12 Fra'!
1ing Analy_sis: Examining Mass
Med1ated T our1sm Narratives
(ARLA ALMEIDA SANTOS
Oepartment of Recreation1 Sport and TourismI University of 11/inois at Urbana-
Champaign1 104 Huff Ha/11 1206 South Fourth Street1 Champaign1 IL 6 78201 USA
Any message which either explicitly or
implicitly defines a frame ...gives the receiver
instructions or aids in his attempt to
understand the message included in the frame.
(Bateson, 1972: 188)
Traditionally utilized in political communica-
tion research, the emphasis of framing the-
ory has been on the analytical identification
and examination of the ways by which lan-
guage codes establish power relations and
manifest themselves in the final stage of a
decision. Additionally, framing theory has
been identified as a viable resource in areas
such as negotiation research (Fischer and
Ury. 1981; Neale and Bazerman, 1985),
and mass media research (Gamson, 1992;
Entman, 1993; Berger, 1997). When
adopted in mass media research, framing
theory argues that frames are used to
emphasize and magnify a specific portien of
herceived reality', therefore contributing to
t e notion that journalists produce and re-
P~~uce similar narratives while claiming
(lJ9J'~7ctivity (Hackett, 1984; Be rkowitz,
7 ) In th· h
· · 1s c apter I address how fram-
ing theo ' to advance conceptual a~d theoret!ca
~ha . ry can assist tourism research by
tour~ing textual analysis of mass mediated
isrn na
in the e rratives; as such , framing a nalysis
dra\.V ontext of this chapter refe rs to the
Proc~~g of textual procedures. These textual
gies d ures, which consist of flexible strate-
ininoleveloped for the identification of te r-
ogy ut·1·
11ze d , as well as generaI
©CAB Interna .
tional 2005. Tourism Research Methods (eds 8 ·
l
narrative characteristics and thematic use ,
allow the researcher to progress from study-
ing tangible realities, such as tourism narra-
tives promoting specific tourist destinations
and hosts, to providing a conceptual inter-
pretation that furthers our understanding of
those realities. As an approach, framing
analysis allows tourism researchers to look
at a variety of mass mediated tourism mes-
sages and identify the interplay of media
and tourism practices, socio-cultural forces
and framing approaches. Therefore, fram-
ing analysis facilitates not only the distin-
guishing of the variety of frames utilized by
travel writers, but also the understanding of
how individual stories add up to something
bigger. Within the context of tourism
research, framing approaches allow for the
identification of the angles travel writers
capture, which in turn reveals the or~anizing
principies that make it natural f?r mforr_na-
tion to be included or excluded m a vanety
of tourism narratives (Reese et al. , 2 00 l ).
With this in mind, framing theory
and analysis permits tourism research_ers
1
d. . regarding tounsm narrative-
1scusswns I h b d
roduction practices and revea t e em _e -
P lt I oinponents of tounsm
ded socio-cu
. theura
aim cbeing to understand th e
market_tmg~odels of differentiation that mass
narra ive lo and that we
mediated mes_sag~s emp d ythe ·other' by
share of destinations an
149
Ritchie, P. Burns and C. Palmer)
,
C. Almeida Santos
150
examining and understand.mg the socio-
cultural working parts of narrative-produc-
tion. Ultimately, the concem is not with ~ow
realistic mass mediated tourism narratives
are as much as how destinations and the
·other· are organized and recognized in th~
minds of the mass media, since this orgarn-
zation and recognition will dictate, create,
and reproduce social hierarchies and degrees
of differentiation between us and them.
In my work, by identifying terminology,
general narrative characteristics and the-
matic use, I was able to identify and exam-
ine the representational dynamics utilized by
the New York Times, Washington Post,
Los Angeles Times and USA Toda y travel
sections' coverage of a particular tourism
destination: Portugal. This analysis allowed
me to identify the destabilizing framing prac-
tice of using contradictory frames - labelled
as traditional versus contemporary - in the
selected newspaper travel articles (Santos,
2004). Ultimately, findings allowed for the
discussion of how global identities, and
cultural-political relationships between
nations, are framed by tourism narratives
which are anchored in the socio-cultural and
political ideologies of the writer and reader.
In the following pages, I summarize
framing theory and analysis by discussing its
paradigmatic positions and conceptualiza-
tions, assessing its strengths and predica-
ments and how it can be informed by textual
procedures for the analysis of mass medi-
ated tourism narratives, and discuss how
tourism research can employ framing analy-
sis in order to identify, examine and con-
ceptualize representational dynamics in
tourism narratives.
Framing Theory and Analysis
Goffman (1 974), in his seminal work Frame
Analysis, offered an account of how expec-
ta~ions are used to make sense of daily situ-
ations. He suggested that individuals
organize their thoughts and experiences
u~der, a se~ies of frames based on the indi-
vidual s pnor experiences and knowledge
~n~ , . as ~uch, these frames constitute the
md1vidual s reality. For that reason, he con-
ceptualized framing as 'rendering wh
would otherwise be a ?1eaningless aspect ª~
the scene into somethmg that is rneaningf~•
(Goffman, 1974: 21). Consequently, due t
its interpretive nat~re, framing theory an~
its resulting analys1s lend themselves as an
analytical approach used by scholars to
access and understand how a variety of
issues are constructed, structured and devel-
oped by the mass media (Reese et al.
2001). '
Other scholars have also discussed
framing theory and proposed complemen-
tary conceptualizations; Gitlin (1980: 7)
described framing as 'persistent pattems of
cognition, interpretation, and presentation,
of selection, emphasis, and exclusion by
which symbol-handlers routinely organize
discourse' . Gamson (1989, 1992) concep-
tualized framing as the organizing theme in
news media accounts and argued that the
frames the mainstream media offer are used
by audiences to construct their own themes
for understanding social issues. And, finally,
Entman's (1993) framing articulated selec-
tion and salience as its main conceptualiza-
tions. It emphasized not only what is there
but also what is left out, or treated as not as
important. When writers or journalists
emphasize certain angles of an issue, they
'frame' the issue and, sorne would argue,
influence how the audience understands it.
Entman (1993: 52) states: 'to frame is to
select sorne aspects of a perceived reality
and make them more salient . . . in such a
way as to promote a particular problem def-
inition, causal interpretation, moral evalua-
tion, and/or treatment recommendation for
