Sex Roles (2016) 75:215–230
DOI 10.1007/s11199-016-0600-7
ORIGINAL ARTICLE
BThere I am^: A Grounded Theory Study of Young Adults
Navigating a Transgender or Gender Nonconforming Identity
within a Context of Oppression and Invisibility
Ashley Austin 1
Published online: 4 March 2016
# Springer Science+Business Media New York 2016
Abstract The primary aim of the present study is to extend
discussions of navigating an emerging transgender or gender
nonconforming (TGNC) identity during youth and young
adulthood in a society in which TGNC identities remain in-
visible and marginalized. Participants include 13 racially/
ethnically diverse TGNC young adults ages 18–29 in the
United States. Constructivist grounded theory methods were
used to collect, analyze, and interpret data. Navigating a
TGNC Identity in the Dark emerged as a journey from initial
recognition of an existing, but unidentifiable, difference to-
ward awareness and acceptance of a TGNC identity.
Analyses revealed six themes associated with navigating iden-
tity: Moving from Uncertainty to Knowing, Recognizing Self
in Others, Finding Me, Explaining Work, Struggling for
Authenticity, and Evolving Self-Acceptance. Narratives
highlighted the complex journeys toward authenticity that
included pervasive oppression. Findings from my study
can be used to inform clinical work aimed at supporting
TGNC individuals as they recognize and make meaning
of their TGNC identities. Moreover, findings underscore
the importance of increasing the level of visibility and
affirmation of a range of TGNC identities and experiences
in dominant institutions (e.g., media, schools, health care)
in the lives of youth as a way to facilitate self-
understanding and acceptance at earlier ages and with
fewer obstacles.
* Ashley Austin
aaustin@barry.edu
1
Center for Human Rights and Social Justice, School of Social Work,
Barry University, 11300 NE 2nd Ave, Powers 217, Miami
Shores, FL 33161, USA
Keywords Transgender . Gender nonconforming . Minority
stress . Affirmative practice . Sexual minority . Oppression .
Grounded theory
Transgender is the commonly used umbrella term referring to
any individual whose gender identity is incongruent with
assigned sex at birth. As gender is increasingly recognized
as a multidimensional spectrum, rather than a male–female
binary, the terms transgender, trans and transgender and gen-
der non-conforming (TGNC) will be used in my discussion to
encompass the wide array of binary and non-binary gender
identities (e.g., agender, bigender, boi, FTM [Female to
Male], genderfluid, genderqueer, MTF [Male to Female], third
gender, transgender, transmasculine, transsexual, two spirit).
TGNC individuals represent a notably marginalized popula-
tion who persistently experience barriers to well-being in con-
temporary society (Grant et al. 2011). Mounting research finds
that TGNC young people are at disproportionate risk for psy-
chological distress—notably, depression, anxiety, and
suicidality (D’Augelli et al. 2006; Grossman and D’Augelli
2006, 2007; Ybarra et al. 2015). These risks have been empir-
ically linked with hostile school climates, transphobic harass-
ment, bullying, and victimization (D’Augelli et al. 2002;
D’Augelli, et al. 2006; Goldblum et al. 2012; Toomey et al.
2010; Ybarra et al. 2015), as well as with structural stigma
such as oppressive state policies and public opinion on sexual
and gender minority issues (Perez-Brumer et al. 2015).
Although transphobic violence and victimization have
received notable attention in both quantitative and quali-
tative literature, until very recently explorations of more
subtle, but perhaps more pervasive, forms of identity-
based stigma, such as the invisibility, pathologization,
and marginalization of trans identities and experiences,
have received less scholarly attention. Nonetheless,
216
transphobic stigma and microaggressions—defined as
Bbrief and commonplace daily verbal, behavioral, or en-
vironmental indignities, whether intentional or uninten-
tional, that communicate hostile, derogatory, or negative
slights and insults toward members of oppressed groups^
(Nadal 2008, p. 23)—and social, cultural, religious, and
family institutions rooted in heteronormativity and
genderism (an ideology that reinforces the negative eval-
uation of gender non-conformity and the privileging of
gender conformity, Hill and Willoughby 2005) have neg-
ative health consequences and complicate pathways to
self-realization and self-acceptance among TGNC individ-
uals (Bockting et al. 2013).
Conversely, TGNC youth who receive parental support
report a higher quality of life and less depressive
symptomology (Mustanski and Liu 2013; Simons et al.
2013). Improved well-being among TGNC individuals has
also been linked with social connectedness, social support,
and collective community advocacy (Bariola et al. 2015;
Frost and Meyer 2012; Lev 2007; Sánchez and Vilain 2009;
Testa et al. 2014). Furthermore, there is growing empirical
evidence (Davis and Meier 2014; Meier et al. 2011) which
supports clinical consensus about the importance to psycho-
logical well-being of having one’s internal sense of gender
affirmed and being able to live in a manner consistent with
one’s gender identity though social, medical, and/or legal tran-
sitions when desired (Bockting et al. 2006; Collazo et al.
2013; Lev 2004; Substance Abuse and Mental Health
Services Administration [SAMHSA], 2015).
Transition refers to the process of changing from the gender
roles and expectations associated with one’s sex assigned at
birth to align one’s external appearance and behaviors more
closely with gender identity. Transitioning may, but does not
always, include changing one’s name, manner of dress and
grooming, legal documents, and/or body through surgery or
hormones. For instance, studies suggest that among Female to
Male (FTM) transgender individuals interested in medically
transitioning, testosterone use and chest reconstruction sur-
gery are associated with higher quality of life (Newfield et
al. 2006) and fewer mental health issues including anxiety,
depression, and suicidality (Davis and Meier 2014; Meier et
al. 2011;). Although to date there is no known research ex-
ploring the impact of socially transitioning among youth, there
is consistent evidence that medical interventions (e.g., hor-
mone blockers and/or cross sex hormones) associated with
transitioning are effective in improving mental health out-
comes among young adolescents both during and after treat-
ment (de Vries et al. 2011; SAMHSA 2015; Wallien and
Cohen-Kettenis 2008). Although it is clear that the opportuni-
ty to medically transition is a critical component of health and
well-being for some TGNC youth and adults, recognition of
this need is often preceded by a long, confusing, and painful
process of self-discovery. In addition, it is becoming clear that
Sex Roles (2016) 75:215–230
there are multiple ways to be Btrans,^ and growing numbers of
TGNC youth and adults are not interested in medically
transitioning, instead feeling comfortable with a gender-neu-
tral, non-binary presentation of gender which does not neces-
sitate the use of hormones or other medical interventions (e.g.,
gender confirming surgeries).
Given the evolving conceptualization of gender identity in
society, as well as the recognition of a diversity of experiences
of gender among TGNC individuals, particularly TGNC
young people, it is important to gain a more in depth and
nuanced understanding of these experiences. Although litera-
ture on this topic remains comparatively scant, there are some
noteworthy exceptions. For instance, Singh’s (2013) phenom-
enological inquiry explored the resilience strategies of 13 mul-
tiethnic TGNC young people as they negotiated the intersec-
tions of trans prejudice and racism. Her study illuminated the
complex interplay of racial/ethnic identity and sexual/gender
identity, as well as unique youth-specific factors on the lived
experiences of these youth. For example, adultism, which re-
fers to all the behaviors and attitudes that flow from the as-
sumption that adults are better than young people and are
entitled to act upon young people in many ways without their
agreement (Checkoway, n.d.), was identified as an
intersecting factor that had important implications for youth’s
self-determination and well-being. Similarly, social media
emerged as an important source of information and support
among youth in Singh’s study.
