Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 64 (2021) 101353

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Journal of Anthropological Archaeology

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Alcohol, ancestors, and the house: Exploring ritual use of beer at Kirikongo,
Burkina Faso
Stephen A. Dueppen a, *, Daphne Gallagher b
a
Department of Anthropology, University of Oregon, 1218 University of Oregon, Eugene, OR 97403, United States
b
Robert D. Clark Honors College, University of Oregon, 1293 University of Oregon, Eugene, OR 97403, United States

A R T I C L E I N F O A B S T R A C T

Keywords: This paper explores the evidence for beer production, consumption, and ritual use at Kirikongo (100–1650 CE), a
Sorghum beer well-preserved archaeological site located in Mouhoun Province, western Burkina Faso. The site is comprised of
Dolo thirteen anthropogenic mounds (tells) that were formed through sequential ritual processes that created ancestor
West Africa
shrines through either construction of dedicated mortuary monuments or transformation of domestic spaces and
Kirikongo
Ancestors
buildings. Tombs and architectural emplacements were accompanied by discrete accumulations of fauna,
Ritual botanical remains, and material culture, the latter of which likely represents personal or familial belongings.
Within these ceramic assemblages, there are significant numbers of small highly decorated consumption vessels,
tri-pod ritual vessels likely connected to use of liquids, and large vessels consistent with beer production. Based
upon contextual analysis of ceramics, cultural practices related to ancestors, and evidence from a destroyed ritual
complex with intact material culture and ritualized use of sorghum, this paper argues that beer was likely used at
Kirikongo both in the social life of the community and in rituals related to ancestors. The nature of sorghum beer
production may have influenced the overall absence of sorghum in macrobotanical samples.

1. Introduction political aspects of production and consumption, use in religious prac­

Beer is a central component of social and ritual events in many parts
of ethnohistoric central West Africa, cementing relations of mutuality
between individuals within families, Houses and the greater region
(Akyeampong, 1996; Belliard 2001; Lentz 1999; Lobnibe 2018; Manessy
1960; Şaul 1981). In Burkina Faso, beer is primarily made from sorghum
(Sorghum bicolor), and its labor-intensive production involves multiple
stages from the initial treatment of the grains through the fermentation
of the malted liquid (Belliard 2001; Manessy 1960; Şaul 1981; Songre-
Ouattara et al. 2016). Beer brewing is economically significant and
has been a major component of women’s wealth in the region, with some
women earning a small supplemental income and others creating larger
scale production facilities and distribution networks (Belliard 2001;
Kayodé et al. 2007; Manessy 1960; Palé 2012; Şaul 1981). Consumption
occurs in both domestic and public spaces and in settings that range
from highly ritualized to casual social gatherings (Capron 1973, Şaul
1981).
Globally, archaeologists have long emphasized the social and ritual
dimensions of alcohol. Studies have explored the role of alcohol in
contexts including the initial domestication of grain, the social and
tices, and impact on individual and group experiences (e.g., Arthur,
2012; Braidwood et al., 1953; Dietler 2006; Dietrich et al. 2012; Guerra-
Doce 2015; Insoll et al. 2012; Jennings et al. 2005; Joffe 1998; Liu 2021;
McGovern 2009; Paulette 2021; Rojo-Guerra et al. 2006; Wang et al.
2021; Williams and Nash 2021). This research has resulted in innovative
ways to identify the production process and contexts and nature of
consumption (e.g., Heiss et al. 2020; McGovern 2009; Stika 1996; Wang
et al. 2017). West African case studies have the potential to make sig­
nificant contributions to these comparative discussions.
In this paper we explore the deep histories of alcohol in the region
through an analysis of the evidence for brewing and alcohol consump­
tion at the long lived community of Kirikongo, Burkina Faso, inhabited
from the second to the seventeenth centuries CE. From archaeological
data, beer was likely a key component for the negotiation of identities
within the living community and with the ancestors throughout the
site’s occupation. Consumption vessels were valued possessions that
were essential items for inclusion in mortuary deposits and liquids
including beer may have been incorporated into sacrificial meals. As a
foundation for exploring the relationships between material culture,
liquids, and funerary ritual at the site, we model the visibility of beer

* Corresponding author.
E-mail addresses: dueppen@uoregon.edu (S.A. Dueppen), daphne@uoregon.edu (D. Gallagher).