the item described'.
Moreover, there are two essential con-
ceptualizations of framing: sociological and
psychological. The sociological conceptual-
ization concentrates on and embraces inter-
pretative and rhetorical processes of media
discourse, as well as the processes of news
production and dissemination (Gitlin, 198Ü;
Snow and Bendford 1988 1992; Gamson,
' ' 1-
1992), whilst the psychological conceptua
izations concentrate on the organizing struc-
h h
º
ture of thought and the process by w _ic
audiences process and interpret informatton
(Kahneman and Tversky, 1984; Iyengar,
----------~~=~~---------_______
. pan and Ko~icki, 1993). These con-
1991, . tions wh1ch serve to guide the
1
Framing Analysis
cePtua .izaal and' analyt·te nat ure o f framing
oret1c d . d' .
the h are roote m para 1gmat1c posi-
t
researhc domínate the approach to framing
. ns t aThese mam . parad.1gmat·te positions
11°
theory·teractionism , structuralism and clis-
10
are: analysis (Alasuutari, 1995). The first
course ch interactionism, refers to how we
approaok 'at frammg. from a cogm·t·1ve view-.
t 1
ca~ in which different frames , when
potnred to the same spec1.fie s1·tuat·10n, can
1
apP out different interpretations and/or
turn d h
decisions. The secon approac , structural-
. refers to how the interpretation of
isrn,aning ta kes p1ace b y comb·mmg · ent ways, to mean different things. This
and
~e~otiating frames readily av~ilable and cre-
ted by a variety of mass med1ated messages
ªnd finally, the third approach, discourse
:nalysis, refers to how the 'framework con-
stitutes the situation' (Alasuutari, 1995:
111).
In addition, framing research can
explore frames as independent or depend-
en! variables. Studies of frames as depend-
en! variables usually involve the analysis of
the different factors operating in the cre-
ation or modification of frames (Tuchman,
1978; Gans 1979; Schoemaker and Reese,
1996). Conversely, when media frames are
studied as independent variables the
research deals with issues of effects of fram-
ing and therefore involves issues of influence
and impact by examining framing effects as
media effects (Entman, 1993; Pan and
Kosicki, 1993; Huang, 1996). Similarly, the
study of individual frames as the dependent
variable emphasizes that individuals' frames
are the outcome of the different media
frames they are exposed to (lyengar, 1987,
1889, 1991; Gamson, 1992; Price et al.,
l996). Of particular relevance to the study
r
of individual frames is the work of Price et
(1996: 496), who found that individuals'
rames do not exclusively depend on media
~~ve:age of an event or issue, but rather
. at individuals 'demonstrated a capacity to
:~:~duce th~ir own thoughts, going ?eyond
information provided and drawmg out
add· . ba sic
sorne · 1mp ·
· 11cations on their own . n
' I
lhe lt~on, the study of individual frames as
independent variable has served to
emphas1ze· the conne f
10
ual frames and inf e ~ between individ-
,:s,
political action P orrnatton processing or
context of ~et ently studied within the
1985· Kl dsoc1a movements (Garnson
S ' an errnans and Oegerna 1937'.
now and Bendford, 1988 ' 1992'.
Gerhards and Rucht 1992. E ' '
Rojecki, 1993). ' , ntman and
None íhe less, when analysed within
th e context of n
. ews med'ia organization and
prod~cbon, framing suffers from two major
hred1ca1:1ents. First, the definition suffers
om bemg too broad, mainly because it has
been used by different disciplines, in differ-
conceptual indeterminacy can only serve to
confuse. Second, scholars have often made
assumptions based on the notion that differ-
ences in frames will automatically provide
differences in outcome.
Often scholars put forth conclusions
about the effects of news frames in the
absence of evidence of consequences. In
The Pragmatics of Human Communica-
tion, Watzlawick et al. (1967) made the dif-
ferentiation between what is said , and how
what is said, is said. The assumption here
is that what a message is about and how it
is presented have impact upon how the
message will be understood, as well as the
responses it will create. However, lyengar
(1987 , 1989, 1991) found that the way the
news media frame a story and how the audi-
ence frames exactly the same story are not
always necessarily similar. As a matter of
fact, while a writer or joumalist may have an
intended emotional identification with a
character by framing the story in a specific
way, it may none the less evoke a com-
pletely different reaction (Graber, 1988;
Kintsch, 1988; Livingstone, 1990).
Scheufele (1999) also argued that framing
theory suffers from a lack of a clear concep-
tual definition and framework on which to
base its research. Entman (1~93: 51),
among others, believed that framm~ su:fe~s
from being a 'scattered conceptuahzatio_n '
partly because it has b~en used to descnbe
similar but definitely d1fferent approache~.
f this is the work of Ham1llf
An examp le O
(1986) who analysed concepts o
°
and L dge
frame, seh e m
a and scnpt an found on1y
• d
 C. Almeída Santos
152
f
phrasing differences between them_. In dd~
tion framing has been operati ona ize
alon~ with concepts of agenda setting an~
priming (Iyengar and Kinder, 1987), an
mass media scholars such as Mc~o~ bs et
al. (1997) proposed that framing is m fact
an extension of agenda setting. As ª result,
Scheufele (1999) proposed, in the same
way as Gitlin (1980) and Entman (1991_),
that we Iook at framing as mass media
frames versus individual frames, providing a
mass media focus to the analysis and orien-
tation of framing research. This work fol-
lows Kinder and Sander s' (1990: 7 4)
argume nt that frames serve as 'devices
embedded in political discourse'.
Keeping in mind these predicaments,
framing research must continue to explore
and examine how media frames are formed,
as well as which types of frames result from
factors such as differing ideologies, profes-
sional values, content, form and organiza-
tional constraints and routines (Scheufele,
1999). In addition, framing research must
continue to attemp t to answer questions of
differen ce between the perceived impor-
tance and salience of news frames, meaning
the perceived importance given to frames by
the audience and the ease of accessibility of
previous frames by the audience. Framing
studies have also neglected the processes
linking the key variables, meaning that they
have focused much on inputs and outputs
and little on the connections between the
two. Dunega n (1993) calls for the need to
explore the possibility that framing may be a
way to investigate different modes of cogni-
tive processing. The pertinent questions
here are whethe r audiences adopt media
frames , and the degree to which the audi-
ences use frames similar to the media
frames to do their own information process-
ing. Finally, there is a need to look at travel
