)..ev xat' um~i; liveµo;
t'lkj>WVLX.0£ 0 XUA01JµEVO£ EUQUXUA(l)V" 15 OUVUQJtU00Evt0£ be toii JtAOlOU xul µ~
ouvaµtvou avto<j>0u)..µEiv tq> avEµ<J) rmb6vrei; £<j>EQ6µe0u. 16 vrio(ov bE u imo-
bQUµ6vtE£ XUAOlJµEVOV Kuiibu toxuouµev µ61..L£ JtEQLXQutEL£ YEVE00m t~£
oxci<1>ri£, 17 ~v UQUvtE£ ~ori0dm£ £XQfuvto uxo~wvvuvtE£ to x)..oiov· qio~ouµEvo(
tE µ~ EL£ t~v ~UQtl v EXJtEO(l)OL v, xu1..aOUvtE£ to OXEOO£, oiitw; £<j>EQOvtO.
1wcpobQW£ bE '..(ELµa~oµEvwv T]µfuv tfl el;Tji; E~o)..~v EJtmoiivto, 19 xul tfl tQitn
517
auto:XELQE£ t~v OXEUTJV tou JtA.o(ou EQQL'ljmv. 2oµ~tE OE ~l(ou µ~tE cicrtQWv Em-
cpm VOvtWV EJtL JtA.ELOVU£ ~µEQ~. ):ELµiiivo; tE 01,X 6Hyou EltlXELµEVOU, A.OLJtOV
JtEQLTIQEito EA.Jtl; m'ioa tou ocfl~w8m ~µa;.
27:13 uJtoJtVEuoavto; OE votou] "a south wind having sprung up," which
would favor the westerly voyage.
JtQ08EOEW£] "purpose," "plan"; cf. 2 Tim. 3:10 (New Docs. 1 [1976], § 20).
liQavtE£] "having weighed anchor" and set out from Fair Havens.
aooov (celerius lath I de Asson latvg I "from Alasos" cop53 / "from Assos"
copb 0 ) JtUQEleyovto t~v KQ~tTJV] "they continued to coast along (the shore of) Crete,
(keeping) close in (to the land)." This was necessary until they rounded Cape
Matala, about six miles west of Fair Havens. The literary &ooov ( comparative of
ay:xt, "nearer," "rather near") was misunderstood by some early translators: it was
confused with Assos (cf. 20:13) by latvg and copb 0 , with Alasos (cf. Alassa, v.1. in
v. 8) by cop 53 , while celerius (lath) seems to represent a variant 8aooov (cf. E>aoov
for ''.Aooov, 20: 13; latvg Thalassa for Alassa, v. 8).
27:14 e~aA.Ev xat' amft;] "there rushed down from it," i.e., from (inland)
Crete. Cf. xma tou XQT]µvou, "down [from] the cliff' (Mk. 5:13 par.).
avEµo~ rncpwvtxo~] The adj. refers to the whirling motion of the clouds and
sea caused by the meeting of opposing currents of air. Pliny calls the typhoon
"praecipua nauigantium pestis non antennas modo uerum ipsa nauigia contorta
frangens" (NH 2.132).
EuQaxulwv] EUQoxluowv IJ1 byz syr. (See P. Coones,Euroclydon: A Tempes-
tuous Wind [Oxford, 1986].) Gk. EUQaxulwv (not found elsewhere) represents Lat.
Euraquilo, a hybrid compound of Gk. EiiQo;, the east wind, and Lat. Aquilo, the
north wind. The Lat. word, in the form Euroaquilo, appears on a 12-point wind-
rose incised on a pavement at Thugga in the province of Africa, where, beginning
from the north and reading clockwise, we find septentrio aquilo euroaquilo
[uo/lturnus eurus . .. (CIL 8.26652). The position of the word there suggests the
meaning north-northeast (30 degrees north of east); here the narrative implies an
east-northeast wind. Blowing down from Mt. Ida, the wind would be very danger-
ous to a ship with one large sail: if it did not capsize her, it would probably drive
her to the Syrtes (see on v. 17). The same wind is well known today in the Medi-
terranean world as the grigal or gregale.
A Acworth prefers the inferior readingEuroclydon (cf. KJV) and takes it to
mean the southeast wind, which drove the ship not to Malta but into the Adriatic
Sea (see on v. 27; 28:1). His arguments, set out in "Where was St. Paul Ship-
wrecked? A Re-examination of the Evidence," JTS n.s. 24 (1973), pp. 190-93, have
been answered in detail by C. J. Herner, "Euraquilo and Melita," ITS n.s. 26 (1975),
pp. 100-111. To Hemer's article, together with his "First Person Narrative in Acts
27-28," TynB 36 (1985), pp. 79-109, this exposition is greatly indebted.
27:15 avtocp8alµeiv] "face," "head up" (LC). Cf. 6:100; the verb occurs
also in Polybius, Hist. 1.17.3, etc.; Wisd. 12:14; 3 Bar. 7:4 (ou t~v 8fov oux
~buv~Sruu,v civtocp8aA.µELV xal tbeiv); Ep. Barn. 5: 10 (oux LO):'IJOOOL v EL£ ta; axtiva;
518
27:13-20 THEY ARE CAUGHT BY THE WIND EURAQUILO
aucou avtolj>0akµ~am); 1 Clem. 34.1 (6 vco0QO£ xal, JtaQELµevos oux avtolj>0akµEI tcµ
EQYOJtUQEXtTI (l1J'COU).
tcµ uveµcµ] May be dependent on either avtoq>0aA.µEiv or embovtE~ (probably
on the former, but in sense it goes with both). In b it must be dependent on avtoq>-
0akµEiv as in it embovtE£ is provided with a separate dat. (tcµ n:kfovn).
emb6vtE~ ( + tcµ JtA.EOvtL )((ll, OUatELA.UvtES ta lat LU 614 1518 2147 pc syrhcl**,
representing b [syrhct*• adds further "as it happened," reconstructed by Blass as
xma to au~uivov]) Eq>EQOµE0a] "we scudded before it." The reflexive acc. "our-
selves" is understood with eml>6vtE~ (cf. New Docs. 1 [1976], § 12).
27:16 un:ob(luµ6vtE£] "running (before the wind) under the lee of'; cf.
UJtEJtA.EUOUµEV,VV.4, 7.
Kuoou] Kkuubu X * Nid 33 81 614 945 1739 2495 pc I Kkaub11v byz. The
variant Clauda is attested in ancient authors (Claudos in Hierocles and Ptolemy).
Pliny calls it Gaudos; Mela, Caudos. See J. R. Harris, "Clauda or Cauda? A Study
in Acts xxvii.16," ExT2l (1909-10), pp. 17-19. Near this island (Mod. Gk. foubos,
Ital. Gozzo) took place the naval engagement commonly called the Battle of Cape
Matapan, March 28, 1941. It lay some 23 miles to leeward of the point they had
reached in their coasting progress when the wind struck them; the fact that they
were driven past it is sufficient proof that the wind was a northeaster.
taxuaaµEv xtk] Three operations are to be distinguished: (1) hauling in the
dinghy, (2) undergirding the ship, and (3) lowering the "gear" (see on v. 17).
taxuaaµEv µ6ku:; JtEQLXQatEL£ yEvfo0m t~S ax<iq>TJS] "we were able with diffi-
culty to secure the dinghy" (i.e., to get it on deck; it was normally towed astern).
For ax<iq>l] see New Docs. 3 (1978), § 4 (P.Oxy. 3269.9). The 1st pers. taxuaaµEv
has been taken as suggesting that the narrator helped in this operation (any land-
lubber could haul on a rope), and µoA.L£ has been thought to hint at the painful
memory of his blisters.
27:17 ~v liQUvtE£] "having taken it up." LC suggest that the foremast, which
sloped forward, was used as a derrick.
~0110dms EXQ<i:>vto un:o~ci>vvuvtE£ to n:koiov] For ~o1J0Eim (lit. "helps") cf.
Aristotle, Rhet. 2.5.18 (ma:JtEQ EV toL£ )((lt(l 0ctA.attav XLVbuvms o'L tE UJtELQOL
xuµ<i:>vos 0UQQOUCTL ta µEA.A.Ovta xai o[ ~01]0ELU£ £)'.OvtE£ bLa t~V EµJtELQLUv); Philo,
De Josepha 33 (ma:JtEQ YUQ X~EQV~t1]£ mis t<i:>v JtVEuµcttCOV µEta~okais auµµEta~ctA.A.EL
tas JtQO£ E'Un:A.o(uv ~0110das). S. A Naber, "Nautica," Mnemosyne n.s. 23 (1895),
pp. 267-69, conjectures ~odms, "ropes of ox hide," which would give excellent
sense, but is an unnecessary emendation in view of the cited occurrences of
~01]0Eim in a nautical context. The "helps" in this case might more technically be
called un:o~ooµuta, used thus in Plato, Repub. 10.616C; Legg. 12.945C (also in Cal-
lixenus, Herodotus medicus, and many inscriptions). The purpose of this operation
was to strengthen the hull with cables passed around it transversely lest it should
disintegrate under the violence of wind and wave. H. J. Cadbury has pointed out
that the operation is best illustrated by an Egyptian drawing of an expedition of
Queen Hatshepsut to the land of Punt (Somalia?) in the late sixteenth century B.C.
(reproduced on a special series of Egyptian postage stamps issued for the Inter-
519
national Congress of Navigation at Cairo in 1926). See his note 'Y:n:o1;wµata in BC

I.5, pp. 345-54; also The Book ofActs in History (New York, 1955), p. 10.
EL£ t~v LUQ'tt vJ The Syrtes are quicksands off the Libyan coast, distinguished
as the "greater Syrtis" and the "lesser Syrtis" farther west. They were still far dis-
tant, but the wind might blow for many days, and it was driving them straight in
the direction of the greater Syrtis (which is accordingly the shoal in view here).
xa1..aoavtE£ to OXEUO£] "lowering the gear." The phrase as it stands is ambigu-
ous (cf. the indeterminate OXEUO£ in 10:11), and has been understood in various
ways, e.g., (1) "setting sail" (reading ta Lotta for to OXEU0£ with 2495 pc syrpesh,
perhaps representing b); (2) "sending down the top hamper" (cf. lat 8 depositis uelis;
according to Smith, "every ship situated as this one was, when preparing for a
storm, sends down upon deck the 'top-hamper,' or gear connected with the fair-
weather sails, such as the suppara, or top-sails" [Voyage, p. 111 ]); or (3) (most prob-
ably) "dropping a floating anchor" (J. Renie, "Summisso vase [Act 27.17]," RSR
35 [1948], pp. 272-75; cf. Haenchen,Acts, p. 703, n. 2). This served as a drift an-
chor, being dragged astern on a rope of suitable length so as to offer great resistance
every time the ship plunged down from the crest of a wave (cf. latg uas quoddam
dimiserunt quad traheret).
oiitw£ E<j,EQOVto] "away they drifted"- according to Smith, on the starboard
tack (i.e., with the right side to the wind), with storm sails set (Voyage, p. 114). Cf.
Homer, Od. 9. 70, al µiv E:rtELt' E<j,EQOvt' E:rtLXaQoiat. This use of oiitw£ to resume a
series of participles is idiomatic.
27:18 xnµa1;oµhwv] "making heavy weather."
tfi E~fJ£] SC. iJµ1\>~.
ex~o1..~v e:n:owiivto] "they began to jettison" -presumably the cargo (of
wheat). They did not jettison all of it at this stage, as v. 38 makes plain. Since the
transport of wheat was the purpose of the ship's voyage, on which the livelihood
of the shipowner depended, the sacrifice of even part of it was an index of the
desperateness of the situation. Cf. Jon. 1:5, ex~o1..~v e:n:otoiivro t&v 011.1,v&v t&v iv
tcp :n:)..oicp d£ t~v 0a)..aooav toii xovq,w0fJvm rot' m'rt&v.
27:19 EQQL'ljJUV] +EL£ t~v 0a1..aooav 614 2147 latg vg.codd syrhcl** cop83 (rep-
resenting b) I EQQL'ljmµev byz (which Ramsay favors).
t~v o,rev~v] "the spare gear." "As with ox£iiO£ in verse 17 we are uncertain
whether a,reviJ here has not a technical meaning which is now lost" (LC). Cf. Jon.
1:5, quoted in the note on v. 18 above. Smith supposes that the main yard is meant,
"an immense spar, probably as long as the ship, which would require the united ef-
forts of passengers and crew to launch overboard" (Voyage, p. 116).
am6XELQE£] The use of this emphatic word marks a climax of precautionary
operations, with an implication of increasing danger. The only means left to con-
trol the course of the ship appear now to have been the drift anchor (v. 17) and the
storm sail on the foremast (aQtEµwv, v. 40).
27:20 µiJtE be iJA.iov µiJtE liargwv E:rtt<pmv6vrwv] Thus they were left in ig-
norance of their position, and so were unable to fix their course.
01))( <'>Hyov] Lukan litotes (see on 12:18).
520
27:21-26 PAUL'S ENCOURAGEMENT
A.OLJtov] om B (perhaps by accident). For adverbial A.OLJtov cf. 1 Cor. 7:29;

2 Tim. 4:8.
JtEQLTIQEito EA.ltL£] An idiomatic expression; the imperf. implies the continu-
ous worsening of their situation. The ship was in imminent danger of breaking up
and foundering in the open sea, with consequent death to all aboard.
5. Paul's Encouragement (27:21-26)

21 ITokHi£ tE aoLtia£ urtUQXOU01']£ t6tE ata0d~ 6 ITmiA.0£ EV µfo(!l autci>v ELrtEv,
"EbEL µh, cb <'ivbQE£, nu0aQxtjoavtci£ µoL µ~ &vciyrnem &rto tfJ£ KQtjt1']£
xtgbftaa( tE 't~V $Ql V tUut'l]V XctL t~V tTJJ.lLUV. 22 XctL ta V'UV JtUQUl VCO uµii£
EU!h,µElv, &no~o"'~ yaQ \jJUXTl£ ouoEµia Eatm E~ uµci>v JtA.~v toii nkoiou·
23JtUQEat'l] yciQ µm tautTI tfl vu,al toii 0rnii ou dµi, cjJ xal katQEUW, a.yyEA.0£
24 keywv, M~ q,o~oii, ITaiiA.E· KaiaaQi aE OEi rtaQaatijvm, xat tooi, XEXClQLata(
am 6 0EO£ mivtU£ toil\; JtA.EOvtU£ µEta aoii. 25 OlO di0uµeltE, O.VOQE£" JtlatE'IJ(t)
yag t<j> 0E<j> on omw£ Eatm xa0' ov tQ6rtov A.Ekcik'!]tai µm. 26 EL~ vfJaov OE 'tl va
OE i ~µii£ EXltEOE iv.
27:21 noHfJ£ tE aoLtiU£ unaQxoua11£] Their abstinence from food might be
due to various reasons-difficulty of cooking, spoiling of food by sea water, sea
sickness, etc. Cf. a.mtoL, v. 33.
EOEL µEV, <b a.vOQE£, X'tA.] This human touch in Paul can be appreciated by the
reader: he is no imperturbable 0ElO£ &v~Q but a man of like passions with ourselves,
not above saying "I told you so!"
JtEL0UQX~CJavtci£ µm] Four examples of nn0aQXEW with dat. from a Beroean
inscription are cited in New Docs. 2 (1977), § 82, more than 200 years earlier than
MM's attestations.
XEQbftoai tE 't~v ii(lQL v taut'l]V xal 't~v ~'l]µiav] "and have gained this damage
and loss": for $QL£ and ~'l]µia cf. v. 10, and note the oxymoron XEQbfJom ... triµiav.
Cf. Eurip. Cycl. 312, nonolm yaQ I XEQ61'] rtOV'l]Qa t11µ(av ~µei\jJato, and Pliny, NH
7.129, "quam quidem iniuriam lucri fecit ille."
27:22 Eu0uµelv] Intrans.; cf. Eu0uµEl'tE, v. 25. See New Docs. 1 (1976), § 84.
nk~v toii rtA.oiou] "but only of the ship": nktjv by brachylogy for nk~v µ6vov.
Paul's reassuring message about their personal safety is in contrast to his more
pessimistic forecast in v. 10, but now he could rely on a special revelation (vv. 23f.).
27:23 JtUQEat'l] yaQ ,a,.] Cf. the visions of 18:9f.; 23:11.
tamn 'tfl vuxtt] "last night" (cf. Fr. cette nuit).
toii 0EOii, OU dµL eyoo CJl xal A.UtQEUW, <'iyyEA.0£] om iyw B C* 'I' byz. Paul was
evidently able to distinguish the angel from the risen Lord, who had appeared to
him at Corinth (18:9f.) and Jerusalem (23:11); he recognized the Lord from his
original appearance to him on the Damascus road.
27:24 µ~ q,o~oii] Cf. 0aQOEL, 23:11.
KaiaUQi OE 6EI rtaQUatfJvm] Cf. 23: 11, om:w aE 6EI xal, EL£ 'Pwµ11v µaQtUQTJOm.
Paul's arrival in Rome to bear his witness there "in the presence of Caesar" was
divinely decreed and could not be frustrated (cf. v. 43; 28:5).
XEXClQLatm] "has given as a present"-for the saving of life, as in 3:14; not
521
for the destroying of it, as in 25:11, 16. Cf. Gen. 18:26-32 for the principle that the
presence of good people is a protection to a community.
27:25 mcn:Euw yiJ.Q tcµ 0Etji] "For I trust God," i.e., I believe what he has said
through his messenger (liyyd.0£). See on 5:14.
27:26 Et£ v~oov br tLva bEl ~µa; exmoElv] "But we must be cast ashore on
some island." This was a statement of faith. The sailors knew that they had missed
Sicily and could not hope that the ship would hold out for the 200 miles that had
to be covered before they struck the African coast near Carthage (Tunisia). If they
had no hope of a landfall on Sicily, Malta was the next best hope (though Paul
would probably not have known this)-but it was a slender hope indeed.
6. They Approoch Land (27:27-29)

27 'Q£ bf. twoaewxm&xatTJ vu!; EYEVEtO bLUq>EQOµEVwv ~µwv EV tcµ 'Ab()t(.l,
xata µfoov t~£ VUlCt:0£ u:n:Ev6ouv ol vafn:m :Jt()OOay£L v tL va auto~ XW()UV. 28 xal
~oHoavtE£ EUQOV OQYULet£ dxom, ~QUXU bE bLacn:~oavtE£ xal :n:aAL v ~o).(oav-
tE£ EUQOV O()YULCt£ b£XU:J'tEvtf' 29q>O~OUµ£VOL tE µ~ :n:ou xata t()UX£L£ tOJtOU£
EX:n:EO(J)µEV EX Jt()UµVTJ£ Ql1j1UvtE£ <iyXUQU£ tEOO<lQU£ TJUXOvtO ~µE()UV Y£VE00UL.
27:27 twaaQrnxatbEx<itTJ vu!;] Thirteen or fourteen days would be almost
exactly the time required to reach Malta from Cauda (476.6 miles) under the con-
ditions described, according to Smith's calculations (Voyage, pp. 124-28).
bLa<j>E()oµtvwv ~µwv] "while we were drifting across," not (as in KJV) "as we
were driven up and down." Cf. v. 5, btUJtAEuaavtE£, for this sense of bta- in com-
position.
i':v tcµ 'Ab()((.l] I.e., the sea between Italy, Malta, Crete, and Greece. Strabo (c.
AD. 19) says the Ionian Sea is part of Adria (Geog. 2.5.20: 6 b' '16vLO£ x6bo£ µE()O£
i':cn:l rou vuv 'Ab()iou 1.qoµrvou). Pausanias (Periegesis 5.25.3) says the straits of
Messina (between Italy and Sicily) unite the Adriatic and Tyrrhenian Seas. Ptolemy
(Geog. 3.4.1; 15 .1) makes the Adriatic Sea (to 'Ab()LatLxov 1ti1.ayo£), as distinct
from the Adriatic Gulf (6 'Ab()LatLXO£ x6bo£, known today as the Adriatic Sea),
the whole sea as far south as Sicily and Crete. Josephus (Vita 15) tells how the ship
on which he set out for Italy in AD. 63 foundered in the midst of Adria @anna0EvtO£
ya() ~µwv tou JtAOLOU xata µfoov tOV 'Ab()iav) and how he was taken on board a ship
of Cyrene and put ashore at Puteoli. There is no good ground for inferring from ev
np 'AbQL(.l here that Paul's ship was driven into what we call the Adriatic. See C. J.
Herner, "Euraquilo and Melita," pp. 106-108; "First Person Narrative ... ," p. 102,
n. 41.
xata µEOOV t~£ vuxto;] Cf. 16:25, xata to µwovuxnov.
JtQoociynv (:n:QoaaxE'i:v B* whence latg s resonare I Jt()OOEyyitELv 614 2147
2495) nva m'.ito1£ XWQav] "that some land was approaching": this is described by
Smith as the "graphic language of seamen" (Voyage, p. 120, n. 1). The reading of
B*, :n:QOOUXElv ("sounding"), is very attractive; the form is Doric (Attic Jt()OOTJXElv)
and may have been first used by sailors outside the Ionic-Attic area, from whom it
passed into more general usage as a technical term (MHT II, p. 71). Ramsay, who
522
27:30-32 THE SAILORS' ATTEMPT TO ESCAPE FRUSTRATED
favors it (SPT, pp. 334f.), suggests that the ship's company heard the breakers; had
it been daylight, they would have seen them too. According to Smith (Voyage,
p. 121 ), no ship can enter St. Paul's Bay from the east without passing within a
quarter of a mile of the point of Koura; when she comes within that distance (and
not until then), it is impossible not to observe the breakers, which are particularly
violent at Koura in a northeast wind.
27:28 mt ~oA.(oavtE£ ,a)..] Although ~oH~w, "heave the lead" @oA.L£), is not
found earlier, or for many centuries afterward, Herner points out that the natural
way in which it is used by Eustathius (commentator on Homer, 12th cent.) implies
"that this was a regular term in older Greek, though, being a specialized word, it
happens not to survive elsewhere" ("First Person Narrative ... ," p. 9). (Five oc-
currences in Eustathius are cited by J. J. Wettstein.)
The soundings agree with the direction of a ship passing Koura on her way
into St. Paul's Bay, the 20 fathoms' depth being close to the spot where they had
indications of land, and bearing east by south from the 15 fathoms' depth, at such
a distance as would allow preparation for anchoring as they did; Smith estimates
half an hour's lapse (Voyage, pp. 131f.).
~Q<lXU OE OLaat~oavtE£] Cf. 5:34; Lk. 22:58. The interval was about half an
hour ( see previous note).
27:29 i:x JtQUµVT]£ QL'ljlavtE£ ayxUQU£ tfooaQU£] Smith quotes from the sail-
ing directions of his time that in St. Paul's Bay, "while the cables hold there is no
danger, as the anchors will never start" (Voyage, p. 132). Here the four anchors
were intended to act as a brake. Casting them from the stern was an unusual pro-
cedure, but advantageous in the circumstances; for had they anchored by the bow
the ship would have swung around from the wind, whereas now the prow kept
pointing to the shore. Smith (Voyage, pp. 133-36) shows from the figure of a ship
in theAntichita di Ercolano that anchoring from the stern was possible, for the ship
is depicted with hawse holes aft, through which anchor cables could be passed if
required; though in ancient as in modem times the rule was ancora de prora iaci-
tur. Appian (Bell. Pun. 18.123) describes how the Romans under Scipio Aemili-
anus won a naval victory against the Carthaginians in 147 B.C. through anchoring
by the stern and thus obviating the necessity of exposing the ships' weak points to
the enemy in turning around. For the same reason Nelson anchored by the stern at
the Battle of the Nile.
TJUXOvto ~µEQ<lV yEvfo0m] For the idea cf. Homer, Od. 9 .151, 306, 436, EµEL VaµEV
~<il oiav. Many of the concepts, and in some respects much of the wording, of the
Odyssey became part of a literary tradition in nautical matters (see on v. 41).
7. The Sailors' Attempt to Escape Frustrated (27:30-32)