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jaa.2021.101353
Received 1 March 2021; Received in revised form 29 August 2021;
Available online 9 September 2021
0278-4165/© 2021 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
S.A. Dueppen and D. Gallagher
production and consumption at the site and suggest that sorghum may
be systematically underrepresented in the carbonized plant assemblage
due to its use in beer production.
2. Archaeological indicators of beer production and
consumption in central West Africa
In ethnohistoric western Burkina Faso, the primary locally produced
and consumed alcoholic beverages are beers made from red sorghum
(Manessy 1960; Songre-Ouattara et al. 2016). Beers may also be pro­
duced from white sorghum and pearl millet (Pennisetum glaucum), and
beer made from fonio (Digitaria exilis) is known from surrounding re­
gions but not widely documented in western Burkina Faso (Burkill 1994;
Kayodé et al. 2005). Aside from grain-based alcoholic beverages, mead
and diverse fermented fruit wines (including those made from Diospyros
mespiliformis, Grewia spp., and Sclerocarya birrea) are also manufactured,
along with fermented foods such as soumbala (Parkia biglobosa) (Burkill
1985; 1994; 1995; 1997; 2000; Manessy 1960). Palm wine is imported
into Burkina Faso from the south, a practice that may have significant
antiquity. Since the late nineteenth century these have been joined by
imported grape wine, distilled spirits, and initially imported European
(barley/wheat) beer that is produced commercially in Burkina Faso
today.
In this section, we summarize the production process as documented
in the ethnohistoric record from the twentieth and twenty-first centuries
for the most commonly produced alcohol in central West Africa, sor­
ghum beer (known regionally as dolo, pito, nâmu, or tchoukoutou among
many other names). While we do not expect beer production and con­
sumption at Kirikongo to mirror the present-day or recent past, under­
standing the steps and requirements of the process provides insights
relevant to the analysis of the archaeological record.
2.1. Beer production in ethnohistoric central West Africa
Beer production and its consumption is an important component of
the complex social and ritual lives of many communities in central West
Africa and is central to the formation of both shared and individual
relational identities. Beer is most easily produced in large batches and
spoils quickly. Consequently, it tends to be produced for and consumed
in social contexts that connect families, multi-family Houses (social
units), settlement communities, and regions. Common events where
beer is served can include feasts connected to initiations, marriages and
funerals as well as market days, when people from multiple communities
often gather (Abasi 1995; Bicaba 1975; Capron 1973; Manessy 1960;
Şaul 1981). Ritual practice in the region is typically centered on sacri­
fices (Cartry 1976; Cremer 1924; 1927; Dawson 2009; Fortes 1987;
Goody 1962; Insoll 2010; 2011; Insoll et al. 2013; Kaboré 2018; Saako
et al. 2014). Sacrifice and meals of co-presence between humans, an­
cestors, or divinities create or maintain attachments together at ritual
emplacements (shrines) (see discussion in Dueppen 2022). Beer is one of
several substances that are poured during these rituals, but also a potent
substance that can be used to clean shrines to enable new sacrificial
attachments (e.g., Goody 1962). Beer, along with water and blood from
sacrificed domestic animals, has an ability to seep into the earth, which
can be considered a vital place due to ancestral or other divine presence,
depending on the shrine. Beer then, is an important element of a com­
plex diversified social and ritual life, and is not only part of celebrations
and feasts within the living community, but also the meals that occur
with emplaced ancestors and divinities.
Beer brewing requires a significant labor investment and, particu­
larly given the large quantities typically produced, is often only made for
special events in smaller communities. In contrast, in larger settlements,
where marriages and other events tend to be more common, beer can be
more widely available. From at least the twentieth century onward,
women in larger communities have specialized in producing sorghum
beer for both special social and ritual events as well as for market days
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Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 64 (2021) 101353
(Kayodé et al. 2007; Şaul 1981). Like with shea butter production, beer
brewing enables women to earn an independent income and plays a
significant role in local economies.
Red sorghum is by far the most common grain used for beer in local
communities and often the only grain specifically cultivated for beer
production (Kayodé et al. 2005; Manessy 1960; Palé et al. 2010; Şaul
1981; Songre-Ouattara et al. 2016). In comparison, in most areas white
sorghum tends to be used for beer as a substitute or when there is surplus
grain that is not needed for food and in larger industries where red
sorghum would be more expensive. As will be discussed below, it is
possible that pearl millet was used for beer more frequently in the past.
Investment in beer production therefore starts with the cultivation of red
sorghum varieties that have been developed over time to have many
qualities favorable to beer production (Kayodé et al 2005; 2007; Songre-
Ouattara et al. 2016). The importance of beer is indicated by the fact that
red sorghum tends to be grown in the closer gardens immediately sur­
rounding houses and settlements that receive extensive animal manure
fertilizer and is more rarely grown in the more distant fields where the
majority of the pearl millet and white sorghum for the staple food dishes
are grown. Fertilization has been shown to improve the quality of the
grains themselves and result in better beer (Palé 2012).
Production of sorghum beer typically takes eight to ten days (Belliard
2001; Kayodé et al. 2007; Manessy 1960). Beer is often produced in
batches of more than 100 L and two classes of pots are commonly used:
large jars for boiling and large open-rimmed basins referred to as
brewers (Fig. 1). Boiling jars may be combined together with clay into
permanent installations and brewers are often inset into the ground in
sets to keep them stable. The brewing infrastructure requires significant
investment and each batch necessitates the use of substantial quantities
of grain, water, and fuel. Access to sufficient water or the labor required
to carry it to the production area is often described as a limiting factor in
production (e.g., Şaul 1981).
Regardless of the scale of production, the stages are fairly similar
throughout the region (Abdoul-latif et al. 2013; Belliard 2001; Kayodé
et al. 2007; Konfo et al. 2015; Lyumugabe et al. 2012; Manessy 1960).
The first step in beer production is germination of the sorghum grains.
Grains are soaked then either placed in a jar or laid out on a surface of
pure ash (which protects them from insects), where they are successively
wetted and dried until they sprout, which usually takes a little over a
week. Once germinated, grains are dried in the sun and then may be
stored. The brewing process itself typically takes two days and begins
with grinding the malted red sorghum grains into coarse particulates.
The ground, malted grain is mixed with water in a large, open vessel
(brewer), and in some cases an additive such as the mucilage from the
leaves of okra (Hibiscus esculentus), kapok (Bombax costatum) or baobab
(Adansonia digitata) may be included (Abdoul-latif et al. 2013; Belliard
2001; Konfo et al. 2015; Manessy 1960). The solution is then moved to
the boiling installation and boiled for an hour before letting it cool. Once
cool, the beer is filtered (usually through a basket) into the brewer to
remove the grains and the now clear liquid is then returned to the
cooking installation to be boiled for four to eight more hours, a process
that requires a large amount of fuel (Ouédraogo and Point, 2015 esti­
mate over 450 kg of firewood for a single batch). The beer is returned to
the freshly cleaned brewers to cool further and at that time a small
portion is set aside in a smaller bowl. Yeast is added to this smaller
portion to begin the fermentation process and, once the liquids are fully
cool, the small quantity is added into the large brewer. The yeast works
overnight and in the morning the yeast is removed and the beer is ready
for consumption. The beer will spoil quickly and is best if consumed the
same day, although it can potentially last up to three days (Konfo et al.
2015).
2.2. Modelling the archaeological visibility of beer in central West Africa
Beer is generally identified in the archaeological record through
residue analyses, archaeobotanical analyses, or proxy identification of
S.A. Dueppen and D. Gallagher
Fig. 1. Brewing installation photographed in 2011 in the community of Tora, Mouhoun Province, Burkina Faso.
beer-making equipment and facilities or feasting activities at which beer
is consumed (e.g., Dietler 2006; Jennings et al. 2005; Liu 2021;
McGovern 2009; Samuel 1996; Stika 1996).
The clearest archaeobotanical evidence of beer production is in the
form of malted grains, which are rarely recovered. Not only are malted
grains less likely to carbonize, but the researcher must also establish that
the sprouting is the result of the malting process (Stika 1996). Globally,
