Al-Bīrūnī and The Political History of India

AL-BIRUNI AND THE POLITICAL HISTORY OF INDIA
by
M. S. Khan
Calcutta
When al-Biriini wrote, history meant only political and military

history of wars and battles; but it was not so with him. In his well-known
book Kitab Ji Taftqiq ma li'l-Hind (Researches on India), he did not
record the military and political history of India in any detail but wrote
its cultural, scientific, social and religious history, thus showing that
he had as wide a concept of history as that of a modern historian. It is
difficult to discuss his contributions to all aspects of the history of India
within the short space of this paper. Therefore, it will deal mainly with
whatever information al-Biriini provides concerning the political history
of India. But before this is undertaken, it is desirable to give some idea
of his concept of history.
It appears that al-Biriini has not discussed his idea of history spe-
cifically in any of his works; but glimpses into this aspect of his thought
may be obtained from his introductions to the two important works-
al-Athar 1 al-Baqiya (The Chronology of the Ancient Nations) and Kitab
Ji Taltqiq ma li'l-Hind 2 (Researches on India). In the former, he takes a
1 Kitiib al-Athiir al-Biiqiyah 'anil-Qurun al-Khiiliyah (written ca. 391/1000) ed.

by Edward Sachau (Leipzig, 1923), Baghdad reprint, 1963, LXXIII, 362. The
Chronology of Ancient Nations or Vestiges of the Past, trans. and edited with notes
and index by Edward Sachau, London, 1879, XVI, 464. Some fragments of this
book not found in the edition of E. Sachau have been published by Karl Garbers
and Johann Flick in the Documenta Islamica Inedita, Berlin, 1952, 45-98 (Baghdad
reprint of the text used and referred to as The Chronology). A Persian translation
of this work has been published by Akbar Dana Sarisht, Tehran, 1321/1943, 423.
1 Kitiib Ji Tafiqiq mii li'l-Hind min Ma'qulatin maqbuliitin fi'l-'Aql aw Mardhula
{Researches on Indian Thought of All Categories-those that are admissible to
reason as well as those that must be rejected.) edited by Edward Sachau (London),
XLI, 365. Photographic reproduction, Leipzig, 1925; new edition, Arabic text
based on B.N. Paris Ms Schefer 6080 published by the Da'irat al-Ma'arif il-Os-
mania, Hyderabad, 1958, XLIV, 548, 30. Al-Beruni's India, An Account of the
Religion, Philosophy, Literature, Chronology, Astronomy, Customs, Laws and
Astrology of India About A.D. 1030. trans. and edited with notes and indices by
Edward Sachau, London, 1910, 2 vols. in one. Popular Indian reprint, New Delhi,
1964; I; L, 408; II; 431. {Hyderabad ed. of the text and New Delhi reprint of the
trans. used. Referred to as Indica.) A Russian translation of this book has been
published under the editorship of V.I. Belyaev translated by A. B. Khalidov,
Y. N. Zavadovskii with a commentary by V. G. Armana and A. B. Khalidov, see
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al-Biriinl and the Political History of India
religious view of history and quotes a verse of the Qur'an (Sura, IV, 62)
calling upon the people to obey God, His representatives the Prophets,
and the rulers invested with political powers. After the usual doxology
he states: "One of the exquisite plans in God's management of the
affairs of His creation, one of the glorious benefits which He has bestowed
upon the entirety of His creatures, is that categorical decree of His, not
to leave in His world any period without a just guide, whom He con-
stitutes as a protector for His creatures ... ". 3 This indirectly means that
he believed in the unfolding of God's divine plan in history through the
Prophets. 4
Although this is a religious view of history yet he seems to believe
that both history and science aim at finding the truth. His statement
about the primary duty of a scientist in the study of exact science is
"to accept gratefully the original contributions of his predecessors, to
correct fearlessly the errors that come to his notice". 6 It may also be
considered as the duty of a historian. This statement finds support from
the fact that he prescribes a scientific principle for the examination and
acceptance of reliable historical traditions i.e. that they should not
contradict either logical principles or physical laws of nature. 6 If they
do so they are to be relegated to the domain of legends.
His unbounded passion for truth above everything else in the study
of positive and fundamental sciences is also manifest in his historical
writings. Himself objective and impartial in writing history, it is
objectivity and impartiality that he demands from other historians who
write about other nations specially about their religions and doctrines.
Abu Rayhan Biruni, Selections from his Works, Tashkent, 1963, vol. II, 727,
Introduction: 7-53; Commentary: 541-675; Bibliography, 679-685. It has been
translated into Hindi by Shantaram, Allahabad, 1926-28, 3 vols. (2nd ed.) and by
Rajanikanta Sharma, Al-Biriini ka Bharat, Allahabad, 1967, 466, and into Urdu
by Syed A~ghar 'Ali and revised by S. I;Iasan 'Ata,•, Delhi, 1941-42, 2 vols. and
by Latif Malik, Lahore, 1965, 408. For a translation of this book in Malayalam
see Al-Biriini Kanta India by A. M. Mul_iammadiyan, New Delhi, Sahitya Akademi,
1970, 483.
8 The Chronology, 3/1; He adds that obedience to the Prophet is a religious
duty for mankind. This obedience only can obtain a reward in future life. (The
first number indicates the page number of the text and the second the page number
of the English translation.)
' This is also the old Testament concept of history. cf. "Earliest Christianity"
by Erich Dinkier in The Idea of History in the Ancient Near East ed. by Robert C.
Dentan, New Haven, 1955, 171-214 (useful references given in foot-notes.) See
also The City of God, by St. Augustine.
5 Al-Biriini, al-Qaniin al-Mas'iidi (Canon Masudicus) quoted by Syed I;Iasan
Barani, "Muslim Researches in Geodesy", in the Al-Biriini Commemoration Volume,

Calcutta, 1951, I.
• Indica, 2/I, 3.