30 T<ilv OE vam<ilv ~T]tOUvtWV qiuyEiV EX to'U !tA.OLOU 'XO.I, xa>..aouvtwv t~V OXUq>lJV
EL£ t~V 0u>..uooav !tQOqlUOEL 00£ i:x 3tQ<!JQT]£ ayXUQU£ µE>..>..OvtWV i:xtd VEL v,
31 Eln:Ev 6 nauA.0£ tq> E'l«ltovtUQXTI 'X(J.I, tOL£ ITTQatLWtUL£, 'Eavµ~ OOtOL µELVWOLV
EV tq> !tA.Ol<!), llµEL£ ow0~vm OU ouvao0E. 32 tOtE U!tEXO'ljlav ol ITTQUtLWtm ta
oxm v(a t~£ OXUqJT]£ )I.UI, ELUOUV am~v EX!tEOELV.
523
27:30 xa1i.aaavtE£ t~v axacp1Jv] They had managed to take up the dinghy
when the storm broke (v. 10). The wind must have fallen greatly to permit them
now to lower it.
JtQocpaaEL W£ ... µEAAovtwv ExtELVEtv] "on the pretext that they were going to
let out anchors from the bow." Note JtQocp<iaEL with W£ and ptc., meaning "as if';
for the same idea expressed by W£ and ptc. without JtQOq>UaEL cf. 23:15, 20.
27:31 El:1tEv 6 IIauAo£ xtA] Paul shows outstanding presence of mind, not
for the first time in this narrative. Had the sailors made good their escape in the
dinghy, there would not have been enough skilled hands left to work the ship. As
it was, the dinghy could be used for rowing the ship's company ashore in small
groups if the storm abated sufficiently. Paul gives his opinion to the centurion
(whose confidence he had won) and the soldiers under his command; this time it
is acted upon promptly, but unintelligently.
27:32 wtfao,jmv ta axoLvia tfJ£ axacp1J£] "cut away the falls of the dinghy."
In doing this, the soldiers effectively prevented the sailors from escaping, but their
action meant the loss of the boat and thus rendered the business of getting ashore
more difficult.
8. The Meal on Board (27:33-38)

33 'AXQL OE OU ~µ£QU ~µEAAEV yivw0m JtUQEXUAEl 6 IlaUAO£ aJtavta£ µEtUAU~ELV
tQOq>TJ£ 1i.tywv, TwaUQwxmOEXUtl]V a~µEQOV ~µEQUV JtQoaooxciJvtE£ ciaLtOL
owtEAEitE, µ1JOEv :1tQoa1i.a~oµEvm· 34 oLo naQaxa1i.& vµa£ µEtaA~Eiv tQocpfJ£,
touto YUQ JtQO£ tfJ£ 1JµEtEQU£ 0Wt1]QLU£ 'IJJtUQ;(EL' OU0EVO£ YUQ vµciiv 0Qtl; (lJt()
tfJ£ XEcpakfJ£ wtOAEitm. 35 E'irl:a£ OE tama xal, ka~oov ciQtov EU:(UQLITTTJOEV t<j} 0E<j>
ivw.mov Jtavtwv xal, x1i.uaa£ ~Ql;ato fo0tEL v. 36 EiiOuµm OE YEVOµEVOL JtavtE£ xal
amol JtQOOEA~OvtO tQOq>TJ£. 37 ~µE0a OE at Jtc'iam ,1ruxal EV t<j} JtAOLcµ OLm«>OLm
E~Ooµ~xovta ii!;. 38 XOQE00EvtE£ OE tQOq>TJ£ EXOUq>L~OV to JtAOLOV E~anoµEVOl
tOV aitov EL£ t~V ea1i.aaaav.
27:33 UXQL ou] Lit. "until"; here probably "when."

1tUQEXUAEl] Cf. JtUQT]VEL, v. 9.
µEtaAa~Eiv tQocpfJ£] Repeated in v. 34. For the partitive gen. cf. also
JtQOOEA.U~OvtO tQOq>TJ£, v. 36.
tEOOUQEOXmOEx<itl]V a~µEQOV ~µEQUV xt1i.] An idiomatic Gk. construction:
"this is the fourteenth day that. ... " Cf. Demosthenes, Olynth. 3.4, <i:1t1]yyei..81]
<l>ii..m:1to£ ... tQhov ~ tEtUQtoV iito£ toml 'HQaiov tEL:(0£ :ltoALOQXOJV.
amtoL OLatEAEttE] "you continue without taking food" (for the omission of
ovtE£ cf. W. G. Rutherford, The New Phrynichus, pp. 342f.). Like iiaLtia in v. 21,
aaLto£ implies not absence of food (like Vl]atEia in 2 Cor. 11:27) but abstinence
from it. Cf. dnotE aOLto£ OLEtEAEOEV, Galen, De Phlebotomia 11.242.
µ1]0Ev JtQOOA~OµEVOL] For the spelling of µ1]0EV see on 15:9; for JtQoa-
i..~oµEvoL cf. V. 36.
27:34 JtQO£ tfJ£ ~µEtEQU£ awt1]QLU£] This use ofJtQ6£ with gen. is literary; it
is the one NT occurrence. Blass compares Thuc. Hist. 3.59. l, ou JtQO£ tfJ£ ~µEtEQU£
524
27:33-38 TuE MEAL ON BOARD
w
b61;T]£, AaXEbmµovwL, tabE. The taking of food was essential to their health, and
the physical well-being which it would promote might play its part in saving their
lives. For this sense of awtT]QLa cf. Heb. 11 :7 ( also mp~w0m, aw0f]vm, vv. 20, 31 );
see New Docs. 1 (1976), § 2, also§ 4, where pro seruata salute is cited in this sense
from a Lat. inscription in proconsular Africa.
oubEVO£ YOQ i,µ.wv 0Ql!; a:n:o tfJ£ XE<pUA.T]£ <l3t0A.Eitm] A proverbial expression,
for which cf. 1 Sam. (LXX 1 Kms.) 14:45; 2 Sam. (LXX 2 Kms.) 14:11; 1 K. (LXX
3 Kms.) 1:52; Mt. 10:30 par. Lk. 12:7; also Lk. 21:18. The clause requires only the
omission of y<iQ to be a perfect hexameter.
27:35 E1JXUQLatT]OEV] "he gave thanks," in accordance with normal Jewish
practice. For similar action on Jesus' part cf. Mk. 8:6 par. Mt. 15:36; Mk. 14:23
par. Mt. 26:27 and Lk. 22:17 (19); Jn. 6:11, 23; and with the synonymousEu1.oytw
instead of E1JXUQLatEW Mk. 6:41 par. Mt. 14:19 and Lk. 9: 16; Mk. 14:22 par. Mt.
26:26; also Lk. 24:30. The question whether eucharistic action is implied in Paul's
giving of thanks here cannot be answered by simple reference to the use of
EUXUQLatEW, but there is a cluster of words and phrases in this context which appear
elsewhere in eucharistic contexts; cf., e.g., the immediately preceding 1.a~oov i'iQtov
with Lk. 22: 19 (where it also immediately precedes EUXUQLat~Oa£) and x1.aaa£ later
in this verse with Lk. 22: 19 (where EXA.aoEv immediately follows EUXUQLat~oai;).
There is no mention here of wine or "the cup" (in fact, neither olvo£ nor :n:ot~QLOV
occurs anywhere in Acts). See B. Reicke, "Die Mahlzeit mit Paulus auf den Wellen
des MittelmeersAct 27, 33-38," TZ 4 (1948), pp. 401-10; C. K. Barrett, "Paul Ship-
wrecked," pp. 59-63.
hwmov :n:avtwv] This has special point if the meal, for Paul and his fellow
Christians, was indeed a eucharist. They did not withdraw into a corner to com-
municate, as though this were a private ceremony, but broke the bread and ate it in
public.
~Q!;ato fo0(ELv] + embtboii£ xal ~µiv 614 1611 2147 pc syrhcl** copsa (repre-
senting b ); cf. Lk. 24:30. The semitizing use of ciQxoµm as an auxiliary may be rec-
ognized. With ea0(EL v cf. q,ayEiv, Lk. 22: 15; with the b addition embtbou£ xal ~µiv
cf. Lk. 9:16; 22:17, 19. Ramsay (with reservations) supposed that ~µiv means Luke
and Aristarchus, who communicated along with Paul (SPT, p. 336; so Blass). But
in this narrative ~µEl£ includes the whole ship's company along with the narrator.
27:36 di0uµm <'IE yEVOµEVOL :n:avtE£] Cf. Eu0UµEiv, v. 22; Eu0UµEitE, v. 25.
With :n:avtE£ ,er). cf. Lk. 9: 17.
xa1 amol] I.e., in addition to Paul ( or, if the expanded text of v. 35<'1 be read,
in addition to Paul and his fellow Christians).
31:QOOEA.U~OvtO tQOq>TJ£] Cf. v. 33, µEtaA.~EiV tQOq>fJ£ ... µT]0EV 31:QOOA.a~oµEVOL.
While all shared the food, to the majority it was an ordinary meal; to those who ate
with eucharistic intention it was a valid eucharist: "the bread which we break, is it
not our participation in the body of Christ?" (1 Cor. 10: 16).
27:37 btaxoatm E~boµ~xovta t!;] W£ e~boµ~xovta t!; B pc cop 53 (for W£ with
numerals see on 1 :15; but W£ seems out of place with so exact a statement of the
number on board). The reading of B could be a miscopying of the larger number:
525
IIAOIQQCOF for IIAOIQCOF. There is no improbability in the larger number

(which included the soldiers under the centurion's command): the ship on which
Josephus was bound for Rome in A.D. 63 had about 600 on board (Vita 15). Breus-
ing thinks the number is mentioned at this point because the food had to be rationed.
No significance should be sought in the fact that 276 is the sum of all whole num-
bers from 1 to 23 inclusive (for such "triangular" numbers cf. 120 in 1:15; 153 in
Jn. 21:11; 666 in Rev. 13:18).
27:38 lxoulj>t~ov to :rti..oiov] Cf. the same verb in Jon. 1:5 LXX, quoted in
the note on v. 18. See New Docs. 2 (1977), § 25.
ixpai..i..oiu,vot tov aITov] For aITov S. A Naber, "TQLTov toiito EQ,:oµm I Ad
Novum Testamentum," Mnemosyne n.s. 9 (1881), p. 293; cf. "Nautica," p. 269,
conjectured iatov, "mainmast," because the grain cargo had already been jettisoned
(v. 18). But not all the wheat had been jettisoned: some would have been kept to
serve as ballast and possibly to provide food, apart from the fact that the sacrifice
of the entire cargo would have been a course resorted to "only in the last extrem-
ity" (Herner, "First Person Narrative ... ," p. 94). But now that extremity had ar-
rived: it was necessary that the ship should draw as little water as possible, so as
to run aground well up the beach.
9. The Shipwreck (27:39-41)

39 "OtE be ~µEQa EyEVEto, T~v yf]v otm i:rtqivwaxov, xouov bE TL va xatEvoouv
E)COvta atytaAOV Et£ ov ipoui..Euovto Et buvmvto t':!;am to :rtAOLOV. 40xal ta£
ayxUQa£ :rtEQLEAOvtE£ E'twv Et£ T~V 0ai..aaaav, iiµa UVEVTE£ TU£ ~EUlCtT]QLa£ tfuv
:rtT]OOALWV, xal £:rt<lQavtE£ TOV UQtEµwva tfi :rtvwuan xatELJCOV Et£ tOV aiytaAOV.
41 :rtEQL:rtWOvtf£ be Et£ t0.1tOV bt0ai..aaaov £.1tEXELAav T~V vauv, xal ~ µEV :rtQ(J)Qa
EQEL<Jaaa EµELVEV (l(J(lA.EUTO£, ~ be :rtQuµVa EAUETO lJ:rtO TT]£ pia£ [TWV xuµ<iTwv].
27:39 xouov be tt va xatrvoouv i!,:ovra atyw1.ov] "but they noticed a creek

with a sandy beach." The combination of this creek with the "rocky places" of v. 29
and the "place between two seas" of v. 41 agrees, as Smith demonstrated, with St.
Paul's Bay. He points out that the west side of the bay, though rocky, has two creeks,
and while one of the creeks has a beach, the other, which is nearer to "the place be-
tween two seas" (v. 41), has now none; it is very likely, however, that this beach
has been "worn away by the wasting action of the sea" (Voyage, p. 142). It is more
likely, however, that the creek mentioned by Luke should be identified with the
creek which still has a beach. An alternative location in Mellieha Bay farther north
was proposed by W. Burridge, Seeking the Site of St. Paul's Shipwreck (Valletta,
1952), but St. Paul's Bay is still considered (rightly) to be the most probable site.
MTEvoouv] Imperf.; perhaps one of them after another noticed it. They did
not recognize (oux £:rtEyivwaxov) the place because none of them had approached
this part of the Maltese coast before.
d buvm vto] Classical use of opt. in historic sequence for £av 6uvwiu,0a of
direct speech. Cf. v. 12, E't .1tW£ 6uvm VTO.
£1;fuom] lxawam BC pc. l!;am (from ll;w0iw) is the more natural expres-
526
27:39-41 THE SHIPWRECK
sion for running a ship ashore (as, e.g., in Thuc. Hist. 2.90.5); its homophone
exofuom (from exocpl;oo) means "to get out safely."
27:40 ta~ <lYX'UQa~ :ltEQtEA.OVU:~] "weighing anchor"; the prefix :ltEQt- is in-
tensive (MHT II, p. 321). See on 28:13.
iiµa a.vevtE~ ta~ l;EUxtT)Qta~ tfuv :ltTJbUA.toov] "while at the same time they un-
leashed the lashings of the steering paddles"; in ancient ships steering paddles
served as rudders. In papyrus documents l;EUxtT)QLm is used for yokes and for straps
in connection with water wheels.
E:ltUQUvtE~ tov a.Qteµoova] "hoisting the foresail." Juvenal (Sat. 12.68f.) de-
scribes the entry of a disabled ship into harbor thus:
uestibus extentis et, quod superauerat unum,
uelo prora suo-
on which a later scholiast says, "Vestibus: funibus aut uestibus uelis accipe aut quod
dicunt artemonem. Velo: id est artemone solo uelificauerunt." Luke's use of
a.Qteµoov here is by far the earliest attestation of the word in Gk. It was used in me-
diaeval Ital. for the foresail, in Fr. for the mizzen. Cf. S. A. Naber, "Nautica," Mne-
mosyne n.s. 23 (1895), p. 269: "a.Qteµoova, quo nomine tune Graeci appellabant
uelum minus in anteriore nauis parte, quo uelo non augetur celeritas, sed dirigitur
cursus."
tfl :ltVEOU<Jl]] SC. U'UQ<;l,
27:41 :ltEQt:ltE<JovtE~] "coming upon," frequently of an unpleasant surprise.
In New Docs. 3 (1978), § 100, EL£ v6oov :ltEQLE:ltE<Ja a.:1to mwµato; '(Mou is quoted
from P.Oxy. 3314.6f. as a parallel to this passage.
EL£ t6:1tov bt0aA.aooov] "into a place between two seas," identified by Smith
with the narrow channel between Malta and the island of Salmonetta, which shel-
ters St. Paul's Bay on the northwest.
E:ltEXEtA.av (i:1twxnAav B2 byz)t~v vmiv] + "on a place where there was a quick-
sand" syrhcl**. Whether E:ltEXELA.av (from emxenoo) or exwxEtA.av (from e:1toxinoo)
be read, the meaning is "they ran the ship aground." Elsewhere in the narrative the
ship is called :1tA.olov. This is the only NT occurrence of classical va~, which has
been ascribed here to a Homeric reminiscence; cf. Od. 9.148 (vija; ... emxeA.om),
546 (vija ... exeAoaµEv). The vb. emxiUoo is also poetical. "Must we not accept it
for a certainty that Luke, the physician of Antioch, had gone through his Homer?"
(Blass, PG, p. 186; cf. his commentary ad Loe.). See on v. 29 for another Homeric
parallel.
~ 1-lfV :ltQ<JlQa EQE(oaoa] Cf. Pindar, Isthm. 1.36, EQEtboµevov vauay(m~. Smith
explains that a ship driven by a gale into a creek such as those in St. Paul's Bay
would strike a bottom of mud graduating into tenacious clay, in which the forepart
would stick fast while the stern would be exposed to the force of the waves (Voyage,
p. 144).
EA.UEto] Imperf.: "began to be broken up."
ll:ltO tij~ ~La£ tfuv xuµutoov] om tfuv xuµutoov X * AB I om tij~ ~LU£ 'l' 2464 I ui
maris latg vg I "by the force of the wind" cop53 •
527
JO. Safe Ashore! (27:42-44)

42Twv {)e OTQUtLWtUlV ~OUA~ EYEVEtO 'iva toU£ brnµciJta£ a:n:oxtELVW(JLV, µ~ tl£
rxxo1..uµj3~oa£ btacjniyn· 43 6 OE ExatovtciQX:TJ£ j3ou1..6µEvo£ btaowom tov
Ilaiilov ixciJluoEv airroi,£ toii ~oul~µato£, EXEAEUoEv tE tOU£ ouvaµevou£ xo-
l uµ~iiv a:n:oQi\jlavta£ JtQOJtoU£ E:n:l t~v yfJv E~LEvm, 44xal toU£ lm:n:ou£ OU£ µev
E:n:l oavim v OU£ be i:n:i tL vwv twv a:n:o toii :n:loiou· xal omw£ eyhEto :n:civta£
OLaow0fJvm e:n:l t~v yfJv.
27:42 twv be OTQattwtwv jloul~ EYEVEto] tune cogitauerunt milites latg

(which may imply a o text with characteristic t6tE ). ~oul~ means "plan" or "deci-
sion," as in v. 12.
27:43 6 be rxatovtciQX:TJ£ xtA] Vv. 43 and 44 appear in latg thus: centurio
autem prohibuit hoc fieri praecipue propter Paulum ut saluum ilium faceret. et ius-
sit illos qui possent enatare primos exire ad terram et reliquos quosdam in tabulis
saluos fieri. et sic omnes animae saluae ad terram uenerunt. This probably repre-
sents a o text: 6 br ExatovtciQX:TJ£ exciJ1..uoE tomo yEvfoem µci1..tm:a OLa tov Ilaiilov,
1:va airrov bwociJon. EXEAEUOEV tE toll£ buvaµhou£ xoluµjliiv JtQWtoU£ E:n:l t~v yfJv
f~LEvm, xal toll£ AotJtOU£ tLVU£ i:n:l oaviotv btaow0fJvm, xal outW£ :n:aom ai ,j!ux;al
OLrnw0rJoav E:n:l t~v yfJv (where 1J!ux;ai = "persons," as in v. 37).
There is nothing exceptional about the centurion's exercise of authority here:
the soldiers were under his command and bound to obey his orders. If the soldiers
had had their way, Paul would have been prevented from achieving his goal in
Rome; once again, he is preserved from danger (this time, by the friendly cen-
turion's intervention) in order that he may get there. It is hypercritical when
M. Dibelius says (Studies, p. 107, n. 8) that the words "who wanted to save Paul"
were "obviously added to a completed account" because in the event we are not
told how Paul got ashore. The narrator's supreme concern in his account of the
voyage and shipwreck is to show how Paul got safely to his journey's end; his pres-
ence on board is far from being a later addition to a preexisting narrative.
~oul~µato£] "purpose," "plan," like ~ouA~ in v. 42.
a:n:oQi\jlavta£] "leaping off': intrans., like Qi:n:tw in poetry and late prose.
27:44 l::n:l oavimv] "on planks." Breusing and Blass thought their purpose
had been to keep the cargo in place. Blass compares Galen, Method. Therapeut.
10.377, XU~EQV~tn bl' UµEAELUV JtEQLtQE'ljJavtL to JtAOLOV Elt' EYXEtQitovtL oaviba tWV
JtA.Wt~QWV tL vi, xal 01.Jµ~OUA.EUOvtL bta taU'tTJ£ JtOQitwem t~V OWTTJQLUV. Cf. also Xen.
Ephes., Ephesiaca 2.11 (l:vavtiq> OE :n:vEuµatt xanx;6µEVOL xal tfi£ VEW£ btUQQUYELOTJ£
µ6AL£ EV oavibL tL VE£ ow0EvtE£ fo' a[ ytaAoii tL VO£ ~A.0ov ); A nth. Pal. 7.289:
'Av0Ea TOV vauriyov fltt <JToµa IlT]VElOlO
VUxto; \Jltf() ~UL,;; Vl]!;ClµEVOV OUVlOo;.
Eltt nvwv t&v a:n:o tou 1t1..oiou] "on some of the (things) from the ship"; or,
conceivably, "on some of the (people) from the ship," i.e., on the backs of mem-
bers of the crew. Observe that tt vwv is gen. after i:n:i, while oavim vis dat. For tt VE£
tfov a:n:6 cf. 12:l; 15:5.
528
27:42-44 SAFE ASHORE!
xui oiitw~ iyrvErn mivtu~ hLaw0~vm EJtL t~v y~v] "and so it turned out that all
got safely to land." For ryEvEto with acc. and infin. see on 4:5.
529
ACTS28
F. WINTER IN MALTA (28:1-10)