writers and journalists and whether they are
susceptible to lhe very frames they use to
describ e events and issues.
The Use of Framing Analysis
According to Hanson e t al. (1998), textual
procedures seek to understand relationships
and differen ces by looking at the use of ter-
minology. Their main focus is on what
occurs, when, how, and in which context.
The Jabel 'framing analysis' used throughout
this chapte r refers to the drawing of textual
proced ures to exarr:iine the conte~ t of vari-
ous tourísm narrat1ves. As Babb1e (1 995:
312) argued , the conten t of messages con-
tained within a text can be classífied as
either manifest or latent conten t. Manifest
conten t refers to the 'visible , surface content
of commu nicatio n'. That is to say, there is
an assessm ent of the frequency of word
usage as an indicat or of the content . This
type of analysis is what is most commonly
referre d to as conten t analysi s, where
selected units of conten t (a word, phrase, or
sentenc e) are organiz ed and counted in
arder to determ ine frequen cy of use.
However, latent conten t refers to the under-
lying meanin g of the entire communication
derived throug h person al interpretation of
the material presen ted.
Textual proced ures and analysis are
perform ed when the researc her's goal is
with unders tanding the meanin gs associated
with the messag es rather than the number
of times messag e variables occur. Narrative
approa ches, for instanc e, will concentrate
on themes and stories within certain texts:
for instanc e, Berday es and Berday es (1998)
analyse d magaz ine articles on highwa y
inform ation and the world views they
express ed, while Kreps (1994) analysed the
narratives of health care experie nces of
nursing home residen ts in order to identify
sources of satisfaction and dissatisfaction for
elders in nursing homes , and Waitzkin et al.
(1995) analyse d major themes in narratives
regarding ageing and socia l problems in
medica! encoun ters. Still other work, such
as Altheide's (1996), blends quantitative and
qualitative proced ures and measurements by
combining traditional objective analyses of
messag es with data interpr etation made on
the basis of observ ation. In his work,
Altheid e (1996) combin ed participant obser-
vation of electro nic media with analysis of
online messag es in order to understand and
provide useful inte rpretat ions of the uses
and functions of new media techno logy•
This chapte r and the framing analysis it
 present the search for the latent
roPºses r\edded in tourism narratives by
~0ntent ern textual procedures. For that rea-
l . g on h f
lJrJ1v1J1 focus is on t e recurrence o certain
, 0 n. thef ontent insofar as it reveals an
;t•pes .0 s~ of cultural beliefs and norms.
111,plicJt (1987: 57) contended that cul-
5ehudso; are 'ways a culture thinks out loud
wral te_x s lf, In the case of tourism narra-
¡ 1tse · fl
c1boU hose narratives re ect what we think
ti1·e5- tthe destination, hosts and their reali-
¡¡t,out well as how our culture and its ide-
ti~- .: vieW function and the socio-cultura l
cl09' . the world of the Other. Gergen
't:s~~
1. Id is
267) stated 'the terms by which the
understood are social artifacts,
i,or · Uy s1·tuat e d m
· t ereh anges
oducts of histonca
~ ong people' . If we accept th: construc-
tivist paradigm proposed by Lmcoln and
Guba (1985), then we must assume that
reality is a construction in people's minds.
Nevertheless, there are multiple and contra-
dictory constructions provided by a variety
0¡ inforrnation sources. In the process of
deciding which of these sources are 'most
truthful', individuals tend to look at the truth
proposed by those who are most knowl-
edgeable on the topic and seem to com-
mand a bigger consensus (Schwandt, 1998).
In this case, travel writers and joumalists are
viewed as most knowledgea ble on the topic,
and therefore should provide an image of
the 'location's reality' . Finally, construc-
tivism partakes of both science and human-
ism, therefore content methodolog ies owe
much to it, in the sense that it allows for a
merging of science and humanism (Smith,
l988). Analysis used to evaluate written or
spoken records for the occurrence o f spe-
~ific categories of events items or behav-
10
urs has been conducted' with a variety of
;~ics, .such as mock juror deliberation s
orowitz, 1985) and televisio n drama con-
1
ent }~reenberg, 1980). . the socio-cultural l:SPª~ne example of this
how trthe ¡context .
of tourism an analys1s of
' .
exp¡ . ave wnters and journalists descnbe,
host: in an~ situate tourism destinations a_nd
Patt Provides insight into how discurs1ve
erns
lionsh· serve to describe and define re a-
¡ messages we ~r
º!1
these ~~ us ~ersus them. Understand ing
crea¡¡ e ationsh1ps, their creation and re-
0 structing an
n of the dominant ideology and para-
digms, and th .
ica l and eir Potential to
tourism socio-cultural c revea! the eth-
marketing and ornponents of
needed considerin prornotion is rnuch
r:se~rch involvin s~ ~hat current tourisrn
nes is limited ing its cit. ?sychological theo-
understand mass m:d~hty to analyse and
tourism. As such iated messages of
different 'frame ' we need to search for a
frameworks that upon wh· h t
cond·1~ o examine our
experience and action Jt1on . and explain
of our choices and h· hl~~eshon the ethics
our knowledg'e d ig ig t the partiality of
35 . an control' (F
). In its current state 't . ox, 2000:
exposes a dee fl . . o~nsrn research
Specifically' a ~e~:d~1 d1~c1plline th?ught.
t ogica cornrn1trnent
o, or at least a dependence upon the
assump~ion of cultural hornogeneity ~thin
the vanous fields of study' (MacCannell
1989: 2). Therefore, it is only logical ancl
perhaps necessary to question tourism's
:ese~rch methodologies; this questioning
~llummates interpretive approaches, allow-
mg for further investigation and understand-
ing of individuals' experiences in the context
of their everyday actions and creation of
meanings, particularly mass mediated culti-
vated meanings. Ultimately, organizing prin-
cipies in mass mediated tourism narratives
persistently promote destinations and events
within a context that fits the organizing
ideas of the writer and the audience.
Correspondingly, the analysis of the factors
that influence this frame persistence is pos-
sible through the use of framing analysis.
Framing Perspectives in t~e Context of
Tourism Narrat,ves
Organizations such as UNESCO pr~~~~~
that further theoretical frameworks be .
duced in order to_inves!i~~: v:!~e~~~~ :
mediated messag . t·onal messages of
· the promo 1
variety is . . ns and hosts. Throug.h the
tourism destinatio rnass med1ated
ntemporary · 1
power o f co e becorning increasing y
d distind cultures of
aware of the va~1ous an rocess we are con-
the world, and in :hge ~pinions about these
d forrnin
(T
1 54 c. Alm e ida San tos