examples of malted Triticeae (einkorn, emmer, and barley) have typi­
cally been recovered from contexts where catastrophic burning occurred
(e.g., Valamoti 2018), or areas such as northern Europe where heat from
ovens rather than the sun was used to promote and halt the germination
process (e.g., Larsson et al. 2019; Stika 1996). In West Africa, there are
to date no published examples of malted sorghum or pearl millet as­
semblages. Given that grain malting in central West Africa typically
happens away from a heat source and grains are sundried, carbonized
malted grains are only likely to occur in very rare circumstances even if
beer was frequently made.
Malted grains are ground prior to being placed in pots for boiling and
once boiled, the softened remnants are strained from the beer and dis­
carded. These broken and softened grains are likewise rarely identified
archaeologically, although carbonized examples of Triticeae mashes
have been recovered from the interior of brewing vats in Egypt and
elsewhere (Attia et al. 2018; Valamoti 2018). Efforts have been made to
develop identification criteria for mash at the microscopic level (Heiss
et al. 2020). Beer additives may also be identified in the archae­
obotanical record, but in the central West African context these pri­
marily take the form of crushed leaves and mucilages that are unlikely to
carbonize.
As described above, the soaking, cooking, and brewing processes for
sorghum beer primarily involves two types of large vessels: cooking
vessels for boiling and brewers, where soaking and fermentation occur.
Where ceramic pots are used for boiling, cooking vessels are typically
jars with a slightly restricted neck and an outturned flared rim. Their
mouths are open for ease of access and ethnohistorically, they are often
larger than other cooking vessels due to the volumes of liquid involved
(although they may be used to cook large batches of the staple millet
porridge). Due to their size, the cooking vessels are often incorporated
into raised earthen brick structures that elevate them above the cooking
fires. In contrast, brewers are often open, unrestricted vessels with
simple rims that are also frequently set in installations as they are
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Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 64 (2021) 101353
extremely heavy. Their thick walls and coarse fabric allow the contents
to breathe and assist in speeding in the cooling process. As mentioned
above, the open mouths of brewers enable the filtering of the liquid on
the interior, provide ease of access for agitation during soaking and
cleaning prior to brewing, and create a large surface area to promote
fermentation. A smaller open bowl may also be employed for the yeast
starter, and while today, calabashes are often used to transfer the liquid
between brewing and cooking vessels, ceramic vessels could have been
used for that purpose in the past.
Calabashes (sometimes highly decorated) tend to be used for drink­
ing beer and water (Şaul 1981; Lentz 1999; Lobnibe 2018), although
ceramic canteens are preferred in some areas for drinking water when
away from the settlement as they breathe and keep water cool. Cala­
bashes may be highly decorated and can be visible expressions of
identity, however they do not preserve archaeologically. As will be
discussed below, archaeological ceramic assemblages include a signifi­
cantly wider range of vessel types, and alcohol consumption and pouring
of libations must be considered as a possible function of small serving
cups, bowls, and footed vessels. Elaborate decoration and footed forms
may be indicators of important vessels used in social events and/or in
ritual processes.
Although residue analysis has been rarely attempted at West African
sites, research elsewhere in the world has demonstrated that the use of
specialized pots for boiling and fermenting beer could potentially be
identified through diverse residue analyses (e.g., McGovern et al., 2015;
Michel et al., 1992; Perruchini et al. 2018; Wang et al. 2017; Wang et al.
2021). While many indicators do not preserve well in tropical environ­
ments, aDNA has been successfully recovered from the deep cavities in
the sixth to fourteenth century CE ritual Koma figurines in northern
Ghana. While alcohol/fermentation was not confirmed, evidence of
plant taxa commonly associated with fermented beverages (grasses,
plantain/banana) was recovered (Robinson et al. 2017). Residue anal­
ysis is a promising avenue for future research.
3. The tells of Kirikongo: emplaced ancestors and changing
identities
Well-preserved archaeological features and assemblages such as
those found at the site of Kirikongo facilitate the investigation of the
social and ritual contexts of alcohol production and consumption.
S.A. Dueppen and D. Gallagher
Kirikongo is large cluster of thirteen house mounds (tells) accompanied
by metallurgical production zones, plazas, iron and laterite mines and
water wells extending over at least a 37.5 ha. area in the Mouhoun Bend
region of western Burkina Faso (Fig. 2, Fig. 3). During fieldwork in 2004
and 2005/6, the project excavated five mounds and a metallurgical
production zone to sterile basement, shovel-tested plazas, documented
the profiles of three mounds cut through by a road, systematically sur­
face collected all mounds and features, and mapped the site in detail.
Excavations uncovered intact stratified deposits with extensive standing
architecture and well preserved material culture, animal bone and
botanical remains in discrete concentrations (see overviews in Dueppen
2012a; 2012b; 2022; Dueppen and Gallagher 2016). Two architecturally
defined phases with six ceramic-based sub-phases have been identified
that cover the first 1400 years of occupation at the site. Named after the
distinctive colors of the deposits, the Yellow Phase (I and II) is defined by
circular coursed earthen architecture with pounded clay and pebble
floors and the Red Phase (I, II, III, IV) is defined by a mix of circular
coursed earthen and earthen brick architecture with bright red pounded
laterite pavements (Dueppen 2012a; 2022; Dueppen and Gallagher
2016). A total of 36 AMS dates on charcoal, seeds and animal bone
indicate that Kirikongo was occupied from the second to the seventeenth
century CE (Table 1, Dueppen 2022), although initial occupation could
be earlier as dates are not available from the deepest 50 cm of cultural
deposits. The relative (architectural and material culture) and absolute
sequences (AMS) have been initially confirmed at the regional level
during a subsequent 2011 survey and excavation project.
The mounds at Kirikongo are composed of layered architecture and
features which can be divided into over 50 discrete contexts across four
excavation units at mounds occupied prior to 1500 CE (Dueppen 2012a;
2022). In a few cases, contexts were catastrophically burned or were
abandoned and architectural collapse debris filled spaces prior to being
leveled and rebuilt. However, for most contexts intentional ritual action
led to the accumulation of cultural deposits. These contexts included:
Fig. 2. Map of West Africa showing the location of Kirikongo.
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Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 64 (2021) 101353
• Mortuary monuments for group or individual tombs. These frequently
have low-walled (partial) structures atop and are accompanied by
fauna and material culture in a pit or concavity separate from the
burial.
• Domestic architecture converted to mortuary monuments. Burials were
cut through house or courtyard pavement floors, wall foundations
were retained, and accumulations of fauna and material culture
fragments were deposited adjacent, often in shallow depressions.
• Ritual accumulations of fauna and material culture in pits or shallow
depressions. These appeared to mark significant events such as the
construction of a new structure or the catastrophic burning of a
structure.
Dueppen (2022) has established that the discrete assemblages of
fauna and material culture included in these features were intentionally
emplaced as ritual offerings, as evidenced by the repeated patterning of
animal taxa and parts, the systematic incorporation of single pieces of
diverse broken objects, and the high preservation levels of the included
material (e.g., limited rodent or carnivore gnawing on animal bones or
erosion on the edges of sherds). Their composition and characteristics
contrast with those of remains recovered from abandonment and
destruction layers, as well as the midden deposits of the mound talus
slopes (see Dueppen 2022 for a detailed discussion).
These temporally-discrete, remarkably intact deposits of well-
preserved materials provide insights into both daily life and ritual
practice at Kirikongo. Dueppen (2022) argues that the tells of Kirikongo
formed primarily as part of complex mortuary activities rooted in local
beliefs related to relations between human souls, material culture,
substances, divinities and places. Ancestors were a central feature of
religious practice and played a role in the living community. However in
order to properly transition individuals from life to ancestral status,
souls needed to be detached from connections to the world of the living
(through breaking associated material culture), and emplaced
S.A. Dueppen and D. Gallagher Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 64 (2021) 101353

