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Legal and Political Writings and [Audit, Documental,

Non-mythical Freemasonic, Removal of Cover, and
Declassification] Reports presented by the
respective author Shawn Dexter John, the sole
author of all presented publications on this
professional blog (website), now the joint Harvard
Law Review and Yale Law Journal [writing,
editorship, and executive management] competition
Winner
The following works were written, typed, published, and edited solely by Shawn Dexter John, also known by his operative
alias Khaled Hassan, the sole author of the published book sketch "The New Societies: Concepts and Apperceptions of an
Eastern Caribbean model of Commonality" (published with iUniverse); where not expressly stated as an excerpt or a
promotion, the presented [conventional] intellectual/intelligence Work Papers, political commentary Work Papers, and
related notes) are essentially completed [whole] drafts of related but independent material. All rights to the presented
material are held solely by Shawn Dexter John; the works are reserved for use by Shawn Dexter John solely. There is no
plagiarized content in The New Societies: Concepts and Apperceptions of an Eastern Caribbean model of Commonality
and there is no plagiarized content in the following material; there is no lack of [necessary] citation; none of the works is of
a deceitful nature. The contents of the following material of presentation have not been and are not products of any non-
Agency assigned work from any university, employer, or any other entity, or any person; it should also be noted that The
New Societies was not the result of any such assignment(s) or task(s). No person or entity has directed or forced the
author into the presentation of the following material. Shawn Dexter John isn't contractually employed (and has never been
contractually employed) by any foreign government or system of related Caribbean governance. Also, he is not a licensed
attorney (yet), law professor (yet), instructor, college professor (yet), or a current law student. He is not and was never
compensated for the development of the following works. The author has taken and completed United States accredited
doctoral courses, which are inclusive of American Bar Association (ABA) accredited law courses. The level and the quality
of the following works are intended for a graduate-level (doctoral and post-doctoral) university audience and the related
professional community. The following are not meant to perpetuate any racial or ethnic agenda and are not of any
professional or other recruitment ideology; the following are primarily scholarly and Central Intelligence Agency related. The
primary law school of his legal education was St. Thomas University School of Law – Miami Gardens. The author is an
official, undisputed, and authentic citizen of the United States of America (USA). (Importantly, the author's partial education
at Southern University and A&M College, as a doctoral student in Public Policy [at the Nelson Mandela School of Public
Policy and Urban Affairs], served well in writing significant parts of the overall material. Both degrees awarded to the author
were received from Howard University, however.) (The author did complete a course-required research [unpaid] internship
with the Embassy of the Commonwealth of Dominica over a short period of time. The author's brief employment with USA
for UNHCR, as a paid fundraiser, never required or initiated the development of any presented material). The majority of the
following works have been written on personal computers (on private laptops of Shawn Dexter John by Shawn Dexter John
[solely] and, at times, on library desktops and/or on a personal and exclusionarily owned smartphone by Shawn Dexter
John [solely]). The author is sincere and honest in his postulation. *Shawn Dexter John isn't in representation of any other
individual as a cover – there is no other operative recognized as Khaled Hassan in the United States.*

Commentary Seventy-eight: the rational Protection of

Sovereignty
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I will provide an update to the [edited and completed] manuscript, if any: [EDITED AND COMPLETED]
The New Societies – Concepts and Apperceptions of an Eastern Caribbean model of Commonality.

I, Shawn Dexter John, am the only individual editing the manuscript (aside being the sole author).

The version published as a book was simply a covert sketch, published in that manner to provide a
template to government affiliates working across distance preceding its expected completion at a then
later date (corresponding with me editing work today) – quite a humble act. Tampering might have
devalued the book material but the model and intent were communicated well preceding the
publication of the [completed] edited version (here) – the completed version consists of slightly over
200 pages. (The edited version is presented as a bonafide law article.)

——————–

————————-

Author: Shawn Dexter John

My highest level of attained university academic degree: Master of Arts in History (along with a
Graduate Certificate special minor in International Studies) from Howard University in Washington,
District of Columbia, the United States of America.

Lower level of attained university academic degree: Bachelor of Arts in History (along with a minor
in Economics) from Howard University in Washington, District of Columbia, the United States of
America.