88 M. S. Khan
Historians must be free from all kinds of prejudices "which are liable
to make people blind against truth". 7 He recorded the history of India
as a just and impartial historian. His "impartiality, which to many a
Muslim may seem to exceed due limits, is such that the reader may
pursue many pages of his book without even noticing that the author is
a Muslim". 8 Al-Biriini adds that one should guard oneself against
numerous lies which are mixed up with all historical records and tra-
ditions. 9 This means that the principle of source criticism in historical
writings was known to him.
Al-Biriini criticizes the Hindus for their lack of interest in history and
chronology in the following words; "Unfortunately the Hindus do not
pay much attention to the historical order of things, they are careless in
relating the chronological succession of their kings, and when they are
pressed for information and are at a loss, not knowing what to say,
they invariably take to story-telling". 10
According to al-Biriini, there might be five different kinds of liars
who lie under different motives. Quoting a verse of the Qur>an in which
the believers have been asked to speak the truth "though it may be
against your own selves" (Sura IV, 135) and some verses from St. Mat-
thew & St. Luke, he praises those who refrain from lie and adhere to
the truth "enjoying credit even among liars". 11
Al-Biriini has clearly distinguished between the historical method and
the scientific method in which he was an expert. He believed that in
the former there is no room for ratiocination with philosophical notions 12
and in the historical method concerning the events of antiquity there
cannot be any induction from the data collected through observation 13
by sense organs, which is the case with science.
Al-Biriini believes that in so far as the history of science is concerned
the comparative method is the best 14 and most rewarding. For the social
and religious history of a country as well he considers this method as
the best. Throughout his book on India he draws analogies taken from
7 The Chronology, 4/3; according to al-Biriini these prejudices are due to in-
veterate custom, party-spirit, rivalry, being addicted to one's passions, the desire
to gain influence etc.
8 Edward Sachau, Preface to his edition of the Kitab al-Hind, pp. VI, VII.
9 The Chronology, 5/3.
10 I ndica, 349/II, IO, I I.
11 Ibid., 2, 3/I, 4, 5.
11 The Chronology, 4/3.
11 Loe. cit. For a detailed discussion see A. Jeffery, "Al-Beriini's Contributions
to Comparative Religion" in the Al-Biruni Commemoration Volume, 127.
11 Indica, 83/I, 108; see his comparison of the marriage customs among the
Hindus and the Arabs of the Jahiliyyah; cf. The Chronology, 4/3.

al-Biriini and the Political History of India
the Greek, Zoroastrian, Christian, Jewish, Manichaean and $iifi sources.

In the introduction to his Indica he writes, "I shall place before the
reader the theories of the Hindus exactly as they are, and I shall mention
in connection with them similar theories of the Greeks in order to show
the relationship existing between them ... Besides Greek ideas we shall
only now and then mention those of the $iifis or of some one or other
Christian sect, because in their notions regarding the transmigration of
souls and the pantheistic doctrine of the unity of God with creation
there is much in common betwe ~n these systems." 15
Al-Biriini has discussed the main sources of historical traditions. The
historian may act as eye-witness or ear-witness or he may obtain in-
formation by cogitation and study from written historical works of
former nations. He adds that in so far as historical authenticity is con-
cerned eye-witness reports are more reliable than hearsay, but both
these reports have their own demerits. The eye-witness reports are con-
fined to the present only and although hearsay has the advantage of
giving information about the past, present and future yet it is not
very 16 reliable. Thus, he believed in both oral reports and written sources
but cautioned the historians and readers to use them after critical
examination.
At the end of his introduction to the Chronology al-Biriini writes: "It
is our duty to proceed from what is near to the more distant, from what
is known to that which is less known, to gather the tradition from those
who have reported them, to correct them as much as possible and to
leave the rest as it is, in order to make our work help him who seeks
truth and loves wisdom in making independent researches on other
subjects and guide him to find out that which was denied to us whilst
we were working at this subject by the will of God and with His help". 17
The above discussion leads to the conclusion that al-Biriini was of the
opinion that the aim and object of revelation, history-writing, and
scientific studies is one and the same i.e. to know the truth and he con-
sidered them as equally reliable sources of human knowledge.
Without doubt, al-Biriini was interested in history and history-
writing, but only in certain special aspects in which by and large
other historians contemporary to him were not interested. He was a
chronologist in a wider sense and in the opinion of Sachau "al-Biriini
was the only Arabic writer who investigated the antiquities of the east
11 Ibid., 5, 6/I, 7, 8.
11 Ibid., 1/I, 3.
17 The ChYonology, 5/4.

90 M. S. Khan
in a true spirit of historical criticism". 18 Now the historical works written

by al-Biriini may briefly be discussed here.
Al-Biriini was attached to the court of the Mamiinids of Khwarizm
after 395/1004 and served the rulers of this dynasty as councillor till
the year 408/1017 when Sultan Mal_i.miid brought about their fall and
annexed Khwarizm to his kingdom. Therefore, he was a contemporary
and an eye-witness to the events taking place at his native town of
Khwarizm from at least 382/992, when he was about twenty years old,
till the year 408/1017. He wrote a chronicle of Khwarizm entitled the
Kitab al-Musamara fl Akhbar Khwarizm 19 which is lost; but Sachau's
statement is correct that long fragments of this book are preserved in
the Ta•rikh of al-Bayhaqi who records its history down to 432/1041. 20
From a study of the excerpts preserved in al-Bayhaqi it may be stated
that it dealt mainly with political and military history.
Another lost work of al-Biriini the Kitab Akhbtir al-Mubaiyyii!,a wa'l-
Qaram#ah shows by its title his interest in the heterogenous sects among
the Muslims. Yaqiit records that he wrote a contemporary history of
Sultan Mal_i.miid and his father entitled Ta•rikh Ayyam Sul/an MalJ,mud
wa-Akhbtir Abihi 21 which unfortunately does not seem to be extant.
Fortunately, al-Biriini's book on India is extant and it is available in
print in two different editions. The one published at Hyderabad contains
a critical and reliable text no doubt but it is not altogether free from
mistakes in reading. 22
Before the main subject of this paper is discussed it seems desirable
to consider al-Biriini's relations with India. He personally came in
18 See Edward Sachau's Preface to his trans. of the al-Athiir (Chronology) p. X.

19 Yii.qiit al-l;lamawi, Irshii.d al-Arib, ed. by D. S. Margoliouth, London, 1907-
1927, VI, 311. Sachau (Preface to lndica, p. XXVII) writes: "As probably the most
valuable contributions to the historical literature of the time, we must mention his
history of his native country Khwii.rizm, and the history of the famous sect of the
Karmatians, the loss of both of which is much to be deplored."
zo See Tii.rikh-i-Bayhaqi, ed. by Drs. Ghani and Fayyii.<;l, Tehran, 1324 A. H.
Shamsi, "Dhikr Khwii.rizm" 665-691, or Tiirikh-i-Bayhaqi, ed. by W. H. Morley,
Bibi. Indica, Calcutta, 1962, 837-868. Edward Sachau, Chronology, Preface p. X;
- - , "Zur Geschichte und Chronologie von Khwii.rizm", in S.B.W.A.W. Phil.
Hist. Klasse, Vienna, 1873, LXXIII, 471-506; LXXIV, 285-330; W. Barthold,
Turkestan Down to The Mongol Invasion, 3rd ed., London, 1968, 20; 30-36, 39.
See W. Barthold, "Khwii.rizm" in the Enc. of Islam, Leiden, 1927, II, 908-912.
Al-Biriini has given a detailed account about Khwii.rizmian festivals in his Chro-
nology, 223-230. S. P. Tolstov, In the foot-steps of the Khwii.rizmian Civilisation,
1948 in Russian. - - , Au/ den Spuren der altchoresmischen Kultur, Berlin, 1953.
11 Yiiqut, Irshii.d, VI, 311. Al-Biriini has himself mentioned his book on Car-
mathians in the al-Athiir, 213.

