AN OPTIMALITY-THEORETIC ANALYSIS OF SYLLABLE CONTRACTION IN CANTONESE /

从优选理论看广东话的音节缩减
Author(s): Hui-chuan Hsu and 许慧娟
Source: Journal of Chinese Linguistics , JANUARY, 2005, Vol. 33, No. 1 (JANUARY,
2005), pp. 114-139
Published by: The Chinese University of Hong Kong Press on behalf of Project on
Linguistic Analysis

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 AN OPTIMALITY-THEORETIC ANALYSIS OF SYLLABLE
CONTRACTION IN CANTONESE

Hui-chuan Hsu

National Chiao Tung University, Taiwan

ABSTRACT

As a departure from Cheung's (1986) rule-based study on syllable

contraction in Cantonese, the present analysis employs the notion of constraint
interaction in Optimality Theory (Prince and Smolensky 1993) to solve the
critical issue concerning the prediction of the output nucleus. Distinct from the
sonority-oriented dialects such as Taiwanese Southern Min, Hakka, and Taiwan
Mandarin, Cantonese is characterized by the determination of output nucleus by
vowel length. In Optimality Theory, language variation appeals to different
ranking of a set of universal constraints. This paper also illustrates that as a
product of fast speech, syllable contraction may not follow language-specific
phonotactic constraints.

1. INTRODUCTION

Syllable contraction in Chinese is a topic which has engaged the attention

of many phonologists. In the literature, the best known example is
suffixation in Mandarin1 (Cheng 1973, Lin 1989, among others). Still, opinio
are divided about the size of the diminutive morpheme. Other than a syllable
itself, some linguists (Lin 1989, Duanmu 1990, among others) believe /r/ a f
segment with a root node that occupies a timing unit, while others (Wang 199
Wu 1994, Duanmu 2000) treat it as a feature-sized morpheme without an
independent timing unit or root node. This does not mean the absence of
syllable contraction in Mandarin which merges two syllables into on
especially in light of Chinese characters such as 甭 ‘no need' and 孔 ‘hole’.
In-depth explorations of the theme in other dialects such as Taiwanese Souther

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 AN OPTIMALITY-THEORETIC ANALYSIS 115

Min，Hakka，and Cantonese, include Cheng (1985), Chung (1996, 1997), and

Cheung (1986), to name only a few. A common denominator of the previous
studies is: the output onset comes from that of the first source syllable, and the
output consonant coda from that of the second source syllable. Their disparities
lie in how to determine the output nucleus.
The aim of this paper is to provide a constraint-based account of syllable
contraction in Cantonese. It differs from Cheung's derivational approach
mainly in positing some constraints with respect to vowel length, the
interaction of which is shown the crux of the matter. A comparison and contrast
of nucleus contraction among Chinese dialects gives us a chance to think about
the tenet of Optimality Theory that language variation results from separate
ranking of a universal constraint set. This paper also shows that co-occurrence
restrictions in individual languages may be violated in syllable contraction.
This paper is organized as follows: section 2 examines Cheung's
derivational account. Section 3 presents an Optimality-Theoretic analysis.
Section 4 makes a comparison and contrast between Cantonese and three other
Chinese dialects, including Taiwanese Southern Min, Hakka, and Taiwan
Mandarin. A theoretical implication and concluding remarks are given in
section 5.

2. CHEUNG，S DERIVATIONAL ANALYSIS

According to Cheung (1986:243-244), disyllabic contraction in Cantonese
exhibits two forms, namely the plain and the coerced. Differences in between
are obvious, as shown in the adopted data in (1). The plain contracted form
consists of one degenerate syllable and an onsetless syllable, and the coerced
contracted form presents a well-formed syllable. Probably due to the distance
from well-formed syllables, the plain contracted forms are further coerced.
Since this paper concerns segmental derivation alone, tones are omitted unless
necessary. The symbol + is put between the two source syllables for expository
clarity. (IC = isolated citation forms)

IC Plain Coerced

(1) dzi: + dow dzi + ow dzi:w ‘know’

know

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 116 JOURNAL OF CHINESE LINGUISTICS Vol. 33, No. 1 (2005)

(2) mej + tscQ me + et} me:り ‘not yet’

not ever

(3) dzi: + gej dzi + ej dzej ‘self’

self

⑷ ji: + ga: ji + a: ja: ‘now’

now

(5) bBt + jy: bB+ y: by: 'it'd be better'

not if

Before we introduce how Cheung treats the plain contrac

the coerced forms, background knowledge such as syllable
isochrony, and three types of vowel length is required. Kao's
measurements show that in Cantonese, syllables have the duration of
approximate 300 ms regardless of structure, suggesting syllable isochrony.
Despite the small difference in syllable duration, the difference in vowel length
is remarkable. Syllables with the structures of CV:, CV:C, and CVC show
distinct types of vowel length at the ratio of 3:2:1, which also obtains in a
similar measurement of vowel length conducted by Lee (1985). In addition, the
upper limit of onset length in Kao's examples is more or less one quarter of the
syllable length as a reflection of onset isochrony. According to Cheung
(1986:135), syllable isochrony is well explained in a fixed bimoraic
organization. The onset is semimoraic, sharing one mora with the following
vowel. How the remaining one and a half moras are distributed to the nucleus
and the coda thus accounts for vowel length complementarity. From (6), V: in
an open syllable carries one and a half moras; V: in a closed syllable carries one
mora, and V in a closed syllable carries a half mora. (O = onset, Cd = coda)