I. Welcome to Malta! (28:1-6)
l Kai Otaaw9evn:c; t6tE E3t€YVWµEV OtL MEA.ltl] ~ vijaoc; X<lA.ELtUL. 20'( tE
~UQ~UQOL 3tU(JELX,OV mi t~V tll):OOOUV 4JLAUV9QW3ttUV ~µIv, chj,avtEc; Y<J.Q 3tU(JUV
3t(JOGEA<l~Ovt0 Jtavtac; ~µiic; bta tOV 'UEtOV tOV E4JWtffita ,ml bta to 'ljl'iJXoc;.
3 GUat(JE'/'Uvtoc; OE tou IIau)..ou 4>(Juyavwv tL 3tAij9oc; xai E3tL9ivtoc; E3tl, t~V
Jt'U(Jav, EX,Ll'lva alto tijc; 9iQµT]c; E~E)..9ouaa xa0ij'ljlEv tijc; X,ELQO<; amou. 4 cbc; l'JE
doov oi ~a(Jf3a(JOL XQEµaµEVOV to 9l]QLOV EX tijc; X.ELQO<; amou, Jt(JO<; aUtj)..ouc;
EAfYOV, Ilavtwc; 4>ovEuc; EatL v 6 av0(JO>Jtoc; o&oc; ov l'lLaaw9ivta E'X. tf)c;
fla)..aaal]c; ~ l'lt'X.l] ~ijv mix EtaGEV. 5 6 µEV ol)v UltOtL va~c; to 9l]QLOV de; to JtU(J
E3tU0EV O'Ul'JEV xaxov· 6 oi OE 3t(JOGEl'JO'X.O>V amov µEAAEL v JttµJt(Jaa0m ~
'X.UtaltLJttEL v a4>vw VEX(JOV. EJtL JtOAU OE ammv Jt(JOOl'JO'X.WvtO>V xal 0EW(JOUvtO>V
µl]i"IEV UtOJtOV de; amov YLVOµEVOV, µEtU~UAOµEVOL EAEyov amov dvm 0EOV.
28:1 MEALtTJ] MEALttjVT] B* lat syrhcl copb 0 arm-probably by dittography
(MEAITHNI-lliNHCOC for MEJ\ITIIHNHCOC). The island is Malta; the idea that
it could be Mljet (Meleda) off the Dalmatian coast (called MEALttjVT] by Ptolemy,
Geog. 2.16.9) is often linked with a misinterpretation of 'Ab(ltac; in 27:27, and must
be rejected if EtJQaxu)..wv is read in 27:14. The first writer to identify Paul's Melita
with Mljet was apparently the tenth-century Byzantine Emperor Constantine VII
Porphyrogenitus in his De Administratione lmperii 36. Recent arguments in favor
of Mljet have been presented by A Acworth, "Where was St. Paul Shipwrecked? A
Re-examination of the Evidence," JTS n.s. 24 (1973), pp. 190-92; 0. F. A Meinar-
dus, "Melita Illyrica or Africana? An Examination of the Site of St. Paul's Ship-
wreck," Ostkirchliche Studien 23 (1974 ), pp. 21-36 (cf. his St. Paul's Last Journey
[New Rochelle, NY, 1979], pp. 79-85). They are decisively rebutted by C. J. Herner,
"Euraquilo and Melita," JTS n.s. 26 (1975), pp. 100-111. Even more out of the ques-
tion is the identification of the island with Cephallenia, put forth by H. Warnecke,
Die tatsiichliche Romfahrt des Apostels Paulus, SBS 127 (Stuttgart, 1987), refuted
by J. Wchnert, Lutherische Monatshefte 21 (1989), 98-100.
J. R. Harris, "Clauda or Cauda?" ExT 21 (1909-10), p. 18, saw an allusion
here to the meaning of the island's Phoenician name meli!ii ("refuge," "escape"):
"we recognized that the island was well named."
530
28: 1-6 WELCOME TO MALTA!
28:2 oi ~<iQ~aQOL] "the natives." The use of~a()f}aQO£ is a characteristic mark

of Greek authorship. The Maltese were not uncivilized; they had been for many cen-
turies under Phoenician and then Roman influence. They spoke a Phoenician dia-
lect; hence they were ~u()f}agm to the Greeks. (Modern Maltese is a form of Arabic.)
JtUQELXOV] JtUQELXUV X AB ( cf., for -av in 3rd plur. imperf., JtQO<JEi:xav, 8: 10
X; f>...Eyav, 28:68).
011 t~v tux_ouaav] "no ordinary," i.e., extraordinary. For the same litotes cf.
19:11.
q>LAUV{}QWJtLUV] Cf. q>LAUV0QC.Olt0l£, 27:3.
Jtugav] "a bonfire," of brushwood in the open.
JtQO<JEAU~ovto Jtuvtm; ~µa.£] "brought us all to it." If, with X* \JI 614 1518
2495 pc, we read JtQO<JUVEAUµtlavov ( cf. latvg reficiebant) for JtQO<JEA~Ovto, we get
the more satisfactory sense "they refreshed us all" (preferred by Ropes).
tov Eq>Eatcota] "which had set in" rather than "the impending."
28:3 <JOOtQE"ljlavto£] "twisting together." Paul can make himself useful in
small matters as in great. The Maltese had started the fire; he will help to keep it going.
qiguyuvwv n JtAf]0o£] "a bundle of brushwood."
EXLbva XtA] Cf. T. E. Lawrence, Revolt in the Desert (London, 1927), p. 107:
"When the fire grew hot, a long black snake wound slowly out into our group; we
must have gathered it, torpid, with the twigs."
There are snakes in Malta today, but no poisonous ones. It has been suggested
that this snake was either Coronella austriaca or Coronella leopardinus, closely
resembling a viper (EX.Lbva); it both clings and bites, but without doing harm (W. M.
Ramsay, LP, pp. 63-65). But there may have been vipers there in Paul's time. See
Ramsay, SPT, p. 343; C. J. Herner, "Euraquilo and Melita," pp. 109f. (So, it is said,
snakes once abounded in Ireland, but there have been none since Fiann Mac Cum-
hail 's time, according to the pagan account, or since Patrick's time, according to
the Christian account.)
aJto tfi£ 0EQµ1J£] "from the heat": the only NT example of 0£Qµ1], which was
used by Hippocrates, Thucydides, Plato, Aristotle, and others in this literal sense
(and also, in a medical context, offeverish heat).
xa0f]"ljlEV] "fastened": act. used with gen. (X.ELQO£). This meaning will suit
Coronella, but not a viper; LC therefore insist on the meaning "bit" (so Blass, mo-
mordit), since vipers do not coil. Hobart (pp. 288f.) points out (irrelevantly in this
setting) that Dioscorides uses xa0uittoµm of poisonous matter invading the body;
cf. Galen, Medicus 13 (Harnack, LP, p. 177).
28:4 0r]Qiov] Common in Mod. Gk. for a snake (lit. "wild beast," as in 11 :6;
Mk. 1:13; Rev. 13:1, etc.). "St. Luke used this word here exactly in the same way
as the medical writers, who employed it to denote venomous serpents, and of these
they applied it in particular to the viper (EX.Lllva), so much so that an antidote, made
chiefly from the flesh of vipers, was termed 0r]QLaxtj [whence our 'treacle']"
(Hobart, p. 51; cf. Harnack, LP, p. 178).
Jtuvtm£] "of course"; cf. 21 :22.
qiovEU<; fon v o <'iv0QwJto£ oin:0£] A nth. Pal. 7 .290 tells of one who, escaping
531
from a storm at sea, was shipwrecked on the Libyan coast, where he met his just
deserts by being killed by a viper.
~ MxTJ] "Justice" (personified as a deity). Cf. Wisd. 1:8,-"Justice (~ MxTJ),
when it punishes, will not pass him by." See G. Miles and G. Trompf, "Luke and
Antiphon: The Theology of Acts 27-28 in the Light of Pagan Beliefs about Divine
Retribution, Pollution and Shipwreck," HTR 69 (1967), pp. 259-67.
28:6 :rtQOOEboxmv] Imperf.: they stood watching him for some time.
JttµrtQaaOm] "to swell." This word, "peculiar to St. Luke [in the NT], was the
usual medical word for inflammation" (Hobart, p. 50). See on :rtQl]Vtj£, 1:18.
µl]bEV ato:rtOV EL£ amov yivwem] Only here and at 23:29 do we find in the
NT µtj with ptc. in indirect speech. µTjbEV atOJtOV (or ovbEV atOJtOV, Lk. 23:41, in
direct speech) "must also be noted-a phrase used by St. Luke alone among the
evangelists. It [i.e., the adj. atoJtov] is used by physicians not only to describe some-
thing unusual, but also to describe something fatal ... the whole section 28:3-6 is
tinged with medical coloring" (Harnack, LP, p. 179).
EA£yov amov dvm 0E6v] "they began to say (imperf.) that he was a god." Only
~<lQ~UQOL, in Luke's judgment, would say anything so foolish. Paul is not even a 0Elo£
av~Q (contrast Conzelmann, p. 14 7; Haenchen, p. 716). The sudden reversal of opin-
ion about Paul can be compared and contrasted with the attitude of the Lycaonian
~<lQ~UQOL in 14:11-19, who first acclaimed him as a god and later nearly killed him.
"The anecdote of Paul and the viper," says M. Dibelius, " ... is told in a
completely secular fashion. There is no good reason for taking it as a story about
someone else which has been applied to Paul. On the other hand, it does not sound
like Christian tradition concerning Paul" (Studies in the Acts ofthe Apostles, p. 204,
n. 27). Why should it not be the reminiscence of one who was there and saw it hap-
pen? There may be a reflection of the incident in the longer Markan appendix (oq,ni;
<lQOUOLV, Mk. 16:18).
2. Works of Healing in Malta (28:7-10)

7 'Ev bE toi.<; :rtEQL tov t6:1tov EXEivov u:rt~QXEV XOJQta tcj'l :rtQcimp t~£ vtjoou
ov6µan Ilo:rtA.lqJ, 0£ avabE!;UµEVO£ ~µ<1£ tQEL£ ~µEQU£ <pLA.OqJQOVOl£ Ef;EVLOEV.
8 EYEVEto bE tov JtatEQa toii Ilo:1tA.iou JtUQEtoii; xal ouaEvtEQtq> CJUVEXOµEvov
'KatUXEioOm, JtQoi; ov 6 IlaiiA.oi; ELCJEA.0mv xal JtQOOEUf;aµEvoi; EJtLOEii; tai;
XELQai; amcj'l iaoato am6v. 9tOut:OU bE yEvoµEvou xal OL A.OL:rtol OL EV tft vtjoqi
EXOVTE£ ao0EVELU£ JtQOOtjQXOvtO xal E0EQUJtEUOVTO, 10 o'( xal JtOA.A.aii; nµaii;
EttµTjaav ~µiii; xal avayoµhmi; EJtE0EvtO ta JtQoi; tai; XQELU£.
28:7 ev bi; toii; :rtEQL tov t6:rtov xtA] "In the district around that place there
was an estate belonging to the chief man of the island."
tcj'l JtQWTq> t~i; v~oou] The appropriateness of this title in a Maltese context is
epigraphically evidenced: A. Ka[otQi]Xto£ KuQ(Eivc,x) IloubTJV£ L:rt:rtEui; 'Pmµ(aimv)
JtQciitoi; MEALtaLOJV xal mitQOJV, UQf;ai; xal ciµ(j>LJtOA.EUOai; 0Ecj'J Auyouotqi, JG 14.601.
A parallel has been discerned in the words from CJL IO. 7495, [munic]ipii Mel(iten-
sium) primus omni[umj, but in the light of their (admittedly mutilated) context,
532
28:7-10 WORKS OF HEALING IN MALTA
which speaks of architectural and statuary works, they may refer to someone who
was" 'first' to perform benefactions of the kind listed" (C. J. Herner, "First Person
Narrative ... ," p. 100).
Tiox)..icµ] TI6x)..w;; is the Gk. form of Publius. Luke, a Greek, has little time
for the technicalities of Roman nomenclature (so Polybius regularly refers to
P. Cornelius Scipio Aemilianus as TI6:n:)..w;;). Ramsay suggests that the peasantry
on the estate called Publius by his praenomen, and that Luke uses the name he com-
monly heard (SPT, p. 343).
uval'>E~µtvos fiµii;; ... i!;hwev] Is Paul's status being enhanced by his being
the guest for three days of the "first man of the Maltese"?
28:8 eye veto l'>E] Followed by acc. and infin. without a temporal clause, as
in 27:44.
:n:ugeto1;;] "fever," i.e., gastric fever. The plural (which is quite common) may
imply "attacks of intermittent fever" (Hobart, p. 52). What is traditionally called
Malta fever is caused by a microbe in goats' milk; it is no longer the menace that
it once was.
booevtEQL(!l] "dysentery" (trouble in the EvtEga). The form in-Lov is later than
that in - ia (Moeris, grammarian of 2nd cent. AD., calls the former Hellenistic and
the latter Attic), and is perhaps due to the influence ofµtoEvtEQLov. In Hippocrates
OOOEvtEQLU is (not unnaturally) often joined with JtUQEt6;; (Hobart, p. 52).
ouvE:x,6µEvov] Cf. Lk. 4:38, of Peter's mother-in-law, ouve:x,oµevri :n:ugEtcj>
µeya)..cµ, for the less technical :n:ugfooouou of Mk. 1:30 par. Mt. 8:14.
JtQOOEu!;aµEvos imeds tas :X.ELQUS amcµ] For the imposition of hands in heal-
ing cf. 9:17; Lk. 4:40 (and Mk. 16:18); see also 6:6 and 13:3 for prayer as an ac-
companiment to the imposition of hands in other contexts.
taoato) "healed": contrast the aor. with imperf. WEga:n:Euovto, v. 9.
28:9 WEQU:n:Euovto) "were tended," "were treated" (cf. 5:16; Lk. 4:40; 5:15;
6:18); contrast aor. taoato in v. 8. The aor. indic. act. of0Ega:n:Euw means "cured";
passive "were cured" (cf. 8:7; Lk. 13:14, etc.). Harnack (LP, p. 16) suggests that
they received medical attention from Luke (cf. fiµa.;;, v. 10).
28:10 tLµai.s) "honors" or "fees" (honoraria)? The latter suits the medical
context; cf. the ambiguity in 1 Tim. 5:17; Sir. 38:1 (tiµa tmgov :lfQOS tas XQELU£
tLµals umou, a passage remarkably similar to this); Cicero, Fam. 16.9.3, "ut me-
dico honos haberetur."
fiµfis] From here on (and perhaps as early as v. 7) "we"/"us" is used in a nar-
rower sense than earlier in the voyage-and-shipwreck account: it means Paul and
his immediate companions (including the narrator). Harnack (LP, p. 16) suggests
that the absence of an expressed agent with WEQUJtEuovto in v. 9 prepares the way
for fiµa.s here. After drawing attention to the medical coloring of vv. 3-6 he adds,
"and seeing that in verses 7-10 both subject matter and phraseology are medical,
therefore the whole story of the abode of the narrator in Malta is displayed in a
medical light" (LP, p. 179). See New Docs. 2 (1977), § 2 (especially pp. 20f.).
i:n:E9Evto] "bestowed on us," "put on board"; the latter sense is implied by
syrhcl** (possibly representing o), which adds "in the ship."
533
G. ROME AT LAST! (28:11-31)

1. The Last Lap: "And So We Came to Rome" (28:11-15)
11 Meta OE tQEI; µfjva; <ivtj:x.Eh]µEV fV rc).oiq> rtUQUXE:X.ELµaxon fV t'fi vtjo<J) 'AI.E~-
UVOQL vcjl, rcaQaotjµq> AwoxouQot;. 12 xat xata:x.9hte; d; LUQaxouoa; erce-
µEivaµev ~µEQa; tQEI;, 13 o9Ev rtEQLEAOvtE; xatT]vttjoaµev d; 'Ptjywv. xat µeta
µiav ~µEQUV emyevoµevou VOtOU OEutEQULOL ~Woµev et; non61.ou;, 1400
EUQOvtE; <ioe).q,ou; rtUQEX1.tj9T]µev rtUQ' autoI; emµeivm ~µEQa; Ema· xat oih:w;
d; t~V 'PooµT]V ~).0aµEV. 15 X<lXEI0EV OL a{>e)..cpol <lXOUOavte; ta :7tEQt ~µoov ~)..0av
d; <imivtT]OL v ~µIv U:X.QL 'Artrciou <roQOU xat TQLWV Ta~EQVWV, oil; [{>rov 6
nav1..o; eu:x.aQwttjoa; tcjl 9ecjl EA~E 9<iQoo;.
28:11 ~Eta OE tQEI; µfjva;] I.e., in February, AD. 60. Pliny (NH 2.122) says
that the seas arc re-opened to navigation in spring, which commences when the
west winds (fauonii) begin to blow on February 8; Vegetius (De re mil. 4.39) says
the seas are closed until March 10. In practice the state of the weather would de-
termine the date. In this case, when once a favoring wind had enabled the ship to
cover the 60 miles or thereabout from Malta to Sicily, the remainder of the voyage
would be a matter of coasting. For the influence of the seasons of navigation on
Paul's movements cf. 20:3; 27:9; l Cor. 16:6-8; 2 Tim. 4:21; Tit. 3: 12; see also Jos.
BJ 2.203.
av~:x.STJµEv] "we put out to sea." "The last leg [of the journey], which set Paul's
party ashore at Puteoli, was evidently undertaken in the earliest possible spring
weather, in the hope of a rapid unloading and clearance at Ostia to catch up with
the spring sailing schedule back to Alexandria" (C. J. Herner, "First Person Narra-
tive ... ," p. 94).
ev rc)..o(q> ... 'A1..e~av{>Qt vcjl] "in an Alexandrian ship which had wintered in
the island," probably in the harbor of Valletta. It belonged no doubt to the same
grain fleet as the ship which Paul and the others had boarded at Myra (27:6); like
it, it had failed to complete the voyage to Italy before the onset of winter but, un-
like it, it haJ been fortunate enough to find safe winter harborage. See New Docs.
I (1976), § 9 (especially p. 44).
rtaQUo~µq> AwoxouQOt;] "having as its figurehead the Heavenly Twins." Plu-
tarch (Symp. 162A) seems to distinguish rtUQUOT]µo; from ovoµa. Blass, however,
points out that ships, like inns, took their names from their figureheads. Ramsay
suggests that the name was the first thing Luke learned of the ship, when news came
through that the Dioskouroi was in harbor at Valletta (SPT, p. 346). The Dioskouroi
("sons of Zeus") or Heavenly Twins, Castor and Pollux, were patrons of naviga-
tion, and were commonly worshiped by sailors, receiving invocations and vows in
bad weather. Their constellation (Gemini) was a sign of good fortune in a storm
(Horace, Od. 1.3.2; 3.29.64).
A close parallel to rtaQaotjµq> AwoxouQOL; is presented in CIL 3.3 (= /LS
4395), a dedication set up at Loutron, Crete, around AD. 110, at the instance of an
imperial accountant or courier (libertus tabularius [sic]), by the steersman (guber-
nator) and owner of a ship with the figurehead Isopharia (parasemo /sopharia).
534
28:11-15 THE LAST LAP: "AND So WE CAME TO ROME"
This was evidently a ship of the Alexandrian grain fleet which had wintered in
Loutron. See R. M. Ogilvie, "Phoenix," p. 311; C. J. Herner, "First Person Narra-
tive ... ," pp. 97f.
28:12 }:UQaxouoru;] Syracuse, the famous port on the east coast of Sicily,
with two harbors, was the chief city of the island. It was founded as a Corinthian
colony in 734 B.C., and had been under Roman control since 212 B.C.
t:JtEµt(vaµEv ~µEQ<J.c; tQEi<; (~µiQmc; tQLOLV B)] The delay may have been caused
by the wind falling.
28:13 :JtEQLEA.OvtEc;] :JtEQLEA.06vtEc; P 74 ~c A 066 33 81 byz. This may be a
technical term whose meaning cannot be determined, or it may be an abridgment
oftac; a.yxUQac; :JtEQLEA.OvtEc;, "weighing anchor," "casting loose" (cf. 27:40). Uncer-
tainty about its meaning may have given rise to the variant :JtEQLEA.06vtEc; ("sailing
around" or "tacking"), as if referring to the sharp angle to be turned in getting
through the Straits of Messina. The (south?) wind which brought them from Malta
had fallen, and tacking was now necessary (in a northwest wind?); good seaman-
ship, however, got them to Rhegium and, after a day there, a south wind rose again,
and they made it to Puteoli.
'P~ywv] Rhegium (modem Reggio di Calabria) was a Greek colony in the
toe of Italy, about six or seven miles across the strait from Messana (Messina) in
Sicily. Its harbor was important because of its position on the strait.
brntEQ<llOL] "on the second day"; cf. :JtEµ:Jttalm, 20:6D.
Ilon6>..o~] Puteoli (modern Pozzuoli), in the Bay of Naples, was the princi-
pal port in southern Italy and an important emporium, especially for eastern trade.
It was one of the most important ports of arrival of the Alexandrian grain fleet: on
the return voyage passengers were normally put ashore here while the cargo was
taken on to Ostia. Josephus was put ashore at Puteoli (which he calls by its Gk.
name Dicaearchia) by the ship of Cyrene which rescued him (Vita 16).
28:14 EUQOvtEc; a.bE>..cpoiJ£] In such a seaport it is not surprising that Chris-
tians were to be found, as also around this time at Pompeii and Herculaneum. The
Jewish community of Puteoli was apparently the oldest in Italy after that of Rome:
there was a Jewish colony there in 4 B.C. (Jos. BJ 2.104; Ant. 17.328).
:Jt<lQEX>..~0T)µEv :Jt<lQ' am:olc; tmµEivm ~IIBQ<l£ E:Jttci] "we were invited to stay with
them for seven days." Presumably Julius had business (perhaps in his capacity as
frumentarius) which detained him at Puteoli for a week. When contact had been
made by Paul's friends with the local Christians, they extended this invitation, and
Paul received the necessary permission to accept it (as earlier at Sidon, 27:3). By
"we" the reader is to understand Paul and his Christian companions; cf. v. 10.
,ml om:wc; de; ,:~v 'Pwµriv ~>..0aµEv] "and so we came to Rome" - Luke an-
nounces his long-awaited goal "with masterful understatement" (R. E. Brown,
in R. E. Brown and J. P. Meier, Antioch and Rome [London, 1983], p. 89). Ram-
say (SPT, p. 347) distinguishes the meaning of Rome here from that in v. 16 by
supposing that the reference here is to the wider area of the ager Romanus (cf.
also D. Plooij, "Acts xxviii.14, 16," ExT24 [1912-13], p. 186). This is an unnec-
essary and untenable distinction (see on xa.xEWEv, v. 15). Luke first states the
535
fact of their arrival in Rome, and then goes back to relate what happened on the
way there.
28:15 i«bre10Ev] "and from there," i.e., from the Rome ofv. 14, which must
therefore be the city proper, since Appii Forum and Tres Tabernae lay within the
ager Romanus.
~Wav Etc; ruravtrim v ~µiv] a:11:avtrimc; appears to have been a sort of technical
term for the official welcome extended to a newly arrived dignitary by a deputation
which went out from the city to greet him and escort him for the rest of his way.
There is thus deep significance in the use of this term to describe the welcome re-
ceived by Paul from members of the Roman church. For Etc; a:11:<ivtrJaLv cf. Mt. 25:6;
1 Th. 4:17; also the synonymous Etc; u:11:<ivtrimv in Mt. 8:34; 25:1; Jn. 12:13. (In LXX
Etc; rur<ivtrim v is used more widely as a convenient literal rendering of Heb. liqra '!,
"to meet.") See MM; MHT I, pp. 14, 242. Cf. Cicero,Att. 8.16.2; 16.11.6.
'A:11::11:(ou 4loQOU] Appii Forum ("the marketplace of Appius"), a market town
about 43 miles south of Rome on the Appian Way. Cf. Horace, Sat. 1.5.3:
inde Forum Appi
differtum nautis, cauponibus atque malignis.
TQtwv Ta~EQVWV] "The Three Taverns" (Tres Tabernae), i.e., shops or huts.
This was a station on the Appian Way about 33 miles south of Rome, mentioned
along with Appii Forum by Cicero (Att. 2.10).
EA~E 0aQaoc;J Paul might well be encouraged by this visible assurance that
he was by no means friendless in the Eternal City. He had told the Roman Chris-
tians of his longing to see them when he wrote to them some three years before
(Rom. 1:11-15; 15:23); now his prayer was granted and, in circumstances unfore-
seen when he sent his letter, he saw them face to face.
Luke does not claim that Paul was the first to bring the gospel to Rome; he
makes sure that his readers do not get that impression by introducing those Roman
Christians who walked out to greet Paul as he approached Rome. Indeed, the dis-
cerning reader might have guessed already from the first mention of Priscilla and
Aquila in 18:2 that the gospel had found its way to Rome before their enforced de-
parture; Luke does not suggest that they were Paul's converts. On the beginning of
Roman Christianity see E. A Judge and G. S. R. Thomas, "The Origins of the
Church at Rome: A New Solution?" RTR 25 (1966), pp. 81-94; F. F. Bruce, New
Testament History (London/Garden City, NY, 2 1971 ), pp. 279-83, 373-89, and The
Letter of Paul to the Romans, TNTC (Leicester/Grand Rapids, 2 1985), pp. 15-20,
257-62; and especially P. Lampe.Die stadtromischen Christen in den ersten beiden
Jahrhunderten, WUNT 2.18 (Ttibingen, 1989).
2. Paul Handed Over to Be Kept under Guard (28:16)