11 See foot-note No. 2 above.

al-Bhiini and the Political History of India 91
contact with India in the wake of Sultan Ma}:imiid's expeditions to this

country. 23 But the statement of al-Bayhaqi and al-Shahraziiri that he
lived in India for forty years is not correct. 24 The chief events of his life
"can be fixed now within precise limits" on the basis of modern research 25
from chance statements made by him in his books and from other
sources. 26 It may be stated precisely that he was taken to Ghazna by
Sultan Ma}:imiid in 408/1017 and travelled or lived in the north and north-
western India, mainly in the Punjab and the borders of Kashmir, between
408/1017 and 421/1030 for about thirteen years, not continously but at
regular intervals.
BS See Mul,lammad Na~im, The Life and Times of SulJan Mafimud of Ghazna,
Cambridge, 1931. Chapter VIII, "Wars in India", 86-122, and Mal,lmiid bin Su-
buktigin in al-Hind fi'l-'Ahd al-Islami by Syed 'Abdu'l-l;layy al-l;lasani, 1st ed.
Hyderabad, 1392/1972, 469 at 146-161. M. l;labib Sultan Mafimud of Ghaznah,
Delhi, 1951. B. Spuler, "Ghaznawids" in the Enc. of Islam new ed., Leiden, 1965,
II, 1050-1053; C. E. Bosworth The Ghaznavids, Edinburgh, 1963, 331 (deals mainly
with the career and achievements of Mal,lmiid in Afghanistan and Eastern Iran.
44-47.) Bertold Spuler, Iran in Fruh-Islamischer Zeit, Wiesbaden, 1952, 111-118;
C. E. Bosworth, 131, rightly remarks that since Sultan Mal,lmiid brought al-
Biriini to Ghaznah the gateway of India, it was he who actually made the writing
of the Indica possible.
24 See "Einleitung" of Edward Sachau to his text edition of the al-Athar, LXX
and Lill, where the relevant texts from al-Bayhaqi and al-Shahraziiri have been
cited. See Mul,lammad Abi~ $alah, "al-Biriini Yasihu fi'l-Hind" in the Thaqa-
fatu'l-Hind, New Delhi, Jan. 1961, XII/No. 1, 34-47, who states that al-Biriini
visited Madurai (1023 A.D.), Nagpattam, Kerala (1025 A.D.) in which he stopped
in five towns-Calicut, Quilon, Malabar, Balipattan and Kannanganore for nineteen
months. It is added that he visited Kerala for the second time in 1037 A.D. and
from Calicut he took a ship for China. But the writer has not documented his
statements nor has he indicated his sources of information. He has mentioned
"It is stated in historical works ... ". It seems unlikely that al-Biriini visited
South India but this question must remain open for investigation.
25 "Al-Biriini" by E. S. Kennedy, Dictionary of Scientific Biography ed. by
C. C. Gillespie, New York, 1970, II, 147-158. D. J. Boilot, "Al-Biriini" in the
Enc. of Islam, new ed., London, 1960, I, 1236-1238 (unsatisfactory but contains
a good bibliography). C. Brockelmann, GAL, 1943, I, 626-27; S I, 1937, 870-875;
•Umar Ric;la Kal,11,lala, Mu<jam al-Mu'allifin, Damascus, 1378/1959, VIII, 241-42;
on the life of al-Biriini see Maqbiil Al,lmad, Ram Behari and B. V. Subbarayappa,
"Al-Biriini, An Introduction to his life and writings" ... a paper read at the
New Delhi symposium on al-Biriini, 29-33; see also Khairaddin al-Zirikli, al-
A 'lam, Qamus Tarajim, 3rd ed., Beirut, 1390/1970, VI, 205-206. 'Ali Al,lmad ash-
Shahat, 'Abur-Rayhan al-Biruni, [fayatuhu, Mu'allafatuhu, Abfiathuhu al-<Jlmiyah
(Cairo, Ma'arif Press, 1968), 242.
81 See D. J. Boilot, op. cit. and "L'Oeuvre d'al-Biruni: Essai Bibliographique"
in MIDEO, Cairo, 1955, II, 161-256; Cairo, 1956, III, 391-396, see also al-Bayhaqi,
al-QiftI, lbn AbI U~aybi'a and al-Shahraziiri. As regards the works of al-Biriini
see "A Bibliography of the works of al-Biriini" by Al,lmad Saeed Khan, New
Delhi, 1971, 104 (cyclostyled copy published for the Symposium on al-Biriini and
Indian Sciences held in New Delhi in November 1971).

92 M. S. Khan
Al-Biriini states that he has himself determined the latitudes of the

following eleven towns of India which means that he had visited them;
Kandi or Gandamaki; Dunpur or Jalalabad, Lamghan, Peshawar,
Waihind or Attock. Jhelum, Siyalkote, Lauhur, Nandana the fortress
on the mountain Balnath, Mandhukur and Multan. 27 The statement of
Sachau that he did not see Kashmir seems to be correct only in so far
as the valley is concerned as he clearly states that he never saw two
stronger fortresses than those of Rajgiri in Kashmir and Lohara or
Loharakotta of the Rajataraitgi'IJ,i which is actually in modern Punch
district. 28
Like lbn Battiitah's (d. 770 or 779/1369 or 1377) Tu!ifat 29 an-Nu;;ar,
al-Biriini's Indica is not a traveller's account and it is not possible to
state definitely the dates of his visits to or stay in particular towns. 30
His chapter on the physical geography of India deals with its important
towns, rivers, oceans, roads and itineraries noting the exact distances
between towns which proves that his knowledge of the topography of
northern India is very sound. It may be due to the fact that he accom-
panied Sultan Ma.J:.imiid several times on his expeditions to India.
The point has been made above that al-Biriini's India is not a book
recording tiresome stories of wars and battles, invasions and conquests
showing the rise and fall of various kingdoms and dynasties in India
in chronological sequence of events. The social and cultural history of
India, specially the history of Indian sciences was far more important
for him than its political and military history. Al-Biriini wrote on Indian
27 Indica, 270/I, 317. Al-Biriini seems to have actually measured the latitude
of thirteen towns (including Ghazna and Kabul) See S. N. Sen, "Al-Biruni on the
Determination of Latitudes and Longitudes in India" a paper read at the New
Delhi symposium, 186-210 at 190. See also al-Biriini's al-Qanun al-Mas'udi, 3 vols.,
Hyderabad, 1954-56. He records verbal information given to him by the inhabitants
of Somnath, Mathura and Kanouj.
28 Ibid., 167/I, 208. He might not have visited the Kashmir valley but "Among
the Arab writers, al-Biruni's description of contemporary Kashmir is full and
accurate. Unlike his Chinese predecessors, he probably had no chance of visiting
the valley but was fortunate enough to have at his disposal the services of some
Kashmirian scholars who supplied him with necessary informations". See Sunil
Chandra Ray, Early HistOYy and Culture of Kashmir, Calcutta, 1957, Introduction,
xx.
19 See "Ibn Battutah" by A. Miquel in the Enc. of Islam, new ed. III, 735-36
and the references given specially to the works of C. Defremery and B. R. San-
guinetti; H. A. R. Gibb, The Travels of Ibn Ba/Ju/ah A .D. z3z5-z354, Cambridge,
1971, 539-771, and The Refila of Ibn Ba/!ii./ah (India Maldive Islands and Ceylon),
tr. and commentary by Mahdi I;Iusain, Baroda, 1953, LXXVII, 300.
so E. S. Kennedy, op. cit., 150. The chronology of lbn Battutah's travels in the
different parts of India may be set forth almost precisely.