Fig. 3. Left: Map of Kirikongo showing the location of excavations. Right: Changes in occupied area at the site through 1500 CE.

chicken), hunted and fished, produced their own pottery and ground
Table 1
stone tools, and smelted iron in a metallurgical zone near a seasonal
Associated dates for Kirikongo occupation phases (see
drainage to the west (Dueppen, 2012a, 2015, 2019a, 2022) (Fig. 3). For
Dueppen 2022 for individual AMS dates).
several hundred years, this House existed as a self-sufficient homestead
PHASE DATES
as part of a social landscape of similar dispersed multi-family Houses in
Yellow I 100–500/550 CE the Mouhoun Bend region. By the fourth or fifth century CE, the House
Yellow II 500/550–700/750 CE at Mound 4 was joined by a second economically self-sufficient House
Red I 700/750–1025 CE
150 m to the north at Mound 1. This new House had its own metallur­
Red II 1025–1200 CE
Red III 1200–1400 CE gical production area to the west and produced its own pottery.
Red IV 1400–1500 CE In the sixth or seventh century CE, as the community grew, the
founding House began to centralize control, beginning with the cooption
of metallurgical production. House potting traditions diverged, perhaps
(attached) in tombs (ancestor shrines) within the community through reflecting an increased emphasis on house identity, and the founding
incorporation of representative fragments, in order to re-connect them house reinforced its special status with the creation of a new cemetery
in their new status with the living community. In addition to fragmented (Mound 3) for their dead (Dueppen, 2012a, 2015, 2019a; 2022).
material culture, likely from life assemblages, these rituals incorporated Centralization increased over the next several hundred years as new
the parts of wild and sacrificed domestic animals in patterns that suggest Houses clustered around Mound 4, creating a circular settlement. By 750
households maintained distinct associations with particular divinities. CE, cattle were associated exclusively with the founding house, and by
Over the lengthy occupation of the site, the nature of rituals and asso­ 900 CE a two-story ritual complex had been constructed to the imme­
ciations changed several times while maintaining consistency in certain diate west of a large residential compound at Mound 4 directly atop a
practices and associations. sequence of tombs and ritual depositions that started in 100 CE. In the
early second millennium CE, the dedicated cemetery (Mound 3) con­
3.1. Social history of Kirikongo tained elaborate tombs for children that included cattle remains and
imported cowrie shells (Dueppen, 2012a, 2022).
Kirikongo was established at Mound 4 in the early first millennium In the mid-twelfth century CE a series of fundamental trans­
CE by an economically generalized farming House that cultivated do­ formations occurred at Kirikongo as part of a shift to a more
mestic crops (millet and fonio), kept domestic animals (goat, cattle, dog,