16 "OtE bt da~A.SoµEv Etc; 'Pwµriv, E:1tEtQ<l:1trJ tq> IlatJA.C\) µEVEL v xa8' foutov airv
tcp «pUA.<lUUOvtL U'U'tOV ITTQUtLCOtTI.
28:16 otE bE da~10oµEv de; 'Pwµriv] "and when we entered into Rome," re-
536
28: 17-22 FIRST INTERVIEW
sumptive of "and so we came to Rome" (v. 14). They would have entered the city
by the Porta Capena. With this clause the third and last "we" section of Acts comes
to an end.
E3tEtQrutl] tq:> Ilau>..q>] 6 El«ltOvtagxoc; 3'CUQEc'IOOXEV toi,c; c'lrnµiouc; tq:> ITTQU-
t03tEMQXq>, tq:> c'IE Ilau>..oo E3'CEtQU3tl] 614 byz latg p vg.codd syrhcl** copsa (probably the
b reading). In latg the "stratopedarch" is interpreted as the princeps peregrinorum.
The existence of such an official is attested by an African inscription of Trajan's
time (cf. Comptes-rendus de l'Academie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres [Paris,
1923], p. 197); he was evidently commandant of the castra peregrinorum on the
Caelian hill, the headquarters of legionary liaison officers (all of centurial rank) on
furlough in Rome. T. Mommsen (in Mommsen and Harnack, "Zu Apostelgeschichte
28, 16," SAB, 1895, p. 501 = Gesammelte Schriften 6/ Historische Schriften 3 [Ber-
lin, 1910], pp. 552f.), followed by W. M. Ramsay (SPT, pp. 315, 348), argued that
the "stratopedarch" was indeed the commandant of the castra peregrinorum, and
that Julius was one of the liaison officers who had their Roman headquarters in the
castra (but see on 27:1). More probably the "stratopedarch" was the commandant
of the praetorian barracks near the Viminal Gate. Trajan directed Pliny the younger
to send a prisoner in chains "to the prefects of my praetorium" (Plin. Ep. 10.57.2).
The prefect of the praetorian guard (at this time, A.D. 60, Afranius Burrus) was too
exalted an officer of state to take formal delivery of a prisoner like Paul (when
Claudius in AD. 47 sent the prefect to Baiae to arrest Valerius Asiaticus and bring
him to Rome in chains [Tac.Ann. 11.1 ], the prisoner was a powerful ex-consul); the
camp commandant satisfies the requirements of our text (which is in any case doubt-
ful). See further T. R. S. Broughton in BC 1.5, p. 444; AN. Sherwin-White, Roman
Society and Roman Law in the New Testament (Oxford, 1963), pp. 108-10.
xaff Eautov] + E~(O tf]c; 3'CClQEµ$o>..f]c; 614 1611 2147 pc latvet syrhcl** Ambst
(probably representing b ). For the phrase cf. Heb. 13: 11 (reflecting Ex. 33:7; Lev.
16:27); but here the 3'CUQEµ$o>..~ would be the praetorian barracks (possibly the prae-
torium of Phil. 1: 13).
auv tq:> q,u>..aaaovtl am:ov ITTQCltui>tn] He would be lightly chained to the sol-
dier by the wrist, with the chain (a>..umc;) to which he refers in v. 20. Mommsen
(Romisches Strafrecht [Leipzig, 1899], p. 317) points out that the Digest contrasts
militi tradere (or committere) with carceri or uinculis tradere. Cf. BGU 1.151, u3to
ITTQCltLUltl]V OvtCl.
The narrative from here to the end of Acts is analyzed by H.J. Hauser, Struk-
turen der Abschlusserziihlung der Apostelgeschichte (Apg 28, 16-31), AnBib 86
(Rome, 1979).
3. Paul and the Roman Jews (28:17-28)

a. First interview (28: 17-22)
17 'EytVEtO c'IE µEta ~µegac; tQELc; auvxa>..foaaOm amov toi,c; Ovtac; tWV
'Iouoo(oov 3tQffitouc;· GUVEA.06vtoov c'IE am:wv EA.EYEV 3'CQOc; am:ouc;, 'Eyw, avc'lgEc;
ac'IE>..<j,o(, ouc'IEV EVClvtLOV 3'COL~aac; tq:> A.Clq:> ~ toic; E0EOL toic; 3'CCltQq>OLc; c'lfoµtoc;
537
El; 'IEQoooJ.. uµwv 3t<lQE0001']v EL£ ta£ XELQU£ twv 'Pwµa (wv, 1s o'in VE£
<lVUXQl vavtE£ µE E~O'UA.OvtO a:n:oJ..uam Ota to µl]OEµiav altfav 0avatou U3t<lQ'XEt v
EV Eµo(· I9<lvttJ..Ey6vtwv OE twv 'Iouoa(wv ~vayxao0l]V EmxaJ..Eoao0m
KaLO<lQU, aux (1)~ toii £0VOU£ µou E)'.WV tL XUtl]YOQELV. 20 ()L(l ta'Utl]V ouv t~V
aitiav :n:aQEX<lJ..rna i,µfi£ i&'iv xai :n:QooJ..aJ..f)om, E'tvEXEV yaQ tfJ£ EA:n:Lc>O£ toii
'IoQa~J.. t~v ciJ.. uot v tautl]v :n:EQLXEtµm. 21 o[ OE :n:QO£ amov d:n:av, 'HµEi:£ outE
YQUµµata 3tEQL ooii EOE!;aµeea a:n:o tT)£ 'Iouoa(a£, OutE 3t<lQUYEVOµ£VO£ tl£ tOJV
(l()fA.cj,OJV a:n:i]yy£LAEV ~ EA<lAl]OEV tL 3tEQL ooii 3t0Vl]QOV. 22 al;toiiµev ()E :n:aQa ooii
axoiiom a cj,QOVEL£, 3tEQL µEV yaQ tfJ£ ULQEOEW£ ta'Utl]£ yvwotov ~µIv EITTLV Otl
:n:avta,:oii uvttJ..eyetm.
28:17 toll£ ovta£ twv 'Iouba(wv :n:QWtoU£] Cf. 25:2, o[ :n:QOJtot twv
'Iouooiwv-there in Jerusalem, here in Rome (which indeed is implied by toll£
ovta£, with which cf. 5:17; 13:1).
In one place after another throughout Acts, Paul has given the local Jews the
first opportunity of hearing his message (cf. Rom. 1:16, 'Iouba(q.i ... :n:Qwtov). So
now, even at the heart of the Gentile world, he makes contact with the Roman Jews
before he turns to the Gentiles. He addresses them as a loyal Jew (cf. v. 20) but an-
nounces their rejection for refusing to believe the gospel (v. 28). Yet he makes no
sharp break with Israel's past but builds on it as he tries to convince them about
Jesus on the basis of the law and the prophets (v. 23).
eJ..qev] "he proceeded to say" (imperf.).
livc>QE£ ubeJ..cj,o(] For this mode of address to Jews cf. 2:29, etc.
oubev ivavt(ov :n:m~oa£ xtJ..] Cf. 24:12-21; 25:8. They could have contested
this claim. On his own testimony he did indeed live like a law-abiding Jew when
he was in Jewish company but he did not adhere to his ancestral customs when he
found himself among Gentiles. A loyal Jew, they might have argued, would have
maintained "the middle wall of partition" (Eph. 2: 14) the more scrupulously in a
Gentile environment, like other Jewish prisoners in Rome about this time, who
lived on figs and nuts (Jos. Vita 14).
tot£ E0EOL tOl£ 3tatQcµOL£] Cf. 24:14.
:n:aQ£bo01']v d~ ta~ XELQa~ twv 'Pwµaiwv] "I was handed over into the hands
of the Romans"; cf. 21:11; also, for the event itself, 21:31-33 (from which it ap-
pears that the "handing over" was most reluctant). Paul's language echoes Jesus'
prediction about himself (e.g., Lk. 9:44; 18:32).
28:18 oi'.tt VE£ ( + :n:oUa 614 2147 pc syrhcl**, representing b) avaxQ(vavte~
µE J With avaxQ(vavtE£ cf. 24:8.
E~ouJ..ovto a:n:oJ..iiom] Cf. 3:13 (with reference to Jesus).
c>La to µl]OEµiav attiav eavatou 'U3t<lQ)'.EL v EV Eµo(] Cf. 25: 18; also (with refer-
ence to Jesus) 13:28.
28:19 avttJ..qovtwv tOJV 'Iouoo(wv] + xai E:n:LXQUsOvtWV, ALQE tOV E)'.0QOV
~µwv 614 1518 syrhcl** (representing b).
ou,: 00£ toii £0VOU£ µou E)'.WV n XUtl]YOQELV] + aU' 'tva Alrt:QWOWµm t~V 'lj)u,:~v
µou EX 0avatou 614 al (b ). He insists that he is on his defense; he has no accusa-
tions to make against his people (for E0vo£ see on 24: 10). It has been pointed out
538
28:23-28 SECOND INTERVIEW
that the Qumran "Tempie Scroll" denounces as treason, punishable by crucifixion,

a Jew's laying information against his people before foreigners, to his people's
detriment (llQT 64.6-8). But this document is an ideal repromulgation of the
Torah, of no practical relevance to the present situation.
28:20 :1tUQEl«i11.wa i,µa.; lbE1v xal :1tgoo11.a11.f]om] "I invited you so that I
might see you and talk to you" (i,µa.; is in effect the object both ofaagExa11.wa and
of lbEi:v ,ml :1tQ0011.aA.f]om ).
i:f]; EA.:ltLOO£ i:oii 'loga~A] "The hope of Israel" (a designation of Yahweh in
Jer. 14:8; 17:13, otherwise rendered in LXX) is here the hope of resurrection (cf.
23:6; 24:15; 26:6-8), closely bound up for Paul with the fact of Jesus' resurrection,
which proclaimed him to be Son of God.
,:~v a11.00Lv tuutT]V :ltEQLXELµm] See on v. 16; 21:33.
28:21 ~µEL£ outE ygaµµai:a :ltEQ l ooii EbEs<iµE8a xi:)..] For yQ<iµµai:a in the
sense of a letter (epistle) see New Docs. 1 (1976), § 21 (lines lOf.). It may be sur-
prising that the Jerusalem authorities had made no communication to the Roman
Jews about Paul, since "the Jerusalem-Rome axis was strong" (R. E. Brown, An-
tioch and Rome, p. 104). Perhaps a communication was sent, but had not yet ar-
rived because of the difficulties of winter travel. If, on the other hand, a personal
representative was sent instead of a letter (outE :ltUQUYEVOµEVO£ tL£ i:ciiv ctbEA.q>ciiv x,:).. ),
he for his part could equally well have been delayed. Without any word from
Jerusalem, the Jewish leaders in Rome were unwilling to commit themselves-"an
implicit indication from Luke that Roman Jewry looked to Jerusalem for guidance"
(R. E. Brown, ibid., p. 97).
a.:1t~YYELA.EV ~ EA.UA.TJOEv] "reported (officially) or spoke (unofficially)."
28:22 :ltEQL µev YO.Q i:f]; ULQEOEOO£ tu'U'tT]£ yvoooi:ov ~µ1v EITTLV O,:L :1tavi:axou
ctvtLA.EYEtUL] "This much we do indeed know about this party, that it is everywhere
spoken against." For a'iQWL£ used by Jews of Christians cf. 24:5. The Roman Jews
may have had some experience of Christians in their own city, going back to the
riots impulsore Chresto which had led to Claudius's decree of expulsion in A.D. 49
(see on 18:2). But the speakers on this occasion were obviously unwilling to ex-
press a personal opinion.
b. Second interview (28:23-28)
23 TUsUµEVOL be am<µ ~µEQUV ~A.Sov :ltQO£ amov EL£ ,:~v s[VLUV :ltA.ELOVE£, ol£
E;Ett8Eto bLaµUQtUQOµEVO£ ,:~v ~UOLA.ELUV toii 8EOii :ltEL8oov tE amou; :ltEQL toii
'IT]ooii ct:1t6 tE i:oii v6µou MwiioEW£ xal i:ciiv :1tQOq>rJtciiv a.Jto JtQWL EW£ EOJtEQU£.
24 Kaloi µev EJtEieovi:o to1£ A.qoµEVOL£, oi be ~JtLITTOUV, 25 a.ouµq>WVOL bE OV1:E£
:ltQO£ an~A.OU£ O.:ltEA.uovi:o, ELJtOV,:0£ ,:oii IlauA.OU Qf]µa EV on, KaA.cii£ to JtVEiiµa
,:o aywv EA.UA.T]OEV bLa 'Hoaiou ,:oii JtQOq>~tou :ltQO£ i:ou; JtatEQU£ uµciiv 26 A.Eywv,
IloQEuSTjtL :ltQO£ ,:ov )..aov i:oiitov xal ELJtov, 'Axofl axouoEtE xal ou µ~ ouvf]tE,
xal ~A.EJtOvtE£ ~A.E'ljJEtE xal ou µ~ 'LbT]tE" 27 E:1taxuv8T] ya.g ~ xagbia i:oii A.aoii
i:omou, xal i:o1£ wolv ~UQEOO£ ~xouoav, xal to'U£ 64>8aA.µou£ amciiv Exaµµuoav·
µ~ JtOtE 'ibwm v to1£ 64>8a)..µo i:£ xa l i:oL£ mo lv axouowm v xal i:fl XUQbt(:10uvciim v
xal E:1tLITTQE'ljJWOL v, xal laooµm amou;. 28 yvwo,:ov m)v i,µ1v £0,:(1) on i:oi; E8vE-
OL v O.:ltEITTUA.T] ,:oii,:o ,:o 0(1)1:~QLOV i:oii 8EOii- amol xal a.xoooovi:m.
539
28:23 EL£ t~v 1;Eviav] "to his lodging" or "to receive his hospitality" (the
latter being the commoner sense). Cf. Phlm. 22, where 1;Evia seems to mean "guest
room."
1'>LaµaQtUQO!ffVO£ t~v ~amA.Eiav toii 0rnii JtEL0wv t€ autOU£ JtEQt toii 'IT]aoii]
"bearing witness to the kingdom of God and trying to convince them about Jesus."
The kingdom of God and the story of Jesus (ta JtEQL toii 'IT]aoii, as in 18:25) are in-
terwoven in the preaching of the gospel; see on v. 31; 1:3; 8:12; 20:24f.
(lJ't() t€ toii voµou MwiiOEOl£ xal tciiv JtQ<><pT]tciiV] Cf. 26:22, etc.
28:24 ol µEv ( + oilv X *) imieovto] "gave heed"; the imperf. does not nec-
essarily imply that they were actually convinced.
ol bE ~Jtiatouv] "would not believe" (cf. 14:lf., where the contrasted verbs
are matEUOl and aJtEL0Ew.
28:25 aJtEAuovto] "they began to break up" (imperf.).
Qf]µa EV] "Paul always gets the last word-generally with devastating effect"
(LC).
xa11.cii£ xt11.] Cf. the language with which another quotation from Isa. (29: 13)
is applied by Jesus to a group of scribes in Mk. 7:6, XUAW£ EJtQo<j>~trnaEv 'Haa"ta£
Jt€Qt uµciiv tciiv UJtOXQLtciiv. The present quotation (from Isa. 6:9f., LXX) was applied
by Jesus to his unbelieving hearers in Mk. 4:12 par. Mt. 13:13 and Lk. 8:10 (so also
in Jn. 12:39f.). Cf. Rom. 11:8. The point of the repeated quotation is to show that
the rejection of Jesus and the gospel was foretold in OT prophecy; here, in addi-
tion, it is invoked as authorizing the Gentile mission. See J. R. Harris, Testimonies,
II (Cambridge, 1920), pp. 65, 74, 137; C. H. Dodd, According to the Scriptures
(London, 1952), pp. 36-39; B. Lindars, New Testament Apologetic (London, 1961),
pp. 159-67; A T. Hanson, The Living Utterances of God (London, 1983), pp. 34,
67, 114f.; F. Bovon, "Schon hat der heilige Geist durch den Propheten Jesaja zu
euren Vatern gesprochen (Act 28, 25)," ZNW75 (1984), pp. 226-32.
28:26 JtOQ€v0TJtL XtA] A verbatim quotation from Isa. 6:9f., LXX; there is
another verbatim quotation of the same text, from ax.oft axouaEtE onward, in Mt.
13:14f.
axofl axouanE] For the construction (representing the Heb. abs. infin. pre-
ceding the finite verb) cf. 5 :28. Note that the act. form of the fut. of axolJOl may be
used in Hellenistic Gk., whereas Attic requires the middle (for which cf. 3:22; also
v. 28 below; 17:32; 21 :22).
28:27 xal i<iaoµm amou£] Heb. wriipii' lo, "and one should heal it" (i.e.,
"this people"); Targ. weyisiel}eq lehon, "and one should forgive them" ( cf. Mk. 4: 12,
ii.UL a<j>€0fi UutOL£).
28:28 yvwatov oilv uµiv tatw] For the solemn expression cf. 2:14; 4:10;
13:38.
tOL£ rnvwL v (lJ't€at<lAT] toiito to OOlt~QlOV toii 0wii] Cf. Ps. 67:2 (LXX 66:3),
toii yvciivm EV tfi yfi t~V Mov aou, EV JtUOL v E0vEOL v to OOlt~QLOV aou, and Ps. 98
(LXX 97):3, dboaav mivta ta JtEQUta tf]£ YTJ£ to OOlt~QLOVtOU 0EOii ~µfuv. With toiito
to awt~QLov ct. 13:26, tfJ£ awtTJQia£ mutTJ£.
autol xal axouaovtm] + xal taiita amoii €LJtOvt0£ a1tf]11.8ov oi 'IoubaiOL,
540
28:30-31 THE GOSPEL ADVANCES WITHOUT HINDRANCE IN ROME
3tOA.A~V E)'..OvtE£ EV tamoi£ out~nJOL v ( v. l. t~tlJOL v) byz latvet vg.codd syrhcl**, repre-
senting b ( = v. 29 in TR, KJV).
This is the third (and climacteric) announcement to this effect in Acts (cf.
13:46; 18:6). As in a succession of cities since his preaching in Pisidian Antioch,
so in Rome Paul presents the gospel to the Jewish community first, and when it is
refused, he turns to the Gentiles. The impression given by Paul's letters is that while
he considered himself debtor to Jews as well as to Gentiles, and witnessed to Jews
when opportunity offered, he knew himself called primarily, from the Damascus
road onward, to the evangelization of Gentiles. For his own expectation of Israel's
conversion see Rom. 11:11-32. While Acts records the progressive expansion of
the gospel among the Gentiles, it also records its progressive rejection by the greater
part of the Jewish nation. "The narrative reaches a solemn climax-rejection on
the one side, unchecked success and hope ori the other" (Chase, Credibility, p. 52).
See also D. P. Moessner, "Paul in Acts: Preacher of Eschatological Repentance to
Israel," NTS 34 (1988), pp. 96-104.
4. The Gospel Advances without Hindrance in Rome (28:30-31)