al-Biriini and the Political History of India 93
astronomy, zoology, geodesy, mathematics, medicine, pharmacology,

mineralogy and the like sciences in substantial detail and his book on
India may be considered a concise encyclopedia outlining the history
of Indian sciences in the eleventh century. 31 Political history is not a
strong point of al-Biriini's lndica. But a historian of society and culture
of the calibre of al-Biriini could not completely neglect the connections
between social, cultural and political matters. "The science of a country
can be written, understood and comprehended only against the back-
ground of its own history". 32 For this reason some idea of the political
history of India can also be gained from al-Biriini's books. But the point
has to be emphasized here that although parts of India were conquered
by the Muslims in 712 A.D. and the Punjab and other parts of Western
India were included in Sultan Mal_imiid's empire yet it is the history not
of Muslim India but of Hindu India in which al-Biriini is primarily
interested. No idea about the cultural progress of the Punjab and
Ghaznah under Sultan Mal_imiid and his successors or of Sindh can be
gained from the I ndica nor does it give any information about the develop-
ment of sciences and Islamic culture by the Muslims at these centres.
It is a fact that many Muslim sailors, travellers, scholars, geographers
and historians devoted special chapters or sections to India in their
books 33 ; but none wrote on its social and cultural history in such details
and in such depth, accuracy and precision as did al-Biriini. However,
it may now be considered as to what information concerning the
history of ancient and early medieval India can be gleaned from al-
Biriini's lndica.
As regards the history of ancient India al-Biriini had a correct know-
ledge of the national epic the Mahabharata called by him Bharata which
has a historical core. An analysis of what he has written about the
Ramaya1;1,a and the Mahabharata and a comparison between the two
leads to the conclusion that his knowledge of the contents of the latter
was more accurate 34 than that of the former. He knew that the author
81 See the papers contributed to the Al-Biruni Commemoration Volume, 303;

and the papers read at the International Symposium on al-Biriini and the Indian
Sciences held at New Delhi in Nov. 1971 (cyclostyled copy).
sa B. R. Seshachar. Inaugural speech at the International Symposium on al-
Biriini held at New Delhi in Nov. 1971, 21.
83 See "An Eleventh Century Hispano-Arabic source for Ancient Indian Sciences
and Culture" by M. S. Khan in the Prof. H. K. Sherwani Felicitation volume
Hyderabad, 1975, p. 356-89, specially the detailed references to these books
given therein, p. 361-62.
H See the "Sanskritic sources of al-Biriini" by Ajay Mitra Shastri a paper read
at the New Delhi Symposium on al-Biriini, 60-61.

94 M. s. Khan
of the Mahabharata was Vyasa the son of Parasara. 35 It was written

during the time of the Kaurava-Pa:r:ig.ava wars and consisted of rooo,ooo
slokas divided into 18 Parvans whose subject headings are recorded by
him. 36 His list, however, does not follow the common order in which the
book is arranged now.
It was known to him that the Harivamsa-Parvan records traditions
about Vasudeva after the 18 Parvans. He refers to the Pa1J,rj,avakala as
the time of the life and wars of Mahabharata. 87 But Sachau is of the
opinion that his writings on the Mahabharata do not give the impression
that he had studied or consulted the book itself. 38
Al-Biriini mentions a Hindu king who was killed by his enemy who
marched from what he calls "our land". His son named Sagara succeeded
him and attacked that land and slaughtered a large number of people
by way of taking revenge. 89 These statements are vague indeed as neither
86 The Bharata is mentioned by al-Biriini in his Indica on I, 29, 44; 104; 117;
132-134; II, 1, 147, 152. {Sachau's trans.) The word Bharata signifies the battle
of the Bharatas; see Panini, IV, 2, 56 quoted by M.A. Mehendale, "Language and
Literature" in The Age of Imperial Unity, 2nd ed. (Bombay, 1953), Mahii.bhii.rata,
II, 245.
81 Indica, 102-03/I, 133.
87 Ibid., 342, 344/II, 1, 5. There is a wide difference of opinion as regards the
possible dates of these wars. Different historians and scholars have placed them
on different dates from 3102 B.C. D. C. Sircar states that the dates of these wars
cannot be determined with certainty with the help of the available data. See his
"Myth of the Great Bhii.rata War" in The Bharata War 6- Purii:nic Genealogies,
Calcutta, 1969, 18-27 and other papers on the Mahii.bhii.rata by R. C. Majumdar,
11-17 and by L. B. Keny, 28-41 in the same book; see also M. A. Mehendale,
op. cit., 245-252. Romila Thapar considers 900 B.C. as the approximate date of
the Mahii.bhii.rata war which the present writer thinks to be quite reasonable.
See her A History of India, Middlesex, 1966, I, 31 note. For general comments on
the Mahabharata see S. N. Das Gupta and S. K. Dey, A History of Sanskrit Liter-
ature {Classical period), Calcutta, 1947, I, XLIX-LI. Hemchandra Raychaudhuri,
Studies in Indian Antiquities, Calcutta, 1958, Appendix C. "The Great Epic of
India: A Study", 279-297; see the Prolegomena of the latest text edition of the
Mahabharata, ed. by Vishnu S. Sukthankar and others, Poona, 1933, I, pt. 1,
1-CVII. E. Washburn Hopkins in the Cambridge History of India, I {Ancient
India), Delhi, 1955, chap. XI, 224-246.
88 Preface to the Indica, p. XI. It appears that a condensed version of the Maha-
bharata was translated into Arabic from an Indian language and from it into
Persian in 417/1026 some years before al-Biriini wrote his Indica; but it was not
known to him; see S. K. Chatterji "An Early Arabic Version of the Mahii.bhii.rata
story from Sindh" in the Languages and Literatures of Modern India, Calcutta,
1963, 341-348; refers to M. Reinaud and R. G. Harshe's articles. The Mahiibhiirata
was translated by Abii !;iii.lil,J. bin Shu'ayb bin Jii.mi' into Arabic and from Arabic
into Persian by Abu'l-l;lasan 'Ali bin Mul_J.ammad al-Hablati. About the Riimiiyar,a
also C. Bulcke remarks: "It seems clear, however, that he never read nor saw a
copy of the Riimiiyar,a"; see his "al-Biriini and the Riima-kathii" in the Al-Biruni
Commemoration Volume, 78.
89 Indica, 15/I, 20, 21. Another Hindu King Sagara Bhaglratha has been
mentioned by al-Biriini; see ibid., 462/II, 143.