5
S.A. Dueppen and D. Gallagher
decentralized community (Dueppen 2012a, 2012b, 2019a, 2019b,
2022). No new interments occurred in the cemetery, cattle-keeping
ceased completely, and closed architectural compounds became more
open room blocks with activities previously on the interior shifting to
the exterior. Perhaps most significantly, potting became specialized and
for the first time since the fourth or fifth century CE all residents used the
same ceramics. A kiln complex was constructed on a previously aban­
doned mound (Mound 11) at the northern edge of the site where
metallurgical production debris was also identified suggesting that
potting and iron-working became linked as they commonly have been in
the region ethnohistorically. These movements towards a more collec­
tive and communal community with interdependent farmers and pyro­
technic specialists were accompanied by significant population growth.
Despite these changes, the ritual complex at Mound 4 remained active,
suggesting continual significance for ancestral rituals associated with
community founders. The several hundred year old complex was
destroyed by fire in the late thirteenth century CE, rebuilt, and then
burned again shortly thereafter (Dueppen 2012a; 2022; Dueppen and
Gallagher 2016).
Kirikongo’s population decreased significantly and rapidly in the
second half of the fourteenth century, likely as a result of plague
(Dueppen and Gallagher 2016; Gallagher and Dueppen 2018). By the
start of the fifteenth century, only the founding House (Mound 4),
Mound 1, and a diminished specialist occupation at Mound 11 remained,
and Mound 1 would be abandoned only a few decades later. Data from
excavations during the plague era indicate that deposits formed very
quickly, as houses were converted to tomb emplacements for ancestors,
and there was a significant decrease in decoration and care in the pro­
duction of ceramics and other material culture, perhaps reflecting labor
challenges (Dueppen 2022; Dueppen and Gallagher 2016).
The post plague era was a time of significant cultural changes at
Kirikongo (Dueppen 2022; Dueppen and Gallagher 2016). Ceramic
forms and decoration of the locally produced pottery developed simi­
larities to pottery from neighboring parts of Mali, perhaps due to the
influence of diasporic Mande traders moving into the region. There is
evidence for investment in new industries commonly associated with
interregional trading, including leather tanning, weaving and dyeing of
cotton cloth, and the hunting and processing of animals for products
such as pelts, teeth, feathers, and ivory. Ancestral veneration at the
cemetery associated with Mound 4 ceased.
Analyses of sixteenth century deposits are still in their preliminary
stages. However, indications are that the occupation at Kirikongo shifted
to the eastern edge of the site to three newly founded mounds which
include both domestic spaces and the site of what local oral histories
identify as a mosque (occasional prayers take place there today). Given
the trajectory of change at Mound 4 directly prior to the founding of
these mounds, it is likely that the founding house converted to Islam and
moved to the east while remaining in the same settlement.
4. Beer at Kirikongo
Beer was likely produced and consumed at Kirikongo throughout
most of its occupation. Although direct evidence of alcohol residues,
grain malting, or an intact brewing installation has yet to be recovered,
the rich ceramic assemblage includes an assortment of brewing and
consumption or libation vessels. As described above, although some
ceramics from Kirikongo excavations are from midden or abandonment
contexts, most were part of intentional accumulations of fragments
associated with funerary or ancestral ritual activity. From current data it
is clear that material culture related to fermented beverage production
and liquid consumption/pouring were common in the lives of in­
dividuals and social groups at Kirikongo and also played a role in their
transference to ancestral roles in the community as fundamental com­
ponents of material assemblages.
6
Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 64 (2021) 101353
4.1. Archaeobotanical evidence for beer production
Macrobotanical analyses from Kirikongo are in process, with sorting
and seed and fruit identifications completed for two-thirds of the 241
flotation samples collected. Seeds and fruits from Unit A at Mound 1
have been completely analyzed (Gallagher and Dueppen 2019) while
those from other excavation units are in progress. Identified taxa to date
include the domesticated grains fonio, pearl millet, and sorghum; useful
wild trees such as shea (Vitellaria paradoxa), marula (Sclerocarya birrea),
and baobab (Adansonia digitata); diverse small-seeded wild grasses
(including Paniceae); and ruderal herbs (Gallagher et al. 2016; Gal­
lagher and Dueppen 2019).
One of the most interesting early results is the disparity between the
regular identification of pearl millet and fonio in the archaeobotanical
assemblage and the very rare occurrence of sorghum. For example, in
Unit A, no sorghum was identified but pearl millet was present in 16% of
samples and fonio in 27% (Gallagher and Dueppen 2019). Domesticated
sorghum is distinctive in archaeobotanical assemblages in the region
and is not typically confused with other taxa. While pearl millet occurs
in all units and all phases of occupation at the site, sorghum has to date
only been identified conclusively in Unit B, where a complete sorghum
seedhead was carbonized during the burning of the ritual complex
during Red III. The likely underrepresentation of sorghum in the
archaeobotanical assemblage relative to its cultivation and dietary role
is not unique to Kirikongo, as a similar pattern occurs at sites in other
areas of West Africa where sorghum would be expected to be a thriving
crop (e.g., Champion and Fuller 2018; Gallagher et al. 2018; Huysecom
et al. 2015; Logan 2012).
While challenging to argue from absence, it is intriguing that sor­
ghum was significant enough at Kirikongo to be the only grain hanging
in the roof of the ritual complex when it burned yet only carbonized as
part of this unusual event. This could suggest that sorghum at Kirikongo
may have followed different preparation pathways than pearl millet or
fonio that resulted in fewer opportunities for carbonization. Ethno­
historically, both pearl millet and sorghum are used to make similar
foods, notably the staple porridge dish tô. The most likely source of
differentiation in their preparation pathway would be the preferential
use of sorghum for beer production. The first step of soaking the grain to
begin the malting process as well as the germination itself may have
lowered the chances of carbonization if grains did come into contact
with heat. If sorghum was used primarily for beer production and this
practice significantly affected its opportunities for carbonization, we
must consider that sorghum may have been in use throughout much or
all of the site’s occupation history despite the fact that to date it has not
been identified in the archaeobotanical assemblage prior to Red III.
4.2. The material culture of beer production and consumption at
Kirikongo
The diverse, well-contextualized ceramic assemblage at Kirikongo
includes strong evidence for beer production and consumption.
Assigning specific functions to vessels in archaeological sites is difficult.
However, the robust research literature on pottery production in central
West Africa over the past century provides a strong interpretive frame­
work for understanding functional tendencies in vessel form within the
region (Banaon 1990; Frank 1998; Gallay and Huysecom 1989; Gosse­
lain 2000; 2008; 2011; LaViolette 2000; Manessy 1960; Mayor 2011;
McIntosh 1995; Roy 1987; 1989; 2000; 2003). Although individual
vessels may be produced or simply expediently used for a diverse set of
purposes, in general potters and consumers make choices regarding the
form and decoration of pots that align with ranges of intended uses.
These choices are grounded in tradition, personal preference, and
knowledge of the physical and technological properties of vessel forms.
In the case of beer, as described above, large cooking and brewing
vessels are ethnohistorically used for the different stages of production.
While beer production processes have likely been refined and altered
S.A. Dueppen and D. Gallagher
over time, vessels that meet the basic technological requirements (large
vessels, open mouths, etc.) are identifiable in the archaeological