(6) a. O V: b. O V: Cd c. O VCd

M
ドド
kN^ ^
Zl
^ ^

With the theo

of the plain co

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 AN OPTIMALITY-THEORETIC ANALYSIS 117

"regardless of the moraic status of the two syllables involved,

the plain contracted forms can all be primarily accounted for
by a rule, which says that a non-marginal mora is deleted. ...
[This rule] is supplemented by the deletion of the demoraed
coda and onset.’’

(7) below demonstrates the derivational paths which the plain contracted form
in (1) goes through. The first step removes a non-marginal mora, which is
followed by the deletion of a demoraed coda and onset.2 Note that the vowel in
the first source syllable is posited as i in the segmental tier, and its vowel length
is reflected by the association with the moraic tier.

(7) T1 T3V T1 T3

ド->

dz i dow

Closer scrutiny of the processes outlined above reveals tha

may not hold water. Nothing in the second source syllable ch
the onset. Given syllable isochrony, the onsetless syllable sha
half moras left.3 The problem is even more obvious in view
contracted form in (4). From the demonstration below, the r
rather than the expected ji a: since long vowels in an open sy
and a half moras. If the first mora in the second syllable is delet

long any more.

8) T

A,. A: ->
Tl—^1 -» -U.I n 1 ^1 I It

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 118 JOURNAL OF CHINESE LINGUISTICS Vol. 33, No. 1 (2005 )

Cheung also argues that the plain contracted forms serve as a link
between the isolated citation forms and the coerced contracted forms. The

coerced form in (1) is generated by applying the following morphophonemic

rule that coalesces /if and a different vowel into a long /i:/ (Cheung 1986:246).

One question concerning (9) is how to predict which of the two vowels will
surface. We would rather believe that the coerced form comes directly from the
isolated citation form. Take (1) for instance. Between i: and o, the one with
longer duration emerges. Cantonese has a 11-vowel system, including i:, y:, u:,
e, ©, o, e:, oe:, o:, b, a: (Cheung 1986:188). Vowel length is distinctive. That
syllable contraction cares about vowel length is understandable.
In addition, (3) presents a counterexample to (9). The resultant coerced
form is not *dzi:j but dzej. Cheung (1986:247) posits another mode of coercion
in (10) to resolve the difficulty.

(10)

This attempt is ad hoc since examples (3) and (1) share the same onset in the
first source syllable. It is believed instead that the co-occurrence restriction
which bans the sequence of high front vowels followed by the palatal glide
rules out *dzi:j and the rule in (10) is unnecessary.
So far, we have shown that the treatment of the plain contracted form
need not appeal to the moraic organization. The rule at work is very simple —

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 AN OPTIMALITY-THEORETIC ANALYSIS 119

delete the final segment4 of the first source syllable and the onset of the secon
source syllable. We also have illustrated that the derivational approach does n
capture how nucleus contraction proceeds in the coerced forms.

3. AN OPTIMALITY-THEORETIC ANALYSIS

This section presents that the coerced contracted forms derive direct
from the isolated citation forms. The notion of constraint interaction in

Optimality Theory is able to fix the problems encountered by Cheung's

derivational account.

3.1 Relevant Constraints

Under the assumption that every syllable exhibits a three X-slot template,
with the nucleus in the middle (Duanmu 1990, Chung 1996)，syllable
contraction can be stated as XXX XXX -> XXX. Following Yip (1988), the
association between the skeleton tier and the segmental tier begins with both
edges (Edge-in). Hence emerge onset and coda in the output. By the same
constraint, a long vowel at the right edge takes priority to associate with the
nucleus position.

(11) pej + jy: -> py: ‘for example'

compare like
(12) ji: +ga: -»ja: ‘now’
now

(13) bBt + gwo: bo: ‘however’

not pass
(14) bet + jy: -> by: ‘it'd be better’
not if

In other cases, nucleus contraction takes place according to three

wins out (Length

guidelines. First, the nucleus with longer duration
Competition).5

(15) bi:n + dow -> bi:w ‘where’

where

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120 JOURNAL OF CHINESE LINGUISTICS Vol. 33, No. 1 (2005 )

(16) go: + jBt go:t ‘that day’

that day
(17) hcj +a:k — ha:k ‘Yes!’
yes Particle
(18) tseq + jy:n — tsy:n ‘would rather'
feeling wish

Second, if the input nuclei include a low vowel and a mid vowel, a long mid
vowel surfaces (Mid Vowel First).6

(19) mej + tseg me:り ‘not yet’

not ever

(20) kej + SBt —> ke:t ‘in fact’

that fact

(21) lok + jBm gej lo:m gej 4tape recorder’

record sound machine

(22) fa:n + gok kej — fo:k kej 4go back home'

return home

(23) da:j + ho:k -> do:k ‘university’

big school

Third, a short vowel cannot precede a voiceless stop in the output (No VS).
Phonetic measurement (Lee 1985) indicates that in Cantonese the vowel in VS
has the shortest duration as compared with other rime structures. Syllable
contraction requires a lower limit of vowel length. Contrastive examples from
(27) to (30) show that a rime composed of a short vowel and a sonorant causes
no problem. According to the data available, No VS applies to the short low
vowel alone.