the name of the Hindu ruler nor the name of his enemy or his country
has been specified. Sachau has identified Sagara as the son of Bahu
mentioned in the Vish'f}u-Pura'f}a, who killed all the Haihayas.'0 It is
evident that there are similarities in the two accounts; but the statement
of al-Biriini seems to be confused here. For the present it is not possible
to identify Sagara's father or his enemy or name the country of the
Hindu ruler.
In a sense al-Biriini was a historian of his own times. He has not only
recorded the correct date of the conquest of Somnath by Sultan Mal).miid,
but also noted its exact original site and the legend as to how that
temple came to be built. Al-Biriini placed the invasion of Somnath by
Sultan Ma]:_imiid in the year 416/1026 or 947 Saka 41 which is con-
firmed by Gardizi, lbn Zafir and Ibn al-Athir. Only adh-Dhahabi and
al-Yafi'i have stated that it took place in the year 418/1027 which does
not seem to be correct. 42
The location of the original temple a little less than three miles west
of the mouth of the river Sarasvati, is correctly recorded by al-Biriini. 43
It was located actually about 200 yeards to the west of the temple of
Bhidia where the ruins of the temple and the fort were discovered by a
modem scholar:14 Recent archaeological excavation at the site has con-
firmed the statement of al-Biriini and it has been stated that "the red-
stone third temple was the only temple the ruins of the south wall of
which are still lying embeded and is undoubtedly the one destroyed by
Ma]:_imiid". 45 The temple was situated on the coast of the Indian ocean
so that at the time of flow the idol was bathed by its water. 48 "Thus that
,o See Vish,:iu-Purii,:ia ed. and compiled by H. H. Wilson (Calcutta, 1961), 299,

300, 302. For Sachau's annotations see Indica, II, 260-61. It is a fact that the main
contents of the Vish,:iu-Purii,:ia were known to al-Biriini. Prof. D. C. Sircar writes
"For Sagara and his father Bahu of the Solar dynasty, see my Studies in the Society
and Administration of Ancient and Medieval India, I, Calcutta, Firma K. L. Mu-
khopadhyay, 1967, 41 ff. They are the mythical ancestors of Rama of the Riimii-
ya,:ia. There was really no Muslim king in their age". (Personal letter dated
11.8.1973).
u Indica, 348/II, 9, ro.
u For references to the works of these historians, see Mu]J.ammad Na;i:im, op. cit.,
209-212.
48 Ibid., 431/II, rn5. See B. C. Law, Historical Geography of Ancient India,
(Paris, 1954), 297; seealsoindica, Eng. tr. I, n7, 205,208,261, II, 9; V. A. Janaki,
Gujat'at As the Arabs Knew It, Baroda, 1969, 58-60 (full of errors); D. C. Sircar,
Cosmography, 157, where it is mentioned as Somanathapattana, Prabhasa in
Kathiawar.
44 See Mu]J.ammad Na;i:im, "The Site of the Original Temple" in op. cit., 213-14.
n K. M. Munshi, Somnath-The Shrine Eternal, Bombay, n.d., 94.

" Indica, 431/II, 105.

96 M.S. Khan
moon", writes al-Biriini, ,.was perpetually occupied in bathing the idol

and serving it".
Moreover, al-Biriini's Indica contains information about the Hindu-
shahiyya dynasty,'7 of Afghanistan and north-western India. He states
that a Turkish Shahiya family of Tibetan origin ruled at Kabul for
about sixty generations, which is a vague statement. 48 He records some
traditions and legends regarding the origin and early history of the
dynasty 49 adding that such historical traditions of the Hindus do not
deserve credit. Lagaturman, the last ruler of this dynasty was overthrown
by his Brahman minister Kallar or Lalliya Sha.hi. Al-Biriini does not
mention that Mihira Bhoja perhaps supported Kallar and that Ya 'qiib
bin Layth a!?-Saffar conquered Kabul in 256/870-71 A.D. 60 which com-
47 See "The Hindushahiyya dynasty of Waihind" by Mul;lammad Na~im in
op. cit., 194-196; C. E. Bosworth, "Hindu-Sha.his" in the Enc. of Islam, new ed.
1971, III, 460 (most unsatisfactory); Shahi's of Afghanistan and the Punjab in
The Dynastic History of Northern India by H. C. Ray (Calcutta, 1931) I, 55-105;
Kalha.J}.a, Rajatarangitii, Bk. V, 152-155; 233; Bk. VII, 47-69; 144-178; 274, 956,
1470 and Bk. VIII, 225-227; Fakhr Mudabbir, Kitab A dab al-lfarb wash-Shuja'ah,
ed. by Al;lmad Suhail Khwansari, Tehran, 1346 A. H. Shamsi, 307-311. It is
regrettable indeed that al-Biriini could not consult the pedigree of the dynasty
preserved in the fortress of Nagarkot; see D. C. Sircar, Indian Epigraphy (Delhi,
1965), 14.
Among the Persian historical works it was perhaps the Zayn al-Akhbiir of
Gardizi which first reproduced al-Biriini's account of Sultan Mal;lmiid's conflict
with Jaipal, Anandpal and Trilochanpal. See the new ed. by Abdu'l-1:Iayy I:Iabibi,
Tehran, 1347 A.H. Shamsi, 177-180. The word Khshayathiya in Old Persian
means 'a king' (this is connected with Sanskrit root Kshi = 'to rule'), Pahlawi
Shiihi evidently a source of the Sanskrit $ahi or of the Kushan Shah. This is written
in the following different forms: Sa.hi, Sha.hi and Sha.hiya. For the form Sha.hi
used in a stone inscription of the Sha.hi king Bhimadeva, see "Six Inscriptions in
the Lahore Museum" by Daya Ram Sahni in the Epigraphia Indica, Delhi, 1931-32,
XXI, 293-301 at 298-99. Al-Mas'iidi calls the ruler of this dynasty "Kabul Shah".
Muruj adh-Dhahab, Paris ed., IV, 38.
48 See Indica 348-351/II, 10-14. It has been remarked "Al-Biriini may or may
not be correct in stating that all these monarchs belonged to one family, or that
their number was exactly sixty, but it seems probable that they were of the Kushan
stock, and used the title Shahiya"; R. S. Tripathi, History of Ancient India, 3rd
ed., Delhi, 1967, 339-40.
48 For example the stories of Barhatakin and the Cave and the story of Kanik; In-
dica 348-350/II, 10-12. It is difficult to verify these statements from any other source.
50 See Ibrahim Ba.stani Parizi, Ya'qub Layth, Tehran, 1344 A.H. Shamsi, 170,
175; D. C. Ganguly, "The Sha.his" in the Age of Imperial Kanauj (The History
and Culture of the Indian People), Bombay, 1955, 111-112; Anon., Tarikh-i-Sistiin,
Tehran, 1314 A.H. Shamsi, 215 ff. At-Tabari does not record the conquest of
Kabul by Ya'qiib under 256 A.H. but under 257 A.H. he makes a short statement
that in this year the messengers of Ya'qiib arrived at Baghdad with idols which
he had taken from the temples of Kabul; see his Ta'rikh ed. by De Goeje, Ser. III,
Leiden, 1841, XII, 1787-1841; see S. M. Stern, "Ya'qiib the Coppersmith and
Persian National Sentiment" in the Iran and Islam, ed. by C. E. Bosworth,
Edinburgh, 1971, 535-555.