30 'EvEµELVEv bE btEtiav OATJV Ev tbiq> µto0wµatL, )t(lL rutEbE)'..Eto mivt~ to~
ELCJ3tOQEuoµho~ 3tQO£ am:6v, 31 XTJQOOOWv t~v ~aOLAEiav toii 0Eoii )t(lL
btba.oxwv ta 3t£QL toii XUQLOU 'ITJCJOU XQLITTOU µeta 3t<lCJTJ£ 3tUQQTJCJLCl£ (l)((l)A,'Ut(l)£.
28:30 btEtiav OATJV] The significance of this period of two full years has
been much debated. There are literary parallels: Philo (Flacc. 128f.) says that Lam-
pon was kept in prison during his trial for two years, 3tQO£ µ~xtotov X.Q6vov (which
probably means "for a very long time" rather than "for the longest time permis-
sible"), and the younger Pliny (Ep. 10.56f.) speaks of a biennium fixed as a term
of grace by the senate for those sentenced by a governor whose acts had been an-
nulled to seek a fresh trial.
One popular view has been that Paul's two years comprised a statutory pe-
riod of 18 months within which the prosecution might state its case against him,
together with some further months required for the formalities attending his re-
lease, when the prosecution failed to make an appearance (so W. M. Ramsay,
"The Imprisonment and Supposed Trial of St. Paul in Rome," Exp. 8, 5 [1913],
pp. 264-84, reprinted in The Teaching of Paul in Terms of the Present Day [Lon-
don, 1913], pp. 346-71; K. Lake, "What was the End of St. Paul's Trial?" Inter-
pretation 5 [1908-1909], pp. 147-56; H.J. Cadbury, "Roman Law and the Trial
of Paul," BC 1.5, pp. 325-36). But the alleged statutory period of eighteen months
proves to be based on the wrong dating of a papyrus (BGU 2.628 recto) which
records an imperial edict of the third century fixing such a time limit for crimi-
nal cases submitted to the emperor from the provinces (and not providing for
cases of prouocatio, like Paul's). There is no first-century evidence suggesting
that a case might be allowed to lapse automatically by default; what evidence
there is indicates that the appearance of prosecutors and defendants was com-
pulsory. A prosecutor who did not appear in court within a reasonable time would
541
probably be penalized, but that would not inevitably lead to the discharge of the
defendant.
The prolongation of Paul's stay in Rome could have been due to congestion
of court business as much as to anything else. If he was indeed discharged without
coming to trial, this could have been the result of an act of imperium on Caesar's
part. "Perhaps Paul benefitted from the clemency of Nero, and secured a merely
casual release. But there is no necessity to construe Acts to mean that he was re-
leased at all" (A N. Sherwin-White, Roman Society and Roman Law in the New
Testament, p. 119). It is a reasonable infeL'nce from 27:24 (KaiaaQi aE bEi :JtUQa- ,
OT~vm) that Luke knew, by the time he wrote, that Paul did in fact appear before
Caesar. On Paul's encounters with Roman law from Philippi to Rome see H. W.
Tajra, The Trial of St. Paul, WUNT 2.35 (Tiibingen, 1989).
J. V. Bartlet ("Two New Testament Problems. 1. St. Paul's Fate at Rome,"
Exp. 8, 5 [1913], pp. 464-67) argued, in reply to Ramsay ("The Imprisonment and
Supposed Trial ... "), that the prosecutors gave due notice of their intention to
proceed with the case, that they arrived in Rome early in 62 and successfully pros-
ecuted Paul as a disturber of the peace of the provinces (cf. 24:5), that Luke's read-
ers knew from Nero's subsequent record what the result of such a prosecution
before him would be (the more so in view of Poppaea's pro-Jewish sentiments) and
would therefore not need to be told explicitly of Paul's condemnation and execu-
tion, which were in any case matters of public knowledge (see also on 26:32). In
face of this argument one must decide what weight should be attached to the evi-
dence attaching Paul's death to the general persecution of Roman Christians which
broke out c. AD. 65. J. N. D. Kelly (A Commentary on the Pastoral Epistles [Lon-
don, 1963 ], pp. 9f.) attaches decisive weight to it; he finds that the theory of Paul's
release, followed (after a few years of liberty) by a second imprisonment, termi-
nating with his execution, "seems firmly grounded." It is wisest to acknowledge
our ignorance, since the evidence is inadequate for a certain conclusion.
iv tbi()) µw0wµatt] "on his own earnings'' or "at his own expense" is a bet-
ter-attested meaning than "in his own rented lodgings" (a sense not found else-
where for µiuOmµa). See H.J. Cadbury, "Lexical Notes on Luke-Acts, III. Luke's
Interest in Lodging," JBL 45 (1926), pp. 321f. Did the conditions of Paul's Libera
custodia permit the carrying on of his tent-making? It is difficult to imagine how
he could have carried it on while chained to a Roman soldier.
28:31 X1]Q1JOO(J)V t~V ~UOLA.ELUV to'U 0eou xal btba.axoov ta :JtEQL tou XlJQLOlJ
'I11aou XQtOTou] + "saying that this is the Messiah, Jesus the Son of God, by whom
the whole world is to be judged" latP vg.codd syrhcl (an addition which weakens the
force of Luke's concluding sentence). See on v. 23 (cf. 8:12; 20:25).
Evidently on purpose are the two expressions combined in this final summary, in
order to show that the preaching of the kingdom and the preaching of Christ are one:
that the original proclamation has not ceased, but that in Christ Jesus the thing pro-
claimed is no longer a vague and future hope, but a distinct and present fact. In the
conjunction of these words the progress of doctrine appears. All is founded upon the
old Jewish expectation of a kingdom of God; hut it is now explained how that expec-
542
28:30-31 THE GOSPEL ADVANCES WITHOUT HINDRANCE IN ROME
tation is fulfilled in the person of Jesus, and the account of its realization consists in
the unfolding of the truth concerning him (ta itEQi. toli 'h1aoli). The manifestation of
Christ being finished, the kingdom is already begun. Those who receive him enter
into it. Having overcome the sharpness of death, he has opened the kingdom of heaven
to all believers (T. D. Bernard, The Progress ofDoctrine in the New Testament [( 1864)
London, 5 1900], p. 112).
µHa Jta.0'1]£ JtOQQl]OLU£] "with all freedom of speech" (cf. 2:29; 4:13, 29, 31;
also JtUQQTJOLal;oµm, 9:27f.; 13:46; 14:3; 18:26; 19:8; 26:26. As elsewhere in Acts,
so here in the context of Rome the word "is closely connected with the procla-
mation of the gospel; it denotes the freedom with which it is proclaimed by him
who himself is there on trial. It is, however, not the profession in the law-court, but
the missionary activity that is carried out with all clearness and without outward
hindrance" (W. C. van Unnik, "The Christian's Freedom of Speech," BJRL 44
[1961-62], p. 477).
U1«llA.utm£] "without let or hindrance": such a legal phrase is an appropriate
rendering of a term which "is legal to the last," according to MM, who speak of
"the triumphant note on which it brings the Acts of the Apostles to a close" (cf.
New Docs. 3 [1978], § 4). Cf. Clem. Alex. Strom. 6.18.167.5, µEVEL f>E axw).ut<><;.
On the end of Acts see also G. Delling, "Das letzte Wort der Apostelgeschichte,"
NovT 15 (1973), pp. 191-204; cf. pp. 12f.
Luke has reached the objective of his history by bringing Paul to Rome,
where (albeit in custody) he enjoys complete liberty to preach the gospel, under
the eyes of the imperial guard. The program mapped out in 1:8 has been carried
through. (How Paul's presence and activity in Rome encouraged gospel witness by
other Christians in the city may be learned in his own words from Phil. 1:12-18.)
"Victoria Verbi Dei: Paulus Romae, apex evangelii, Actorum finis .... Hierosoly-
mis coepit; Romae desinit. Habes, Ecclesia, formam tuam: tuum est, servare earn,
et depositum custodire" (J. A. Bengel).
543
GENERAL INDEX
Abraham, 130, 146, 192-96, 333, 498 Jews, 187, 215, 360, 401, 476, 478;
Achaia, 93, 387, 390-91, 394-95, 403, 413- population, 271; Roman administration,
14, 422-23 276-77, 371
Acropolis, 376-77 Alliteration, 383, 386, 449, 453, 476
Acts: allusions, extrabiblical, 10-12, 19; Almsgiving, 260
authorship, 1-9; canonicity, 19-21; coin- Amphipolis, 357, 368
cidences, undesigned, 48-52, 54; date, Anacoluthon, 146, 149-50, 345, 476
9-18; language, 66-69; and Pauline Ananias (high priest), 95, 455, 464, 475
epistles, 18-20, 46-52, 384, 405, 409, Ananias of Damascus, 215, 235, 237-40,
423, 429-31; plan and organization, 21- 256-57, 457, 501
27, 30, 103, 108, 135, 150, 185,224, 245, Ananias and Sapphira, 159, 162-66
247, 251, 265, 268,275, 282,290, 296, Anatolia, 322, 334, 338
353, 405-6, 412-13; prologue, 21-22, 28, Angel of the Lord, 170, 200-202, 225, 230,
66, 97-102; purpose, 21-27, 30; sources, 253,467
40-46, 159, 180, 216,220,231, 297-98, Angels: activity, 253, 257, 269, 283-86, 289,
300, 323,328, 350, 400, 418,441, 444, 521; appearance, 104, 259; doctrine, 148,
484, 508, 511; style, 4, 7, 44, 66-69, 102, 466; evil, 163; and Jaw, 209; and Son of
104, 139, 390-91, 405-6, 497-98; text, man, 210
69-80; theology, 17, 60-66 Animal world, threefold, 255
Acts of Peter (Act. Vercell.), 2 Annas (high priest), 95, 150-51, 159, 464
Acts of Thomas, 45 Anti-Marcionite Prologue, 1-2, 8, 19
Adramyttium, 355, 512 Antioch, Pisidian: church, 327, 353, 400;
Aeneas, 246-48 history, 301, 320, 357; Jews, 25, 302,
Agabus, 275-77, 279, 432, 441-42 318, 382, 393; location, 300, 325, 354;
agora,370,376-78 and Paul, 299-317, 325, 328, 352, 382,
Agrippa. See Herod 400,541
Albinus, 339, 483-84 Antioch, Syrian (on Orontes): and Barnabas,
Alexander of Ephesus, 419 273-74,278,291,294,349;church, 184,
Alexander the Great, 225, 244, 300, 356, 270-75, 277, 291-94, 327, 329-35, 338,
360,401,439 345, 347-50; and gospel, 30, 220, 265,
Alexandria: church, 285, 401, 407; grain 270-71; history, 271; Jews, 184, 271-72;
fleet, 508, 511-13, 516, 520, 534-35; and Judaizers, 332-34; location, 295; and
545
Luke, 8-9, 180, 184, 275, 293,527;and Assos, 355, 427-28, 518
Paul, 244,274, 278, 291, 294,349; and Athens, 33, 323-24, 368, 374-89, 422, 513
Peter, 267, 287, 335; population, 33, 184; Attalia, 327
and Titus, 293 Attalus III, 354
Antiochus IV, 244, 289, 319-20 Attica, 381-82
Antipatris, 473 Augustan cohort, 510-11
Antiquities of Josephus, 43-44, 98 Augustus: administration, 177, 245, 271,
Antonia fortress, 283-84, 451, 467, 469 295, 300, 320, 354-55, 357, 371; ap-
Antony, 245, 316, 357, 471 pointments, 398, 428, 512; authority, 93,
Aphrodite, 296, 389
488; decrees, 360, 372; family, 276;
Apollo,271,360,387,438
honors,216,231,377,511
Apollonia, 368
Azotus, 230-31, 247
Apollos, 241, 399, 401-4, 406-8
Apologetic, 22-27, 190, 308, 430, 436, 479,
Baptism: of believers, 130-31, 221, 229,
496
Apostasy, 203, 205, 303, 352, 396, 446 393, 402-3, 457; of Gentiles, 264-65,
Apostles: authority, 120, 131, 221-22, 323; 269, 329, 341; of households, 359, 365,
teaching, 131; term, 318-19, 339; 393; of Jesus, 128, 157, 229, 261-62,
Twelve, 99, 105, 111-12, 120, 135, 182- 309-10; Jewish, 118, 229; by John, 129-
83, 186, 188, 243; witness, 215, 339, 501 30, 262, 306-7, 402, 406-7, 503; in name
Appeal to Caesar, 18, 24-25, 33, 397, 488- of Jesus, 129-30, 402, 458; rebaptism,
90, 494, 507, 511 407; and the Spirit, 114, 129, 230, 406-7;
Appian Way, 536 in water, 129, 229-30, 402-3
Appii Forum, 536 Bar-jesus, 296-98
Aquila, 373, 390-91, 397-99, 403, 536 Barnabas: and Antioch, Pisidian, 315; and
Arabia, 118, 240, 242, 458 Antioch, Syrian, 270-75, 290, 294, 319;
Aramaisms, 44, 68-69, 74, 102, 105, 111, character, 160, 162, 273, 330, 349; and
119, 128, 133, 141-42, 144, 146, 153, Cyprus, 160-61, 271-72, 294-99, 350;
157, 160, 163-64, 166-67, 170,174,209, and Jerusalem, 92, 161, 277-78, 290-91,
217-19,227,235,239,246,248-49,262, 330, 333-35, 338-39, 400; name, 160;
281, 285,296, 301, 309, 315, 318, 327, and Paul, 92, 243, 270-75, 277-78, 289-
333,345, 357,361, 371, 453,456,459- 300, 315, 318-19, 322-30, 333-35, 338-
60, 484, 501. See also Hebraisms; Sem- 39, 345, 347-50, 352, 480
itisms Barsabbas, 111, 344
Archelaus (ethnarch ), 94, 96, 158, 177 Bernice/Berenice (mother of Agrippa I), 279
Archelaus (king of Cappadocia), 354
Bernice/Berenice (daughter of Agrippa I),
Areopagus, 377-81, 387-88
96,444,491,493-94,497
Aretus IV, 158, 242
Aristarchus, 369, 418, 424, 511-12, 525 Beroea, 373-75, 423
Aristobulus, 96, 279 Bithynia, 354-55, 390, 416, 489
Artemis, 271, 300, 398, 415-20 Blasphemy, 188, 210, 323, 459, 500
Ascension, 102-5, 127 Blastus, 288
Asia, proconsular: administration, 359, 398, Blindness, 235, 299
418, 421; churches, 329, 347, 359, 409, Blood,342-43,434
423-24, 441, 514; evangelism, 351, 355, Boethusians, 113, 151, 158
408; Jews, 447, 449, 503; religion, 416; Breaking bread, 132-33, 167, 330, 425-26,
term, 354-55, 409, 429 525
Asiarchs, 418 Burrus, Afranius, 489, 537
546
GENERAL INDEX
Caesar, C. Julius, 233, 245, 248, 389, 396, 539; family, 142, 276, 4 70-71, 489;
398,512 honors, 316, 320
Caesarea: administration, 252, 287-88, 442, Cnidus, 513-14
474,491,493-94,497;church,432,482; Community, religious, 152, 159, 244
Gentiles, 230, 251, 442, 493; history, Community of goods, 132, 159-66
231, 288,442;Jews, 267,471,484; and Conscience, 463-64, 480
Paul, 244, 458, 473-74, 478; and Peter, Corinth: church, 277, 347, 350, 367, 398,
251, 258, 266-67, 269, 330, 443; and 403, 414, 422, 424-25; history, 389-90,
Philip, 230, 247, 251, 440; port, 244, 398; Jews, 181, 404, 408; a1td Paul, 93,
399-400, 510-12 375, 389-97, 408, 521; Roman colony,
Caiaphas, high priest, 95, 150, 152, 159, 301,357
190, 233 Cornelius, 130, 251-54, 256-60, 265-66,
Calendar, Jewish, 113-14 268-69, 329,336,338,403
Call, divine, 234-37. 294 Cos, 438
Candace,226 Creation, 324, 342, 382, 385
Casting lots, 112 Crete, 118, 381, 384-85, 513-14, 516-18,
Cauda,515,519,522 522,534
Cenchreae,374,390,398,424 Crispus, 393, 397
Centurion, 251, 451, 469, 510-16, 524, 528, Cumanus, Ventidius, 94, 471, 478, 484
537. See also Roman army Cyprus: 276, 377, 439, 512; and Barnabas,
Chalcis, 490-91 96, 160-61, 270-72, 291, 294-99, 338,
Chios, 428-29 350; Christians, 443; Jews, 160-61; and
Christian, name, 140, 223, 264, 274-75, 506 Mark, 161, 291, 350; and Paul, 96, 270-
Christology: primitive, 144-45, 212, 262, 71, 291, 294-99, 338; Roman administra-
310; prophet, 145, 202, 275; Servant, tion, 295, 297
139-40, 156-57, 227-29, 314-15; Son of Cyrene, 117-18, 186-87, 272, 293, 522, 535
David, 124, 139,303,306, 310
Chronology, 92-93, 276, 395, 409, 422-24, Damaris, 248, 388
444-45, 478, 480, 515. 534. See also Damascus, 233-37, 240-43, 452, 455, 500
Time notes David, 124-28, 130, 156-57, 303, 310-11,
Church: doctrine, 61-63, 202; first, 131-33; 340-41
and Ge:;tiles, 183, 329-47; numbers, 108, David, Son of, 124, 139, 303, 306, 310
131, 148, 168, 180, 185; organization, Day of Atonement, 228, 411, 515
182, 326, 334, 433-36; prophets, 275, Death, 148, 164-65, 172, 210, 212-14, 249-
294, 355, 407, 432-33, 436, 441-42; 50. See also Jesus, death
teachers, 131, 274, 292, 294, 299, 431, Delphi, 360, 395
542-43; term, 166, 244-45, 274 Demetrius (silversmith), 415-17
Cilicia: administration, 244-45, 295, 345, Demosthenes medicus, 254-55
350, 473, 491; church, 353; Jews, 187, Derbe, 320, 324-27, 351-53, 400, 418, 423-
454,497 24
Ci1 cumcision: and Gentile believers, 251, Devil, 263, 298
264, 267, 329-31, 336, 342, 345, 347; Diaspora: Christian, 191, 214-16, 230, 237-
and law, 329-30, 333, 352, 446-47, 465; 38, 240, 243, 245-46; Jewish, 116-19,
proselytes, 118, 252, 483 181, 186, 247,301-2,449
Claudius: administration, 277, 280, 354, Dionysius the Areopagite, 387-88
394, 440, 461, 470; appointments, 288, Disciples, 180, 405-7, 422, 439
297, 490; authority, 93, 276, 281, 371, Domitian, 14-15, 18, 94, 346, 495
537; death, 395; decrees, 373, 390-91, Dorcas, 388. See also Tabitha
547
Drusilla, 96, 4 71, 482-83 Festus, Porcius, 94, 339, 483-84, 486-95,
Dyrrhachium, 356-57, 368 497,505,507,511
Food regulations, 252, 255-56, 331, 337,
Earthquake, 284, 363-66 341-43, 346
Ebionites, 182, 191, 218, 339 Fornication, 331, 342-43
Egypt, 193-202, 233, 276, 356, 494 Freedmen, 187, 253
Egyptian, The (false prophet), 176, 452, 475
Eighteen Benedictions, 119, 139, 173 Gaius (emperor), 93, 140, 158, 276, 279-81,
Elders: Christian, 277, 326, 333-35, 338, 297
345, 352, 429, 433-34, 444; Jewish, 149, Gaius of Corinth, 393, 418
151, 156, 188, 455, 468, 475 Gaius of Derbe, 423-24
Eleazar (high priest), 95, 150, 464 Galatia: administration, 300, 315-16, 319,
Elijah, 144, 225, 232, 426, 445 327, 353-54;church,92,351,401,446
Elisha, 299, 426 Galilee, 245-46, 262, 288, 334, 471, 473
Gallio, L. Junius, 93, 391, 394-97
Elymas, 297-98, 483
Gamaliel I, 154, 175-78, 455, 483
Epaphras, 409
Gaza, 225, 229-30
Ephesus: and Apollos, 401-4; church, 14,
Gentiles: and gospel, 25-26, 226, 260-65,
326, 399, 422, 424, 429-31, 434, 440-41;
323,329-47,372,379-88,393,445,541;
disciples of Baptist, 130, 221, 405-7; his- and Holy Spirit, 221, 264; and Jewish
tory, 398, 418, 420-21; Jews, 399, 408, Christians, 256, 267; mission to, 63, 121,
419, 432, 449; and Paul, 13, 93, 350, 376, 180, 251-52, 270-75, 314-15; promise to,
398-401, 404-23, 429-37, 503; and 130, 215, 314-15; and temple, 136-37.
Priscilla and Aquila, 399, 403; religion, See also God-fearers; Jerusalem, Coun-
33, 412, 414-21 cil of; Proselytes
Epicureans, 376-77, 380, 382, 387 Gnosticism, 217, 223, 431
Epimenides, 381, 384-85 God, doctrine, 60, 175
Erastus, 93, 414, 424 God-fearers, 118, 183, 226, 252-53, 295,
Eschatology, 39, 65-66, 121, 143, 145, 371- 302,313-15,317,323,331,358-59,369-
72, 387 70,374,393,428
Essenes, 170, 185-86, 293, 498 Golden Rule, negative, 342-43, 346-47, 447
Ethiopian eunuch, 224-31, 247, 251, 257, Gospel: to Gentiles, 25-26, 226, 260-65,
265 323, 329-47, 372, 379-88, 393, 445, 541;
Eucharist. See Breaking bread to Jews, 146, 173, 240-41, 295, 313-17,
Eutychus, 426-27 323, 369, 376, 379, 387, 392-93, 399,
Exorcism, 217, 361, 410-11 403, 408, 431, 445, 504, 537-41; vested
interest opposition, 362, 416
Fair Havens, 514-16, 518 Grace,261,312, 318,330,337,433,435
Faith: and baptism, 359; in Christ, 183, 261, Greece, 276, 375-89,391, 418, 423
342, 502; and eternal life, 314; and Gen- Greek language, 376,452
tiles, 252, 256, 264, 336, 342, 412; and
healing, 142, 321, 410; and justification, Hadrian. 316, 511
312, 337; and salvation, 261 Hasmonaeans, 147, 151, 174, 230-31, 233,
Famine, 195, 275-78, 445 248,279
Fasting, 259, 294, 515, 521, 524 Healing: and demon possession, 168, 217,
Felix, Antonius, 94, 151, 445, 452-53, 470- 361, 410; and faith, 142, 321, 410; and
75, 477-78, 482-84, 487, 489, 494 Judaism, 173; and laying-on of hands,
Fellowship, Christian, 132-33, 222 185, 239, 410, 533; and name of Jesus,
548
GENERAL INDEX
142, 152-53, 377, 410; by Paul, 321, 361, Hyrcanus II, 360, 396
410, 426, 533; by Peter, 135-38, 168,
247; physical, 137, 217, 239, 249, 321, Iconium, 316-21, 325, 327, 351-52, 354,
533; and power of Jesus, 137, 155; and 374,393,400
salvation, 173; spiritual, 152. See also Idolatry: and gospel, 331, 342, 372, 448;
Medical language Israelite, 203-5; offerings, 343, 346;
Hebraisms, 68, 111, 121, 141, 149, 154-55, pagan, 323, 376, 385, 416, 420-21; peril,
164, 172, 177, 198, 218, 223, 225, 281, 379
305. See also Aramaisms; Semitisms Ignorance, 143,324,381,385
Hebrews, term, 181 Illyricum, 423
Hellenists: Christology, 262; diaspora, Initiation, 130, 221
Christian, 215-16, 243, 441, 443; evan- Inspiration: prophetic, 114, 120, 124, 151,
gelists, 30, 334, 439; and Hebrew Chris- 156-57, 159, 210, 243, 275, 355, 407,
tians, 42, 180-81, 247; Jewish, 190-91, 432; of Scripture, 108
202, 272-73, 401, 475; and Paul, 244; Israel: history surveyed, 192-209, 303-6;
Seven ("deacons"), 182-84, 216, 277, house of, 128, 244; new, 221, 233
441; synagogues, 187, 190, 301; and Italian cohort, 252
temple, 185; term, 181
Hendiadys, 112, 465 James (son of Zebedee), 92, 105, 109, 135,
Hermes, 321-22, 338, 376 212,221,267,280-81
Herod Agrippa I: administration, 140, 267, James the Just (brother of Jesus): character,
279-81, 286; authority, 94, 150, 158, 252, 133; death, 93, 148, 212-13, 281, 339;
277, 281, 447; biography, 279-83, 288- leadership, 277, 286, 330-32, 335, 338-
90, 451, 482; death, 92, 281, 289-90, 42, 345, 348, 444-45; and resurrection,
371; family, 96, 471, 483, 490-91 243, 286; and temple, 191, 467
Herod Agrippa II: authority, 238, 493; biog- Jason, 369-71
raphy, 490-91; family, 96, 483; and Paul, Jerusalem: fall, 16, 93, 154, 175, 215, 284;
13,232, 274,492-97,505-7 population, 445; synagogue, 181. See
Herod Antipas, 158, 242, 279-81, 288, 293, a/so Temple
493,507 Jerusalem church: authority, 273, 277, 286,
Herod Boethus, 158 326, 353 (see also James the Just); com-
Herod of Chalcis, 464, 491 munity life, 166; and Gentile evange-
Herod the Great, 154, 174, 209, 288; author- lization, 30, 246, 262, 266-67, 273 (see
ity, 28, 230-31, 293; building, 126, 136, also Jerusalem Council); and Hellenists,
216, 271, 473-74; death, 176, 289; 185, 215, 243, 441; meeting places, 133,
family, 96, 158, 230, 279; and high 139, 167, 285; membership, 30, 41, 165,
priests, 94, 147, 151 168, 185, 277, 296, 350, 407; persecu-
Herods, family tree, 96 tion, 215, 233, 240, 246, 286; poverty,
Herodians, 96, 158, 279 182 (see also Jerusalem relief fund); scat-
Hierapolis, 409, 441 tered, 233, 237; Seven ("deacons"), 182-
High priests, 94-95, 147-51, 169, 214, 233, 84, 216, 277, 441; witness, 103, 167. See
238; and Romans, 147, 150-51, 153-54, also Paul, and Jerusalem
172,453 Jerusalem Council, 92, 264, 267, 287, 329-
Hillel, 154, 175, 343 47, 350, 352, 448, 480
Hope of Israel, 465, 479, 492, 498-99, 539 Jerusalem relief fund, 271, 277-78, 413-14,
Hospitality, 237, 250, 258-59, 359, 393, 443, 423,444-46,480-81, 483
482, 533,535 Jesus: Davidic descent, 124-28, 139, 157,
Hyrcanus, John, 126 306; death, 123, 159, 308, 372, 434;
549
family, !06-7; Messiahship, 144, 157, 276-77, 280-81, 464, 471; unrest, 176-
179, 227-29, 240, 272, 323, 369, 404, 77, 371, 464
466, 498, 542; and Nazareth, 122, 188, Judaizers, 332-34
262, 3C ·, 456. 477, 499, 501; prophet, Judas Barsabbas, 111, 344, 347-48
145, 202, 275; sayings, 437. See also Judas of Damascus, 237
Resurrection; Servant of Yahweh Judas of Gama la ("the Galilaean "), 106, 170,
Jesus, name of: authority, 137, 155; 176-77
avoidance, 155, 172; and baptism, 129- Judas Iscariot, 105, 107-12
30, 158, 221, 265, 402, 407, 458; Judgment, 164, 200, 261, 385-87, 483
blasphemy, 314, 499; Christ(= Messiah), Julius (centurion), 510-13, 515, 535, 537
130, 158, 179,274;dangerous,412;and Justification, 311-12, 337
exorcism, 361, 410; and faith, 142, 263;
and forgiveness, 263; and gospel, 220; Kerygma, 172, 261-62, 303, 306, 308
and healing, 142, 152, 410; Lord, 122, Kingdom of God, 100, 314, 326, 433, 467,
238; in preaching, 220; and prophecy, 540
355, 410: and salvation, 152: and Scrip-
ture, 392; term, 221, 262 Lamb of God, 227
Jesus Justus, 1ll Languages, 114-19, 453-54, 531
Jewish hostility, 54-55, 316-18, 370, 374, Lasaia, 514
393, 396 Latinisms, 68, 74, 102, 213, 32 I, 335, 366,
Jewish settlements, 117-18, 181, 187, 230, 372, 396, 410, 421, 482, 488, 492-93,
233, 240, 248, 271, 295, 398, 428. See 518
also Diaspora, Jewish Law: cherished, 148, 337, 391; giving of,
John (son of Zebedee): apostle, 105, 135, 114, 116. 202, 209; and gospel, 267, 311-
184; death, 280-81; and Jerusalem 12, 329-31, 335, 337, 446, 538-40;
church, 286; and Samaritans, 217, 220- Roman, 396; teachers, 152, 204, 343
22, 273, 407; and Sanhedrin, 148-55, 166 Laying-on of hands, 130, 184-85, 221-22,
John the Baptist: baptizing, 129-30, 262, 239,407,410,533
306-7, 402, 406-7, 503; death, 158, 281; Lectionaries, 73, 227-28, 301, 341, 461
disciples, 144, 406; and Jesus, 227; min- Lictors. 362, 366, 460
istry, 92, 111, 114, 145, 216, 261, 275, Litotes, 67, 287, 324, 327, 333, 370, 374,
407 384, 410, 415, 427, 453, 502, 505, 520,
Jonathan (son of Annas), high priest, 95,
531
150,453
Lord Jesus Christ, title, 129-30, 179, 265
Joppa, 230-31, 248-49, 254, 256, 258-59,
Lucius the Cyrenaean, 291-93
267, 269-70,284,330,517
Luke: and Antioch (Syrian), 8-9, 180, 184,
Joseph (OT), 194-96, 362
Joseph of Arimathaea, 215, 273, 308 275, 293, 527; apologist, 22-27; back-
Joseph Barnabas, 111, 160. See Barnabas ground, 6-9; historian, 27-34; name, 8;
Joseph Barsabbas, 111 and Paul. 2-6, 8-19, 22-27, 52-59. See
Joy, 124,230,316,348 also Medical language; "We"-sections
Judaea: churches, 241, 243, 245-46, 266, Lycaonia, 319, 325, 351, 354, 400, 532
330; famine, 276; meaning, in Acts, 168, Lycia, 300, 438, 512
215, 262-63, 287, 423; Roman adminis- Lycus valley, 405, 409
tration, 154, 174, 177, 231, 233, 252, Lydda (Lod), 230, 246-47, 473
276- 77, 290, 478, 483-84, 490, 511; Lydia, 358-59, 365, 367
rulers, in NT times, 28, 94, 150, 252, Lysanias (tetrarch), 279
550
GENERAL INDEX
Lysias, Claudius, 345, 451, 461, 465, 472, Nazareth, 122, 188, 262, 301, 456, 477, 499,
477,482,494 501
Lystra, 301, 320-25, 327-28, 351-54, 357, Nazirite vow, 398, 446-49, 491
374,379,382,400,424 Neapolis, 356, 368, 424-25
Nero: administration, 484, 489-90; ascrip-
Macedonia: administration, 357, 359, 369- tions, 494-95; authority, 93, 238, 287,
71, 373, 395, 414; mission, 92, 356, 375, 421; character, 14, 25, 394, 507, 542; and
422-24; Paul's suffering, 394 Paul's appeal, 15, 489
Magic, 297, 410, 412 New age, 121, 123, 132, 143-44, 303
Magistrates, 316, 318-19, 362, 366-67, 370, Nicolaitans, 184
372 Nicolaus of Antioch, 9, 183-84, 271
Malta, 93, 515, 518, 522, 526-27, 530-35 Noachian decrees, 342-43
Manaean, 293 Numbers: triangular, 108, 526; use in Acts,
Mariamne, 96, 279 108, 112, 131, 148, 176, 193, 246, 253,
Mark, John, 161, 285, 291, 296, 349-50 304,407,411,425,445,452,525-26.See
Martyrdom, 208, 210-12, 459 also Time notes
Mary (mother of Jesus), 106-7
Mary (mother of Mark), 285 Offerings, 254, 311, 322, 331, 448
Old Testament: fulfilment, 144, 202, 306-11,
Matala, Cape, 514, 518
369, 504; quotations, 110-11, 120-21,
Matthias (disciple), 107-8, 112, 120
124-26, 130-31, 145-46, 151, 157, 193-
Matthias (high priest), 95, 150-51
207, 227,303-5,309-12, 314-15, 340-43,
Medical language, 6-7, 104, 137, 142, 151, 382, 386, 540. See also Testimonia
155, 164, 168-69,239,247,249,254-55, Olivet, 104-5
289-90,298-99,321,377,410,426,512, Ordination, 326
531-33 Ostia, 513, 535
Mesopotamia, 192, 195, 233; Jews, 116-17
Messiah: Davidic, 124-28, 157, 173, 240, Pallas, Antonius, 470, 484
340-41; hope for, 466; and Jesus, 144, Pamphylia, 300, 327, 354
157, 179, 227-29, 240, 272, 323, 369, Pantheism, 377, 385
393, 404, 466, 498, 542; political, 140, Paphos,296
371, 4 76; and Samaritans, 217; suffering, Paronomasia, 247, 386
143, 227-29, 369, 504; title, 130, 141, Parousia, 104, 144, 165, 195, 200, 480
144, 208, 392; work, 247. See also Ser- Passover, 281-82, 399, 424
vant of Yahweh Patara, 438-39, 513
Miletus, 10, 13, 326, 428-29, 437-38 Paul: apostleship, 26, 238-39, 318-19, 323,
Mnason,215,237,266,335,443-44 458-59, 501-2; background, 181, 233,
Moses, 145-46, 193-203, 208, 217 237, 244, 344, 367, 391-92, 454, 461,
Muratorian Fragment, 1-2, 19 465, 469, 481; conversion, 92, 232-45,
Myra, 438-39, 510, 512-13, 534 455-58, 467, 499-502, 521; death, 13-14;
Mysia, 354-55, 375, 512 healing, 321, 361, 410, 426, 533; names,
Mytilene, 377, 428 212, 214-15; Pharisee, 233, 499; portrait,
52-59, 319, 437; preaching strategy, 295,
Names, personal, 8, 111-12, 235, 285, 297- 314,323-24,326,369,379,386-87,408;
98, 370, 388, 390, 393, 401, 408, 410-ll, Roman citizenship, 244, 298, 345, 423,
470, 475, 533. See also Jesus, name of 459-62, 465 ,. 488; and Sanhedrin, 461-
Nathan's prophecy, 206, 303 67, 475, 477; shipwreck, 508-29; suffer-
Nazarenes, 132, 169, 275, 277, 476 ing, 238, 303, 324-26, 362-63, 366, 394,
551
396, 430, 442, 450, 460; visions, 26, 234, 64, 295, 303, 306, 443; prominence, 108,
237,239,356,393-94,457-59,467,478, 120; in Rome, 287; and Samaritans, 220-
500-502, 521 21, 251, 273, 407; and Sanhedrin, 148-
Paul with: Barnabas, 92, 270-78, 289-300, 55, 166; visions, 254-57, 268, 283
322-30, 334-35, 338-39, 345-52, 480; Pharisees: in Acts, sympathetic, 26; and
Mark, 291, 296, 349-50; Peter, 26, 243, Agrippa I, 280; doctrine, 113, 148, 170,
303, 312, 321, 330; Silas, 344, 349-52, 175, 334, 445, 465-66, 498-99; in
356-73; Stephen, 212, 214-15 Jerusalem church, 465; and Sanhedrin,
Paul at: Antioch, Pisidian, 299-317, 325, 149, 169, 174-75, 233, 475, 479; and
328, 352, 382, 400, 541; Antioch, Syrian, scribes, 149, 174; term, 174
244, 274, 278, 291, 294, 349; Athens, Philip (apostle), 184, 441
374-89; Caesarea, 244, 458, 473-74, Philip (evangelist): daughters, 111, 441; and
478; Corinth, 93, 375, 389-97, 408, 521; Ethiopian, 24-30, 257; evangelism, 30,
Damascus, 233-37, 240-43, 452, 500; 130, 246, 251, 265, 267, 440; gifts, 183,
Ephesus,13,93,350,376,398-401,404- 222; and Samaritans, 130, 216-17, 220,
23, 429-37, 503; Jerusalem, 93, 241-44, 222-23, 273; Seven, one of ("deacons"),
290-91, 366, 443-72, 479-81, 521; Phi- 183-84, 216, 441
lippi, 357-67, 396; Rome, 12-15, 93, 367, Philip (tetrarch), 279, 487
373,402,413-14,433,509,521,535-43 Philip II (of Macedon), 356-57, 368, 375
Paul: and Gentiles, 31, 238-39, 270, 294-95, Philippi: administration, 362, 366-67;
313-15,324,329-39,344,460,541;and church officers, 326; church, women in,
synagogue, 240-41, 295, 301,303, 313- 359, 374; location, 356, 368, 424; op-
15, 317, 369, 376, 387, 392, 399, 403, position, 362, 367, 416; Paul in, 357-67,
408,431 396, 424, 460-61; Roman colony, 33,
Pentecost: and church expansion, 247; festi- 301,357,542
val, 113,422-23,429,442,449,478;and Phinehas, 205, 232, 445
the Holy Spirit, 129-30, 221, 269; and Phoenicia, 288, 516; mission to, 271, 334,
law-giving, 114; and Peter's address, 439
130, 167, 229; signs accompanying, 121, Phoenix, 516-17
130, 264 Phrygia, 315-16, 319, 325, 351-54, 400;
People of God, 186, 193, 202, 303; new, 215, Jews, 351, 497
339-42, 394, 434 Pilgrim life, 193, 199, 202, 205-6
Perga, 300, 327,420 Pisidia, 300-301, 327, 354. See also An-
Persecution: consequences, 280, 316, 372; tioch, Pisidian
protection against, 367; refugees, 237, Pleonasm, 256, 339
240, 455; in Rome, 93, 542; by Saul, 215, Politarchs, 370-73
232, 237, 459. See also Diaspora, Chris- Pompey, 230, 245, 248, 271, 316, 327, 355
tian Pontius Pilate, 94, 140, 150, 158, 178, 212,
Pergamum, 354, 381, 420-21 308, 472-74, 507
Peter: and Council of Jerusalem, 264, 267, Pontus, 354-55, 390, 489
331, 335-39, 341, 347; discernment, 163, Prayer: address in, 112, 156; exorcism, 361;
165; and Gentiles, 30, 251, 258-70, 280, and fasting, 294; and healing, 533; inter-
286, 329-31, 339, 348-49; and healing, cession, 213, 223; liturgical, 132, 136,
137, 168, 246-49, 410; imprisonment, 301; meeting for, 106, 112, 132, 183,
148, 169-71, 281-87, 363; and Mark, 286, 358; and visions, 237, 253-55, 458
285, 296; name, 339; and Paul, 26, 243, Presence of God, 163, 192, 202, 205
303, 312, 321, 330; preaching, 119-31, Priscilla (Prisca), 373, 390-91, 398-99, 403,
139-46,167, 172-73,217,230,246,261- 536
552
GENERAL INDEX
Prochorus, 184 Roman colonies, 231, 301, 316, 320-21,