(24) jBw + dck —> ja:k/*jBk ‘available’

have able

(25) jew + jBt -> ja:t/*jBt ‘there's one’

have one

(26) jBt + jBt dow hBk ja:t/*jBt dow hek ‘all day long'

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 AN OPTIMALITY-THEORETIC ANALYSIS 121

day to dark
(27) jBt + hsj j«j ‘alternatively’
one be

(28) sbw + jcm gej -> SBm gej ‘radio’

receive sound machine

(29) tset + hej — tsej ‘go out’

go out
(30) jEt + dzBn jcn 4a moment’
one moment

Furthermore, Phonotactics ensures that the output observes

co-occurrence restrictions. In Cantonese, *i:jt and *e:j are ill-formed
*i:り，
rimes, which explains the eliminated candidates in (31) through (34).

(31) dzi: + gej —> dzej/*dzi:j ‘self’

self

(32) ji: + geg —jeり/*ji:り‘already’

already
(33) dzeg + h«j —> dze:/*dze:j ‘only’
exactly be
(34) j«w + kej si: -> je:/*je:j si: ‘especially’
especially

Non-Identity (Hsu 2002a) prohibits total identity between the contracted

form and either of the source syllables.7 Due to the No Crossing Line
Constraint (Goldsmith 1976), the rime of the contracted form comes from the
second source syllable. One point that merits attention is: syllable structure of
Cantonese is CVX (Duanmu 1990, among others). Consonant clusters are
disallowed in the onset. Non-Identity is thus met at the expense of
Phonotactics.

(35) fi:1 + li:1 sa:2 -> fli:I/*fi:1 sa:2 ‘freezer (loanword from English)'
(36) go:k丨 + loik1 tBw2 -> glo:k丨/*go:k丨 tBw2 ‘corner’8
corner head

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122 JOURNAL OF CHINESE LINGUISTICS Vol. 33, No. 1 (2005)

(37) pek1 + lek1 pa:kl+ la:k! — plekV^pek1 pla:kl/*pa:k1 1 cracker-like

sound' 9

(38) h細6 ba.Q 6 + la:り6 —> hBm6bla:g 6/*ba:g6 ‘all’

(39) jet1 pa:j4 + la:j4 — jet1 pla:j4/*pa:j4 ‘in rows'
one row line

Note that (40) and (41) below do not violate Non-Identity for the output tone
reveals syllable contraction.

(40) dzi:wl + tBW4 dzow2 dzi:wl+4dzow2 ‘morning’

morning head early
(41) m4 go:j !+ lej5 — m4 go:j!+5 ‘please’
not thank you

Though somewhat hard to believe it may seem, Non-Identity is enforced

more strictly in syllable contraction in Fuzhou (Liang and Feng 1996:37). From
examples (42) and (43) below, sameness of segmental representation alone is
prohibited (with the glottal stop excluded from consideration in (43)). The
prevocalic glide and the nucleus vowel at the surface come from the first and
second source syllables respectively, basically following the principles of
(54e-f) to be presented in section 4.10

(42) sei44 ( < si) + sei?5 — sie?23/*sei?23 ‘forty’

four ten

(43) nei44 ( < ni) + sei?5 nie?23/*nei?23 'twen

two ten

Hailu Hakka (Lu 1999:42，Chang 2001)

segmental makeup suffices for a Non-Ident

(44) qai55 + kai" — ga55/*gai55/*gai5 丨 ‘

I Poss.

Taiwan Mandarin gives further witness for Non-Identit

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 AN OPTIMALITY-THEORETIC ANALYSIS 123

contracted forms, kon53 surfaces in (45) since the output tone reveals syllable
contraction. Yet, tonal distinction cannot make an escape for some native speakers;
segmental sameness alone contravenes Non-Identity. The two medial consonants in
the source merge into m, which does not serve as the coda in ordinary speech.
Non-Identity is strictly observed at the expense of Phonotactics.

(45) kan55 + pan2丨3 -» kam53/kan53 ‘basically’

root base

3.2 An OT Account

After the exposkion of the relevant constraints in syllable contraction, it

is now time to demonstrate how Optimality Theory deals with the
morphophonemic change in Cantonese. Constraint interaction reveals
dominance relation. As seen in the following tableau for example (31), dzi: +
gej -> dzej 'self,' the three candidate outputs all violate a certain constraint. On
the principle that the candidate with least violation wins the competition, the
emergence of dzej indicates the higher ranking of both Phonotactics and
Edge-in than Length Competition. (! denotes a fatal violation.)