Narratives of resilience, which can be conceptualized as the
ability to adapt constructively to risk exposure (Mustanski et
al. 2011) and to create meaning out of threats to well-being
(Hall et al. 2010), emerged from Singh’s (2013) research.
Specifically, her work highlighted distinct sources of resil-
ience, including self-advocacy, ethnic and gender identity
pride, and finding one’s place within the larger Lesbian,
Gay, Bisexual, Transgender and Queer/Questioning
(LGBTQ) youth community, harnessed by youth in order to
negotiate societies and communities rooted in transphobic and
racial oppression and marginalization. An earlier
phenomenological study conducted by Singh and McKleroy
(2011) which explored resilience among 11 transgender adults
of color who had experienced severe traumatic events offers
an in-depth look at some of the processes that foster resilience
among transgender adults, including the ability to recognize
and then resist transphobic or racist oppression, navigate com-
plex family responses to an emerging transgender identity, and
cultivate self (ethnic and gender) pride and hope for the future.
Riggle et al. (2011) conducted a thematic analysis of qual-
itative data specifically exploring the positive aspects of a
transgender identity. Findings from their study enhance under-
standing about participants’ perceptions of internal strengths
and resources gained as a result of being transgender. Whereas
this study was not focused on the process of understanding
one’s trans identity, but rather on garnering rich positive
Sex Roles (2016) 75:215–230
narratives of the trans experience, their findings enhance un-
derstandings of the aspects of navigating a TGNC identity that
result in resilience and self-acceptance. For many in their
study, self-awareness, internal strength, and courage to stand
up for oneself emerged from adversity and hardship associated
with being transgender in a cisgender privileged society;
others grew spiritually and emotionally as they integrated their
trans identities.
In addition to qualitative research, Lev’s (2004, 2007) clin-
ical and theoretical framework for understanding emergent
TGNC identities represents a valuable contribution to schol-
arly literature aimed at illustrating the processes and experi-
ences associated with engaging in conscious self-exploration
and decision-making regarding gender confirming surgeries.
Lev’s (2004) model advances clinical work aimed at
supporting TGNC youth and adults through the following 6
stages: (a) awareness and the often corresponding feelings of
great distress associated with acknowledging and claiming
one’s trans identity; (b) seeking trans specific information that
will foster support, understanding, and clarity about one’s
trans identity; (c) disclosure of one’s trans identity to signifi-
cant others; (d) exploration of various gender identities and
labels in an effort to identify an identity and/or label that
Bfits^; (e) exploration of options for modifying one’s external
appearance to align with one’s internal sense of self (may, but
does not always, include new manner of dress and hair, body
modifications, legal name or document changes); and (f) inte-
gration and acceptance of one’s post-transition identity.
Similarly, a developmental model for the transgender
coming out process (to self and others) was presented by
Bockting and Coleman (2007) and Bockting (2014). This
model is characterized by developmental stages associat-
ed with identifying and integrating a transgender identity
within one’s internal and external worlds. The first stage
is marked by a notable feeling of difference, whereas in
the second phase, the individual articulates this differ-
ence to self and to others. In the third stage the individ-
ual explores new gender roles and expressions of gender,
as well as community resources and connections which
can support a new sense of self. Stage four is described
as the period in which one aims to develop intimacy and
first relationships in one’s preferred gender role. The
fifth stage is characterized by the resolution of several
key identity related issues (e.g., grief over lost time and
missed opportunities) and a deeper level of acceptance
one’s TGNC identity. Important in this model is the rec-
ognition that the process is neither linear nor standard-
ized across individuals. Moreover, embedded in the mod-
el is the recognition of the context of stigma in which
TGNC individuals must explore and define themselves.
These models outline several overarching processes asso-
ciated with the emergence of and integration of a trans-
gender identity and are particularly useful in promoting
217
TGNC-affirming clinical practice that values the self-
determination and autonomy of TGNC clients.
Nevertheless, there remain gaps in our knowledge of the
ways in which various experiences facilitate or impede emer-
gence and ultimate healthy assimilation of a TGNC identity.
For instance, awareness of a TGNC identity includes the abil-
ity to Bname oneself^ (Lev 2007, p. 148), yet it may only be
through seeking information (stage 2) and/or the exploration
of various TGNC identities (stage 4) that one gains the neces-
sary clarity and awareness to self-identify as transgender.
There remains much to be understood about the processes
and experiences of TGNC young people as they aim to com-
prehend themselves and their TGNC identities within oppres-
sive contexts. The present study aims to expand knowledge
about the processes associated with navigating TGNC-
specific identities by building upon existing models of trans-
gender identity emergence and integration, as well as research
which highlights the resilience-based processes through
which TGNC individuals surmount adversity (Riggle et al.
2011; Singh 2013).
To do so, my inquiry will be guided by questions which
explore self-understanding, experiences of discrimination and
oppression, sources of coping and resilience, as well as visions
for the future. My study will use the in-depth narratives of
TGNC young people to give voice to understanding and as-
similating a transgender experience into one’s developing
identity. Moreover, consistent with feminist theories, the cur-
rent research places great value on the experience of navigat-
ing a TGNC identity by way of multiple voices and multiple
truths (Archer 2009). It is the author’s assertion that
uncovering universal and distinct experiences of contempo-
rary TGNC young people as they come to know, make mean-
ing of, and actualize their TGNC identity will both deepen and
broaden opportunities to more affirmatively support healthy
TGNC identity development. A better grasp of the experi-
ences and processes associated with emerging TGNC identi-
ties will bolster efforts to counter stigma-based stress and sup-
port resilience among TGNC youth during this particularly
vulnerable time. The primary aim of my study is to use
grounded theory methodology to extend the discussion of
navigating an emerging TGNC identity during the complex
journey toward adulthood in a society in which TGNC iden-
tities remain invisible and marginalized.
Method
Participants
Participants in the current study include 13 racially/ethnically
diverse self-identified TGNC U.S. young adults ages 18–29
(see Table 1). Participants described their gender identity in
several (non-mutually exclusive) ways including genderqueer,
218 Sex Roles (2016) 75:215–230

Table 1 Participants’
characteristics Pseudonym Gender identity Race/Ethnicity Age

Christina Transwoman Hispanic 27

Daniel Transman/Man Hispanic 28
Dylan Transman Non-Hispanic White 24
Grace Transwoman/Female/Don’t Apply a Gender to Me/Just Me Hispanic 24
Jackson Genderqueer/Transmasculine Non-Hispanic White 29
Jillian Woman/Transgender Woman/Transsexual Woman Hispanic 24
Jordan Transwoman Non-Hispanic White 22
Krystal Genderqueer/Trans-feminine Mixed race 19
Kyle Transman Hispanic 18
Lukkas Genderqueer Hispanic 23
Sandra Transwoman African American 26
Shayla Transwoman/Drag/Woman African American 28
Tiana Transwoman African American 23

man, transman, transwoman, woman, drag, alter ego, and girl-
self. Although participants utilized a variety of different labels
to self-identify, participants who did not identify with the
male–female binary were notably underrepresented (n = 3).
Many participants self-selected multiple labels to fit different
circumstances (e.g., woman to myself, transwoman to the
world). Self-identified sexual orientation included straight, bi-
sexual, or fluid and was often described as Bcomplicated^ or
discussed in terms of Bwho one was attracted to^ rather than a
specific identity label/category with which one identified (e.g.,
BI am attracted to anything with a penis^).
group facilitators. One participant was recruited through a
TGNC key informant and two participants were referred by
other participants after they completed their interviews. One
potential participant did not meet the age criteria for inclusion
in the study (age 16) and one potential participant (age 18)
declined participation after discussing the project with his
mother. The other 13 referred participants completed the study
(Table 2).