Promises, divine, 130, 193, 202, 209, 303, 325,355,357,362,366,390,440
309-10,465,498 Roman emperors, in NT times, 93-94, 238,
Prophets, Christian, 275, 294, 355, 407, 432- 371
33, 436, 441-42 Rome: administration, 31-32, 123, 233;
Proselytes, Jewish, 118, 183-84, 252-53, church, 19,31, 118,292, 390,413,536,
271,313,329,335,343,358,370 542; Jews, 118, 181, 371, 373, 390-91,
Proto-Luke, 17 535, 537-40; and Paul, 12-15, 93, 367,
Providence, 324, 466 373,402,413-14,433,509,521,535-43;
Ptolemais (Acco/Acre), 357, 440 place in Acts, 103, 272; population, 271
Ptolemies, 248, 295, 440, 494
Publius, 533
Sabbath, 113, 120,252,301,369,425,445
Puteoli, 513, 522, 535
Sadducees, 113, 147-49, 169-70, 174-75,
Quirinius, P. Sulpicius, 28, 150, 177 464-66, 479
Qumran, 108, 131, 133, 145, 152, 163, 165- St. Paul's Bay, 523, 526-27
66, 185,204, 233-34, 312,340-41,498, Saints (people of God), 238, 246, 499
539 Salamis, 295
Qur'an, 346, 382 Salmone, 514
Rameses II (pharaoh of Exodus), 196-98 Salvation, 152, 173, 261, 330, 337, 352, 361,
Reading, in antiquity, 226 364,370
Repentance, 129, 131, 143, 173, 306-7, 386, Samaria, 215-21, 245-46, 251, 273, 280,
407,431,503 334,471,478
Reputations, Luke's interest in, 352 Samaritan believers, 130, 217, 220-22, 247
Resurrection: appearances, 100, 108, 261, Samaritan Pentateuch, 193, 200, 202
286, 306, 308-9; of the body, 148, 263; Samaritans, 181, 191, 193, 196, 216-17; 226
doctrine, 175, 465-67, 479-81, 492, 497- Samos, 428-29
99, 504; and Messiahship, 144, 310, 479, Samothrace, 356
498; and preaching, 111, 122-28, 142, Sanhedrin: authority, 153-54, 212, 215, 233,
148, 160,261,263,308,310,386;proph- 481, 484, 487; meeting place, 476; mem-
esied, 123-27, 504 bership, 149-54, 156, 169-70, 174-75,
Rhegium, 535 184, 188, 190, 214, 455, 468, 475, 477,
Rhoda, 286 479, 486, 500; Paul before, 461-67, 475,
Rhodes, 438 4 77; Peter and John before, 148-55, 169-
Right hand of God, 126-27, 210, 310 78, 379; Stephen before, 188-211
Roman administration, 300-301, 315-16, Satan, 163, 263, 298
357, 362,366, 372,395,414,420,462, Saul, king, 212, 235, 305
470. See also under individual entries Sceva, 411
Roman army, 252, 281-83, 451, 467, 469- Scribes, 149, 174, 188, 466, 540
70, 474, 493, 510-l l, 537 Scripture, doctrine, 63-64, 108, 123
Roman citizenship: conditions, 252, 461; Seamanship, 508-10, 513-28, 534-35
and death sentence, 148, 449; and Jewish Sebaste, 252, 511
authorities, 148, 449; and names, 252, Secundus,369,424
279, 393, 423, 472, 512; and Paul, 244, Seleucia, 295, 399
298, 345, 423, 459-62, 465, 488; proof, Seleucids, 244, 248, 271, 295, 316, 355, 359
367, 461; rights, 245, 350, 357, 366, 396, Semitisms, 133, 139-40, 143, 154, 160, 164-
460-62, 469, 488-89, 511; valued, 31, 65, 169, 171, 183, 197-98,200,202,206,
362,453,490 255, 268-69, 273,281,297, 305-6, 336,
553
357, 361, 386, 410, 456-57, 468, 503, State, and Christianity, 23-24
525. See also Aramaisms; Hebraisms Stephanas, 387, 393
Seneca,377,394,489 Stephen: death, 148, 211-15, 280, 339, 443,
Septuagintalisms, 68, 102, 123, 144, 149, 455, 459, 500; doctrine, 186, 188, 190-
173,206,218,223,227,273,432 91, 206-7, 233, 267, 303; Hellenist, 30,
Sergius Paullus, 297-99 443; and the Holy Spirit, 151, 185; and
Servant of Yahweh, 139-41, 143, 156-57, Paul, 214, 455, 459, 500; before Sanhe-
226, 314-15, 502 drin, 188-211, 449, 454; Seven, one of
Seven ("deacons"), 182-84, 216, 277, 441 ("deacons"), 183
Shema', 119, 301, 337 Stoics, 377, 382, 385, 475
Shepherds, of church, 434-35 Stoning, 148, 319, 325
Shipwreck, 508-29 Synagogue: authority, 233, 396; break with
Sicarii, 151, 453, 468 church, 146; Christian, 166, 186; of
Sicily, 513, 522, 534-35 Freedmen, 187; gospel offered in, 240-
Sidon,271,288,439,512-13,535 41, 295, 313-15, 317, 369, 376, 387, 392,
Silanus, M. Julius, 421 399, 403, 408, 431; of Hebrews, 301;
Silas (Silvanus), 92, 344-45, 347-52, 355- Hellenist, 181, 187, 190, 301; in
56, 361, 366, 369, 371-75, 390, 392 Jerusalem, 181, 187; of Nazarenes, 132;
Silversmiths, 414-16 officials, 149, 393, 397; origin, 186, 344;
Simeon (of Cyrene ), 272, 292 service, 301-2, 343-44, 358. See also
Simeon (of Jerusalem), 215, 314 God-fearers
Simon Magus, 176, 216-20, 222-23, 287 Syracuse, 535
Simon Niger, 292 Syria, 271, 345, 350-51, 353, 356, 423, 439,
Simon the tanner, 237, 250, 254 464,473,512
Smyrna, 421, 428
Solomon's colonnade, 133, 138-39, 167 Tabernacle, 204-7
Son of God, 152, 157, 240, 310, 539, 542 Tabernacles, feast of, 280, 515
Sopater, 374, 423 Tabitha, 248-49
Speeches, in Acts, 34-40, 120-31, 139-46, Tarsus, 187, 237, 242, 244-45, 274, 367,
172-73, 190-209, 261-64, 302-12 385, 453-54, 458-59, 473
Sopatros (Sosipatros), 390 Teachers, 131,274,292,294,299,302,431,
Sosipater, 423 542-43; heretical, 435
Sosthenes, 397 Temple: attacks on, 148, 214; attitudes
Soteriology, 64-65 toward, 191, 206-7, 449-50, 476, 481;
Spirit: baptism, 114, 129, 230, 406-7; in destruction, 207; and Gentiles, 449-50;
believer, 151, 185, 239, 246, 316; in officials, 147-49, 171, 214, 450, 477;
Christian community, 163, 165-66, 257, Paul in, 447-50, 458, 477-81, 487, 503;
346-47; deceit of, attempted, 163; doc- and Rome, 148, 214; and Stephen, 185-
trine, 61, 103, 121; emblems, 114, 130; 86, 188-91, 205, 214; structure, 133,
filling by, 114, 120, 151, 159, 183, 239, 136-39, 167, 449-51; tax, 481
264, 298, 403; and Gentiles, 221, 264; Tertullus, 472, 475-78, 497
gift, 21, 26, 127, 129-30, 158, 173, 221- Testimonia, 110-11, 151, 157, 207, 305-6,
22, 230, 264, 269-70, 275, 336, 346; 310, 436, 504
guidance, 405, 413, 423, 439; and Jesus, Theophany,200,202,209,234-36
21, 127, 157, 355; at Pentecost, 113-14, Theophilus (Acts dedicatee), 3, 15, 22, 98
121; and Scripture, 108; work, 21-22, Theophilus (high priest), 95, 150
152,173,225-26,230,257,272,402.See Thessalonica, 357, 367-75, 387, 392-93,
also Inspiration; Tongues 396,418,436,487,512
554
GENERAL INDEX
Theudas, 175-78, 218 Tyrannus, 408, 431

Three Taverns, 536 Tyre, 288,429;church, 271,334,432,438-
Thyatira, 358-59 40.512
Tiberius, 28, 93, 140, 271, 276, 279, 372,
394,482 Vespasian, 196, 23 l, 248, 428
Time notes, 113. 120, 136, 165, 185, 198, Via Egnatia, 356, 368, 373
253, 259, 279, 304-5,349, 423-26, 429, Visions: and the Holy Spirit, 121; Paul, 26,
435,448-49,470,478,515,523-24,534. 234, 356, 393-94, 458; Peter, 254-57,
See also Chronology 268, 283; and prayer, 237, 253-57, 259,
Timothy, 92-93, 292, 351-56, 362, 369, 372- 458; Stephen, 210
75, 392, 414, 424, 429
Way, The, 234, 402-3, 408, 415, 455, 479,
Titius Justus, 393, 408
482-83
Titles, accurate use, 31-32, 98. 295, 362,
"Wc"-sections, 3-6, 40-41, 231, 275, 328,
370-71,418,420,532
356-61, 400, 424-44, 508-37
Titus (emperor), 18, 94, 231, 449, 491
Widows, support for, 181-82, 249
Titus (friend of Paul), 9, 93, 293, 333, 352,
Will of God, 112, 205, 324, 457
422
Witness: by apostles, 120, 142, 152, 160,
Tongues, speaking in. 114-15, 119, 221-22,
167, 173; divine, 210, 323-24; and ex-
407
ecution, 212; false, 188; among non-
Trajan, 489, 513, 537
.Tews, 338, 344; in preaching, 103, 244,
Tralles, 420
261, 265, 309, 433, 459, 502; by proph-
Travel: ports, Luke's interest in, 327, 355,
ets, 308, 458; of resurrection, 111, 126,
357, 374, 390, 400, 429, 438; by road,
142, 160, 243, 261, 309, 369, 501; in
354, 368, 390, 400, 443, 470; and Ro-
Rome, 521, 540-41; supporting, 258,
mans, 355, 368, 473; sabbath day's jour-
269, 364, 418, 472, 481, 503, 516; tent
ney, 105; by sea, 403, 422, 424, 439-40,
of, 204-5
508-29; seamanship, 508-29, 535; and
Women, place of, 106, 108, 118, 130, 315,
weather, 351, 397, 399, 422-25, 427, 534
351, 358-59, 369-70, 374, 388, 390, 403
Triopium, 513-14
Wonders and signs, 121, 123, 132, 135, 167,
Troas,93,355-57,422,424-25,427-28,438
185-86, 201, 217. 220, 299, 318, 338,
Trogyllium, 428
410
Trophimus, 424, 449-51
Tychicus, 424, 426 Zealots, 106, 177, 445, 464
Typology, 195, 199, 201-2, 205 -6 Zcus,321-22, 338,354,384-85
555
INDEX OF AUTHORS
Aberbach, M., 471 Apuleius, 398, 411

Aberle, M. V., 15 Aqiba, 175
Abrahams, I., 28, 154, 301 Arator, 210
Achilles Tatius, 512 Aratus, 385
Achtemeier, P. J., 21 Aretacus, 7, 164
Acworth, A., 518, 530 Argyle, A. W., 3
Aejmelaeus, L., 430 Aristcas, 494
Aelius Aristides, 321, 364 Aristides, 417
Aeneas Tacticus, 371 Aristophanes, 104, 137, 146,255,377,417
Aeschines, 264 Aristotle, 100, 112, 119, 277, 356, 378, 381,
Aeschylus, 322, 387, 415, 501 514,519,531
Aetius, 254 Arrian, 517
Ahad Ha-Am, 343 Arrington, F. L., 81
Aland, 8., 71, 76 Artapanus, 198, 284
Aland, K., 71, 77 Artemidorus, 98
Albright, W. F., 122 Asterius of Amascia, 400
Alcacus, 428 Athanasius of Alexandria, 80, 163
Alexander, J. A., 81 Augustine of Hippo, 71, 80, 99, 101, 109,
Alexander, L. C. A., 21, 28, 97, 391 112, 117, 120, 151, 226, 230, 235, 275
Alford, H., 81 Augustus, 142
Alfred the Great, 34 7 Aune, D. E., 43, 178, 275, 300
Alfrink, 8. J., 479 Avi-Yonah, M., 471
Alzinger, W., 399
Ambrose of Milan, 80, 235, 249 Baarda, T., 81, 99
Ambrosiaster, 80, 537 Bacher, W., 154
Anaxilas, 412 Bacon, 8. W., 11, 35, 69, 191, 311
Anderson, J. G. C., 33 Bacon, F. H., 427
Andresen, C., 65, 219, 238, 316 BAGD (Bauer I Arndt I Gingrich I Danker,
Andrews, H. T., 81 Lexicon), 120, 181, 199, 218, 230, 268,
Apollinarius of Laodicea, 10, l 09 345,426
Appasamy, A. J., 284 Ballance, M. H., 320
Appian, 188, 492, 523 Balmer. H., 510
556
INDEX OF AUTHORS
Bammel, E., 99, 332 Bickerman, E. J ., 275