(46)
dzi: ++ gej
dzi: gej Phonotactics
Phonotactics Edge-in Length
Competition
*
，a. dzej
，a. dzej し. • - く

b. dzi:j
dzi:j *\
*!
b.
c. dzi:
c. dzi: *!

Example (33), dzerj + hpj dze: 'only,' presents another case of much
theoretical interest. In tableau (47) below, that Phonotactics and Mid Vowel
First both outrank Edge-in determines the selection of dze: as the optimal
output.

(47)
dzen + hej I Phonotactics ； Mid Vowel First Edge-in

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124 JOURNAL OF CHINESE LINGUISTICS Vol. 33, No. 1 (2005)

^ a.
«■ a. dze: *

b. dze:j *i *! : へ… スぐ ：.:：
c.c. dz^j
dzej : *j
*! \て料：く ル*1にス

d. dzej i *!*!

From (46) and (47), we arrive at the hierarchy of Phonotactics, Mid

Vowel First » Edge-in » Length Competition by transitivity of constraint
ranking. The dominance relation between Phonotactics and Mid Vowel First,
which is indeterminate up to this point, will be further discussed later in this
paper. Example (48) below also supports that Mid Vowel First is more dominant
than Length Competition.

(48) fa:n + r)ok kej —> fo:k/*fa:k kej 4go back home'

fain qok
fa:n + gok Mid Vowel First Length
Length Competition
Competition
^ a. fo:k
a. fo:k ?i ' 4 A

b. fa:k *!
；—- .i

An apparent ranking parad

below, the co-occurrence res
and the coda11 has to be a min
not be:. A feasible solution to the inconsistent ranking hinges on the
categorization of Phonotactics as a constraint family. According to Cheung
(1986:100), the phonotactic constraint affecting (46) and (47) is labeled as
YOD, which rules out the sequence of front nonlow tense vowels followed by
the palatal glide. The one in question involves the labiality of the onset and the
coda instead. Phonotactics (Yod) outranks Edge-in, which in turn outranks
Phonotactics (Lab), bem in (49c) and bwi in (49d) are eliminated from the
competition due to an additional infraction of Mid Vowel First and/or
Non-Identity.

(49) beg1 + bBm1 bo: —> beimV^e:1 /*bemV* bBm1 bo: ‘ping pong'

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 AN OPTIMALITY-THEORETIC ANALYSIS 125

beg1
beq1 ++bem1
bBm1 Non-Identity
Non-Identity Mid Vowel Edge-in Phonotactics

First
First (Lab)
(Lab)
®"a.a.beim1
be:m' *

b.
b. be:1
be:' *!

c. bem1 *!
*| ...ニ.:.：二“;
*♦

d.
d.bBm1
bem' *! * *

The necessary ranking in (49), namely Non-Identity, Mid Vowel First >
Edge-in > Phonotactics (Lab) raises two questions when compared with the
earlier mentioned Phonotactics (Yod), Mid Vowel First » Edge-in » Length
Competition. One relates to the dominance relation between Length
Competition and Phonotactics (Lab). The other concerns the ranking of
Non-Identity with other constraints.
To solve the first issue, let us consider the hypothetical example in (50).
Suppose that Non-Identity does not umpire the competition, candidate (50b) is
rejected for violating Edge-in, which is higher-ranked without question
according to the two above-mentioned ranking scales. No matter how Length
Competition and Phonotactics (Lab) stand in the constraint hierarchy, (50a) is
to be chosen as the optimal output.

(50) bi.n1 + bBm6 — bi:m1 +6/*bi:1 +6/*bBm1 +6

bi:n' ++ bsm6
bi.n1 b^m6 Edge-in Length Phonotactics

Competition
Competition (Lab)
(Lab)
.»
v »?
/-JW v
>* f . _
• ::v：^ ,‘ ‘ 1
y;.: * ぐ：.:：：，.：：、，:：.■ぐ...’.へ....

^ a. a.
bi:m1+6
bi:m1+6 、くミIご: ;I *
*
b.
b. bi:1+6
bi:1+6
*!
*i ！珠が※”ソ ®-x*
：、'.、，，vへ、-•、••含銮•-
* vw 、v< ylt \ ぃ...-j
y J
KXyfc-,/.-：>：：■：-.X>- ‘ . ，： .5!

c.
c. bBm1+6
bBm1+6 *1
*1*

w. >
*
；

Letusnowturnto hescondisue.Fromthedat avilabe,Non-Identiy,

NoVS,Phon tacis(Yod),andMidVowelFirstalowsnoexcptions.Henc,
wemaypositani corporateranki ghiera chyofNon-Identiy,NoVS,
Phonotactics (Yod), Mid Vowel First » Edge-in » Length Competition,
Phonotactics (Lab) for all examples discussed so far.