Data Collection

Individual face-to-face semi-structured interviews lasting ap-

Recruitment
Purposive and snowball sampling strategies were used to lo-
cate potential participants for my study. The researcher circu-
lated paper flyers with information about the study to various
organizations serving TGNC youth and adults in a large U.S.
urban city. An electronic version of the flyer was also circu-
lated to electronic listservs where TGNC youth were members
(e.g., local support groups). Case managers, support group
facilitators, TGNC key informants, and other participants also
referred potential interviewees to the study. Potential inter-
viewees contacted the author by email or phone to express
interest in the study. The author then scheduled a time to
discuss the study’s purpose and inclusion criteria. The study’s
criteria for inclusion were: self-identify as TGNC and be be-
tween 18 and 29 years old at the time of the interview. The
researcher explained the focus and purpose of the study, as
well as that all study participants would receive a $20.00
Target gift card for participating. A face-to-face individual
interview meeting was scheduled for all individuals who
expressed interest. Informed consent was obtained prior to
conducting all interviews. Through this process, 12 potential
participants were identified by case managers and support
proximately 1–1 ½ h were conducted by the author in loca-
tions selected by participants, which included participants’
homes, public places (e.g., Starbucks), local agencies, and
the author’s office at the university. All interviews were audio
recorded and transcribed by the author or research assistants
affiliated with the project. Interview questions were focused
on gathering knowledge about the unique experiences of
TGNC young people with an emphasis on exploring partici-
pants’ perspectives of challenges and coping strategies asso-
ciated with the transgender experience and subsequent well-
being. A series of open-ended questions were used as an over-
arching interview guide; however the researcher remained
open and responsive to emerging issues to capture richness
of data from participants’ narratives.
Questions were developed in collaboration with a 29-year-
old transgender man serving as a consultant to the project who
had transitioned socially, medically, and legally in the 5 years
prior to the study. His input reflected the importance of includ-
ing questions exploring social media, as well as interpersonal
relationships among young TGNC individuals. In his experi-
ence, both social media and close relationships were critical
sources of coping, serving to buffer the impacts of isolation
and discrimination. Similarly, his input suggested that
Sex Roles (2016) 75:215–230 219

Table 2 Emerging themes

Theme Description Example

Moving from uncertainty to knowing
Recognizing oneself in others
Finding me
Explaining work
Struggling for authenticity
Gradual process of moving from being confused
and unclear about one’s identity and feelings
of difference to being able to identify and
name the difference
Seeing one’s own experience of gender identity
and expression reflected authentically in
another person
The powerful experience of seeing and feeling
congruence between one’s internal and
external sense of gender
The burden of explaining one’s TGNC
identity, needs and experiences to others
across life domains
Experiences of ongoing interpersonal,
contextual, physical, financial, and
emotional barriers to living authentically
BThe end of junior summer um I was very
by myself at home. My mom left to
Colombia so I was home alone basically
the whole summer and just me and my
thoughts and then it just came to me like
wow, this is, it all made sense because
previous experiences since like
kindergarten and school and um making
friends with certain people and even in
kindergarten I referred to myself as a boy.^
BAnd she’s you know, biologically a male,
and I realized that because she had like
the stubble and things like that. I was
like, is she doing what I want to do? Is
this person actually accomplishing what
I want to feel, what I want to do like period?
I got excited about it, I wanted to walk up
to that person and ask them, like, so much.^
BI tried on a wig um and I think I got my
confidence like that… It was someone’s
moms wig I stole I think, and I tried it on
and it was like my confidence…I didn’t have
this confidence as a boy. [I felt] complete, like
I was bad, like I was somebody, I was…this
is what’s meant for me.^
BNow I’m dealing with a whole new set of things,
just every time I get into a relationship with
someone, I have to get into like a whole bunch,
it’s not like me just hooking up with someone,
‘Hey you wanna go on a date’ or whatever. It’s
not like that, you know I have to go through
like, first of all are you ok with the fact that I
have a female body? Second of all, are you ok
that I’m Polyamorous?, Third of all I’m not
gonna go on T–you ok with that? So it’s just a
whole bunch especially because I mostly date
male bodied people and I have to make sure
that they’re not gonna see me as a straight
female which is always the hardest thing
[for them] to get over, you know?^
BIt sucks because I feel like I can’t pass. I did a
little bit in high school, but it was rare because
people already knew me as female…I miss
not having my binder anymore because I felt,
even though it’s very uncomfortable and I got
like bruises, it’s not healthy because you can’t
breathe right, that’s the most comfortable I’ve
ever felt in my body. And it just, and just really
sucks because I wanna dress a certain way,
wanna look a certain way, I wanna sound a
certain way, and I can’t because I don’t have
the resources or my family would probably
disown me, or at least my parents. It just, it
sucks but I guess right now I’m just thinking of
it like a day at a time…and I kind of think of it
like um I get my paycheck today so I start saving
up, I wanna save up to move to New York and
once I’m on my own I feel like I’ll have more
of a possibility to be more myself instead of
being with my parents and I don’t know, just to
be able to like not be so close to my family, to
220
Table 2 (continued)
Theme Description
Evolving self-acceptance Process of moving toward self-acceptance
of one’s TGNC identity within contexts
that stigmatize and disparage TGNC
identities and experiences
becoming one’s authentic self was not a process which neces-
sarily culminated with legal or medical transitioning but may
continue long after one’s physical transition. This input is con-
sistent with Bockting’s (2014) discussion of transgender identity
integration and represents an important area for continued ex-
ploration. In addition, the executive director of a local LGBTQ
youth organization, who had particular expertise in working
with non-binary youth and young adults, was consulted to en-
sure the questions were inclusive of non-binary experiences.
Her input ensured that questions were worded in a way that
was reflective of a range of experiences; for example using the
term Byour journey^ rather than Byour transition.^
The final interview guide included the eight open-ended
questions which were asked of all participants: (a) How did
you come to understand your gender identity?, (b) What are/
were your experiences with coming out?, (c) What are your
experiences with discrimination or harassment?, (d) How do
you cope with the challenges you face?, (e) What has it been
like to begin to live as your Bauthentic self^?, (f) What are
your hopes as you continue moving forward with your jour-
ney?, (g) How has being [insert terminology embraced by
participant] played a role in your relationship with significant
others?, and (h) To this point how have social networking
sources (YouTube, Facebook, Tumblr, etc.) played a role in
your life? Prompts were used to encourage additional dialogue
and clarification (e.g., If you are comfortable doing so, can
you share a little more about what you mean by that last
statement?). Moreover, consistent with grounded theory strat-
egies, because the data collection and analysis occurred simul-
taneously, data gathering processes were responsive to emerg-
ing categories and concepts.
Researcher Positionality and Reflexivity
The primary researcher and author, a White cisgender female
with a doctorate in social work, was responsible for recruiting
all participants, conducting all interviews, and single
authoring the publication. The author identifies as an ally
Sex Roles (2016) 75:215–230
Example
be maybe slightly far away and to have my
own space and to be able to express myself
without um having to apologize about it.