al-Bin1ni and the Political History of India 97
pelled Kallar to transfer his capital to Udabhai:iq.a on the Sindhu near

Attock in the north-western Punjab. The Arab geographers and historians
called it Vaihind. 61 After him ruled the Brahman kings Samand (Sa.-
manta); Kamalii (Torama.1).a); Bhim (Bhima); Jaipa.1 (Jayapa.1.a),
Anandapa.1; Torojanapal (Trilochanpal). The latter was killed by Sultan
Mal,imiid in 412 A.H. 1021 A.D. and his son Bhimpal five years later
(417/1026)". These statements are correct at least about the last seven
rulers of this dynasty as they are corroborated and confirmed by coins 62
and a contemporary written source, the Rajatarangi1J,i, a chronicle of the
kings of Kashmir, by KalhaJ).a, which is available. This chronicle gives
an account of a battle between Mal,imiid and Rajah Trilochanpal of the
Hindushahiyya dynasty who is helped by the Rajah of Kashmir, and it
is correct that Trilochanapal was killed in 412/1021. 63 KalhaJ).a also
51 Al-Biriini refers to the capital of al-Kandahar (Gandha.ra) i.e. Vaihind.

Elsewhere he speaks of Vaihind the capital of Kandha.ra (Gandha.ra) west of the
river Sindhu which is said to have been situated 14 farsakhs (about 52 miles) to
the south-east of Pursha.war (Peshawar). Both here and in another context, al-
Biriini locates Vaihind "between Peshawar and the river Jhelum"; D. C. Sircar,
Geography, p. 232; see Indica 216/I, 259; 165/I, 206 and 270/I, 317 and Anon.,
I;ludud al-•Alam, ed. by Manoochehr Sotudeh, Tehran, 1340/1962, 72, 73; V. Mi-
nosrky, The Regions of the World (Eng. tr.) 2nd ed., London, 1970, 92,251, 253-254.
It is stated in error that its king Jaipa.l was a vassal of the Raja of Kanouj; Gardizi,
op. cit., 177-205; according to al-•Utbi the battle between Sultan Ma}.lmiid and
Anandpa.l took place on the banks of Waihind (Und, Indus), H. C. Ray, op. cit., I,
92; Mu}.lammad Na.~im, op. cit., 87-90; A. Cunningham, Ancient Geography of
India (1871), 53-54; see Mu}.lammad Na.~im's article in the ]RAS, London, 1927,
485-495; D. C. Sircar, Udabha.1;u;Ia in Geography of Ancient and Medieval India,
231-35. Henceforth referred to as Geography.
61 R. S. Tripa.thi, Ancient India, 340; see "On the Coins of the Dynasty of the
Hindu Kings of Kabul" by Edward Thomas in the ]RAS, London, 1848, IX,
177-196. Rashiduddin's account of this dynasty is based on the Indica of al-
Biriini; J. F. Fleet, "A Note on the Coins of the Hindu kings of Kabul" in the
Indian Antiquary, Bombay, 1886, XV, 185-87; E. Clive Baylay, "Remarks on
Certain Dates Occuring on the Coins of the Hindu Kings of Kabul, Expressed in
the Gupta Era and in Arabic Numerals" in The Numismatic Chronicle, 3rd Series,
London, 1882, II, 128-165; see also A. Cunningham, "Coins of the Tochari, Kusha.ns
and Yue-Ti" in The Numismatic Chronicle, 3rd series, London, 1889, IX, 268-311
at 285-286. For a stone inscription which confirms some of the statements of al-
Biriini; see Daya Ram Sahni, op. cit., 299; R. C. Majumdar, H. C. Raychaudhuri
and Kalikinkar Datta, An Advanced History of India, I (Ancient India), New
York, 1967, 172-73.
63 Book VII, 47-69, tr. by Ranjit Sita.ram Pandit, New Delhi, 1968, 265-67. As
regards the value and importance of the Rajatarangit.ii see Pandit's introduction
(Invitation) XIX to XLI; and the informative introduction to his translation of
the Riijatarangit.ii by M. A. Stein, Delhi, 1961, I, 3-133. R. C. Majumdar, Historio-
graphy in Modern India, Bombay, 1970, 5, states "Kalha1,1a is the only historian
that ancient India can boast of"; S. N. Das Gupta and S. K. De, A History of
Sanskrit Literature (Classical Period), Calcutta, 1947, 353-59; D. C. Sircar, Geo-
ORIENS 25-26 'l