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126 JOURNAL OF CHINESE LINGUISTICS Vol. 33, No. 1 (2005)

Before we end this section, one thing worth pursuing involves

Phonotactics (Onset), which bans consonant cluster in the onset. Remember
that in the so-called CI formation, Non-Identity is met at the cost of
Phonotactics (Onset). Candidate (51b) is ruled out due to a violation of the fatal
Non-Identity. That (51c) loses to (51a) indicates the higher ranking of Edge-in
than Phonotactics (Onset).

(51) bBm6 ba:g6 + la:g6 — bla:g 6/*ba:g6 ‘all’

ba:q6
ba:g 6 ++la:r)6
la:り6 Non-Identity
Non-Identity Edge-in Phonotactics

(Onset)

®" a.a.bla:り6
bla:g6
ii：.…..‘.
*

ba:g6
b. ba:i)6 *!

c.
c. ba:6
ba:6 *|
*!

An arising question lies in how Phonotactics (Onset) behaves with respect

to Length Competition and Phonotactics (Lab). In CI formation, the two source
syllables share the same rime, inclusive of tone. Length Competition is thus
irrelevant. Though empirical data revealing the interaction between
Phonotactics (Onset) and Phonotactics (Lab) are not found, a hypothetical
example in (52) shows that their dominance relation remains indeterminate. As
a result, Length Competition, Phonotactics (Lab), and Phonotactics (Onset)
stand in the same position in the overall constraint hierarchy in (53).

(52) b^m6 + lBm6 一> blBm6

bem6 + lBm6
bBm6 Ibid6 Non-Identity Edge-in Phonotactics Phonotactics
Phonotactics ; Phonotactics
(Lab) ！ (Onset)
(Lab) (Onset)

^"a.
®"a.blem6
blBm6 * * 丨 未*

b.
b. b^m6
bBm6 *!
*
* I
.. ...::.プ.一 ...ぃ‘‘| ■‘‘.へ.:：••
c. bB6
c. be6 *!
*1

(53) Non-Identity, No VS, Phonotactics (Yod), Mid Vowel First »

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 AN OPTIMALITY-THEORETIC ANALYSIS 127

Edge-in » Length Competition, Phonotactics (Lab), Phonotactics

(Onset)

So far, we have shown how Optimality Theory accounts for syllable

contraction in Cantonese. Still, the relationship between the proposed
constraints and other constraints found in the literature calls for an account.12
For instance, Edge-in is a variant of the alignment constraints, namely Align
IO Edge. As opposed to Edge-in which belongs to the faithfulness family,
Non-Identity presents anti-faithfulness. In (53) above, the latter outranks the
former. Whether Non-Identity is reducible to constraint(s) developed elsewhere,
how it applies universally, and if its dominance relation with Edge-in fits in
with the previous studies about the interaction between faithfulness and
anti-faithfulness merit a detailed investigation. In addition, the phonotactics is

implicitly a set of language-specific constraints, and hence its universality may

be questionable.

4. COMPARISON AND CONTRAST WITH OTHER CHINESE DIALECTS

This section makes a comparison and contrast between Cantonese and
other Chinese dialects, including Taiwanese Southern Min, Hakka，13 and
Taiwan Mandarin. As will be shown shortly, the four Chinese dialects behave
the same in that the onset and the coda in the contracted form come from the

edge segments of the two source syllables. Cantonese differs from the others as
to the creation of the output nucleus. More precisely，Taiwanese Southern Min,
Hakka, and Taiwan Mandarin observe language-specific sonority hierarchies
(Hsu 2000, 2002a), and Cantonese abides by a set of constraints involving
vowel length. Keep it in mind that vowel length is distinctive in Cantonese, and
the relevant constraints for nucleus contraction, such as Edge-in, Length
Competition, Mid Vowel First, and No VS, all reflect this language-specific
property. By contrast, the sonority-oriented dialects present a mechanism which
operates as follows.

(54) Sonority Model

a. Every syllable in Chinese has a three X template, with the
nucleus in the middle.

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128 JOURNAL OF CHINESE LINGUISTICS Vol. 33, No. 1 (2005)

b. Syllable Contraction merges two syllables into one.

c. Edge-in ensures that the association between the melodic tier
and the skeleton tier begins with both edges, affecting the
onset and the consonantal ending alone.14
d. The core sonority scale ofa>e>o>i>u, with possible
additions in individual languages, determines the nucleus
vowel of the contracted output. If there is a tie, association
proceeds from left to right. V-neutra丨ization (Chung 1996)
turns mid vowels into high when they form rimes with
adjacent vowels having greater sonority.
e. Syllabification in the nucleus position proceeds in the order of
Nucleus Placement, Rising Diphthong Formation, and Falling
Diphthong Formation.
f. Maximality demands that the largest possible syllable be
constructed as long as the No Crossing Line Constraint
(Goldsmith 1976) and language-specific phonotactic
constraints are observed.