You know?^
BIt’s very hard for me to even go out to places
without looking perfect. For me perfect
would be no facial hair, my make-up done,
have my clothing right and I can go out and
I can feel ok. Even though people could still
clock me, they could still say oh that’s a man,
at least then I could say, well I’m looking
my best today, I don’t have to worry about it.^
and is intimately connected with the TGNC community both
personally and professionally. The present study was a natural
progression of the author’s scholarship and advocacy which is
aimed at creating safer, kinder, and more inclusive spaces for
TGNC individuals across the lifespan. Despite the author’s
positive intentions, she recognized the potential impact of
the privileged status of her racial, professional, and gender
identities, as well as her status as someone outside the group
being studied. Moreover, as a social worker and advocate for
human rights, the author brings to the research the perspective
that most individual problems have their roots in social, cul-
tural, and economic injustices and inequities. As such, several
steps were taken to clarify the researcher’s stance in relation to
participants, subject matter, and emerging findings. First, the
author maintained a reflexive journal throughout the process
where she documented her emotional and intellectual reac-
tions to interviews and data. In addition, during data collection
and analyses, with the intention of examining positionality,
reflexivity, and ensuring that the findings were grounded in
and emerged directly from the data, the researcher participated
in two Bhands-on^ intensive grounded theory workshops
(2 years apart) that were led by Dr. Kathy Charmaz. Finally,
the author consulted with TGNC-identified individuals (of the
same age as participants) regarding emerging analyses and
various drafts of the manuscript. These processes helped the
researcher distinguish between her own views and ideas and
the findings coming directly from the data.
Data Analysis
Grounded theory strategies were used to guide the data anal-
ysis process. Efforts were made to memo and take notes fol-
lowing each interview. Moreover, the interviews were tran-
scribed as soon as possible after they were conducted.
Transcription was completed by the researcher or one of three
master’s level graduate assistants working on the project. Data
analysis began with the first interview. Early memo writing by
the researcher included free-writing and in-depth exploration
Sex Roles (2016) 75:215–230
of some of the similarities across the first few interviews. Data
were initially analyzed using line-by-line coding, thematic
coding, and constant comparison methods (Charmaz 2014)
by the primary researcher and two master’s level graduate
assistants. Subsequent focused coding allowed for further ex-
ploration of some of the initial codes that appeared particularly
meaningful to understanding processes associated with navi-
gating emergent TGNC identities and allowed for some of the
implicit concepts in the data to become more explicit.
Theoretical sampling, the grounded theory process of pur-
posely seeking, collecting, and exploring pertinent data to
elaborate and refine emerging categories, was used to develop
more incisive categories that were firmly rooted in the data.
Because data analysis began with the first interview, theo-
retical sampling allowed for a more in-depth focus on
collecting deeper, richer data on emerging themes during later
interviews. In some instances, certain areas of exploration
were emphasized in order to achieve saturation of the data
(confidence that no new data is needed to develop a specific
concept) (Charmaz 2014). For example, early participants’
narratives suggested they engaged in a great deal of
Bexplaining^ to others, particularly family members, about
their TGNC experiences. As such, in subsequent interviews,
the researcher explored other types of Bexplaining work^ that
might be occurring for participants—for example the Bwork^
associated with explaining and negotiating romance, intimacy,
and sex.
Clustering and diagramming were used to further engage
and refine the emergent categories, identifying the unique
properties associated with each category, and the relations
among categories and emerging themes. In several instances,
building diagrams and refining concepts informed the theoret-
ical sampling process, and the researcher and research assis-
tants would mine the original transcriptions in search of data
that supported or refuted the new emergent concepts
(Charmaz 2014). The present study extracts themes associated
with Navigating a TGNC Identity in the Dark. This concept
refers to early experiences of recognizing Bdifference^ in one-
self with respect to gender, identity, and core self (one’s inner-
most concept of self), but lacking the information, awareness,
and understanding to identify and name this difference. The
metaphor of the Bdark^ refers to the context of confusion,
invisibility, pain, marginalization, and isolation in which iden-
tity navigation often occurs for TGNC youth. Participants’
stories illuminate interactive and interdependent themes that
impact one’s ability to safely and successfully navigate a
TGNC identity.
Results
The primary theoretical concept, Navigating a TGNC Identity
in the Dark, emerged as a journey from initial recognition of
221
an existing, but initially unidentifiable, difference toward
awareness and some level of acceptance and assimilation of
a TGNC identity. Navigating identity acknowledges the active
and arduous work associated with finding one’s way to an
expressed gender identity that is congruent with internal sense
of self. This process is made particularly difficult because the
overwhelming majority of people in society have the privilege
of never experiencing a disconnection between internal and
external sense of gender. As such, this process is one that is
often silent and invisible in a world that recognizes and vali-
dates cisgender and binary experiences of gender. Individuals
whose experiences lie outside these norms are forced to nav-
igate their experiences of gender in the dark. TGNC experi-
ences remain marginalized, pathologized, and suppressed, as
is knowledge, information, and resources that could facilitate
awareness, understanding, and legitimization of TGNC expe-
riences. As such, youth navigating a TGNC identity in isola-
tion and with no guidance often must to do so through what is
described by one participant, Daniel, as a process of Btrial and
error.^
Analyses revealed six themes associated with navigating a
TGNC identity during youth and emerging adulthood. The
relationships among these themes emerged as reciprocal and
interdependent rather than as sequential, and they appear to be
largely influenced by contextual factors such as stigmatization
of trans identities, interpersonal and familial support, financial
resources, and economic stability. Moving from uncertainty to
knowing, finding me, recognizing self in others, explaining
work, struggling for authenticity, and evolving self-accep-
tance, emerged as processes undertaken by young people as
they navigated their TGNC identities. Each theme will be
elucidated in the following discussion. I should note that the
pronouns used in the following section (she/her, him/his, and
they/theirs) are reflective of the personal pronouns identified
by each individual participant at the time of the interview. The
pseudonyms were selected by the author to safeguard partic-
ipant confidentiality.
Moving from Uncertainty to Knowing
As a result of the dominance of the gender binary, as well as
the relative invisibility and marginalization of TGNC identi-
ties in mainstream social and cultural institutions (including
schools, social organizations, sports and recreation, health and
medical care, the military, and the media), finding oneself and
constructing a transgender identity for most TGNC individ-
uals is a multilayered process often wrought with confusion,
uncertainty, and feelings of isolation. One participant shares
feeling alone and confused during the early phases of her
journey as a result of her lack of knowledge.
At first I didn’t understand it. I always questioned like,
whether other people had felt the way I felt. At that
222
moment I didn’t know anything about umm, transgen-
der; I didn’t know anything about what people are doing
now as far as switching, I didn’t know anything about
that. (Tiana)
Some participants described going from uncertainty to
knowing as a moment of sudden realization:
The end of junior summer um I was very by myself at
home. My mom left to Colombia so I was home alone
basically the whole summer and just me and my
thoughts and then it just came to me like wow, this is,
it all made sense because previous experiences since like
kindergarten and school and um making friends with
certain people and even in kindergarten I referred to
myself as a boy. (Kyle)
Even participants connected to the larger LGBTQ commu-
nity were disconnected from transgender specific knowledge
early in the identity development processes as indicated by the
following quote from Dylan: BI was identifying as lesbian…
because honestly I really didn’t know about how the other
things under the umbrella like trans and everything and then
once I was more informed like with other gender identities…I
could relate more to trans.^ Navigating a TGNC identity in the
absence of trans-specific knowledge and affirmative represen-
tations of trans identities led to confusion, internal struggles
and a search for knowledge and validation. Often, individuals
vacillate between resistance/rejection and acceptance. In the
following quote, 29-year-old Jackson recalls their early search
for elucidation and then a gradual understanding of their
transness.
I started thinking I was nuts at first actually. I was like
I’m crazy this doesn’t make any sense and then I started
to, I’d look for proof, I was like there has to be some-
thing more than this. I need biological testing, I need to
see chromosome pattern…then I started looking back at
childhood pictures. And I obviously had all kinds of
memories about ways in which I was different but I
was like I need to see something physical so I excavated
my childhood, like looked at pictures and as I got further
and further back, you know I was like this is…obvious.