assemblage. Consumption and pouring vessels are more challenging to
link specifically to fermented liquids, although decoration and form can
serve as indicators, particularly when considered in archaeological
context. At Kirikongo and adjacent sites in the Mouhoun Bend, vessels
used for a variety of purposes have been excavated in situ in abandon­
ment and catastrophic destruction levels, providing insights into their
uses (Dueppen 2012a; Dueppen and Gallagher 2016; Holl 2014; Holl
and Koté 2000; Koté 2007).
The most distinctive feature of Kirikongo’s ceramic assemblage is the
repeated accumulation of fragments of diverse vessels in the individual
contexts, which Dueppen (2022) has argued likely reflects the belong­
ings of the individual or their family (or social network) upon death.
These synchronic assemblages contain sherds from representative ves­
sels of different types (jar forms in different sizes, basins in different
sizes, diverse bowls, beakers, etc.) (Fig. 4). Vessels related to liquids,
both pouring and consumption, were common indicating that in life
these were valued parts of ceramic assemblages, and the regular pres­
ence of likely more dedicated ritual vessels, often small cups, could
indicate that liquids (alcohol, blood, water, etc.) played a role in reli­
gious practices as found ethnohistorically. Here we describe the basic
categories of vessels at Kirikongo to make inferences about the role of
liquids, and in particular beer, in ancestral ritual and in everyday life.
Discussions focus on the fully analyzed and published ceramics from the
first six occupation phases (Yellow I through Red IV, ca. 100–1500 CE)
(Dueppen 2012a; 2015; Dueppen and Gallagher 2016).
4.2.1. Jars
Jars of various sizes comprise the largest proportion of the ceramic
assemblages, typically accounting for 50 to 60% of vessels. Jars can be
used for a variety of tasks, including cooking, dry storage, liquid storage,
and industrial tasks such as indigo dying and tanning. Storage jars
containing cowpea (Vigna unguiculata) and fonio were recovered from a
Red III burned structure at the neighboring site of Kerébé-Sira-Tomo
(Holl and Koté 2000; Koté 2007), an indigo dyeing installation from Red
IV was documented at Tora-Sira-Tomo (Holl 2014), and at least 17
complete jars were part of a Red IV leather tanning workshop at Kir­
ikongo (Dueppen and Gallagher 2016). Based on these finds, pots used
for cooking and storage tended to be more ovoid while those used for
soaking tasks tended to be more squat. However, vessels of different
shape from the same phase typically share the same rim form and
Yellow I Yellow II
n=38 n=83
c d
b a c a
b
e e
d c
c b
c
a a
a
b
b
Red II Red III
n=141 n=212
Fig. 4. Relative distribution of vessel classes at Kirikongo by occupation phase.
7
Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 64 (2021) 101353
decorations, making them difficult to distinguish unless they are com­
plete or near-complete examples. In contrast, large jars used for liquid
(typically water) storage and small jars used as canteens usually have
compact, highly-restricted rims and smaller rim diameters to protect the
liquid and, in the case of smaller vessels, to enable pouring. The walls of
liquid storage vessels tend to be fairly thick to enable cooling as the
vessel breathes.
At Kirikongo, cooking jars could have been used for daily food
preparation, production of shea butter, and brewing. Jars used for
boiling during beer production would likely be in the largest size class,
but it is difficult to separate out those that may have been used specif­
ically for this task. Due to its short shelf life, beer is unlikely to have been
stored in the same way as water.
4.2.2. Basins
Basins differ from jars in that they are open vessels with vertical or
very slightly sloping sides and thick walls (Fig. 5). They are regularly
found in a range of sizes from the beginning of Kirikongo’s occupation
and are a consistent yet small proportion of the ceramic assemblage,
although basins may be undercounted. Some rims identified with jars on
the basis of style could derive from basins, but were lacking enough of
the neck to identify whether the vessel was open or restricted. It is likely
that the extra-large (>40 cm diameter) and large (30–40 cm diameter)
unrestricted basins recovered from Kirikongo were used for fermenta­
tion, although no archaeological examples reach the size of the very
large brewing vessels documented ethnohistorically and depicted in
Fig. 1. Their open orifices would have created large surface areas for
fermentation, and the thick vessel walls would have assisted in regu­
lating the temperature of the fermenting liquid. As described above,
evidence from Kirikongo and neighboring archaeological sites suggests
that other soaking tasks (dyeing, tanning) used jar forms with slightly
restricted rims. Medium (20–30 cm diameter) and small basins with the
same simple rim form (either straight or simply thickened) were likely
used for a variety of purposes. It is possible that some may have been
used when transferring liquid between boiling and brewing vessels or for
feeding the yeast starter prior to its addition to the larger brewers.
4.2.3. Bowls and cups
Most contexts at Kirikongo included sherds from a diverse assem­
blage of cups and bowls (Fig. 6). These small vessels were likely used for
a variety of activities, including food and liquid consumption and
possibly the pouring of ritual libations. These vessels tend to be richly
Red I
n=195
e
d
c a a Jars
b Basins
b c Bowls
e
d Jarlets/Beakers
e Tri-Pods
Red IV
n=146
S.A. Dueppen and D. Gallagher
Yellow I, Unit B
Yellow II, Unit A
Yellow II, Unit C
Red 4, Unit B
Fig. 5. Open basins from excavations at Kirikongo.
decorated and a portion of them were footed. Bowls became increasingly
common and diverse at Kirikongo from Yellow I to Red II and appear to
have been a locus for decorative expression as House identities diverged
(Dueppen 2015). Like other vessels, they became more standardized in
decoration and form beginning in mid-Red II (Dueppen 2012a). In late
Red IV, the percentage of bowls in the assemblage declined rapidly
(Dueppen and Gallagher 2016).
Vessels in this category were, with occasional exceptions, open and
unrestricted, with no examples of the carination common in bowls from
Mali at this time (e.g., McIntosh 1995; Mayor 2011). Most had diameters
between 10 and 20 cm, although some were as small as 6 cm. Bowls
appeared to be associated with footed bases. These primarily took the
form of rings or pedestals, although by Red II they were joined by flat
circular bases with decorated edges. As mentioned above, footed bases
tend to be associated with bowls used for liquids, including those for
ritual practices. The well-decorated flat platform bases may be a related
form, although it is unknown if they would be correlated with liquid
consumption. Unfortunately, complete vessels were rare, making it
difficult to determine the relative frequency of bowls and cups with and
8
Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 64 (2021) 101353
Rim B162.1
5 cm
Rim A159.9
Rim C99.1
Large channel
Plastic ridge
Rim B28.1
without bases.
Of particular interest is the occurrence of what are often called tri-
pod vessels, more accurately described as multi-leg double-cups,
which are found at archaeological sites in western Burkina Faso and
eastern Mali including in specialized ritual locations in the Bandiagara
Escarpment (Andah 1978; Bedaux 1980; Bedaux et al. 1978; Dueppen
2015; Holl 2014; Koté 2007; Mayor 2011; McIntosh 1995). These vessels
have two cups connected by in most cases three legs, although two and
four leg examples have been identified outside the Mouhoun Bend
(Fig. 7). Fragments are present in most contexts at Kirikongo from Red I
(starting in the ninth century CE) and continuing until very early Red IV
(early fifteenth century CE). Tri-pod vessels were locally produced, as
they were kiln fired with similar paste and were extensively decorated
with carved roulettes and other decoration techniques that tracked the
changes on decorations on other vessels at Kirikongo. In some contexts,
it is possible that different legs of the same vessel had different deco­
ration techniques. Technologically, these were likely used for liquid, and
as will be discussed below, we suggest that their double bowl form with
a bowl facing downward and another facing towards the sacrificer may
S.A. Dueppen and D. Gallagher Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 64 (2021) 101353