Bammer, A., 41 7 Bietenhard, H., 343
Banks, R. J., 40, 50 Bihler, J ., 191
Barag, D., 150 Billerbeck, P., 83
Barbi, A., 146 Bion of Soli, 226
Barnard, L. W., 191, 402 Birdsall,J. N., 71, 76, 81
Barnes, T. D., 380 Bishop, E. F. F., 117
Barnett, P. W., 176, 178, 453 Bjorck, B., 104
Barr, J., 103 Black, M., 69, 74, 76, 81, 122, 133
Barrett, C. K., 9, 31, 34, 46-47, 50, 53, 59, Blake, R. P., 76
63,65, 75,81,99, 142-43,210,219,238, Blass, F., 16-17, 45, 68, 75, 81, 102, 115,
316, 326, 332, 344, 347, 380, 403, 406, 154, 167, 187, 217, 266, 268, 282, 308,
430-33, 510, 525 334, 357, 396, 402, 416, 424, 432, 443,
Bartchy, S. S., 81 472,482,497,503,519,524-25,527-28,
Barth, K., 130 531,534
Bartlet, J. V., 45, 81, 101, 290, 507, 542 Blunt, A. W. F., 81, 164
Bartsch, H.-W., 343 Blunt, J. J., 48
Batanaea, 511 Bacher, 0., 115, 458
Bauer, W., 401 Bock, D., 85
Bauernfeind, 0., 39, 65, 81, 143-44, 217 Bohlig, H., 245
Bauman, R. A., 371 Boismard, M.-E., 74-75, 81
Baur, F. C., 26, 46, 445 Bonsirven, J ., 343
BDF (Blass/Debrunner/Funk, Grammar), Bornhiiuser, K., 85, 185
117, 129, 139, 143, 268, 416, 433, 472, Bornkamm, G., 50, 55, 239, 373
496, 505 Borsch, F. H., 211
Bean, G. E., 513 Borse, U., 278, 294, 328
Beasley-Murray, G. R., 130 Bovon, F., 85, 540
Beck, B. E., 3 Bowers, W. P., 355
Bede,298,309,461 Bowker, J ., 175
Beebe, H.K., 231 Bowker, J. W., 39, 303, 340, 344
Bell, H. I., 401 Bowman, G., 99
Bengel, J. H., 21, 61, 81, 210, 305, 339, 386, Bradeen, D. W., 378
435,543 Brandon, S. G. F., 27, 57, 173, 402
Benndorf, 0., 398 Brassac, A., 395
Benoit, P., 104, 110, 134, 178, 278, 451 Bratcher, R. G., 236
Bentley, R., 117, 343 Braund, D. C., 491
Bentzen, A., 229 Brawley, R. L., 85
Berger, K., 253-54, 481 Breusing, A., 510, 526, 528
Bergmeier, R., 219 Brierre-Narbonne, J. J., 229
Bernard, J. H., 110, 280 Brinkman, J. A., 116
Bernard, T. D., 450, 543 Brock, S., 160
Bertram, G., 124 Broneer, 0., 390
Best, E., 75 Broomfield, G. W., 45
Betz, 0., 143, 412, 458 Broughton, T. R. S., 33, 300, 355, 537
Beyer, H. W., 42, 81, 332 Brown, R. E., 85, 107, 178, 271, 319, 391,
Beyschlag, K., 219 446,535,539
Beza, 187 Brown, S., 21, 61, 85, 317
Bias, 463 Browne, L. E., 81, 243, 284, 290
557
Brox, N., 184 139, 181, 236, 241, 272, 298, 315, 321,
Bruce, F. F., 39-40, 50-52, 55, 81, 93, 108, 345-46,365,384-85,388,439,443,460
138, 151, 158, 172-73, 209, 257, 277, Cicero, 226, 319, 362, 366, 373, 378, 383,
286-87,327,332,413,471,536 420,482,513,533,536
Buchler, A., 154, 301 Clark, A. C., 3, 72, 74, 82, 99, 176, 282, 397,
Buck, C.H., 43, 278, 291, 481 473,493-94,496,510
Buckler, W. H., 322, 409 Clark, K. W., 80
Bultmann, R., 46, 448 Clarke, J. T., 427
Burchard, C., 85, 459 Clarke, W. K. L., 44-45, 68, 162, 343, 362
Burkitt, F. C., 35, 45, 59, 74, 76, 85, 117, 142, Claudius, 371, 476
167, 343-44 Cleanthes, 385, 427
Burney, C. F., 68, 102 Clemen, C., 85, 218
Burnside, W. F., 81 Clement of Alexandria, 2, 80, 281, 285, 346,
Burridge, W., 526 383-84,389,412,444,543
Burton, E. D., 247, 371 Clement of Rome, 10, 12, 112, 157, 208,
Bury, J. 8., 411 260,305,313,437,463,498,519
Cleon, 378
Cadbury, H.J., 4-5, 7-8, 21, 28, 34, 40, 69, Clermont-Ganneau, C. S., 449
82,85,181,247,250,275,293,373,443, Clines, D. J. A., 229
484, 489, 519, 541-42. See also LC, Cobet, C. G., 364
below Coggins, R. J., 217, 219
Caesar, Julius, 46 Cohen, S. J. D., 352
Caird, G. B., 93 Cole, A., 189, 207
Calder, W. M., 8, 51, 301, 319, 321-22, Colpe, C., 211
354-55, 409, 461 Connolly, R. H., 460, 484
Callimachus, 385 Constantine VII Porphrogenitus, 530
Callixenus, 519 Conybeare, F. C., 71-72, 110, 212, 214, 427,
Calvin,J., 127, 177 500
Camerlynck, A., 81 Conzelmann, H., 29, 36, 39, 65-66, 82, 85,
Capes, W. W., 376 141, 380,404, 434, 448, 476, 496, 509,
Cappe:, B. J., 164 532
Casey, M., 21 Cook, A. B., 360, 384, 420
Casey, R. P., 33, 80, 219, 300 Cook, J.M., 355, 427
Cassidy, R. J., 85 Coones, P., 518
Casson, L., 510-11 Coppens, J., 211
Catchpole, D. R., 332, 348, 448 Cormack, J.M. R., 371
Cato, 119 Corsscn, P., 441
Cerfaux, L., 80 Cosgrove, C.H., 414
Chadwick, H., 30, 444, 509 Cramer, F. J., 476
Chapman, J., 107, 441 Creed, J. M., 65
Chasc,F.H., 74,85, 108, 110, 114,215,264, Crook, J. A., 491
309-10,377,434,541 Cullmann, 0., 64, 85, 130, 145, 166, 216,
Cheetham, F. P., 133 229,332,335
Chilton, B. D., 69 Curtius, E., 379
Chilton, C. W., 372 Cyprian of Carthage, 71, 80, 151, 159, 229,
Chrysippus, 463, 475 249,309,319
Chrysostom of Byzantium, 61, 71, 80, 117, Cyril of Jerusalem, 77, 230
558
INDEX OF AUTHORS
Dahl, N. A., 339-40 Dionysius of Corinth, 17, 388

Dalman, G. H., 110, 116, 144, 170, 188, 210, Dionysius of Halicamassus, 35
218,228, 235,309,456 Dioscorides, 7, 164, 239, 298, 426, 531
Dante, 238 Dittenberger, W., 381
Daris, S., 289 Dobson, B., 252
Davies, J. G., 115 Dockx, S., 278, 445
Davies, P. R., 233 Dodd, C.H., 16, 36-37, 39, 65, 86, 100, 110,
Davies, W. D., 85, 99, 337 151,227, 261,307,504,540
Dawsey, J.M., 3 Doeve, J. W., 39, 303
Day, J., 204 Dold,A., 71
de Beus, C., 91 Donfried, K. P., 372
de Boor, C., 280 Downey, G., 271
de Bryne, D., 1 Drane, J. W., 58, 219-20
de la Potterie, I., 101 Dressler, H., 480
de Leeuw, V., 229 Driver, G. R., 121, 177
de Lorenzi, L., 481 Driver, S. R., 228
de Waard, J ., 340 Dubarle, A.-M., 380
de Welte, W. M. L., 89 Duff, A. M., 187
de Yonge, M., 11 Dumais, M., 312
de Zwaan, J., 13, 69, 170, 218-19, 281 Duncan, G. S., 6, 15, 51, 86, 321, 409, 415
Deissmann, G. A., 8, 51, 85, 160, 181, 187, Dungan, D. L., 437
209, 219,226, 346, 360, 365,381, 392, Dunham, A.G., 428
409-10,412,419,468,483,494-95 Dunn, J. D. G., 14, 86, 130, 145, 337, 348,
Delebecque, E., 82, 352 446
Delling, G., 543 Dupont, J., 19, 37, 40, 46, 82, 86, 110, 112,
Demaratus, 165 191,278, 291,340-41,430
Demetrius, 401
Democritus, 463 Easton, B. S., 27, 86, 458
Demosthenes, 120, 130, 195, 283, 323, 377- Edmundson, G., 287
78, 461, 524 Edwards, D. M., 86
Demosthenes medicus, 254 Ehrhardt, A., 2, 18, 27, 62, 86, 219, 221, 223,
Derrett, J. D. M., 163, 210 253,398,402,407
Descamps, A., 141, 457 Eisler, R., 150
Dibelius, M., 7, 12, 15, 22, 27-28, 36-37, 39, Eissfeldt, 0., 204
41, 80, 86, 158, 167, 187, 265, 268-69, Eleazar ben Pedath, 114
324, 328, 332, 366,376, 379,383, 386, Eleazar ha-Qalir, 228
430,508-9,528,532 Elliger, W., 399
Didymus of Alexandria, 80, 163, 230, 346, Elliott, J. K., 101
381, 384 Ellis, E. E., 9, 86, 121, 225
Dietrich, W., 86 Eltester, W., 332, 380
Dillistone, F. W., 254 Emerson, R. W., 58
Dillon, R. J ., 40 Emmet, C. W., 50
Dinkier, E., 21, 186, 225, 396, 509 Ennius, 184
Dio Cassius, 15, 226, 276, 321, 372, 390-91, Enslin, M. S., 43
394-95,461,488,491,495 Ephrem Syrus, 7, 71, 80, 101, 109, 114, 230,
Diodorus Siculus, 244, 248, 255, 376, 504 289, 291,293, 322,325, 348, 374,427,
Diogenes Laertius, 248, 381, 384, 412 432
Dionysius of Alexandria, 186 Epictetus, 335, 363, 505
559
Epicurus, 412 Fuks, G., 253

Epimenides the Cretan, 384-85 Fulgentius of Ruspe, 80, 163
Epiphanius of Salamis, 80, 106, 163, 218, Funk,R. W.,278,291
302,477,500
Epp, E. J., 75-76, 81, 86 Gager, J. G., 198, 253
Erasmus, 229, 235, 344 Galen, 7, 137, 164, 239, 255, 298, 354, 383,
Ester, P. F., 86 426,528,531
Euripides, 45, 177-78, 200, 283, 363-64, Gamaliel III, 391
382,420,453,501,521 Gapp, K. S., 276
Eusebius,2,8-11,27, 77,105,111,133, 140, Gardner, P., 31, 35, 430, 437
150, 186, 211, 213, 225, 272, 276, 281, Garnsey, P., 276, 489
284-89, 302, 309, 339, 347, 363, 388, Garofalo, S., 481
441,444,484 Gartner, B., 323, 380
Eustathius, 523 Gasque, W. W., 6, 21, 26, 33, 40, 69, 82,
86-87,99,320,446
Farstad, A. L., 70, 229, 235, 257 Geagan, D. J., 376, 378
Fascher, E., 229 Geden, A. S., 101
Fashole-Luke, E.W., 380 Georgi, D., 186, 481
Fee, G. D., 76, 81 Gcorgios Hama11olos, 280
Feldman, L. H., 252, 452 Geyser, A. S., 353
Feret, H.-M., 86 Gibson, M. D., 381
Ferguson, E., 1 Giles, K. N., 246, 434
Fergusson, J., 416 Ginzberg, L., 233
Field, F., 86, 244, 357, 440, 460, 492, 514 Glasson, T. F., 34
Fielding, Xan, 517 Glasswell, M. E., 380
Filson, F. V., 86 Gloag, P. J., 82
Findlay, J. A., 45, 82, 175, 442 Glover, R., 9
Fink, R. 0., 253 Gnilka, J., 211
Finkel, A., 175 Goehring, J. E., 402
Finkelstein, L., 86, 175 Goguel, M., 87
Finley, M. I., 34 Gomme, A. W., 34, 420
Finn, T. M., 253 Goodenough, E. R., 49
Firmilian, 319 Goodspeed, E. J., 10, 12, 18, 393
Fischer, B., 76 Gordon, R. P., 304
Fitzmyer, J. A., 69, 86, 172 Gorgias, 455
Fleischer, R., 415 Goulder, M. D., 27, 87
Flemington, W. F., 130 Gourges, M., 127
Flender, H., 15, 64, 86 Gow, A. S. F., 353
Fletcher, B., 417 Grant, M., 30, 119
Flusser, D., 150, 219 Grasser, E., 142, 225, 287, 341
Foakes-Jackson, F. J., 35, 39-40, 42, 58, 82, Green, E. M. B., 244
86, 191,251,260 Greenlee, J. H., 77
Foss, C., 399 Grecven, H., 44 7
France, R. T., 69 Gregory of Elvira, 80, 120
Frank, T., 32 Gregory of Nyssa, 336
Frankenberg, W., 412 Grenfell, B. P., 502
Fridrichsen, A., 40, 99, 191, 459 Griffith, G. T., 359
Frontinus, 395 Grimm, C. L. W., 152
560
INDEX OF AUTHORS
Groag, E., 177 Helvidius, 107

Grosheide, F. W., 82 Herner, C. J., 34, 44, 50, 87, 117, 298, 353,
Grundmann, W., 181, 184, 275 355, 358,377, 380,395, 399,408, 430,
Gschnitzer, F., 371 471, 493, 509, 513-18, 522, 523, 526,
Guilding, A., 303 530-31, 533-35
Gundry, R. H., 235 Hengel, M., 4, 34, 41, 43-44, 60, 87, 106,
Guthrie, W. K. C., 415 136, 143, 145, 168, 176, 178, 181, 184,
212, 215, 217, 230, 232-33, 240, 246,
Haacker, K., 99, 115, 265, 312, 321, 387, 262, 272-73, 276-77, 285, 287, 334, 338,
395,458 347,352,440-41,444,455,473,500
Habicht, C., 355 Hennecke, E., 19
Hackett, H. B., 82 Hepding, H., 381
Haenchen, E., 4, 19, 29, 36, 41, 48, 80-82, Herford, R. T., 452
162, 165, 168, 217, 293, 313, 332, 411, Hermas, 11, 186, 198, 215
437,448,453,466,478, 494,509, 520, Herodian, 420
532 Herodotus, 218, 225, 289, 355, 365, 396,
Hagner, D. A., 395 517
Hahn, F., 59, 99, 104, 332 Herodotus medicus, 519
Halevy, J., 343 Herondas, 164
Hall, D. R., 50 Hesiod, 384, 417
Halstead, S., 376 Hesychius, 137, 370, 377, 383
Hammond, N. G. L., 356 Heth, W. A., 343
Hananya ben Aqashya, 337 Hicks, E. L., 415
Hanno, 46 Hierocles, 519
Hanson, A. T., 172, 504, 540 Higgins, A. J.B., 21, 40, 46, 211, 448
Hanson, R. P. C., 76, 82, 509 Hilary of Poitiers, 80, 120, 235, 309
Hardie, M. M., 8 Hilgenfeld, A., 82, 167
Harnack, A., 1, 4, 7, 13-15, 20, 41-43, 45, Hill, D., 275
68,87,101,137, 155,249,311,361,373, Hillel, 391
379,390,441,512,531-33 Hippocrates, 7, 137, 164, 239, 255, 267,
Harris, H., 46 298-99,426,531,533
Harris, J. R., 7, 37, 76, 110, 141, 151, 346, Hippolytus, 157, 218
384,504,519,530,540 Hobart, W. K., 6-7, 87, 104, 137, 142, 164,
Harris, M. J., 395 239, 247, 249, 255, 298-99, 410, 426,
Hart, J. H. A., 403 531-33
Harvey, A. E., 128, 240, 262, 308, 310, 352 Hock, R. F., 87, 392
Hatch, E., 44 Hodges, Z. C., 70, 229, 235, 257
Hauck, F., 343 Hoehner, H. W., 158
Hauser, H.J., 537 Hoerber, R. 0., 391
Hawkins, J.C., 4, 41, 67 Hoey, A. S., 253
Hay, D. M., 127 Hogarth, D. G., 417
Hcberdey, R., 418-19 Holl, K., 481
Hedrick, C. W., 232 Holmberg, B., 333
Hegesippus, 11, 105, 133, 211-13, 286, 339 Holtz, T., 87, 191, 332
Heichelheim, F. M., 32 Holtzmann, H.J., 82, 508
Heider, G. C., 204 Homer, 45-46, 159, 163, 178, 225, 257, 284,
Heinemann, J., 301 358,365,415,428,508,520,523,527
Helly, B., 371 Hommel, H., 380
561
Hooke, S. H., 151 101, 104-6, 117-18, 120, 123, 126, 133,
Hooker, M. D., 211, 229 136, 139-40, 144, 147-51, 153-54, 158,
Horace, 401, 534, 536 160, 167-68, 170, 172, 174-77, 184, 186,
Horsley, G. H. R., 34 192, 196-98,209,212,215,225,230-31,
Hort, F. J. A., 63, 87, 156, 166, 206, 245-46, 233,236,247-48,252,259,271,275-76,
309,313,321,339,346,434,498,506. 280-81, 283-84, 288-89, 293, 297, 299,
See also WH, below 302, 305, 313-14, 316, 318, 321, 329,
Horton, F. L., 361 339, 344,360,364,380, 391,396, 398,
Howard, J. K., 130 401-2, 412, 420, 432, 435, 439, 446-47,
Howard, W. F., 33. See also MHT, below 449, 451-53, 455, 463-64, 466-68, 470-
Hubbard, B. J., 241 71, 473-75, 482-84, 486-88, 490-93, 500,
Hull, J. H. E., 61, 87 504,508,511,515-17,522,526,534-35,
Humphreys, C. J., 121 538
Hunkin, J. W., 342 Jowett, B., 34
Hunt, B. P. W. S., 10 Judge,E.A.,87,345,371-73,402,471,536
Hunter, A. M., 87 Juel, D., 87
Hurst, L. D., 69 Julian the Apostate, 240
Huxley, H. H., 488 Julius Pollux, 515
Hyldahl, N., 93, 278, 399-401, 445, 481 Justin, 11, 186, 203, 206-7, 216, 218-19,
Hyperides, 464 223,236,309,319,347,410,504
Justinian, 287
Iamblichus, 132, 322 Juvenal, 101, 189,252,271,491,527
Ignatius, 10, 112, 186, 263, 283, 298, 347
Iliffe, J. H., 449 Kahle, P. E., 193, 200, 202
Irenaeus, 2, 19, 71, 80, 120, 123, 139, 141, Kiisemann, E., 38, 47, 99, 402-3, 406
144, 151, 184, 208, 218, 229-30, 240, Katz, P., 199
262,285,341-42,383 Keck, L. E., 28, 37, 47, 49, 55, 61, 81, 87,
Isho' dad of Merv, 381, 384 310-11, 380, 434
Isidore of Pelusium, 381 Kee, H. C., 321
Keil, J., 399
Jacoby, F., 226 Kelly, J. N. D., 542
Jacquier, E., 82, 109 Kelly, W., 82, 210
James of Edessa, 80 Kennard, J. S., 177
Jastrow, M., 132, 261 Kennedy, G. A., 40, 87
Jeremias, J., 101, 140, 149-50, 227, 229, Kennedy, J. H., 414
249,276,445 Kent, J. H., 414
Jerome, 2, 8-9, 12, 66, 80, 107, 117, 159, Kenyon,F.G., 74, 77,80,87,411
208,230,381,467 Kertelge, K., 88
Jervell, J., 53, 87, 430, 479 Kettenbach, G., 88, 510
Jewett, R., 87, 93, 278, 464 Kilgallen, J., 191, 312
Joannes Lydus, 470, 517 Kilpatrick, G. D., 71, 76, 80-81, 208, 211,
Johnson, S. E., 300 322,416
Johnston, G., 166 Kim, S., 211
Jones, A.H. M., 87, 96, 158, 231, 280, 320, Kippenberg, H. G., 219
367, 488-89, 491 Klassen, W., 112
Jones, M., 191 Klauck, H.-J., 109, 132
Jose ben I:Ialafta, 114 Klausner, J., 88, 162, 450
Josephus, 10, 24, 32, 35, 43-44, 93-94, 98, Klausner, R. T., 452
562
INDEX OF AUTHORS
Klein, G., 21, 65, 99, 219, 238, 316 Lekebusch, E., 88
Kleiner, G., 428 Lemonon, J.-P., 140
Klijn, A. F. J., 76, 81, 191 Leon, H.J., 118
Klostermann, A., 88, 110, 160, 218, 297 Levick, B., 301, 320
Knauf, E. A., 242 Levine, L. I., 231
Knibbe, D., 399 Lietzmann, H., 13, 88, 331, 347-48, 448
Knopf, R., 82 Lifshitz, B., 302
Knowling, R. J., 82 Lightfoot, J. B., 46, 88, 107, 110, 176, 441,
Knox, J., 19-20, 51, 88, 278, 400, 481 460
Knox, W. L., 3, 40, 42, 88, 331, 364, 379, Lincoln, A. T., 114
422 Lindars, B., 61, 110, 211, 355, 435, 504, 540
Koch, D. A., 222 Lindblom, J., 459
Koster, A., 510 Linton, 0., 49, 244
Kraabel, A. T., 253 Lisco, H., 409
Krantz, E. S., 508 Livy, 27,357,380,412,420
Krapp, F., 113 Loewe, H., 228
Kremer, J., 88, 210, 332 Lofthouse, W. F., 407
Krenke!, M., 43-44, 88, 176 Lohfink, G., 104
Kretschmar, G., 104, 114 Lohmeyer, E., 88, 229
Kradel, G. A., 82 Lohse, E., 15,64,99,229
Kuchler, F., 412 Loisy, A., 7, 82, 400, 469
Kuhn, K. G., 32, 118, 252-53, 313 Longenecker, R. N., 40, 82
Kuhnert, E., 412 Loning, K., 88
Kukula, R. C., 416 Losch, M., 289
Kummel, W. G., 5 Lovestam, E., 131
Loyd, P., 61, 88
Lachmann, C., 308 LSJ (Liddell/Scott/Jones, Lexicon), 240,
Lactantius, 287 356,396,401,439,463,470
Laeuchli, S., 431 Lucian of Antioch, 70, 218, 289, 321, 380,
Lake, A. K., 33, 80 410,412,505,508,512-13
Lake, K., 42, 47, 49, 51, 76, 78, 80, 82, 86, Lucian of Samosata, 29-30
88, 115, 313, 318, 332, 335, 370, 374, Lucifer of Cagliari, 80, 154, 164, 168, 171,
541. See also LC, below 432,468
Lake, S., 33, 80 Lucius of Cyrene, 8-9
Lambrecht, J., 430 Luckock, H. M., 321
Lamouille, A., 74, 74-75, 81 Lucretius, 377
Lampe, G. W. H., 61, 88, 103, 130, 215, 221, Ludemann, G., 5, 41, 51, 82, 88, 93, 140,
230,275,326,346,403,406,435,480 158, 219, 241, 278,325, 367,391, 395,
Lampe, P., 15, 536 399-400
Laourdas, B., 371 Luhrmann, D., 465
Lauterbach, J. Z., 154 Lumby, J. R., 82
Lawrence, T. E., 531 Luther, M., 70
LC (Lake/Cadbury, Comm.), 103, 112, 142, Luz, U., 479
153, 164-65, 167, 171, 187, 194, 197,
206, 215, 217-18, 247, 254, 258, 269, McGiffert, A. C., 386
284, 299,345, 373,376, 392,404, 408, MacGregor, G. H. C., 83, 89
417, 419,442, 460,470, 482,486, 488, McGregor, M. F., 378
491-92,497,505,516,518-20,531,540 McHardy, W. D., 71, 80
563
McKelvey, R. J., 189 349, 383-84, 393, 406, 411, 425, 434,
McLachlan, H., 88 441,470,472,476,483-84,497-98,504,
Macurdy, G. H., 491 522, 527, 536
Madden, F. W., 484 Michaelis, W., 51, 104, 238, 409
Maddox, R., 88 Michel, H.-J., 430
Magic, D., 245, 399, 418, 420 Miesner, D. R., 67
Maimonides, 343 Miles, G., 532
Makaronas, C., 371 Milligan, G. See MM
Mann, C. S., 181 Mills, W. E., 89
Mann, J., 301 Miltner, F., 399
Manson, T. W., 17, 24, 88, 17 4, 211, 287, Minear, P. S., 481
332,466 Minucius Felix, 381
Marcion, 2, 20, 283, 336 Mitchell, S., 316
Marius Victorinus, 339, 436 Mitford, T. B., 297
Marsh, H. G., 130 Mitton, C. L., 12, 430
Marshall, I. H., 66, 83, 89, 114, 143, 177, MM (Moulton/Milligan, Vocab.), 98, 104,
181, 189 136, 144, 148, 152, 154, 164-65, 198,
Martial, 408, 426 203, 218, 249, 257, 274, 282, 289, 293,
Martin, R. P., 6, 21, 26, 69, 87, 99, 320, 446 305, 341, 365,387,396,401,411, 416,
Martyn, J. L., 28, 37, 47, 49, 55, 61, 81, 87, 426, 460, 463, 468, 473-74, 482, 487,
3 L0-11, 380, 434 492-93,498,521,536,543
Mason, H.J., 32 Moehring, H. R., 178
Mastin, B. A., 411 Moeris, 533
Mattill, A. J., 26, 89, 446 Moessner, D. P., 541
Mattill, M. B., 89 Moffatt, J., 308, 317, 373, 376, 399, 482, 499
Maximus Confessor, 336 Molland, E., 401
Mayor, J. B., 107, 339 Momigliano, A. D., 89, 277, 320
Meeks, W. A., 253, 271, 430 Mommsen, T., 511, 537
Meier, J.P., 85, 271, 318-19, 446, 535 Montefiore, C. G., 228
Meinardus, 0. F. A., 530 Moore, G. F., 69, 122, 221
Mela, 519 Morgenstern, J., 289
Menander, 361 Morison, F., 16
Menoud, P.H., 75, 104, 112, 165, 343 Morton, A. Q., 89
Merk, 0., 142, 287, 341 Mosley, A. W., 30
Merrill, E.T., 15 Maule, C. F. D., 8, 39, 61, 65, 104, 181, 191,
Merrins, E. M., 289 207, 210-11, 213, 283, 296, 310, 431,
Metternich, C. W. L., 16 434
Metzger, B. M., 70-71, 77, 104, 117, 230, Maule, H. W., 157
491 Moulton, H. K., 101
Meyer, E., 27, 89, 242, 379, 441, 459 Moulton, J. H., 66, 218, 236, 286, 349, 382,
Meyer, H. A. W., 83 411,421,425,434,474,476,483-84.See
Meyshan, J., 280, 290 alsoMHT;MM
MGM (Moulton/Gcden/Moulton, Con- Moulton, W. F., 101
cord.), 101 Millier, P. G., 278, 332
MHT (Moulton/Howard/Turner, Gram- Munck, J., 46, 83, 89, 137, 181, 191, 314,
mar), 69, 104, 108, 149, 155, 164, 168, 430,445
171, 178, 182-83, 193, 199-201, 236, Mundie, W., 27, 191
238, 247, 262, 267, 274, 283,321, 336, Murphy-O'Connor, J., 332, 351, 390, 395
564
INDEX OF AUTHORS
Mussner, F., 83 Pallis, A., 89, 167