Just like everything, my manner of dress, my manner-
isms as a kid, like the way that I would sit in pictures,
like the way I dressed. (Jackson)
Recognizing Self in Others
Given the invisibility of transgender people and transgender
experiences, many participants recounted the monumental im-
portance of seeing, hearing, and meeting transgender people
Sex Roles (2016) 75:215–230
for the first time. Because participants described feeling
completely alone with their experiences of gender in the early
phases of their lives, seeing their own dreams, challenges, and
lives represented in others were often experienced as liberat-
ing and life altering. One African-American participant,
Tiana, who identifies as transwoman described the exhilarat-
ing experience of seeing a transwoman for the first time when
she was shopping at the mall in her early teens.
And she’s you know, biologically a male, and I realized
that because she had like the stubble and things like that.
I was like, is she doing what I want to do? Is this person
actually accomplishing what I want to feel, what I want
to do like period? I got excited about it, I wanted to walk
up to that person and ask them, like, so much. (Tiana)
Kyle shared the monumental impact of connecting with
other transmen on YouTube. In the ensuing quote, he de-
scribes how one individual’s videos and stories were excep-
tionally meaningful, helping him through a dark and confus-
ing period of adolescence.
This one person I really connected with ‘cause we sort
of have the same perspective on things. Um, they’re
trans as well, they’ve gone through testosterone, they
want to do…top surgery only and I started watching
his videos senior year and that’s when I was very de-
pressed and I watched his videos a lot ‘cause I guess
related to him a lot. And in a way he like says things
honestly but still like with comedy so like you feel better
after watching the video, but you still feel like you can,
you have someone there, that you’re not alone…’Cause
I went through a phase in high school where I wanted, I
was very suicidal and when I watched his videos I felt
like there was hope, you know like you know there’s
someone out there. There’s still a future and that it gets
better etc. (Kyle)
One participant, Christina, shared how meeting and
befriending another transwoman allowed her to explore her
own desires around transitioning and to recognize, for the first
time, that transitioning could be a real possibility in her own
life.
A boy entered our class, and he was a little bit more
effeminate, well a lot more effeminate…than me, than
anybody I’ve ever met. He really like, blurred the lines
between genders. And we eventually started talking
more…and he was telling me like, Oh yeah like, I
wanna do this. I wanna have a sex change, or I want
boobs. I don’t know about down there, but I want to be a
chick with a dick, he would say. And I was like, huh,
that sounds really interesting. Tell me more. And he
Sex Roles (2016) 75:215–230
would like, start explaining it… she told me what her
female name is and I was like, oh that’s really cool.
That’s really interesting. And then I ended up doing
my research more about it and looking really into it
and seeing if it was a possibility. And I’m like, okay, I
can do this. (Christina)
Finding Me
The experience of seeing and feeling congruence between
one’s internal and external sense of gender emerged as a pow-
erful component of navigating a TGNC identity and living as
one’s core self. This sense of congruence triggered positive
emotions critical to well-being and often served as the catalyst
for comprehending, embracing, and owning one’s TGNC
identity. In the following quote Shayla recounts the first time
she tried on a woman’s wig.
I tried on a wig um and I think I got my confidence like
that… It was someone’s mom’s wig I stole I think, and I
tried it on and it was like my confidence…I didn’t have
this confidence as a boy. [I felt] complete, like I was bad,
like I was somebody, I was…this is what’s meant for
me. (Shayla)
Exiguous changes in appearance or dress are often
empowering and affirming. As Jackson explains, going from
long to short hair, triggered recognition of and comfort with
oneself. BIt was just like…I looked in the mirror and I was
like, there I am.^ Kiana describes dressing as a woman as part
of a spirit week activity during high school and the realizations
brought on by this initial feeling of internal and external
congruence.
And it was easy. I felt good. I was walking all through…
they looking at me just going, is that you? Yeah, it’s me,
I was trying to keep my voice a certain way. It was
funny, like some of my friends thought it was funny
but it was not funny. I was like, I wasn’t thinking of it
as a joke. I was, like, being serious the whole time. I felt
good. To be honest with you, I felt so good ‘cause I felt
natural. I felt like, okay, this is who I want to be; this is
who I am. You know. (Kiana)
Participants’ descriptions highlight how congruity between
internal and external senses of themselves result in feeling
Bconfident^ (Shayla) and Bnatural^ (Kiana) often for the first
time, which spawned an awareness of the need and yearning
to express an outer self that matches the inner self (e.g., BThis
is who I am^ [Tiana]; BThis is what’s meant for me^ [Shayla]).
Whether or not participants connected to the label transgender
during these early experiences, they expressed the realization
223
that a sense of authenticity and wholeness was associated with
the ability to transgress gender norms and expressions associ-
ated with their assigned sex at birth in order to validate an
internal sense of identity.
Explaining Work
Because TGNC identities are poorly understood in society,
participants’ recounted the common burden of explaining
their identities, needs and experiences to others. Participants’
narratives suggest that the work of explaining their identities
to others is awkward, emotionally exhausting, and often pain-
ful, particularly as a result of the relative invisibility and mar-
ginalization of TGNC identities. Nonetheless, this explaining
work appeared to be a necessary function of efforts to be seen,
valued, and understood as one’s authentic self across relation-
ships, roles, and functions (intimate, familial, social, occupa-
tional, educational). Kyle recounts his dread when having to
tell his mom he was transgender rather than a lesbian. He
expressed being daunted by the idea of trying to explain the
concept of Btrans^ to a person who would find it incompre-
hensible. Byea, it’s been, forever [since I have known I was
trans] but when I told my mom that I knew that I was trans,
that I really was more trans, it was bad, because that’s just
UGH!, how do I explain that to my mom you know?^
This explaining work went beyond Bcoming out^ to others.
Rather, participants shared narratives that depicted the ongo-
ing obligation to teach others about trans specific needs and
experiences across a variety of contexts and situations. The
following quote from Lukkas, a 23-year-old genderqueer par-
ticipant, clearly illustrates the burden of explaining aspects of
a diverse gender identity within the context of sexual and/or
romantic relationships.
Now I’m dealing with a whole new set of things, just
every time I get into a relationship with someone, I have
to get into like a whole bunch, it’s not like me just
hooking up with someone, BHey you wanna go on a
date^ or whatever. It’s not like that, you know I have
to go through like, first of all are you ok with the fact that
I have a female body? Second of all, are you ok that I’m
Polyamorous?, Third of all I’m not gonna go on T–you
ok with that? So it’s just a whole bunch especially be-
cause I mostly date male-bodied people and I have to
make sure that they’re not gonna see me as a straight
female which is always the hardest thing [for them] to
get over, you know ? (Lukkas)
Engaging others in romance, intimacy, and sex can be
complex for many young people; however, because
transgender lives, bodies, and experiences are not com-
mon knowledge (e.g., rarely if ever discussed in human
sexuality classes in high school or university; scarcely
224
portrayed in mainstream movies, media or books),
TGNC participants recounted the additional torment of
being required to describe aspects of one’s body, eluci-
date sexual orientation/attraction, and communicate emo-
tional and sexual needs to prospective dates, sexual part-
ners, and boyfriends/girlfriends.
In some instances, participants felt compelled to explain
themselves to others to build understanding. A 24-year-old
participant, Grace, shared the following experience:
Yeah, it was ridiculous. I think I was getting bikini
waxed and the lady was like: Why do you want to be
a girl, why aren’t you a man, have you been with wom-
en? And mind you she’s doing this service for me…and
I was like, listen, have you ever met a person like me?