Red II, Unit A

Rim A111.2

Red I, Unit A Red II, Unit C

Rim A118.5
Rim C33.2

5
CM
Red III, Unit A

Rim A71.1

Red II, Unit A Red III, Unit C

Rim A86.3

Rim C25.5

Fig. 6. Small bowls from excavations at Kirikongo.

Fig. 7. Tri-pod vessel fragments. From left: basal cup, leg fragments, likely top cup. Fragments are from different contexts/vessels.

9
S.A. Dueppen and D. Gallagher
indicate use in ancestor-related rituals.
In general, the commonality and diversity of bowl forms, in addition
to the similarities in form between these and the calabashes used for
drinking and other consumption and pouring activities in the ethno­
historic record may suggest that ceramic bowls may have been used for
more diverse tasks in the past. The smallest examples, potentially with
footed bases, may have been dedicated ritual vessels involving liquids,
as they could easily be poured with one hand. The high level of in­
vestment in decoration in comparison to jars and basins, which includes
not only patterned designs and slip, but also burnishing, could indicate
their use in socially significant settings.
4.2.4. Beakers or Jarlets
A distinctive class of small, ornately decorated vessels with highly
polished interiors was in use at Kirikongo from Yellow II through Red II
(Fig. 8). With slightly restricted flared or everted rims and diameters of
less than 15 cm (many 10 cm or less), these vessels resembled beakers or
miniature jars. Each vessel was unique and their decoration incorpo­
rated some of the earliest uses of carved wooden roulettes at the site.
From late Red II to Red IV vessels of similar size and shape continued to
be produced, but in line with the general trends with the shift to
specialized production, their decoration became less distinctive and
more standardized. Given their size and thickness similar to that of small
bowls, it is possible that some of these vessels could have had footed
bases or flat round bases, however, none were found sufficiently intact.
Small enough to hold in one hand, these vessels may have been used for
drinking or pouring liquids.
4.2.5. Discussion
Overall, the ceramic assemblages from Kirikongo contexts, most of
which likely represent synchronous life assemblages, are consistent with
beer production and consumption and the pouring of liquids in ritual
contexts. Basins appropriate for brewing were found throughout the
sequence, as were cooking jars that could have been used for the boiling
stages. Diverse bowls and beakers were common, among them footed
vessels and special ritual vessel forms. With their elaborate decoration,
these were likely used in ritual or other socially significant settings.
While none of these vessel types can be definitively and uniquely linked
to beer consumption, it would be surprising if beer played no part in
these events.
While there is general continuity in the internal diversity of the
vessel assemblages through the fifteenth century CE, there are changes
in decoration style and investment that are particularly pronounced on
consumption and ritual vessels. During roughly the first thousand years
of the site’s occupation, when pottery was produced by individual
households, the decoration on consumption and ritual vessels became
increasingly elaborated and differentiated (Dueppen 2015). In mid-Red
II, with a shift to specialist production and the use of the same pottery
throughout the site, these classes of vessels remained in use but their
decoration simplified (Dueppen 2012a).
The main shift in the ceramic assemblage occurred in late Red IV,
Unit A, Red I
Rim A133.4
5
CM
Fig. 8. Jarlets or beakers from excavations at Kirikongo.
10
Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 64 (2021) 101353
when cups and bowls decreased significantly in frequency and tri-pods
ceased to be produced (the last occurred in early Red IV). As will be
discussed below, these changes occurred during a dynamic period
following a significant decrease in population during which diasporic
Mande merchants moved into the region (Dueppen and Gallagher 2016;
Insoll 2003; Kiéthéga, 1983; Philiponeau, 2009; Wilks 2000). It is
possible that these reflect changes in alcohol consumption in the com­
munity in association with the initial shifts towards Islam.
5. Beer production and consumption in social and ritual life
5.1. Liquids and ancestral rituals at Kirikongo
At Kirikongo, ancestors were created in rituals that emplaced them in
houses of the dead (either partial remains of prior houses within do­
mestic areas or specially constructed of low houses atop tombs). These
rituals involved fragmented material culture, animal remains, and likely
other substances such as alcohol that do not preserve in the archaeo­
logical record. The repetition of these rituals resulted in the creation of
spatially segregated mounds several meters deep, the earth of which
materialized connections with ancestors.
Consumption of alcohol and pouring of libations may have been a
significant element of these rituals. The investment in consumption and
ritual vessels and their inclusion in these assemblages suggests that they
may have been important personal or familial possessions for use in
maintaining house ancestors. Many of the likely dedicated ritual vessels
in the pottery assemblages have a double bowl form, with one bowl
facing down and the other upward towards the sacrificer. While tri-pods
are a notable example, many footed bowls and cups at Kirikongo had a
deep concavity, or ring-shaped base facing down. If so, then the use of
liquids alongside sacrificed animals and other foods may have been
central to ritual meals of co-presence between people and ancestors.
The large ritual complex at Mound 4 provides additional proxy evi­
dence for the significance of alcohol at Kirikongo (Dueppen 2012a;
2022). This two-story ritual complex was constructed around 900 CE on
the central mound directly above a series of elaborate tombs from the
early settlement. The complex was used and maintained (replastered
and repaved) until ca. 1280 CE, when it was destroyed by fire. The
burning roof fell into the structure, heating the edges of the wall bases
and sealing the floor contents (none of which were carbonized). The
ritual complex may have been partially subterranean. It was located
immediately to the west of a large household compound, and while it is
possible that the mound grew around the structure, by the eleventh or
twelfth century the floor of the ritual complex was already one meter
below that of the adjacent occupied residential space.
The excavations of the ritual complex uncovered parts of three rooms
(Fig. 9). The complex was centered on a multi-door “vestibule” room
built from fired bricks and containing storage jars (room 4). The diverse,
well-decorated storage jars on the floor of the ancestor house were
crushed by the falling roof and did not contain any preserved organic
remains. However, as mentioned above, a complete head of carbonized
Unit A, Yellow II
Rim A157.7
S.A. Dueppen and D. Gallagher
Collection of
Storage Jars
Laterite Collection of
Blocks
Storage Jars
Fire
d Bric
kW
all
Smashed
Granary
ROOM 5
Fig. 9. The ritual complex at Mound 4, Kirikongo (in use ca. 900–1280 CE).
sorghum was recovered from among the carbonized roof remnants. It
was likely hanging from the roof when it burned and may have held
symbolic meaning. To the south of the vestibule was a room that was
likely used for sacrificial rituals (room 3). This room had a maintained
hole in the thick crushed laterite floor pavement that allowed direct
access to the bare earth. An assortment of ritual items had gradually
accumulated in the space including remains of sacrificed animals, a clay
ball, cowrie shells, a knife sharpening stone and diverse ceramics,
among them a broken tri-pod, footed bowls, and at least one beaker or
jarlet that could have been used for libations or in sacrificial rituals.
Finally, a room (room 5) to the southwest of the vestibule contained a
large terracotta tri-pod granary that may have been a meter tall. The
granary was crushed when the terrace/room above this part of the
structure collapsed inward, depositing jars and other materials from
above in the space. No contents of the granary were preserved. While the
evidence is circumstantial, the presence of grain storage, carbonized
sorghum, and a space likely used for animal sacrifices and libation in a
ritual structure strongly suggests that beer may have been a fundamental
component of the rituals that took place in this space.
5.2. Beer and social identities at Kirikongo
While beer was likely produced, consumed, and was an element of
ritual action throughout most of the occupation at Kirikongo, there is
evidence that it may have played different roles in social life at different
points in the site’s history.
During the first several hundred years of occupation, Kirikongo