98 M. s. Khan
confirms that Bhimpa.1 died in 417/1026 and the Hindushahiya dynasty
came to an end after his death. 64
It has to be stated that Jaipal who transferred his capital to Bhatinda
now in the Patiala state has not been mentioned in the Rajatarangi1;t,i,
which mentions another Sha.hi king called Thakkana in the reign of
Abhimanyu. (958-972 A.D.). 65
Showing extreme impartiality al-Biriini pays a glowing tribute to the
rulers of this dynasty stating that in spite of their power they always
performed virtuous and good actions. He relates an anecdote about
Anandapal, who was his contemporary, showing that he was not only
a learned man himself but also patronized the learned and encouraged
learning. This anecdote concerns Ugrabhuti the Sanskrit grammarian
who was the teacher of Anandapal and the popularity of his book
Sishyahitavritti among the students and scholars of Sanskrit at
Kashmir. 56
It may be remarked that al-Biriini's account is independent and
trustworthy but it is confined more or less to a list of the rulers only. 57
Since he was living at Ghazna and Kabul for several years, he could
have given details of the contemporary history of the Hindushahiyya
gra.phy, 86, 232-35, 238. For an analytical study of the Rajatarangitti see U. N •
Ghoshal, "The Dynastic Chronicles of Kashmir" in the Indian Historical Quarterly,
Calcutta, 1942-43, XVIII/No. 3, 195-207; XIX/No. 1, 27-38 and No. 2, 156-172.
A. L. Basham, Studies in Indian History 6- Culture, Calcutta, 1964, 8, 45-56,
127-28, 207 ("Kashmir Chronicle"); see also U. N. Ghoshal, Studies in Indian
History and Culture, Calcutta, 1957, chap. V, 146-242: "The Royal and Dynastic
Chronicle of Kashmir."
56 Book VII, 66-69 refers to the end of this great and glorious dynasty which
confirms al-Biriini's statement. See also verses 144-178 and M. A. Stein's notes
to verses 66-69 of his translation of the Rajatarangitti, I, 270-71. Although very
brief the importance of al-Biriini's account of the conquest of Somnath and the
Hindusha.hiyya dynasty has been increased due to the fact that his contemporary
al-'Utbi does not even mention them in his historical work. Had he done so, it
would have been possible to compare the two accounts and test the correctness of
al-Biruni. Al-'Utbi's at-Ta>rikh al-Yamini is the only contemporary historical
work which could fill up the gap left by al-Biruni (see below).
51 See KalhaIJ.a, op. cit., Book VI, 230-86; H. C. Ray, op. cit., I, 78, 132.
61 Indica, 104-105/I, 135-36. As regards the grammar itself it should be noted
here that it is correctly known as Si~ya-hita-nyasa and it is a commentary on the
Durgavrtti mentioned by al-Biruni. See Yudhil?thira Mimathsaka, Samskrita
Vyakaratta-sastra ka ltihasa (Hindi}, [Varanasi, V.S. 2007], I, 407-412; see G.
Buhler, "Beruni's Indica" in the Indian Antiquary, Bombay, 1886, XV, 32.
The statement of al-Biruni is proved to be correct in every respect.
67 C. E. Bosworth writes, 13, "The section on the Hindushahi kings of Kabul
is a source for the history of the region on the eve of its annexation by the Ghazna-
vids, and has been much used to elucidate the history of the important Hindustani
dynasty."

al-BiriinI and the Political History of India 99
dynasty. He did not record them because his major interest was not
the political history of India. Some of the details left out by al-Biriini
are supplied by Kalha:t;1a.
As Sultan Ma.l)miid did not conquer Kashmir, al-Biriini could not
enter into the valley. Although he visited only its border areas he is
well informed about its history and geography. The account of Kashmir
given by him is much more detailed than that of other parts of India.
He writes, "The south and east of the country belong to the Hindus,
the west to various kings, the Bolor Shah, and the more remote parts
upto the frontiers of Badakhshan, to the Wakhan Shah. The north and
part of the east of the country belong to the Turks of Khotan and Tibet.
The distance from the peak of Bhoteshar to Kashmir through Tibet is
nearly 300 jarsakhs". 58
He further adds, "Leaving the ravine by which you enter Kashmir
and entering the plateau, then you have for a march of two more days
on your left the mountains of Bolor and Shamilan, Turkish tribes who
are called Bhattavaryan. Their king has the title Bhatta Shah. Their
towns are Gilgit, Aswira and Shiltas and their language is Turkish.
Kashmir suffers much from their inroads." 59
Al-Biriini, however, does not mention the names of the Hindu rulers.
Most probably Bolor Shah, Shugnan Shah and Wakhan Shah are not
actually the names of the kings of western Kashmir but only titles of the
rulers of the principalities of Bolor, Shughnan and Wakhan which were
all situated in the east of the eastern marches of Transoxiana. Here
Bolor or Po-lu-lo of Hiouen-Thsang is to be identified with Great Bolor
or Bolorian Tibet or Baltistan as opposed to Lesser Bolor which included
Gilgit and other towns. 60 The author of the lfudud al-'Alam records that
the king of this principality was called Bulurin Shah who considered
68 Ibid., 165/I, 206. The place-name _;fa. should be read as Bolor in the text
and not Bolar as read by Sachau. Guy Le Strange read it as Bulur, Lands of the
Eastern Caliphate, Cambridge, 1930, 381, 437; A. Cunningham, Ancient Geography
of India, 1871, 83-84; Gardizi, op. cit., 269; Regions, 93, 258. The most detailed
and informative account of Balur is given in the Tarikh-i-Rashidi of Mirza Mu-
l;iammad I;laidar Dughlat, Eng. trans. by E. Denison Ross, London, 1895, 384-
386 (note I on p. 385). In the 12th century A.D. these regions were under the
Ghiirids. Fakhr ad-Din Mas'iid, the uncle of Shihab ad-Din Mul;iammad Ghiiri,
ruled Bamiyan, Tukharistan, Shugnan and other regions up to Bolor, V. V.
Barthold, Turkestan Down to the Mongol Invasion, 338.
59 Ibid., 166/I, 207. The present writer has failed to identify the Turkish tribes
called Bhattavaryan. It actually means Tibetan tribes; but he has good reasons
to believe that al-Biriini has confused the Turkish and Tibetan tribes. Al-Mas'iidi
also writes about the Turkish tribes inhabiting Tibet, Muruj adh-Dhahab, Paris
ed., III, 253; see also vol. I of this book, 213, 350-51.
• 0 l;Iudud al-'Alam, 27, 28, 40, 74, 121-22; Regions, 93, 121, 258 and 369-70.