Have you ever met a girl like me? She said no, I don’t
understand it. And I was like, well ask me any question
you want, so you can understand it. And so she did. And
at the end she was like, I’m really glad I met you, I
learned a lot. And, good for you. And that was it.
(Grace)
Participants also shared the added complexity of gaining
employment as TGNC person who is often troubled by the
possibility of addressing gender issues. The following quote
from a Christina highlights the intense emotional anguish and
the back and forth inner dialogue often associated with
explaining work.
When I got hired, I got hired as my boy self, but when I
went in the first day, I told them, Listen, I know it says
this, but this is how I want to be referred. I’m transgen-
der. …like, deal with it. That’s all there is to it…Um, I
was so nervous beforehand, but I had researched the
company a little bit, and I know…they were an equal
company. So, I was like, first let me get the job—like, I
was debating during the interview, Should I tell them
during the interview? And I’m like, no. I don’t want to
go through that during the interview. Let me first get the
job, and then once I have the job, I can tell them, and if I
get fired for that, I can sue them, and that’s gonna pay
for all my surgeries! (Christina)
Similarly Kyle talks about his decision to hide his trans
identity (and instead present as a cisgender female) at work
rather than engage in the complex process of explaining why
he identifies as male even though physically he still looks
female.
[I didn’t want it to] be awkward because he’s like right
in front of me calling me she and I don’t wanna be like
nooo and then explain my whole story, and like maybe
risk that I won’t have that job anymore. (Kyle)
Sex Roles (2016) 75:215–230
The perception of work, and often exhausting work, asso-
ciated with explaining one’s trans identity was clear in partic-
ipants’ narratives. Experiences often necessarily went far be-
yond coming out and self-identifying as trans. Rather, a part of
assimilating a TGNC identity appears to include the work of
clarifying, educating, and explaining one’s TGNC identity
and experience regularly across multiple life domains (social,
familial, occupational). The larger narrative of explaining
work revolved around the ceaseless burden of living in a so-
ciety that has little awareness of, sensitivity to, or inclusion of
TGNC experiences.
Struggling for Authenticity
The struggle for authenticity persists long after TGNC young
people realize Bwho^ they are and what they need to survive
and thrive. Narratives indicate that TGNC individuals experi-
ence ongoing interpersonal, contextual, physical, financial,
and emotional barriers to living authentically. The extent to
which participants were able to live as their authentic selves
across all dimensions of their lives varied considerably, but
barriers to authenticity, particularly during youth, was a con-
sistent theme across participants. The following quote de-
scribes Kyle’s current struggle because he is still presenting
as female to everyone except a few close friends and one
sister.
It sucks because I feel like I can’t pass. I did a little bit in
high school, but it was rare because people already knew
me as female…I miss not having my binder anymore
because I felt, even though it’s very uncomfortable and I
got like bruises, it’s not healthy because you can’t
breathe right, that’s the most comfortable I’ve ever felt
in my body. And it just, and just really sucks because I
wanna dress a certain way, wanna look a certain way, I
wanna sound a certain way, and I can’t because I don’t
have the resources or my family would probably disown
me, or at least my parents. It just, it sucks but I guess
right now I’m just thinking of it like a day at a time…
and I kind of think of it like um I get my paycheck today
so I start saving up, I wanna save up to move to New
York and once I’m on my own I feel like I’ll have more
of a possibility to be more myself instead of being with
my parents and I don’t know, just to be able to like not
be so close to my family, to be maybe slightly far away
and to have my own space and to be able to express
myself without um having to apologize about it. You
know? (Kyle)
The struggle to live authentically is largely related to living
in families and communities that are unsupportive of TGNC
identities, particularly when individuals are still financially,
developmentally, and emotionally dependent on others. In
Sex Roles (2016) 75:215–230
the following quote Jordan shares the underlying thoughts
associated with her evolution toward beginning to live as
and for herself, as a transgender woman, rather than continu-
ing to live a lie to appease others.
I just kind of reached an epiphany like, this is MY life. I
have to make myself happy. I can’t make other people
happy, because then, what do I have to show for that?
Yeah let me live the perfect life that everybody wanted
and I’ll be miserable when I’m like, 80, and I’ll resent
everybody, and I’ll be one of those cranky old people in
a nursing home saying, Get away from me! (Jordan)
Another emerging challenge associated with living
authentically relates to the marginalization of non-
binary experiences of gender. The following participant,
Daniel, identifies as transman and preferred he/him/his
pronouns, but also describes being ridiculed and ostra-
cized, even within the trans masculine community, for
trying to live his experience of gender which is not
rigidly aligned with a stereotypically masculine gender
presentation. In this case, it is a struggle for him to live
authentically even within the trans community. His ex-
perience speaks to the uncontested privileging of the
binary experiences of gender within contemporary
society.
Some days I wanna be girly and some days I hate it and I
feel very dysphoric, body dysphoric and I can’t even go
outside or see people because I feel so wrong in my
body. But there’s days where I’m like ok, I wanna go
out, and I wanna wear this dress or, it’s very complicated
but ideally I’ve always wanted to be a guy and it’s just
right now I’m kind of working with what I have, so I’ve
actually gotten a lot of hate in my [transmasculine] com-
munity saying: Oh, you’re not trans or you’re not trans
enough or…Some actually, one said that they were an-
gry that I identified myself as trans because I didn’t fit
the label or the category…’cause I don’t pass any-
more…they were like: oh why do you label yourself
as that [transman] if you still wear makeup or you don’t
pass or your voice is still kind of very feminine? They
think that ‘cause I don’t try to be the other gender that
I’m not [a transman] and it hit home because I thought
that these people at least [people] in the community
would understand how it feels to be discriminated
against, harassed verbally or physically, that they
wouldn’t wanna harass other people. (Daniel)
Despite tremendous external pressures to suppress TGNC
identities and conform to the gender binary, participants con-
sistently shared the critical importance of being able to live
authentically.
225
Evolving Self-Acceptance
Self-acceptance among TGNC persons can be conceptualized
as comfort with one’s sexual and/or gender identity
(Woodford et al. 2014). Participants’ narratives provide de-
scriptive data illustrating the challenges associated with mov-
ing toward self-acceptance within contexts that often overtly
and/or covertly stigmatize and disparage TGNC identities and
experiences. For some participants, the process toward self-
acceptance was slow and gradual as noted by the following
transmasculine participant. BI took like one step every
3 months and I think it was just like a gradual evolution like,
I became less sort of resentful about the process and less
resentful about my decision [live authentically]^ (Jackson).
In the following quote from Krystal, it can be see that while
she is beginning to feel better about herself as she gets older
and more mature, the struggle for self-acceptance is ongoing.
[I used to think] Why do I have to go through this? And I
guess now that I am older, what I would like answers to I
guess is: Why is this happening to me? To a certain
extent, I’m not thrilled with it, but I’m not disappointed
with it [being trans]. I know when I go through the full
change, I’m gonna be a happier person. I’m on hor-
mones right now and I’m like: I like the results. I’m
happy about it. But the process that you go through,
the investment, I wouldn’t wish this on anybody.
(Krystal)
The ensuing quotes from Lukkas and Jillian express how
simply leaving the house on a daily basis is a struggle for
TGNC people, but evolving self-knowledge and self-
acceptance seem to embolden them to confront the challenges
of a hostile environment.
I guess I’m more comfortable now and I’m more com-
fortable leaving my house… I’m not really all that com-
fortable but it’s a lot easier to just live, live my life and
it’s been easier to deal with people at work as well cuz I
now know who I am and now I’m not [letting others]
dictate what that means you know? So it’s easier for me
just to work and leave my house. Cuz before I used to
bind and I would not leave the house unless I binded but
now it’s just I’ve come to accept the fact that what I
have, what’s on my chest isn’t really determine, doesn’t
say whether I’m a guy or a girl or whatever you know?