Myres, J. L., 297 Palmer, L. R., 319
Papias, 10, 109, 111, 184, 280, 285, 441
Naber, S. A., 519, 526-27 Parker, P., 242
Nairne, A., 506 Parratt, J. K., 407
Nauck, W.,380 Parvis, M. M., 80
Neil, W.,83 Paul, G. 1., 296, 350
Nestle, E., 71, 77, 112, 133, 141, 317, 411, Paul of Tella, 72
499 Paulus, 372, 489
Neubauer, A., 116, 228 Paulus Alexandrinus, 116
Neudorfer, H.-W., 186 Pausanias, 289, 380-81, 522
Neusner, J., 40, 175 Payne, D. F., 69
New, S., 76, 78
Peake, A. S., 228, 280
Nickle, K. F., 481
Pearson, B. A., 402
Nicoll, W. R., 82
Pearson, J., 127
Nineham, D. E., 61, 261
Pedersen, S., 53
Noack, B., 114
Nock, A. D., 89, 296, 360, 376, 380, 383, Pereira, F., 409
445,516 Periander, 463
Nonnus, 244 Pervo, R. I., 89
Norden, E., 66, 89, 378-79, 381, 383 Pesch, R., 83, 211
North, C.R., 143, 229 Philip of Side, lll, 280
North, J. L., 335, 396 Philo, 94, 98, 117, 140, 144, 186-87, 191-93,
Numa, 412 196-99, 209, 215, 280, 302, 329, 337,
344, 401, 420, 449,463, 476, 505, 515,
O'Brien, P. T., 106 519,541
Oesterley, W. 0. E., 122, 174 Philostratus, 381
Ogg, G., 89, 178, 278, 320 Phrynichus, 401
Ogilvie, R. M., 517, 535 Pickering, S. R., 402
Oliver, J. H., 371, 395 Pierce, C. A., 464
Ollrig, W. H., 423 Pierson, A. T., 61, 89
O'Neill, J.C., 18, 66, 89 Pindar, 324, 491, 501, 527
O'Reilly, L., 89 Pionius, 435
Origen, 2, 8-9, 76-77, 80, 98, 176, 218, 309, Plassart, A., 395, 514
351,363 Plato, 137, 155, 157, 219, 248, 285, 369-70,
Orosius, 276, 391 377, 381-82, 385, 461, 479, 492, 505,
Osborne, H., 463 519,531
Oster, R., 415 Pliny the Elder, 196, 225-26, 226, 239, 247,
O'Toole, R. F., 89 319,321, 354,394,416,427,514,518-
Otto, R., 132 19,521,534
Overbeck, F., 89 Pliny the Younger, 416,489, 500, 537, 541
Overman, J. A., 253 Plooij, D., 15, 535
Ovid, 283, 321 Pliimacher, E., 34, 37, 68, 90, 431
Owen, H.P., 210, 380 Plummer, A., 69
Plutarch, 142, 164, 175, 200, 226, 288, 299,
Packer, J. W., 83 313, 343, 360, 370, 378, 381, 385, 412,
Page, T.E.,83, 173, 187, 189,270,318,453 534
Paley, W., 48, 89 Podlecki, A. J ., 510
565
Pohlcnz, M., 380, 383-84 Robert, L., 420

Polybius, 27, 35, 252, 277, 279, 288, 372, Roberts, C. H., 360, 402
493,504,518,533 Robertson, J.M., 7
Polycarp, 10, 112, 124, 208, 442 Robinson, D. W. B., 348
Polycrates of Ephesus, 150, 441 Robinson, H. W., 229
Powell, B., 392 Robinson, J. A., 137
Preisendanz, K., 412 Robinson, J. A. T., 16, 39, 65, 90, 144-45,
Preisker, H., 403 216,235, 262,406,457,482
Preuschen, E., 83, 445 Roloff, J ., 83, 217
Priscillian, 374 Ropes, J. H., 41, 70, 72, 74-75, 83, 90, 101,
Proclus, 441 115, 206, 257, 274, 293, 307,321, 343,
Protagoras, 412 356,358,366,374,391,393,443,468-
Pseudo-Barnabas, 207 70,473,488,493,503,531
Pseudo-Demosthenes, 254 Rosenthal, F., 116
Ptolemy, 410, 519, 522, 530 Rossner, M., 418
Pusey, K., 118 Rostovtzcff, M., 513, 516
Rouge, J., 510
Quinn, J. D., 8 Rowland, C., 211
Rowley, H. H., 118, 229
Rabin, C., 341 Rufinus, 159
Rackham, R. B., 13, n, 344, 435 Ruphus of Ephesus, 209
Rad!, W., 425 Rutherford, W. G., 363-64, 524
Raisiincn, H., 25
Ramsay, W. M., 7-9, 13, 18, 32-33, 45, 90, Sabbc, M., 210
170, 182, 195, 216, 219, 245, 277, 284, Safrai, S., 90, 233
286,297,299-301,315-17,319-22,325, Sahlin, H., 90, 110
351, 354-55, 357-58, 361, 364, 366, 372, Salmon, G., 218, 266, 296, 443
376-78,387-88,390,393,395,397,399- Samarin, W.J., 115
400, 403, 405, 414, 417, 420, 422-24, Sanday, W.,45
443, 447, 464, 497, 503, 505, 511-12, Sanders, E. P., 90, 337
515-16, 520, 522, 525, 531, 533-35, 537, Sanders, H. A., 72
541-42 Sanders, .I. T., 90
Ramsey, A. M., 104 Sappho,428
Rawidowicz, S., 343 Savonarola, G., 16
Redpath, H. A., 44 Sayce, A. H., 244
Regul, J., I Schaeder, H. H., 122. 477
Rcicke, B., 6, 40, 90, 257, 274, 322, 332,525 Schalit, A., 96
Rcifenbcrg, A., 484 Scharlemann, M. II., 186, 191
Reitzenstein, R., 45, 90, 283, 363, 379 Scharper, P. J ., 85
Rcnan, E., 66 Schechter, S., 233
Rendall, F., 83 Schermann, T., 208
Rengstorf, K. H., 99, 11 2 Schille, G., 83
Renie, J., 520 Schlatter, A., 83, 478
Repo, E., 234 Schmid, W., 380
Reynolds, J., 253 Schmidt, K. L., 166, 261, 315
Richardson, A., 31 Schmidt, P., 143
Richardson, N., 90 Schmidt, W., 281
Robbins, V. K., 21, 46, 67, 509 Schmicdcl, P. W., 44, 176
566
INDEX OF AUTHORS
Schmithals, W., 54, 83, 99, 295 Smith, J., 9, 91, 184, 510, 513-17, 520, 522-
Schnackenburg, R., 99, 211 23, 526-27
Schneckenburger, M., 26, 90 Smith, M., 219, 402, 453
Schneemelcher, W., 19 Sneen, D. J., 21
Schneider, G., 217, 326, 336, 433 Snyder, G. F., 112
Schoedel, W.R., 169 Snyder, W. F., 253
Schoeps, H.-J., 11, 27, 90, 191, 206, 208, Socrates, 155, 376
286 Sophocles (5th cent. BC), 380
Scholder, K., 46 Sophocles, E. A., 506
Schrage, W., 71, 81, 336 Souter, A., 9
Schrenk, G., 136, 149, 380 Sparks, H. F. D., 68
Schuler, C., 371 Spicq, C., 185
Schulz, F., 367 Spiro, A., 181, 191
Schulz, S~ 343 Spitta, F., 91
Schiirer, E., 44, 91, 96, 117-19, 136, 147-49, Stadelmann, H., 50
154, 158, 171, 175, 177, 186-87, 198, Stadter, P.A., 34
242, 252,254, 280,302, 318,337, 344, Stiihlin, G., 83, 276, 355
358-59,455,484,487-88,491,511 Stammler, W., 510
Schiitz, J. H., 99 Stanger, W., 278
Schiitz, R., 91 Stanton, G. N., 186
Schwank, B., 358, 395 Statius, 394
Schwartz, E., 49, 242, 280, 445 Steinmann, A., 83
Schweitzer, A., 379, 384 Stelzenberger, J ., 464
Schweizer, E., 36-37, 143, 166, 403 Stendahl, K., 501
Scobie, C.H. H., 145, 191, 217 Stenger, W., 332
Selwyn, E. C., 162 Stephanus of Byzantium, 320
Selwyn, E. G., 40 Stem, M., 90, 233
Seneca, 378, 394-95, 437 Sterrett, J. R. S., 320
Sevenster, J. N., 181, 332, 452 Stewart, Z., 296
Sextus Empiricus, 480 Still, J. I., 15, 91
Sherwin-White, A. N ., 18, 33, 91, 178, 321, Stobaeus, 165
362, 367, 372, 415, 418, 420,461, 489, Stone, R. C., 76
537,542 Stonehouse, N. B., 91, 154, 380, 406
Shipley, J.B., 411 Stoops, R. F., 321
Short, A. R., 290 Strabo, 225-26, 245, 271, 300, 316, 320,
Siegert, F., 253 354, 376, 380, 398, 415-16, 418, 427,
Simon, M., 91, 169, 186, 191, 206, 332, 410, 513, 522
476 Strack, H. L., 83
Simpson, E. K., 133, 169, 345 Strathmann, H., 187
Skeat, T. C., 360 Strecker, G., 278
Smalley, S. S., 61, 355, 435 Streeter, B. H., 11, 74, 76, 98, 284, 287, 336,
Smalley, W. A., 81 400
Smallwood, E. M., 91, 119, 140, 151, 391, Strobel, A., 8, 332
484 Suetonius, 142, 187, 274, 276, 288, 390-91,
Smith, B. T. D., 403, 406-7 412,471,491,495
Smith, D., 398 Suh!, A., 91, 276, 278, 373, 391, 445
Smith, G. A., 228 Suidas, 153, 471
Swain, J. W., 176
567
Sweet, J. P. M., 115 Tischendorf, C., 187

Swete, H.B., 31, 36, 430 Todt, H. E., 211
Sylva, D. D., 101 Torr, C., 510
Syme, R., 177, 354 Torrance, T. F., 118
Symmachus, 273 Torrey, C. C., 17, 44, 68-69, 74-75, 91, 102,
Synge, F. C., 206 127, 133, 141-42, 144, 146, 157, 167,
Syren, R., 229 208-9,217,219,246,262,273,276,285,
318,327,333,336,341, 345
Tacitus, 14, 35, 93-94, 101, 140, 271, 275- Trebilco, P. R., 360
76, 321, 372, 394, 470-71, 475, 484, 488, Trench, R. C., 116
491,537 Trites, A. A., 39, 106
Tajra, H. W., 91, 542 Trocme, E., 91
Talbert, C.H., 8, 15, 21, 23, 39, 46, 67, 91, Trompf, G., 532
106,241,361,448,509 Trudinger, L. P., 196
Tannehill, R. C., 91 Turner, C. H., 185, 357, 484
Tannenbaum, R. F., 253 Turner, N. See MHT, above
Tarn, W. W., 359 Tyndale, W., 70
Tasker, R. V. G., 77 Tyson, J. B., 91
Taylor, L. R., 177, 418
Taylor, T. M., 118 Ullendorff, E., 226
ten Cate, P. H. J. Howick, 319 Usshcr, J., 193
Tenney, M. C., 40
Terence, 501, 505 Valckenaer, L. C., 424
Tertullian, 2, 19-21, 25-26, 49, 71, 80, 107, Valentinus, 19-20
117, 123, 144, 158, 208, 218, 223, 289, van Bruggen, J., 400
309, 346-47, 363 van der Heeren, A., 81
Thackeray, H. St. J., 11, 16, 167, 281 Van Eldercn, B., 320
Theocritus, 156, 353, 517 van Unnik, W. C., 21, 91, 152, 225, 332, 405,
Theodore of Mopsuestia, 381, 384 412,455,543
Theodoretus, 289 Vegetius, 282, 399, 515, 534
Theodotion, 163, 222, 225, 284, 315, 360, Veltman, F., 15, 23, 39
364,502 Vermes, G., 123, 211, 233
Theophrastus, 219, 289 Verrall, A. W., 158
Theudas, 32 Vcttius Valens, 133, 169, 175, 179, 183, 209,
Thieme, G., 321 345,386,410,458,493,499
Thomas, G. S. R., 373, 536 Victorinus Afer, 159
Thomas, W. D., 359 Victorinus of Pcttau, 184
Thomas of Harke!, 71-72 Vielhauer, P., 27-28, 47, 55, 58, 311
Thompson, B. P., 510 Virgil, 488
Thomson, R. W., 76 Vitelli, G., 72
Thornton, T. C. G., 207 von Campenhausen, H., 85, 99, 445
Thrall, M. E., 464 von Soden, H .. 358
Thrasyllus, 389
Thucydides, 28-29, 34, 104, 287, 314, 344, Waddington, W. G., 121
375, 378,424, 476,509, 514, 524, 527, Wagner, G., 91
531 Walaskay, P. W., 24, 91
Thumb, A., 197, 281, 425 Walbank, F. W., 35, 356
Timaeus, 35 Walker, T., 83
568
INDEX OF AUTHORS
Wallace, R., 83 Wilckens, U., 37, 92

Wallace-Hadrill, D. S., 271 Wilcox, M., 9, 40, 69, 76, 92, 110, 133, 141,
Walter, N., 182 172,253,276,305
Warnecke, H., 530 Wilken, R. L., 28, 169, 271
Waszink, J. H., 91 Willi, H., 92
Watson, F., 459 Williams, C. S. C., 17, 74, 77, 92, 343
Webster, T. B. L., 362 Williams, W., 83
Wedderburn, A J. M., 115 Williamson, G. A, 176
Weder, H., 479 Wilson, J. M., 92
Wehner!, J., 4, 530 Wilson, R. McL., 19, 75, 219
Wehrli, F., 508 Wilson, S. G., 8, 26, 63, 92, 380
Weigandt, P., 81 Windisch, H., 181, 437
Weinreich, 0., 45 Wiseman, J., 390
Weinrich, W. C., 110, 403, 406 Wolff, H. W., 229
Weinstock, S., 116 Wolter, M., 406
Weiser, A, 83, 165, 332 Wood, H. G., 40, 332
Weiss, B., 45, 76, 83, 418 Wood, J. T., 416
Weiss, J., 91, 441 Workman, W. P., 515
Welles, C. B., 245 Wright, A, 296
Wellhausen, J., 49, 92, 400 Wright, G. E., 303
Wendland, H. D., 345 Wycherley, R. E., 376, 380-81
Wendt, H. H., 290, 473
Wenham, D., 69 Xenophon (historian), 43, 98, 140, 163, 263,
Wenham, G. J., 343 316,319,370,376-77,505,515,528
Wenham, J. W., 287 Xenophon of Ephesus, 416, 440
Wensinck, A J., 76
Wernicke, K., 417 Yadin, Y., 284, 451
Wesenberg, G., 321 Yoder, J. D., 76, 92
Westcott, B. F. See WH
Wetter, G. P., 181 Zadok, Rabbi, 391
Wettstein, J. J., 343, 523 Zahn, T., 7, 9, 13, 75, 102, 105, 107, 160,
WH (Westcott/Hort, Greek), 70-71, 76-77, 243, 255,282,293,441-42,468,493
99, 101, 105, 109, 157, 160, 207, 257, Zehnle, R. F., 128
290,305,356,488 Zeitlin, S., 154
Whiteley, D. E. H., 235 Zeller, E., 89, 92
Whybray, R. N., 229 Zimmerli, W., 140, 229
Wiegand, T., 428 Zuntz, G., 12, 71, 73-74, 332, 336, 341, 343,
Wikcnhauser, A, 92 428,436,461
Wikgren, A P., 80 Zweck, D., 380
569

The Acts of The Apostles The Greek Text With Introduction and Commentary

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r

nrn BOOK OF TIIE ACTS (NICNT)

THIRD REVISED AND ENLARGED EDITION

WILLIAM B. EERDMANS PUBLISHING COMPANY

First edition by Tyndale Press, London, 1951; second edition 1952

This third edition first published 1990

All rights reserved

Printed in the United States of America

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data

Preface to the Revised Edition XVI

List of Abbreviations xviii

VIII. ACTS AND THE PAULINE EPISTLES 46

TEXT AND COMMENTARY 97

1. A Cripple Healed in the Temple Precincts (3: 1-10) 135

2. Philip in Samaria (8:4-8) 216

2. Peter's Escape from Prison (12:5-11) 282

8. The Church of Antioch Receives the Apostolic Letter

VI. PAUL PLANS TO VISIT ROME VIA JERUSALEM AND

b. The resurrection hope (23:6-10) 465

F. WINTER IN MALTA (28:1-10) 530

of letters in which he dispelled my ignorance on many matters Anatolian. It is not

AASF Acta Academiae Scientiarum Fennicae

ASV American Standard Version ( 1901)

CD Book of the Covenant of Damascus (= Zadokite Work)

EHS Europaische Hochschulschriften

Id. ldyll(s) (Theocritus)

LSJ Liddell and Scott, Greek-English Lexicon, 9th edition, ed.

NTD Das Neue Testament Deutsch

4QFlor Anthology (Florilegium) of texts from Qumran Cave 4

SMB:SBO Serie Monographique "Benedictina": Section Biblico-

Vit. Philosoph. Lives of Philosophers (Diogenes Laertius)

1. The long-standing consensus on these Gospel prologues, represented by D. de Bruyne ("Les

2. The Author Was a Companion of Paul

3. The Author Was Luke the Physician

II. DATE OF ACTS

25. Seep. 3, n. 11 above and p. 275 below.

detailed account of events leading up to Paul's appearance before Caesar, we are

III. CANONICITY OF ACTS

arc on surer ground when we turn to Valentinus's contemporary Marcion: he cer-

IV. PURPOSE AND PLAN OF ACTS

A. LUKE'S PRIME PURPOSE

B. LUKE THE APOLOGIST

C. APOLOGETIC IN RELATION TO THE STATE

Yet a political apologetic is discernible throughout Luke-Acts. In the Third

D. APOLOGETIC IN RELATION TO THE CHURCH

II. Tert.AdNationcs 1.7.

VI. THE SPEECHES IN ACTS

VII. THE SOURCES OF ACTS

14. Sec P. W. Schmiedel, "Theudas," Enc. Bib., cols. 5049-57.

14. Sec P. W. Schmiedel, "Thcudas," Enc. Bib., cols. 5049-57.

20. See W. M. Ramsay, BRD, p. 309, n. 2.

VIII. ACTS AND THE PAULINE EPISTLES

3. K. Lake, The Earlier Epistles of St. Paul (London, 1911 ), p. 116.

C. LUKE'S PORTRAYAL OF PAUL

28. Seep. 18 above.

IX. THE THEOLOGY OF ACTS

tension of the gospel as the fulfillment of God's self-revelation progressively im-

X. STYLE AND LANGUAGE OF ACTS

XI. THE TEXT OF ACTS

A. THE BYZANTINE TEXT

B. THE ALEXANDRIAN TEXT