—————————————-

I imagine that the prototypical projection of our future may appear inherently adversarial to some,
simply repugnant to others. In reacting to this disposition, I have proposed a model of integration
which demonstrates awareness and caution. One of the main focuses is the sovereignty of nation-
state.

Nations have endured struggles and strife in achieving emancipation and in consolidating their
communities into functional and amicable political domains – their [identifiable] preservation is
expected. Our policymakers should not ignore this firm reality, should pre-mitigate the genuine
concern by co-inserting a careful supranational format upon any related entity formation, one which
incorporates reasonable preservation policies and one which caters to authentic government
inclusiveness astutely. All nations have the same innate interests. I am to believe that our
constitutional representatives, designed to lead our government and shape our policies vastly,
should remain superbly involved within any encompassing supranational union. I don’t brashly
critique the current model of the European Union or the presently quasi-legislative African Union. I
propose a design which would simply further their cause, which would, however, engage members
more discreetly and more effectually. Above this, I am immediately concerned with our own political
future, an inevitable future of stalwart continental (meaning hemispheric) integration.
Our federal legislature could vote aside any entered multi-nation legislative council or, at least,
preferably, have the legislative power of veto. Our premier officials should have permanent spaces
within the governance structure of any encompassing community to guide codified policies
primarily or vote directly in their making. This erodes [governmental] separationist doctrines. This
keeps intact the powers vested in the federal government. (This concerns participation within a
political union).

Notes:

1. Primary officials can include Opposition Leaders. I imagine that Congress has the capacity to
elect/designate a primary opposition leader and a primary minister from Congress specifically –
this is conceptual but theoretically possible. However, the suppositional General Assembly
concept caters more immediately to the OECS legislative system. (The current General Assembly
format of the OAS can be preserved substantially; one representative per Member State is
sound. The national legislatures, each, could gain the power to elect or confirm the respective
representative from within/outside their respective legislature, for instance – unvexing
refinement is possible. This concerns politicalization.)
2. Some of the presented concepts align strongly with those of active models.
3. The articulated theory depends on the continued power of the United Nations General Assembly
to commonize laws via international [treaty-level] resolutions. Continental legislative policies
would provide for the reasonable and humane employment of enacted national and international
laws. (Suppositionally, conventional [non-breaching] treaty-making powers would be retained by
member governments while the continental General Assembly would hold the power to
introduce proposed treaties to the national legislatures of Member States and to certify binding,
jurisdiction-wide referendums [aside enacting regular acts], however.)
4. Concerning Member State vetoes, as described within The New Societies, upon gaining the
support of at least one-half of the representatives within the national legislature of a Member
State preliminarily, proponents of the reversal of an enacted [policy] legislative act materialized
within the General Assembly of the governance structure would also need the support of two-
thirds of a quorum of all members within the two chambers of the General Assembly all finding
that 1) a law of the respective Member State has been breached or that 2) there are [unintended]
contrasting interpretations of the language of the respective legislative act among the Member
States – this was intended. If this is achieved within the General Assembly, those opposing a
rejection would need the official support of two-thirds of the sitting members of the respective
national legislature (subsequently) all voting to overturn the articulated motion to reverse passed
 precisely. (Sanctioned continental laws can’t be rejected on those grounds. Only constitutional
questions can initiate a review and a reversal. Regarding constitutional questions, the supreme
supranational court would serve as the final appellate forum concerning both continental laws
and legislative policies.)
5. The African Union is preparing for the establishment of a bonafide continental parliament within
its governance structure. I anticipate that each Member State will receive an equal count of
representative(s) regardless of the model implemented. I have supported this within the
exposited theory. (Significant disparities in populations require this. The inherent equality of
national perspectives – ethical ones – also requires this.)
6. I’ve provided that indigenous reservations would maintain their sovereignty throughout all
integration processes. I also implied that Amerindian communities could consolidate their
platforms for hosting hemispheric discourses, conferences, and cultural activities.

—————–———————

My contact information for potential employers (including professional fellowships and United
States federal or state government offices): sdexterjohn@gmail.com or carindian1@gmail.com.

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