Who gives a fuck? So like now it’s easier for me to just
leave the house and be like ok it’s fine if I leave the
house without a binder, it’s ok. (Lukkas)
It’s very hard for me to even go out to places without
looking perfect. For me perfect would be no facial hair,
my make-up done, have my clothing right and I can go
out and I can feel ok. Even though people could still
226
clock me, they could still say oh that’s a man, at least
then I could say, well I’m looking my best today, I don’t
have to worry about it. (Jillian)
The challenge of valuing and accepting one’s authentic self
and the evolution of these feelings is illustrated in the preced-
ing and can be noted in the following quote in which Dylan
describes the turning point when he began to value his own
feelings and identity more than he valued peer approval. BIn
high school I guess I wanted to finally embrace that side of me
I guess I grew more confident, especially senior year and I
didn’t really care anymore what other people thought so I
dressed the way I wanted to.^ These narratives illustrate that
for many TGNC individuals self-acceptance and the ability to
embrace a TGNC identity happens in spite of great disapprov-
al and a general lack of acceptance from others (e.g., parents,
peers, coworkers, society) and requires tremendous resilience.
Discussion
The themes associated with navigating a TGNC identity with-
in a context of invisibility, marginalization, and cisgender
privilege highlight complex, interdependent processes.
During childhood, participants often recognized aspects of
themselves that were not consistent with the Bappropriate^
and Bavailable^ identity options known to them. So, although
all participants in my study seemed to begin to navigate iden-
tity by trying to grasp Btransness^ in a world in which trans
issues, trans people, and conversations about trans identities
were conspicuously absent, the experience of navigating a
TGNC identity did not appear to be linear. Rather, it appears
that themes may be experienced separately or simultaneously
and in different orders based on internal or external
circumstances.
For instance, early and consistent exposure to other TGNC
individuals in one’s community may impact several themes
(e.g., finding me, seeing oneself in others, evolving self-ac-
ceptance). Moreover, there appears to be a great deal of inter-
dependency among the six different themes. Breakdowns in
one process may thwart other processes associated with pos-
itive TGNC identity development (e.g., struggles for authen-
ticity may impact evolving self-acceptance), while positive
developments in one area (e.g., seeing oneself in others)
may have a synergistic impact on other processes (e.g., going
from uncertainty to knowing, finding me). Finally, engaging
in explaining work seemed to be linked to several processes;
for example as participants began to recognize their TGNC
identities and took steps to live more authentically (e.g.,
changing outward appearance, embracing gender non-confor-
mity, changing names or pronouns, engaging in new intimate
relationships), explaining these needs, experiences, and
Sex Roles (2016) 75:215–230
changes to others across various life domains emerged as an
integral part of navigating a TGNC identity in the dark.
Study findings may advance existing literature in several
ways. For instance, the themes moving from uncertainty to
knowing, finding me, and recognizing self in others illuminate
some of the processes that may underlie transgender self-
awareness as described in stage 1 of Lev’s (2004) model of
transgender emergence. Whereas Lev’s model conceptualizes
searching for trans specific information as a separate and more
advanced stage of identity emergence, findings from my study
suggest that seeking information on trans issues and trans
identities was a part of, and in some cases a precursor to,
awareness of one’s TGNC identity. It is possible that the ex-
periences of participants in my study were largely influenced
by accessibility to trans-specific knowledge and virtual TGNC
communities in a way that previous generations of TGNC
individuals were not. Given the perpetual growth of social
media and technology, it is likely that its influence on
TGNC experiences will continue to grow. In addition, study
findings expose ways in which transphobic stigma and op-
pression can impede healthy assimilation of a TGNC identity
(e.g., feeling obligated to present at work in the gender asso-
ciated with one’s birth sex in order to maintain employment
and avoid humiliation), as well as some of the coping strate-
gies and resources (e.g., staying present-focused by Btaking it
1 day at a time^ or re-conceptualizing gender Bwhat’s on my
chest isn’t really determine, doesn’t say whether I’m a guy or a
girl^ [Kyle]) used by TGNC individuals to overcome chal-
lenges with this process. Findings offer a nuanced interpreta-
tion of ways in which TGNC young people navigate their
identities within a time and space where TGNC issues are
garnering attention but remain largely excluded from main-
stream discourse.
Limitations and Directions for Future Research
My study has several limitations that should be noted. First,
despite my efforts to give voice to a diversity of experiences
and explore emergent themes through saturation, certain
TGNC experiences by may have been inadvertently
privileged. In particular, only two of the participants in the
study reported a history of homelessness and/or sex work.
Similarly, this sample had an overrepresentation of partici-
pants that identified with the gender binary. Because these
individual differences may interact with processes associated
with navigating identity, it is important that future studies
explore a wider breadth of TGNC youth experiences.
A second limitation is that the participants in my study
were no longer adolescents themselves, but rather were young
adults (18–29 years-old) reflecting on their experiences navi-
gating a TGNC identity during youth, adolescence, and
emerging adulthood. Although future research exploring these
concepts with samples of children and teens is called for and
Sex Roles (2016) 75:215–230
will likely be more feasible as transgender issues gain increas-
ing visibility and accessibility to participants via the internet
increases, it is important to note that historically, as evidenced
by the narratives in my study, many individuals did not self-
identify as TGNC until late adolescence or early adulthood.
However, because youth are identifying as TGNC and pre-
senting for related health and mental health care at increasing-
ly younger ages and non-binary identities are more common
among younger people, future research elucidating the expe-
riences and needs of children and teens with a range of TGNC
identities is essential. Because research on TGNC issues is
nascent, there remains a need for further qualitative research
focused on eliciting rich and detailed perspectives of the ex-
periences of TGNC individuals as they negotiate multiple do-
mains of functioning (e.g., school, employment, intimate re-
lationships, parenting, spiritual life) throughout the lifespan
(childhood through older adulthood). Nevertheless, it is also
critically important that researchers quantitatively examine the
impact that specific contextual factors such as TGNC visibil-
ity, social media (e.g., YouTube, Tumblr, Instagram), and
TGNC-affirming school/work/community climates have on
self-knowledge, struggles to live authentically, self-accep-
tance/internalized transphobia, and overall well-being among
TGNC populations.
Finally, although I made systematic efforts to identify, ex-
plore, and address personal biases and to involve members of
the TGNC community throughout the research and writing
process, it must be acknowledged that the primary author
(and researcher) is a cisgender female social work educator
and brings the associated privilege and positionality of each of
these identities to the research process. Future studies which
engage TGNC individuals in all aspects of the research pro-
cess are key to ensuring that findings are reflective of the true
needs and experiences of the community. Despite these limi-
tations, it is expected that this grounded theory study of the
process of navigating a TGNC identity may enhance visibility
and understanding of the experiences of TGNC young people
as they come to recognize and assimilate their TGNC identi-
ties in contemporary society.