cultures. This mass mediated constructio idealized ver sio n of a culture (Ad
n ~f
cultures, along with the increasing acce 198 4).
arns,
ss1-
bility of remote destinations facilitated Morgan and Pritchard (1998) da·
by •
tourism, is transforming traditional cult
ural tha t cultural me anm gs bom frorn tounne .
ct
notions. People from remote areas and pro ces ses pos ses s a breadth of symboli nsrn
cul- srn
tures are increasingly coming into con wid~r tha n the actu al consumptio
tact n of
with one ano the r; ali you have to do is tou nsm pro duc ts and places themselv
look e
around you , and you will see tha t more Identities are cre ate d according to the
and do~~
mo re we are coming into contact with ina nt value systems and meanings. 'Jus
indi- tas
viduals wh o are and look, at least on the tourism sites are associated with "particu
sur- lar
face , different from us. It is no lon values, historical events and feelings
ger ", so
unc om mo n for us to embark on jou values, feelings and events are used to
rneys pro-
tha t take us half-way around the world. mo te suc h sites, reinforcing the dom
And inant
the images we carry with us are increas ideologies' (Morgan and Pritchard, 199
ingly 8:
determined by the mass media. 3). The refo re, wh en an individual's und
Within this environment, tourism has er-
standing of a destination and culture is
recognized the opportunity for its pro lim-
mo - ited , the me dia 's framing can becom
tion and has enlisted the assistance of e the
the main refe ren ce. Considering that med
mass media . Currently, the re are man ia
y coverage of a destination and hosts
examples of this cooperation; in travel pre-
mag- dates actual exp osu re, by the time exp
azines, travel television channels and new osure
s- occurs one already has a dominant fram
pap er travel sections a discourse is taki e on
ng which to rely . No ne the less , a vari
place tha t stresses the need for travel, ety of
and practices con trib ute to this framing of
promises in return, pleasure, relaxation desti-
and nat ions and hos ts. For instance, limi
the development of a culturally respons ted
ive spa ce and res our ces cau se travel writers
self. Van Do orn (1984) argued tha t and
while journalists to fra me ano the r culture
researchers must isolate tourism from or
oth er gro up. Wh en travel writers and joum
sources of social change (such as alists
mass cover a des tina tion the y are give n only
media), it is hardly possible to do so, a
esp e- limited am oun t of spa ce and resource
cially from the standpoint of the tou s to
rist wo rk with; with the se typ es of limitatio
whose only knowledge of the locals com ns it
es is alm ost impossible to clearly define
from the media. Ultimately, the tou a cul-
rist ture or gro up; ins tea d, facts and hard
enters the destination with a frame of selling
refe r- info rma tion are given priority .
ence of locals, wh o combine submissive
-like An oth er com mo n practice is the fre-
attitudes with linguistic skills tha t allow
the m que nt use of simplification to describ
to do their job , 'an d wh o in any cas e do e real-
not ity. Ben net t (19 83) believe s tha t mass
sha tter the meticulously, pre judiced, media
pre- ten d to loo k at the 'small picture ' inst
constructed ima ge of picturesque pov ead of
erty' the 'big pic ture ' sur rou ndi ng an
(van Do orn , 198 4: 77) . When it com event.
es to Th ere is also the sto ry's angle,
tourism , the combination of people, which
ideas requires, am ong other things, that
and images doe s not exist separately travel
from writers and jou ma lists cho ose an ang
the tourist ; inst ead , Uzzell (19 84) arg le aocl
ued intr oduce the des tina tion and its
tha t the y are give n to the tourist in ord ho5ls
er to accordingly. By doi ng this, travel writers
help to cre ate his or her own fantasi es aocl
and jou ma lists often give a subjective trea
me anings. Considering this, Wearing tm~nt
and to a des tina tion and its hosts by igno
We aring (19 96) pro pos ed that the per nng
sonal
and sometimes misleading me anings other alte rna tive s. 'Re por ters can
tha t agree
tourists con struct of the tourist space abo ut the "facts" but still dist ort an eve
be nt by
incl~ded in the pre sen t day ana lyse pursuing one angle and the reby rem
s of ovin~
tou nsm . After ali, tourists ofte n look for the eve nt from the con text in whi
the ch it
culture that the tourism industry has def occurre d , in which it wo uld be mo re
ine d (u\\y
for them rather tha n see k a genuine, underst ood ' (Alt heide, 199 6: 177 ).
less
By using the basic rule s 0 f Í1 ,,~,11 1c11t,,
 ~ ----==-~----------~15
Framing Analysis
coverage, mass media .with its
f newsower to frame a g1ven . s1tuation
·on o
t, ous p framework can frame 1ssues
,nof1 11 •al
d Portugal was ~azmes a~ross the USA.
v soc1 k I d
l
J1 atl, b'ases prior now e ge an expe-
1)
, donQomke
l10~c
I '
(19~ 7 : argued that 'in
11cncesj scholarsh1p sugges ts that the
pJrticUar. play a central role in shapin g and
pr,.,ss rn~Yg racial values and attitud es' . For
. forc1n in the case o f th e covera ge of
re1t1
wt~nc~ ~tinations and their people , labels
5 .
t0L1fl \ describe tourist destin ations and
11~~ ~ idents imply evalua tions and con-
[fl~ir Sruch Jabels 'not only place and identify
;~e
. -,t
events; they assign events to a con-
. Thereafter the use of the !abe! is likely
h I f t·1al contex t
,ext. th.
Obill·ze 1s w o e re eren
'º .
· ·thíl1ali its associated meanm gs and conno -
11~005 · (Hall et al. , 1978: 19).
:a
Case Study: Framing Portugal
My approach to framing analysis propa ses
and embraces a sociological perspe ctive
which stresses that tourism narrati ves are
performative, epistemological and not given
to objective or value-n eutral depict ion, and,
for those reasons, allow for the identification
and revelation of repres entatio nal dynamics
developed within a domin ant cultural sys-
tem. In a study of the New York Times ,
Washington Post, Los Angel es Times and
USA Toda y travel section s the goal was to
revea! representational dynam ics in the
American coverage of tourism in Portug al
50 as to participate in the debate over news
media and tourism (Santo s, 2004) . As such,
1explored the vario us ways in which news-
paper travel articles reprod uce and articu-
late local and nation al socio-c ultural
re l't'
ª11es. The New York Times ,
Wash·ington Post, Los Angeles Times and
US
be A Toda y travel sectio ns were chose n
cause of their status as nation al newsp a-
Pers b ·
nat·1 eing acknowledged as setting the
onal news media.
format . These newsp a-
Pe rs Pr .d
select f~vi e an approp riate sample of the
of • w newsp apers to make regula r use
intern t'10
beca ª nal trave l writers ·' moreo ver,
Use ·t 1·5
sarn ! comm on to find article s by the
rnage ~nter in a variety of newsp a pers and
azines the same frame s are like ly to
reappe ar' and be d .
. papers and ma u_phcated , in other news-
insight it prov1·dc os~n mamly due to the
destmat . ions ex es .mto We 5tern European
1
reposition th . pbonng_ alternatives that will
'
sea and sun' holida 9:
e1r rand ima f
rom a low-cost
mterna tional cul-
tura! and h •t Y to an
en age attraction.
199:11 feature articles published between
and 2002 were identified Featur
art1cles were selected since their . . . e
l ff reportí no
sty e o hers greater detall and theref ore ~
I ch to the
r~ve_a s t e tourism desks' approa
s~grnficance of certain themes. Furtherrnore
sm:e they concentrate on a particular desti~
nabon they provide specific modes of socio-
'
cultural representation. Letters to the editor
articles that made reference to Portugal i~
connec tion with other destinations, as well
as articles with fewer than 500 words, were
excluded from the analysis. The 7-year time
frame was selected to trace any eventual
change s in the newspapers' general focus.
Articles in which the words 'Portugal' or
'Portuguese' appear ed along with 'tourism ',
'travel' , 'leisure ', 'discovery', 'joumey' or
'vacation' were identified. This data collec-
tion process was done by first using the aca-
demic universe news database Lexis Nexis,
then each newspaper's online database was
search ed to verify the Lexis Nexis finding s.
Finally, each original printed newspaper's
travel section was found and ali articles were
photoc opied.
Betwe en 1996 and 2002 a total of 45
featur e articles were publish ed, and
although this may be perceived as ª. s1:1all
sampl e, it ¡5 representative of the hm1te?
variety of cultural observations. Next. arti-
cles were analyse d in three stages by three
individual coders . This was don~ to ensure
that the frames identified were mdeed per-
ceived similarly by more than one coder. 1~
t of the analysis process. first. narr~
erms . d' ·d II by each coder m
tives were read m ivt ua Y .
their totality for termin ology use, e~surlmg a
of the varied termin o ogy.
.