Derivational paths of an example from Hailu Hakka (Chang 2001) in (53)

illustrate the sonority model. Specifically, Edge-in ensures that k in the first
source syllable surfaces as the output onset. N-placement picks the most
sonorous a as the output nucleus vowel. Finally, Rising Diphthong Formation
associates i in the first source syllable wkh the skeletal tier to create the largest
possible syllable. Note that *iai is an ill-formed syllable in Hailu Hakka, and
hence *kiai does not emerge.

(55) ki + kai kia/*kai/*kiai ‘his/her’

s/he Poss.

ki kai

XXX XXX

I I

N N

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 AN OPTIMALITY-THEORETIC ANALYSIS 129

Contraction ki

XXX

Edge-in k i kai

^XXX
I

N-placement k i kai

k i iv k
Rising Diphthong k ai
kノai
Formation ，
XXX

Surface Representation kia

Below are more empirical support for the sonority model from Taiwanese
Southern Min,15 Hakka (Yu 1984, Chung 1997, Chang 2001), and Taiwan
Mandarin. The focus is placed on the decision of the priority of association with
the nucleus position by sonority. From examples (56) to (60), Taiwanese
Southern Min follows the sonority ofa>o>e>o>i> u.16

17, 18
(56) tsa + bo lag — tsau/*tso lag ‘woman’

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130 JOURNAL OF CHINESE LINGUISTICS Vol, 33, No. 1 (2005 )

woman person

(57) he + o hio/*he 'interjection for sudden realization’

yes Particle
(58) bo + e — bue/*bo ‘unable’
not able

(59) to + ui toi/*tui/*tou ‘where’

where position
(60) tsit + tsun —> tsin/*tsun 'this moment'
this moment

Examples (61) to (64) below manifest that the sonority scale of a > e > o
> i > u umpires nucleus contraction in Hakka.19 Though crucial evidence for the
higher sonority of /e/ than /o/ is not found, the greater sonority of /i/ than /u/
implies that with the same vowel height, a front vowel is more sonorous than its
back counterpart.

(61) pun + ki -> pi/*pui ‘give him’

give him
(62) tjo + am —‘last night'
yesterday night
(63) qai + ten —> qan/*qen ‘we’
I PI.

(64) ki + ten —> ken/*kin ‘they’

s/he PI.

In the past decades, though conflicting an

regarding the underlying phonemic vowel sys
Hsueh 1986, Lin 1989, Wu 1994, among others
one thing in common. Here we follow Lin's fiv
d, and a. The two apical vowels after dental an
from /i/, and surface mid vowels such as e, e, o

following examples, the sonority hierarchy o

analogy. According to Katamba (1989:159)
hierarchy has the phonetic correlates of opennes

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 AN OPTIMALITY-THEORETIC ANALYSIS 131

and the propensity for voicing’’. The lower a vowel is, the more sonorous it is.
Example (67) witnesses not only the higher sonority of hi than /i/, but also the
realization of [e】by assimilation. Both (68) and (69) indicate that given the
same vowel height, a front vowel is more sonorous than a back vowel.

(65) tgug + iag -> t§uag/*t§uq/*t§iag ‘central’

center

(66) tgo + iag t§aq/tgiag/*tg3q ‘this way’

this pattern

(67) tga51 + i ka— tgei/*t§i ‘this one’

this one classifier

(68) pu + iau —> piau/*puau 4not want'20

not want

(69) pu + iig — piiq/*pug ‘not need’21

not need

The Mandarin case in (70) below poses no challenge to the proposed

sonority hierarchy. Syllable contraction can be sensitive to the degree of stress
in the selection of output nucleus (Tseng 1999). The second source syllable in
(70) bearing a neutral tone is unstressed. The lack of stress enhances the
perceptual saliency of the onset (which should not have joined the contraction
according to the sonority model) and the output is a non-occurring syllable with
a labial nasal coda.

(70) ni + man pan —> nim/*n9n pan ‘your class'

you PI. class

To summarize this section, sonority distinguishes Taiwanese Southern

Min, Hakka, and Taiwan Mandarin from Cantonese in nucleus contraction.

5. THEORETICAL IMPLICATION AND CONCLSUION

As a departure from Cheung's rule-based analysis, this paper presented an
Optimality-Theoretic account of syllable contraction in Cantonese. A
theoretical implication has to do with the tenet that language disparity results

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132 JOURNAL OF CHINESE LINGUISTICS Vol. 33, No. 1 (2005 )

from different ranking of a set of universal constraints.

In Optimality Theory, all grammars select the correct output forms
according to the evaluation of how a set of violable universal constraints is
satisfied. Different ranking of the constraint set leads to language variation. A
question to be asked at this moment is how the vowel length/sonority
distinction revealed in sections 3 and 4 can be explained in Optimality Theory.
Though the proposed sonority model is derivational in nature, the problem
remains even if it is translated into OT terms. In Universal Grammar, intrinsic

discrepancies among grammars may lie in the choice of some parameters.