Practice Implications
As noted in participants’ narratives, processes associated with
navigating a TGNC identity during youth and young adult-
hood were largely dependent on forces within an individual’s
environment including family, social, school, and cultural fac-
tors, as well financial security, and safety. In all instances,
participants encountered multiple barriers as they struggled
to discover what it means to have a TGNC identity in a
cisgender privileged world. Notably, participants’ struggles
to know themselves were exacerbated by the invisibility of
TGNC people and TGNC issues during childhood, adoles-
cence, and young adulthood. The absence of TGNC inclusive
227
schools, healthcare practices, and media coverage, as well as a
dearth of accessible transgender role models, contribute to
challenges recognizing and adequately articulating feelings
and needs associated with their TGNC identities, as well as
to increased feelings of isolation. Since 2014, TGNC people
and TGNC issues have become more visible in mainstream
media with several new series (BTransParent^; BOrange is the
New Black^; BI am Cait^; BI am Jazz^) airing on major U.S.
television networks. Although this media exposure is an im-
portant early step in raising awareness about transgender is-
sues and the lives of TGNC people, social, economic, and
health disparities remain serious problems for the TGNC com-
munity. In the United States, high suicide rates among TGNC
young people persist, and the murders of TGNC women of
color (as of August 2015) have already outpaced the number
of TGNC murders for the entire previous year (Stafford 2015).
As such, there is much work to be done to improve well-being
of the TGNC community.
The dominant institutions in the lives of children and fam-
ilies must increase the level of visibility and support for
TGNC issues. Educators, social service professionals, and
health and mental health care providers should take steps to
ensure they are able to deliver competent, TGNC-affirming
services to support emerging and evolving TGNC identities
across the lifespan. Visible and affirming TGNC specific care
can help young people identify and navigate a TGNC identity
earlier and with fewer challenges. Research indicates that
TGNC individuals experience transphobic harassment, dis-
crimination, and victimization when accessing services such
as medical care, social services, domestic violence and home-
less shelters, and mental health services (Grant et al. 2011).
Moreover, research with transgender youth finds an absence
of adequate and affirming physical health services, as well as
inadequate resources to address emotional and mental health
(Grossman and D’Augelli 2006).
With growing awareness of TGNC experiences among the
general public, TGNC youth and their family members may
seek supportive services in the community at greater rates and
earlier than in previous decades. As such, it is critical that
helping professionals be informed about and competent to
provide TGNC-specific care. For example, to facilitate the
processes of going from uncertainty to knowing and finding
oneself, health and mental health care providers can provide
proactive, affirming, and inclusive care by asking specific
questions about gender identity. For example, Sherer et al.
(2015) suggest the following assessment questions for parents
and children respectively: BDo you have any questions about
your child’s sexual or gender development that you would like
to discuss today?^ and BSome of my patients feel like a boy or
a girl or something else inside, what is this like for you?^
In addition to embracing a transgender affirmative perspec-
tive (i.e., a nonpathologizing approach to clinical practice that
accepts and validates all experiences of gender as equally
228
valuable), helping professionals must understand the process-
es associated with fostering self-awareness, struggling for au-
thenticity, and developing positive self- regard among TGNC
clients, as well as be equipped to link clients with resources
that foster positive identity development. For example, given
findings related to the importance of recognizing self in
others, helping professionals may need to link clients with a
TGNC-specific support group or agency in the area.
Moreover, the inclusion of one-to-one peer mentor programs
may be an important component of services for TGNC indi-
viduals during the early stages of identity integration and com-
ing out. In instances when there are no local resources and/or
the client is not ready or able to access these resources, the
importance of connecting clients with online sources of
TGNC support and interaction (e.g., YouTube channels,
Facebook pages, online support groups) may be critical.
Narratives suggest that the ability to interact with, learn, and
gain hope for the future from others with similar TGNC
identities and experiences positively impacts one’s jour-
ney toward living authentically and evolving self-
acceptance.
Because youth spend a majority of their formative years in
educational settings, it is critical that educational systems (at
all levels) be proactive in efforts to create developmentally
appropriate, inclusive educational environments for students
across all experiences and presentations of gender. Such early
and universal programming aimed at creating TGNC-
affirmative school cultures can have a critical impact on self-
acceptance among TGNC young people, as well as the devel-
opment of positive and affirming stances toward TGNC indi-
viduals among cisgender youth. Teachers, faculty, staff, and
administration within educational settings will likely require
transgender-affirmative training and development in order to
ensure that all students are provided with safe and positive
contexts for learning. At present, even in schools with Gay-
Straight Alliances and support groups for sexual and gender
minority students, TGNC-specific issues are often overlooked
or less visible (Greytek et al. 2013).
Moreover, because children are aware of gender identity as
young as pre-school, it is important that schools take steps to
support the healthy development of children of all gender
identities and expressions. For instance helpful practices for
schools may include the adoption of more accurate and inclu-
sive conceptualizations of gender (as a multidimensional spec-
trum rather than as a binary), avoiding the practice of separat-
ing classrooms or activities by sex (e.g., boys vs. girls), intro-
ducing age-appropriate materials that attend to gender diver-
sity (e.g., picture books such as BI am Jazz^ [Herthel and
Jennings 2014] for primary school children), as well as course
content which discusses the range of gender identities, gender
roles, and gender presentation during health and development
classes in elementary, middle, and high schools. Introduction
of affirming discussions of gender diversity will foster self-
Sex Roles (2016) 75:215–230
knowledge, self-awareness, authentic expression of self, and
self-acceptance at earlier ages and with fewer challenges.
As societal and cultural institutions more broadly accept
responsibility for being TGNC inclusive and affirming, the
less burden TGNC individuals will have to shoulder in terms
of explaining the TGNC experience to others in their social
worlds. These experiences will no longer be marginalized and
invisible but discussed and addressed with the same regularity
and support as those of their cisgender counterparts.
Moreover, as schools, providers in the community, and society
at large become more responsive to the need for affirmation
and inclusivity of TGNC experiences, the process of navigat-
ing a TGNC identity during youth will become an increasing-
ly positive and painless experience. To ensure that proactive,
affirming practices are widely instituted, it is paramount that
TGNC-affirmative professionals advocate for the visible in-
clusion of affirming and competent practices and policies
across medical, educational, and social services settings.
There are a host of guidelines to support these efforts (see
Association for Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender Issues
in Counseling [ALGBTIC] Transgender Committee 2010;
APA 2015; Austin and Craig 2015; Beemyn 2005; Bockting
et al. 2006; Collazo et al. 2013; Lev 2004; Orr et al. 2015;
PFLAG National 2014).
Conclusion
Although participants in my study were negotiating their iden-
tities during a period in which there was little visibility of or
support for TGNC issues, what emerged from the present data
were stories of resilience. Participants battled for value, worth,
and legitimacy of their unique TGNC experience both inter-
nally and externally. Narratives highlighted the complex and
often protracted journeys toward self-knowledge, authenticity,
and self-acceptance that were often steeped in experiences of
oppression and confusion. Yet, participants recounted stories
of notable patience, perseverance, and inner strength.
Although there was a great deal of heterogeneity among par-
ticipants in terms of identities claimed, cultural backgrounds,
current levels of self-awareness and acceptance, personal his-
tories, and visions for the future, all participants demonstrated
remarkable resolve in the face of vast and pervasive adversity.
All participants were striving, despite adversity, to make
meaning of and assimilate their TGNC identities in an effort
to live authentic and complete lives.
Acknowledgments I would like to extend sincere gratitude to the cou-
rageous and resilient transgender and gender nonconforming young peo-
ple who so openly shared their lives and experiences in an effort to
improve understanding and circumstances for future generations. I also
thank the Barry University School of Social Work MSW research assis-
tants, Chelsea Baker, Ashley Elrod-Mason, Marvin Taylor, and Jennifer
Urrutia, who worked diligently to support this project. Finally, I thank
Aiden Collazo for his guidance and consultation on trans experiences.
Sex Roles (2016) 75:215–230
Compliance with Ethical Standards All ethical guidelines were
followed in the preparation and submission of this research. The manu-
script has not been submitted to more than one journal for simultaneous
consideration nor has it been published previously (partly or in full).
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