collect ton . f descriptions based on
Second, a vanety ·gned to each articled'by
o
. I gy were ass1 d coders met to 1s-
te rmino o Th'
individual _c oders. an: description findings,
cuss termmology ·¡ descriptions to be
allowing for s1m1 ar
r 156
C. Almeida Santos
. d and appropriately labelled. T~is
combme · descnp-
allowed for frequently reappeanng rt d
· ¡ to be so e
tions based on termino ogy
accordingly from more abstract to m~re
specific descriptions. By developing descrt-
tions and considering theme frequen~y' re a-
tionships and differences in frammg are
revealed and analytic focused frameworks
are developed. . argued, 'narratives are not only structures of
While framing analysis, with the aid of
textual procedures, allows for the id~ntifica-
tion of frames, in itself it does httle to
explain the significance of the findings. !h_e
strength of framing theory and analys1s 1s
that it demands that findings be discussed
within the theoretically sound context it pro-
vides; and, indeed, this can occur by simply
taking one's distance to one's own field.
With insufficient theoretical discussion of
their findings researchers might end up with
just descriptive accounts, thus there is need
to incorporate a strong theoretical frame-
work and discussion to better understand
how, in this particular case study, tourism
destinations are represented and why they
are represented in the ways they are.
Therefore, armed with analytic focused
frameworks, and an analysis of the relation-
ships and differences in framing, I was then
able to explore the ways in which the iden-
tified narratives reproduced and articulated
local and national socio-cultural realities, as
well as where they located the writer and
reader.
This process of contextualizing findings
can only occur when the theoretical frame-
w?rk, as well as the research goal, is kept in
mmd. Since the goal of my study was cen-
tre? on being able to provide a connecting
po1_nt where news media, tourism and mar-
keting meet and interconnect in order to
revea! socio-cultural relationships I
'd d b ' was
gu1 ~ , Y a necessity to investigate mass
~ed1a s capacity to address critica! public
issue~; the exploratory nature of this stud
and its methodology allowed me to d . y
th t UI . o JUSt
~ . hmately, framing analysis relies not
on y on t~xtual procedures but also o
need contmuously to ask wh d . n a
pen? And, so what? Wh a:e oes it hap-
sages important? What d~ th these mes-
our society and med· . ey say about
ia prachces? Where do
they locate hosts, writers and reade ?
Because mass mediated travel narratives rs.
shaped by marketing efforts with the ;;~
mate goal of generating audiences, they ar~
sustained by a greater freedom to igno
questions pertine_nt to is~ues of inequaliu:~
and injustice, wh1ch I beheve are important
when it comes to safeguarding cultural iden-
tity. As Turner and Bruner (1986: 144)
meaning but structures of power'.
Given the exploratory nature of this
research, as well as the limited literature on
the use of mediated messages of tourism
destinations, much of the basis for my dis-
cussion and interpretation of the findings
arose from my belief that American travel
writers and journalists mediate the socio-
cultural and political relationship between
the USA and host countries by promoting
American beliefs, priorities and perspec-
tives. Ultimately, my findings allowed me to
discuss how, by forcing destinations into the
context of the reader, the reader is pre-
sented with his or her own views (Santos,
2004). For that reason, we must continue to
reflect upon methods that bring tourism nar-
ratives into a frame of analysis that will ulti-
mately show its representations as
negotiated, constructed and partía! (Clifford,
1986; Street, 1996).
lssues of Validity and Values
In view of the fact that I discuss how the
basis for my research evolved from my
beliefs regarding the creation process of
~ourism narratives, it is only necessary that 1
introduce a discussion regarding issues of
validity and values in framing research. As a
researcher, I believe that the question is not
so much whether validity is important in the
field of qualitative tourism research, but,
r~th~r, whether that validity is situated
withm qualitative research or is a remnant of
quantitative tourism research. Kincheloe
and Melaren (1998: 287) maintain that
validity 'reflects a concern for acceptance
within a positivist concept of research rigor· ·
A positivist rigour, therefore, should not be
forced int o qua¡·1tative . wor k , who,s"(
 Framing Analysis
h s' preoccupation is with the tradi-
researc ~:ería utilized in order to evaluate
uo11al en ret qualitative research problems.
a!ld ¡nterP d·t· 1 ·tena 11zed to
· ut·1·
II the tra 11ona en
After ª v~lidity and adequacy were formu-
asse55 d essentially owned by positivism,
lat~~hªI'or centuries has justified the use of
wh1 ·t ti·ve work (Altheide and Johnson
quantl a
199~~ such, the call for the approach to
·d·ty should be replaced with a concern
vaht~stworthiness in one's work. This trust-
for rthiness can be accomplished through
woth the use of 'credibility of portrayals of
bo structed realities' and 'anticipatory
concommodation ' , meamng · the understand-
~cg that everyday situations cannot easily be
1 observer has an inherent and active role in
~udied through the application of general-
~zations, but rather require accommodation
to the situation (Kincheloe and Melaren,
1998: 288). The problem exists, however,
in deciding how to prove a document' s
authenticity. Throughout history numerous
falsifications have been masterminded by
individuals in order to appropriate money
from the social sciences (Berg, 1998).
Therefore, the notion of authenticity and
reality, which are consequently intercon-
nected, must be taken into consideration.
An authentic document can 'produce' reality
just as muchas it can 'produce' supposition.
The proof of reality líes not only within the
document itself but also with the intentions
and readings of ' investigators, researchers
and the audience. 'The qualitative
researcher studies social action and cultural
sensitivity situated in time and place; the
move to generalize in the traditional sense is
neither warranted nor particularly desirable'
(Lindlof, 1995: 238). Ultimately, qualitative
research is a process in the sense that the
t . , f
o_un_sm researcher approaches issues rom
~ithin a set of ideas, a framework, and an
interpretive community and as such, its
Work must be constantl~ reviewed and con-
ternplated.
Therefore issues of validity may shift
' more importantly, appro-
acc. ord'1ngly and
pna1_tely. According to Janesick (1998: SO),
va 1dity · h t do
With m _qualitative research _as 0
Wh descnption and explanatton, and
ether or not a given explanation fits ª
157
given description' As .
(1998: 24) rern· d. Denzm and Lincoln
m us 'A
filtered through th .
' ny gaze 1s always
1
are no objective' ob~:~
der, social class r: ensesdof language, gen-
a~ ethnicity. There
tions socially situ t d _ahons, only observa-
observer and thª e bm the ~orlds of the
' tourism resea h e o served · Q ua¡·t1 at·1ve
le re ers rnust continue to strug-
g to derno~strate how qualitative work
accesses mulbple tourisrn realities , hurnan
m . d.
eanmg~ an mteractions from an insider' s
perspectiv~. Kuhn (1970) and Toulmin
(1972) beheve that research is conducted
from within a certain global perspective or
world view which shapes the process of
research itself; meaning, 'the rnind of the
the process of knowing' (Pearce et al.,
1982: 22). And, while a positivist notion
insists on research as a 'value free ' activity,
others suggest that it cannot easily be sepa-
rated from a set of values that domínate a
culture or an individual (Longino, 1990).
Furthermore, sorne have begun to address
the importance of making the researcher's
personal point of view known to the reader
and how these same preconceptions actu-
ally work to shape the nature of the
research (Creswell, 1998).
Conclusion
Mass mediated tourism narratives represent
cultural producís in which local,_~ationa_l and
international ideologies, trad1tions, m_flu-
ences trends and experiences are art1cu-
lated,' produced and negotia!ed by
·ve tourists. These narratives are
prospect1 d .d t'ty
·t f knowledge production an 1 en I
s1 es o . As cultural commod't' I ies
these
forma t10ns. ¡ r 1
n arratives revea! local, regiona ' llna ionsa
. ns as we as .sy -
d internationa1 concer '
an f ntation and constructlon,d ·
tems O. represe t with transnational tren s m
which mtersec d1·a's tendencies to
. nd mass me ¡
tounsm a fl t and construct comp ex
both shape, re ec 1·t· s can sometimes be
. . These rea I ie 1
reahties. . ut awareness of the loca,
constructed w1th~ al and in the process
regional and na~1on tor and the tourist
place the trave_ 1sec olitical and cultural
·de the socia ' p
OUtSI
 c. Almeida Santos
158