Vowel length and sonority behave as two parametric variations in nucleus
contraction. If couched within the framework of Optimality Theory, syllable
contractions in the four Chinese dialects require the same set of constraints. In
Cantonese, constraints involving vowel length rank high, and those related to
sonority requirement rank so low that they can be ignored. Taiwanese Southern
Min, Hakka, and Taiwan Mandarin exhibit an opposite picture.
Finally, but not least importantly, that syllable contraction is a product of
fast speech may explain why Phonotactics is not always observed (cf. Chung
1996). Apart from Cantonese and Taiwan Mandarin, phonotactic constraints
also find exceptions in Taiwanese Southern Min (Hsu forthcoming b). As
shown in examples (71-73)，a dissimilatory constraint militating against
{[aback]...[aback]} within the nucleus excludes *iai. (Recall that syllable
contraction in Taiwanese Southern Min takes place at the phonetic level.) Yet,
iai occurs in (74-77). The thing is: both iai and iai are ill-formed rimes in
ordinary speech. That the dissimilatory constraint prohibits iai but not iai can
only appeal to fast speech which is a required setting for syllable contraction.

(71) sia + mi lag —> sfa /*siai lag ‘who’22

what person
(72) tsia? + nT -> tsian/*tsiai ‘this (used as an adverb in emphatic speech)'
this way
(73) hia? + nl -> hian/*hiai ‘that (used as an adverb in emphatic speech)'
that way
(74) khi + lai -> khiai ‘get up’
rise come

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 AN OPTIMALITY-THEORETIC ANALYSIS 133

(75) tsia + e — tsiai ‘these’

here Poss.

(76) hia + e — hiai ‘those’

there Poss.

(77) lip + lai -> liai 'come in’

enter come

Note that the output nasal coda in (72) and (73) come from the onset of the
second source syllables, which cannot be captured by the sonority model. The
exceptions are attributed to positively avoiding the dissimilatory constraint.
This paper provided an OT account of syllable contraction in Cantonese.
We showed how the contracted nucleus pivots on vowel length, as opposed to
sonority in other dialects. We also came to the conclusion that
language-specific phonotactic constraints can be violated in syllable
contraction.

NOTES

*1 thank Professor Kwan-hin Cheung for bringing up the issue of syllable

contraction in Cantonese to my attention. The present study would never have
been completed without his pioneering work.
1. Here Mandarin is referred to the dialect spoken in Beijing. Taiwan Mandarin
does not have er suffixation.
2. Just like the case in Taiwanese Southern Min (Chung 1996), the output tone in
syllable contraction derives from the combination of the edge tonemes.
3. Cheung (1986:245) claims that “k is quite beside the point to ask if there is
one syllable or two in the plain contracted form". In fact, this issue is never
negligible. Whether the plain contracted form presents a bimoraic structure
needs further phonetic investigation.
4. This generalization holds on the premise that long vowels are presented as
vowel geminates.
5. Length Competition also predicts how nucleus contraction in examples (11),
(13), and (14) takes place. The constraint Edge-in is in particular crucial for
example (12).

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134 JOURNAL OF CHINESE LINGUISTICS Vol. 33, No. 1 (2005)

6. Here we follow the generalization proposed by Cheung (1986:247).

7. In Cantonese, Non-Identity affects the so-called Cl-formation (Cheung,
1986:240), which is characterized by the fact that the second source syllable
begins with an i
8. Note that the entering-tone syllables in examples (36), (37), and (39) do not carry
Tone la. Here the categorization of tones is based on Cheung (1986).
9. Examples (37) and (38) present onomatopoeic expressions. Word-for-word
translation is almost impossible.
10. The reader is referred to Bao (2000) for the syllable structure in Fuzhou.
11. By contrast, Cheung (1986:167) holds that occurrence of a syllable in
peripheral and marginal lexical items, such as loan words and onomatopoeic
expressions, also implies well-formedness. The relevant issue concerning the
violability of phonotactics will be discussed in section 5.
12. Sincere thanks go to the anonymous reviewer for the valuable comment.
13. Here Hakka is not referred to a specific dialect. In actual fact, the sonority
model accommodates Sixian Hakka, Liudui Hakka, and Hailu Hakka spoken in
Taiwan.

14. Recall that in Cantonese, a long vowel at the right edge takes priority to
associate with the nucleus position. The following two cases from Taiwanese
Southern Min and Hailu Hakka respectively show that vocoids are immune to
Edge-in.
(i) na + e an ne nai/*ne an ne 'how come’
how come this way
(ii) gi + kai qia/*qai/*giai ‘your’
you Poss.
15. The reader is referred to Hsu (forthcoming b) for more details.
16. Further evidence for the partial sonority scale of i > u comes from rhyming
patterns and acoustic measurement (Hsu 2002b).
17. The contracted form びコ does not surface in the dialect of the present author,

and yet it occurs in the dialect spoken in south Taiwan. This single exception
does no harm to the proposed sonority model.
18. Note that o becomes u due to V-neutralization.

19. Strictly speaking, the contraction data available do not constitute cogent
evidence for the sonority scale between vowels with identical tongue height.