consisted of a single family homestead. While the presence of brewers
and cup/bowls suggests that alcohol was produced and consumed, it is
possible that many beer consumption events involved the participation
(invitation) of people from neighboring homesteads. As regionally
dispersed homesteads would need to be integrated into larger social
networks, beer (and feasts more generally) could have been a way to
maintain regional connection and cohesion. With the addition of a
second house at Kirikongo, divergent ceramic production traditions
emerged that became increasingly distinct as the community grew
through the latter half of the first millennium CE (Dueppen 2015). Ev­
idence suggests that investment in ceramics as a form of identity resulted
in technological innovations and the adoption and invention of an
extraordinarily diverse array of decoration techniques and forms. Many
of these new forms were associated with small sized vessels that could
11
Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 64 (2021) 101353
PEDESTAL
(not excavated
at this depth)
ROOM 4
ick
al Br
Coursed Earth
W ed
r
l
Fi
Unpaved Area
ROOM 3
20 cm N
have been used for beer consumption and rituals involving liquids,
potentially related to House ancestors.
The subsequent societal shift to a more decentralized community
organization likely changed the nature of contexts within which people
feasted and the identities that they expressed. Due to the creation of
specialized potting for the community, residents shared a communal
assemblage and ceramics were no longer used to express House identity.
While brewing and consumption vessels remained important elements
of assemblages and were more diverse and ornate than cooking vessels,
the individual pots were more consistent in appearance and less
uniquely decorated. It is likely that some feasts and rituals during this
era had more emphasis on communal identities or at least pottery was
less associated with the expression of House identity.
Beer production and consumption continued through the plague era,
but like fifteenth century ceramics at the site in general, the associated
ceramics became much simpler in form and decoration. Late Red IV
assemblages contained significantly fewer ornate small bowls and
complex forms like tri-pod vessels ceased to be made. The disappearance
of strong candidates for brewing vessels and steep decline in small bowls
in the assemblage may reflect a lessening role for alcohol at the site.
Alternatively, it is possible that this change in the ceramic assem­
blage reflects a shift towards the use of calabashes in consumption
contexts. Today, calabashes (Lagenaria siceraria) are commonly used in
both beer production (as ladles and for transferring liquids) and as
consumption vessels (Capron 1973; Lentz 1999; Lobnibe 2018; Şaul
1981). Amongst the many differences between ethnohistoric practices
and archaeological data in the region are that twentieth century ceramic
assemblages contained very few small bowls and liquid consumption
vessels. A shift away from ceramic bowls/cups and towards calabashes
could be due to efficacy of production, weight and durability, or an
appreciation of the fact that they can be easily decorated by individuals
other than the potter. While bottle gourds generally have great antiquity
in sub-Saharan Africa, there is no data on when the specific varietals of
calabash from which bowls and ladles are commonly made today came
into popular cultivation and use.
6. Conclusion
Kirikongo is situated within a broader landscape of mound cluster
sites with strong ceramic affinities along the Voltaic drainages and their
tributaries in Burkina Faso and northern Ghana and archaeological
S.A. Dueppen and D. Gallagher
evidence for ritualized depositional practices is widespread (e.g., Andah
1978; Anquandah 1987; Dueppen 2012a; 2012b; 2022; Insoll and
Kankpeyeng 2014; Insoll et al. 2012; Kankpeyeng and Nkumbaan 2009;
Kankpeyeng et al. 2013; Holl 2014; Holl and Koté 2000; Koté 2007;
Saako 2017; Shinnie and Kense 1989). While ethnohistoric alcohol use
and ritual practice varies in the region, the symbolic importance of beer
as a liquid, and in the case of sorghum beer its color, cannot be under­
estimated. Red is very powerful in cultural classifications (see for
example Gavua 2015) and sorghum beer has many different symbolic
dimensions that may be visible archaeologically. As discussed above,
many ethnohistorically documented ritual practices in central West
Africa involve the sacrifice of domestic animals and libations of beer.
The flow of blood and alcohol over and even into, altars, ritual objects or
the earth materializes the transfer of potency.
At Kirikongo, it is highly likely that for most of the site’s occupation
beer played an important role in the social and ritual lives of residents.
To date, evidence for beer consumption at Kirikongo primarily derives
from the presence of brewing, drinking, and libation vessels in the
ceramic assemblage and is supported by the evidence for an important
ritual role for sorghum at the site. Beer was likely served and consumed
at public and familial events during which communal and House iden­
tities were expressed and was an important element of ancestral rituals
at the House and community level. Fragments of beer production and
consumption vessels were included in ritual accumulations that marked
funerals, mortuary rituals, and other significant events.
Several significant questions remain regarding beer production and
consumption at Kirikongo. First, was beer made from sorghum
throughout the site’s occupation or was it initially made with other
grains such as pearl millet? How did the role of beer differ from that of
other alcoholic beverages such as mead? Second, where were beer
brewing installations located and what was the scale of beer production?
Was beer made in the 100 L or larger batches described in the twentieth
century ethnohistoric record? Finally, were particular drinking vessels
use for specific liquids? Were they associated with individuals, families,
or more collectively with Houses and did those associations change over
time? It is our hope that future residue analyses, better understandings
of the history of sorghum, and of the contexts within which potential
drinking vessels were deposited will clarify the history and roles of beer
production and use at Kirikongo.
CRediT authorship contribution statement
Stephen Dueppen: Conceptualization, Methodology, Formal Anal­
ysis, Investigation, Resources, Writing - Original Draft, Writing - Review
& Editing, Visualization, Supervision, Project administration, Funding
acquisition. Daphne Gallagher: Conceptualization, Methodology,
Formal Analysis, Investigation, Resources, Writing - Original Draft,
Writing - Review & Editing, Visualization.
Declaration of Competing Interest
The authors declare that they have no known competing financial
interests or personal relationships that could have appeared to influence
the work reported in this paper.
Acknowledgements
Support for research on Kirikongo was provided by the National
Science Foundation (BCS-0520614), the National Geographic Society
(Grant # 8849-10), an American Council of Learned Societies New
Faculty Fellowship with the support of the Andrew W. Mellon Founda­
tion, an Oregon Humanities Center Fellowship, the University of Mich­
igan and the University of Oregon. Dr. Lassina Koté (University of
Ouagadougou) has facilitated our research in Burkina Faso, and we wish
to acknowledge his support for and encouragement of the project. The
CNRST (National Center of Science and Technology) and Ministry of
12
Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 64 (2021) 101353
Culture provided permits for the project. Drissa Koté, Abdoulaye Koita,
and Amadou Koté of Douroula and University of Ouagadougou students
Léonce Ki and Fabrice Dabiré participated in fieldwork and laboratory
analyses in the Mouhoun Bend. We wish to thank the communities of
Douroula, Kirikongo and Tora for their hospitality during the project,
and for this paper we are particularly grateful to the community of Tora
for allowing us to photograph their brewing installations. At the Uni­
versity of Oregon, Samantha McGee, Lauren Sonomura, and Ethan
Schmunk assisted with illustrations. This paper was originally developed
as part of the conference “Alcohol, Rituals and Spiritual World in
Ancient China and Beyond: An Interdisciplinary Perspective” at the
Stanford Archaeology Center. We would like to express our thanks to
organizers Jiajing Wang and Li Liu at Stanford for inviting us to this
conference, and to them and the other conference participants for their
insightful comments on this paper. Finally, we thank the five anonymous
peer reviewers for their thoughtful comments.
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