ologies tr~nsmitte? by them are ali impor-

ramifications of tourism. It is here that fram-
ing analysis can contribute the most. Lea
(1988: 2) argues that, 'there is no other
international trading activity which involves
such critical interplay among economic,
political, environmental, and social elements
as tourism'. Hence, due to its great influ-
ence, it is important that we look at how the
mass media construct, describe and locate
different populations, ethnic groups and
nations, and how they choose to communi-
cate those powerful cultural justifications
and representations {i.e. framing). Ulti-
mately, news media coverage of tourism,
and its discourse, is not only universal, it is
often unquestioned and presupposed.
The literature on framing asserts that
media create frames about issues. These
frames become the way the public 'knows'
the information. Therefore, by using fram-
ing analysis to look at issues of tourism des-
tinations and hosts, we are able to identify
these frames. In addition, how the frames
define the situations and the people involved
in them, how production practices may
contribute to them, and what are the ide-
tant quesbons. Ulbmately, I am interested.
knowing how touri~t destinations, even:
and issues are or~arnzed and r:nade sense of
by media profess1onals. Frammg is particu-
larly useful because it allows me to examin
the available verbal an? visual symboli~
instruments used by media, as well as con-
nect the private interests, culture, media
production practices and more in order to
understand the socio-cultural apparatus
behind them. As Lutz and Collins (1993: 3)
in their work Reading Nationa /
Geographic, demonstrate: 'representa-
tions... are never irrelevant, never uncon-
nected to the world of actual social
relations'. While news media are often seen
as straightforward evidence of the world
news media coverage reflects as much about
whom it is writing about as it reflects about
who is writing it and to whom it is being
written. American travel narratives repre-
sent American desires, fears and special
interests more than they reflect the desires
fears and special interests of those bein~
covered (Santos, 2004).

References

Adams, K.M. (1984) _Come to Tana Toraja: land of the heavenly kings. Travel agents as brokers in ethnicity.
Annals of Tounsm Research 11 , 469-485.
Alasu_utari, P. (1995) Researching Culture: Q ualitative Method and Cultural St dº s L d
A lthelde, D.L. (1996) Q ualitative M edia Analysis. Sage, Thousand Oaks, Calif~r~~:: age, on on.
A lth eide, ~ .L. and Johns~n, J.M. (l 998) Criteria for assessing interpretive validity in qualitative research. In:
g : ~:,'~ a~f:~n~:~ PL~~~~I~ ~·;·_(eds) Collecting and lnterpreting Qualitative MateriaIs. Sage, Thousand

Babbie, E. (1995) The Practice of Social Research, 7th edn W adsw h 1 • .

Bateson, G. (1972) Steps toan Eco/o of Mind· C · . ort , Be mont, Cal1forn1a.
0 11
Epistemology. Chandler PubliJin F. . ected Es~ays _m Anthropology, Psychiatry, Evolution and
g, 5an rancIsco, California.
Bennett, W .L. (1983) News: the Politics of lllusion. Longman, New York
Berdayes, L.C. and Berdayes, V. (1998) The information hi h . . . .
Journal of Communication 4 ( ),
8 2 109_124 _ g way in contemporary magazine narrat1ve.
Berg, B.L. (1 998) Qualitative Research Methods for the . .
Heights, Massachusetts. Social Sc,ences, 3rd edn. A llyn & Bacon, Needham
Berger, A.A. (1997) Narratives in Popular Cu/tu .
Ca liforni a. re, Media and Everyday Life. Sage, Thousand Oaks,
Berkowitz, D. (1997) Social Meanings of New . T
B I R s. a , ext-reader S Th
ut er, .W . ( 1999) Understanding tourism
fl Ih · 1n.. Jac kson E L a · d age,
B
ousand Oaks, California.
. or e Twenty-First Century. Venture Publish in ' · · n urton, T.L. (eds) Leisure Studies: Prospects

Poet,cs and Politics of Ethnography un·

Creswell, J.W. (1998) Qualitative fnqui;y a;~e~ity
·. t
CI ,fford, J._ (1986) lntroduction: partial lruths. In· Cl~ff St~te College, Pennsylvania, pp. 97-118.
1
O
'_J. and Marcus, G.E. (eds) Writing Culture. The
;alifor~ia Press, Berkeley, California, pp. 1- 26.
Thousand Oaks, Ca lifornia. esearc 1 Des,gn: Choosing Among Five Traditions. Sage,
 Framíng An,1lysíc,
Vi')

~ n, Y.5. (1 998) lntroduclion, cntering thc ficld ni, . . .