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 AN OPTIMALITY-THEORETIC ANALYSIS 135

Still, the greater sonority of l\l than /u/ in Sixian Hakka finds corroborativ
support from phonological processes, rhyming patterns, and acoustic
measurement (Hsu forthcoming a). A similar study on Hailu Hakka is being
undertaken.

20. Sonority is not the only reason to give up *puau. The syllable is ill-forme
violating the CG labial constraint which bans a syllable initiated by a string of
labial onset and a labial prevocalic glide (Pulleyblank 1989)，as further
exemplified below.
(i) pu + i + iaq -> piaり/*puag ‘different’
not one pattern
Yet, the sonority scale of ii > u obtained from (69) implies that /[/ shall be more
sonorous than /u/. Example (65) constitutes no problem since *t^iarj is
eliminated by the co-occurrence restriction which prohibits a retroflex onse
from preceding the prevocalic i.
21. Strictly speaking, this contracted form is an illicit syllable. The other form
mainly spoken in Beijing Mandarin, namely psij, deserves a detailed
explanation. As demonstrated below, the second source syllable has the
underlying representation of iiorj (Chen 1984)，and psrj surfaces since the othe
two candidates violate the CG labial constraint.
(i) pu + uqq -> p9g/*pii3g/*pu3g
There exist several possibilities which cause such a discrepancy between
Beijing Mandarin and Taiwan Mandarin. The first factor lies in different levels
at which syllable contraction occurs. Specifically, Beijing Mandarin has the
morphophonemic change at the underlying level, and Taiwan Mandarin th
surface level. Second, if both Mandarin dialects have syllable contraction at th

underlying level, language contact accounts for what happens in Taiwa

Mandarin. Note that Taiwanese Southern Min happens to not observe the CG
labial constraint，and syllables such as buan ‘full’ and pue? ‘eight’ emerge. In
view of the fact, puPTXphonetically [piiq]) fares better than puoij (phonetically
[pug]) in terms of sonority. Instead of lirj, Lin's (1989) phonetic transcriptio
for the rime in question is ior) owing to dialectal influence from Taiwanese
Southern Min. Suppose that syllable contraction in Taiwan Mandarin takes
place at the phonetic level, the output pior) (in Lin's position) also falls ou
naturally from the proposed sonority model. After Edge-in, which decides th

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136 JOURNAL OF CHINESE LINGUISTICS Vol. 33, No. 1 (2005)

onset and coda consonants of the contracted syllable, the most sonorous o is
chosen as the output nucleus, and i as the prevocalic glide owing to its greater
sonority than u.
(ii) pu + ioq -> pioq /*puog
The following example further suggests that like the case in Taiwanese
Southern Min (Hsu forthcoming b), syllable contraction in Taiwan Mandarin
occurs at the phonetic level. That o is lower than q in vowel height ensures the
realization of t^orf1, which is possible only if t^orj21 (adopted from Lin 1989)
serves as a source syllable. Non-Identity is not infracted here for tone reveals
syllable contraction.
(iii) t§951 + tgoq21 z^n -> tgoり51/*tgsg51 z^n
this type people
4this kind of people'
Note that syllable contraction cannot take place at the underlying level
this case. If it does, the resultant contracted form will be According to
(54d), if there is a sonority tie, association proceeds from left to right. The
association of q in the first source syllable with the nucleus position blocks the
participation of u in syllable contraction due to the No Crossing Line
Constraint.

(iv) t§951 + t§u3り213 z^n -> t§uag53/*t§sg53 z^n

this type people
'this kind of people'
More details about syllable contraction in Taiwan Mandarin are discussed i
paper in preparation.
22 The contracted form may derive from coda deletion which turns *sial into
due to the dissimilatory constraint. Some native speakers of Taiwan
Southern Min accept the alternative siam, which patterns with tsian in (72) a
hian in (73).

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 AN OPTIMALITY-THEORETIC ANALYSIS 139

從優選理論看廣東話的音節縮減
許慧娟
國立交通大學，臺灣

本文探討廣東話的音節縮減’先是說明張(1986)的分析不能合理解
釋韻核的合併，繼而藉由儍選理論制約互動的觀念成功地詮釋相關語
料。廣東話和其他漢語方言，諸如躉閩語、客語及臺灣國語，在音節
縮減一致的地方是：聲母來自前一音節的聲母；輔音韻尾來自後一音
節的輔音韻尾。而廣東話和臺閩語、客語及蠆灣國語的差異表現在
核的合併‘前者倚重元音長短’後三個方言則藉由響度大小決定韻核》
根據優選理論，語言差異導因於ー套普遍制約的不同排比。亦即韻核
合併的所有制約都見於這四個漢語方言，其間的差別是元音長短的
關制約在廣東話排序高，有關響度的制約排序則低到可以被忽略：
閩語、客語及臺灣國語的情形正好相反。此外，本文顯示音節縮減
不完全遵守共存限制。

SUBJECT KEYWORDS

Syllable contraction, Optimality Theory, Phonotactic constraints

关键词

音节缩减，优选理论，语音配置限制

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