N.K• and Y.S. (eds) Collcctin¡.: and lnterprctin¡.: ()ualít ~/' ¡ualit,,t,~c! rcsc,m.h. In: IJcn, · N K
¡ent ll 1' unco1n, , IV(' Mt1 /(!flt1ls. St1 I ( • In, , ,
1 1nd . ¡Jp 1- 34. g ., í hou~and (} 1k,
' 'ª . f . d d'
0 ¡¡forn(199' 7) Journalísts, raming, an rscoursc about racc rcl"ª t·ron~. Journ ti'
' ,,
d .
,n~r, Q. hs 164(4), 1- 56. e ,sm ,l/1 Communi< alírm

ro r
¡\tfonog aP(1993 ¡ Framing, cognitive modes, and image thcory· 1 d
cg,111, K.H. f Appfíed Psychology 78(3), 491 - 503. · owar an undcrstanding r,f a glass half
ron Journa1)oFraming US coverage of .rnternatronal .
news: Contr t5 .111 .
1ull. 91
e ,111, R. (l 9 Journal of Communícation 41 (4), 6- 2 7. as narrat,vcs o f the KAL and lran air
1111
Ln . I·dents. . d 1 'f' . f
,nc ) Framing: towar e arr rcatron o a fractured paradígm. J . .
fnt111,1n, R. (1 993 ouma1of Commumcation 4114¡,
51- 58· d Rojecki, A. (1993) Freezíng out the public: elite and med· f .
fntnian, R. an Política/ Communication 10(2), 155- 173. 'ª
raming of the US antinudear
movemen I. .
d Ury w. (1981) Gettmg to Yes. Houghton Mifflin1 Boston , Massac husetts.
her R. an ' . .
r,sc '
fox, K. (2
oOO) Echoes of lersure: questrons, challenges, and potentials Jour ¡ Of L .
· na e1sure Research 32(1),
32-36, ff , 1 1· . 1 .
W.A. (1985) Go ~an s ~?acy to po_rtrca s~crology. Theory and Socíety 14(5), 605_622 _
50111
carn w.A. (1992) Tafk,ng Poht,cs. Cambridge Unrversity Press, Cambridge UK
' on. nuclear p
Garnson, A and Mo d.rg 1·ranr,· A • (1989) Med.ra d'rscourse and public opinion
Garnson, W· · . ower: a con-
struction ist approach. The Amencan Journal of Socíology 95(1 ), 1-3 7.
H (1979) Deciding What's News. Pantheon, New York.
Gans, · h . • .
Gergen, K.J. (1985) T e socia 1 constructronrst movement in modern psychology. American Psychologist
40(3), 266-275.
Gerhards, J. and Rucht, D. (1992) Mesomobilization: organizing and framing in two protest campaigns in
west Germany. The American }ournal of Sociology 98(3), 555-596.
Gitlin, T. (1980) The Whole World is Watching: Mass Medía in the Making and Unmaking of the New Left.
University of California Press, Berkeley, California.
Goffman, E. (1974) Frame Analysís: an Essay on the Organizatíon of Experience. Harper & Row, New York.
Graber, D. (1988) Processing the News: How People Tame the lnformatíon Tide, 2nd edn. Longman, New
York.
Greenberg, B.S. (1980) Life on Television: Current Analysis of US TV Drama. Ablex, Norwood, New Jersey.
Hackett, R.A. (1984) Decline of a paradigm? Bias and objectivity in news media stud ies. Critica/ Studies in
Mass Communication 1(3), 229-259.
Hall, S., Critcher, C., Jefferson, T., Clarke, J. and Roberts, B. (1978) Polícing the Crisis: Mugging, the State,
and Law and Order. Macmillan, London.
Hamill, R. and Lodge, M. (1986) Cognitive consequences of political sophistication. In: Lau, R.R. and Sears,
O.O. (eds) Political Cognition. Earlbaum, Hillsdale, New Jersey, pp. 69- 95.
Hanson, A., Cottle, S., Negrin, R. and Newbold, C. (1998) Mass Communication Research Methods. New
York University Press, New York. . . . . .
Horowitz, I.A. (1985) The effects of jury nullification instructions on verdicts and jury funct,oning in crimi-
nal trials. Law and Human Behavior 9(1 ), 25- 36.
th
Huang, K.S. (1996) A comparison between media frames and audience frames: the case of e Hill-1:ho~as
controversy. Paper presented at the Annual Conference of the lnternational Communicat,on
Association Ch· i11 · · . . The American Política/
lyen ar , rcag~, rno1s. .
g '. S. (l 987) Televrsion news and citizens' explanatrons of national affairs.
Soence Revíew 81(3), 815 - 83 1· ·
lyen,a ·bTt
11 American}ournalot
g r, S. (l 989) How citi zens think about national issues: a matter of responsi Y·
Po/· · Scien 33(4) . . .
lyengar tt/cal
S ce , 878- 900. . . 1 1 5 UniversIty of Ch1cago
p ' · (l 991 l Is Anyone Responsible? How Television Frames Pol,tica ssue ·
ress, Chicag 111·inors. . . . f
. an Opinion Un1vers1ty o
1Yengar S o,
, and K' I · · n ~nd Amenc ·
Ch· · inder, D.R. (1987) News that Matters: Te evisw e
)anesick,icago Pr Ch' .
V ess, 1cago, Illinois. . . ta hor methodolatry, and mearnng. ~n:
De .· (199 8) The dance of qualitative research desrgn. me P. 's Thousand Oaks, Cali fornia,
nzIn N K . f Q 1·t r·ve 1 lnqU1ry. age,
pp, ~ · · and L1ncoln, Y.S. (eds) Strategies o ua ' a
K~hnernan
35
is.
Kincheloe '¡ · ª Tversky, A. (1984)
nd Choices, values, and frames. Ad
merican Psychologist 39(4), 34_1- 350.
litative research. In: Denzin, N.K.
' .L. ª Mel aren, P.L.
nd (1998) Rethinking critical theory an qua
 C. Almeida Santos
160

/"tative Research: Theories and lssues. Sage, Thousa d

and Lincoln, Y.S. (eds) The Landscape O( Q ua I n
Oaks, Ca lifornia, pp. 260-299 · . . k' olitical debate with survey questions: the case of White
Kinder, D.R. and S~nder~, L.M._(199 0) Mimic ;°g· ~ Cognition 8(1), 73-103.
opinion on affirmat1ve action for black:. d~cia se comprehension: a construction-integration rnodel
Kintsch, W. (1988) The role of knowledge in ,scour ·
Psychologica l Review 95(2), 163 182
- · . networks motivations, and barriers: steps towards par
Klandermans, B. and Oegema, D. (1987) P~tent,a 1s'. / . a/ Review 52(4) 519-531. -
. . . . . 1 vements Amencan 5ocio og1c ,
t1c1pat1on in socia mo. · in the critica! incidents reported by elderly health care residents: a nar-
Kreps, ~ -L. (1994)_Gender d1fference~ Turner L (eds) Differences That Make a Difference: Examining the
rat1ve analys1s. In: Sterk, H. an .' : e and Cender. Bergin and Garvey, West
Assumptions of Research in Commun1cat1on, Languag ' P0 rt,
Connecticut, pp. 27-34. . • f ch· p ch· 111· ·
Kuhn, T.S. (1970) The Structure of Scien • (fi.
I ic
Revolutions Univers1ty o ,cago ress, ,cago, inois.
· d L don
Lea J (1988) Tourism and Development in the Third World. Rout1e ge, ~n C · l'f .
Lin~oin Y S and Guba E.G. (1985) Naturalistic lnquiry. Sage, Beverley Hills, ª ,dor niak. C .f .
Lindlof,' T.R.
· · (1995) Qualitative
' Communication Research Method5· Sage, Thousan 0 a s, a1I ornia •
Livingstone, S. (1990) Making Sense of Television. Pergamon, Ne~ Y~rk. .
Longino, H.E. (1990) Science as Social Knowledge. Princet~n Un'.vers,.ty Press,_Princeton, Ne:' Jersey.. .
Lutz, C. and Collins, J.L. (1993) Reading National Ceograph1c. Univers,ty 0 ~ Chicago Press, Ch,~ago, lllino1s.
MacCannell, D. (1989) lntroduction to special issues on semiotics of tounsm. Annals of Tounsm Research
16(1 ), 1-6. . . d ¡ ·
McCombs, M.E., Shaw, o.L. and Weaver, D.L. (1997) Commun1cat1on an . Democracy: Exp onng the
lntellectual Frontiers in Agenda-setting Theory. Lawrence Erlbaum & As~oc1ates, Mahwah'. New Je~s~y.
Morgan, N. and Pritchard, A. (1998) Tourism Promotion and Power: Creating lmages, Creating ldent1t1es.
John Wiley & Sons, Chichester, UK. . . .
Neale, M.A. and Bazerman, M.H. (1985) The effects of framing and negot1ator overconf1dence on bargainer
behaviors and outcomes. The Academy of Management }ournal 28(1 ), 34--49.
Pan, z. and Kosicki, G.M. (1993) Framing analysis: an approach to news discourse. Política/ Communication
10(1), 55-75.
Pearce, B.W., Cronen, V.E. and Harris, L.M. (1982) Methodological considerations in bu ilding human corn-
munication theory. In: Dance, F. (ed.) Human Communication Theory: Comparative Essays. Harper &
Row, New York, pp. 1-41 .
Price, V., Tewksbury, D. and Powers, E. (1996) Switching trains of thought: the impact of news frarnes on
readers' cognitive responses. Paper presented at the Annual Conference of the lnternational
Communication Association, Chicago, lllinois.
Reese, 5.0., Gandy, O.H. Jr and Grant, A.E. (eds) (2001) Framing Public Life: Perspectives on the Media and
our Understandings of the Social World. Lawrence Erlbaum & Associates, Mahwah, New Jersey.
Santos, C.A. (2004) Framing Portugal: representational dynamics. Anna/s of Tourism Research 31 , 122- 138.
Scheufele, O.A. (1999) Framing as a theory of media effects. }ournal of Communication 49(1 ), 102-122.
Schoemaker, P.J. and Reese, 5.0. (1996) Mediating the Message, 2nd edn. Longman, White Plains, New
York.
Schudson, M. (1987) The new validation of popular culture: sense and sentimentality in academia. Critica/
Studies in Mass Communication 4(1 ), 51- 68.
Schwandt, T.A. (1998) Constructivist, interpretivist approaches to human inquiry. In: Denzin, N.K. and
Lincoln, Y.S. (eds) The Landscape of Qua/itative Research: Theories and Jssues. Sage, Thousand Oaks,
California, pp. 221 - 259.
Smith, M.J. (1988) Contemporary Communication Research Methods. Wadsworth, Belmont, California.
Snow, O.A. and Bendfo~d,_ R.O. (1988) ldeology, frame resonance, and participan! mobilization. In:
Klandermans, B., Knes1, H. and Tarrow, S. (eds) fnternational Social Movement Research. JAI Press,
Greenwich, Connecticut, pp. 197-217.
Snow, O.A. and Ben~ford: R.O ..(1992) Master frames and cycles of protest. In: Morris, A.O. and Mueller,
C.M. (eds) Front,ers in Social Movement Theory. Yale University Press New Haven Connecticut, pp.
133-155 . ' '
Slreet, B. (1996) Culture is a verb: anthropologi cal aspects of language and cultural processes. In: Graddol,
~ -, T_ h~mpson, . L. and . B_yram,_ M. (eds) Language and Culture. British Association for Applied
l '.ngu1st1cs, and 1n assoc1at1on w1t~ Multilingual Matters, Clevedon, UK, p . 3-43_
Tou lmin, S. (1972) Human Understand,ng. Princeton Un iversity Press p · 2
t p N J
, nnce on, ew ersey.
- 1 ( 1 1 ·A \t,i i,n '- \ r 1,, .1 ' 1o,t, 111 thc < ,, 1, t·u
, l1tJ ll nf R<'.1/1t1 l 1l'{
1t, 1

1 1
, Oru rit r ! l 1~ r~ , \ >'h 1 '1f~'h 1 i.,"\ "
' l'1e ,.., Nt''-" , ,
1 1 1,_
\ ,8 1 \ ,lt nn ,l'l \t' ,ln h lur, ' hp t'n t'n < 1' l ni\ 1't '-1t , PI lll11Hw, l'tt ''-'-
1 ,li._¡ ,,p nrn h h h' thl' p,, l l1h,111,1 lll11 Hll'-
, 1, •t lfl l 1 1 • 1 qq , h,,11,~\, nt 1nu 11< ..n, 111 .H" l'lll
1 1 l).: \ 1111 ,,I, nt
¡ 1 l \ r 11 , ~, .. t• ......
me n• PI ,1) (h' t11 ltu r ,1I 1ni
l..t f(' ,, 111' ~('" '( ,,, f, \\ p ,1, t ,tu d, ..,._ ,,t t1
•1111<..111 111 tlw \ l111
l\ 1-f l 18 \ d \,\ 1" \d
.. , ,. T 1n d \\ ,11, Hll'- t 1'1'
, , k r 'M • ..on , lou m ,1 nt
1"; N Hf 1lt\f"<; ni •l:,
·•PC md <.¡i, 11l 11111h lt•n
1, 111 ,m ,dn ,1\ l'll l \H III
, \ r I lt>. fltl1 in<I "-<)f , 11 flf,J,
.. n ,.,, \ , l ,,.: 1 i :,
1 (l( 'I\ n Un , l,1-. 1 tr'l(i lu \,, m {l (l 1•,,,- íu '
' f' 1:f ?•1 t,, •t ,1um,
\
,
1
,
1 ,,.. .,, 'ln rl 111 e 111n 111 t"1 Hd ltPl 1
'
\ \ f ,, l ... l 't' lh
( l l )
l 1