IOO M. S.Khiin
himself the son of the sun. 61 This name of the ruler almost confirms al-
Biriini's statement. Concerning these regions it has been stated by the
author of the lfudud at-•.Atam that a branch of the mountains of north-
western India "passes between the farthest limit of India and Tibet
going north of the confines of Bolar, Samarqandaq, Shaknan (Shughnan)
and Wakhan ....... ". 62 Bolar lay on the trade route between Khuttal
and Kashmir. Wakhan close to Badakhshan was a principality lying on
the main route between Kashmir and China passing through Central
Asia. 63 At the time when the lfudud was written (ca. 372/982) the ruler
of Bolor was not a Muslim. It was only during the time of Marco Polo
(middle of the thirteenth century A.D.) that the inhabitants of Wakhan
were Muslims. 64
The Turkish tribes called Bhattavaryan were actually Darads and
Baltis. 65 They inhabited the mountainous regions of Bolor and Shamilan
11 Ibid., p. 121-22.
81 Ibid., 64; for Shughnii.n see lfudud, 27-28; Regions, 63, 71, 86, 112, 349-50,
363-64, 366, 368 where the following different forms of this place name have been
recorded as Shakina, Shaqina, Shaknan, Shikinan, Shiqinan; W. Barthold, op. cit.
65, 66, 338; M.A. Stein, On Ancient Central Asian Tracks, London, 1933, 302-316.
Shughnii.n's administrative centre now is Kharogh comprising the Ghund valley
is one of the seven districts of Soviet Garno-Badakhshii.n; W. Barthold, A. Ben-
nigsen and H. Carrere-D'Encausse, "Badakhshii.n" in the Enc. of Islam, new ed.,
Leiden, 1960, I, 851-855. As regards the languages spoken in these regions see
Gunnar Jarring, On the Distribution of Turkish Tribes in Afghanistan, Leipzig,
1939, 30 and G. Margenstierne "Dardic and Ka.fir Languages" in the Enc. of
Islam, 1965, II, 138-139.
•ii S. C. Ray, Early History and Culture of Kashmir, Calcutta, 1957, 111-112.
Al-BiriinI, Indica, 166/I, 207, gives the impression that Sultan Mal;imiid's un-
successful expedition against Kashmir was also directed through this route;
S. C. Ray, op. cit., 114; M.A. Stein, op. cit., 305-312; lfudud, 120-21; Regions,
120-21, 366-68; Guy Le Strange, op. cit., 435 and 437 reads it as Wakhkhan and
quotes lbn I;Iawqal; W. Barthold, op. cit., 65-66, where references to Arabic
geographers are given; see also M.A. Stein, Ancient Khotan, 7, 8, 15, 21, 30 and 32.
64 At the time of Ibn I;Iawqal Wakhii.n was inhabited by non-Muslims, Kitab
al-Masalik wa'l-Mamalik ed. by De Goeje, Leiden, 1873, The Book of Ser Marco
Polo ed. and tr. by H. Yule, 3rd ed., London, 1903; I, 170-71. The Jaryab (now
the Panj) known as Wakhab in its upper course, flowed through the province of
Wakhii.n; Shughnii.n and Badakhshii.n was called I;Iumii.r Bek or~)..- (correct
form Khumii.r Bek, a Turkish prince); See al-Ya.•qiibi, Kitab al-Buldiin, 288, 292;
V. V. Barthold, Turkestan, 65; Regions, 349.
116 S. C. Ray, op. cit., 60-68 and passim for Darads and for Baltis see 7, 21, 26
and 112; for Darads see H. C. Ray, op. cit., I, 73, rno, 110, 112, 139, 149, 151,
159, 172-73, and for Baltis see I, 110. Kalhal)a, Book I, 312-16; M.A. Stein's trans.
notes I, 46-4 7 and vol. II Index p. 505; for Darads. As regards the Baltis and
their land called Baltistan see M.A. Stein's Ancient Geography of Kashmir, published
with his trans. of the Riijatarangi'l,'li, II, 435. D. C. Sircar, Studies in the Society
and Administration (Calcutta, 1967), 49 and note, 70, I02, 126, 132 (henceforth
referred to as Studies). A. S. Bazmee Ansari, "Baltistan" in the Enc. of Islam,
1960, I, 1004-1005.

al-Biriini and the Political History of India IOI
situated at a distance of two days march from the Baramula gorge. 66 "The
Zoji La pass lay on an important route connecting the Kashmir valley
with China and Tibet via Ladakh. The Tibetan inhabitants beyond this
pass were known as the Bhauttas." 67 It has been suggested that Bhota
or Bhautta are the usual sanskritized forms of the Tibetan Bod 68 meaning
Tibetan peoples. Therefore, the statement of al-Biriini that their king
was entitled Bhatta Shah, which means king of the Tibetans, is correct.
Al-Biriini records a tradition which mentions the Kashmirian king
Muttai's victory gained over the Turks. This king was Lalitaditya
Muktapi9a 69 (ca. 724-760 A.D.) and the statement is correct. Though
the account of Lalitaditya's digvijaya (universal conquest) may be
exaggerated, his victory against Yasovarman of Kanauj about 733 A.D.,
the conquest of a portion of the Punjab and his campaigns in Tukharistan
(the Upper Oxus valley) and Daradadesa (Dardistan, north of Kashmir)
are certainly founded on fact". 70
There are several other rulers of early medieval India who are men-
tioned by al-Biriini. He refers to Gangeya the ruler of l;>ahala whose
88 S. C. Ray, op. cit., 7. Shamilan is not mentioned by any Arab geographer nor
even by the author of the I;ludud al-'Alam, Yii.qiit, Mu'jam al-Buldan, Leipzig, 1868,
Ill, 325 mentions a fort near Tus in Khurii.sii.n called Shamilan. M. A. Stein writes
that at present the name Shamilan cannot be identified nor the designation
Bhattavaryan given by al-Biriini can be traced to the tribes which inhabit those
mountains and whose king has the title of Bhatta Shah; see his Ancient Khotan,
Oxford, 1907, 4.
87 S. C. Ray, op. cit., 22, 26, 39, 40, 78-80 and 113; for the pass and the route
see H. C. Ray, op. cit., I, 110; for the Bhauttas see M.A. Stein's notes to his trans.
of the Rajatarangii:ti, vol. II, 435. The statements of al-Biriini from 165-66 as quoted
in this paper have been commented upon in detail by M. A. Stein in his "Ancient
Geography of Kashmir" in op. cit., II, 362-63; M. l:Iasan, Kashmir under the
Sultans, Calcutta, 1959, 37.
88 H. C. Ray, op. cit., I, 1 IO note 4. {L. D. Barnett) Bhota (modern Tibetan Po)
means Tibetan peoples. Bod is Tibetan name for Tibet, Po ('?f~). Bood, Poot,
Bodyul, Bod-pa (a Tibetan); see also M. A. Stein's notes to his translation of the
Rajatarangii:ti, Book I, verses 312-316. Bhatta Shah may mean King of the La-
dakhis. The name Bhoteshar may be explained as Bhautta-isvara or Lord of the
Bhauttas or Tibetans, D. C. Sircar, Geography. Bhatta in modern Kashmiri is Bata
which means a learned Brahmin or a Kashmiri Pandit; see G. M. D. $iifi, Kashir,
Lahore, 1949, I, 70.
88 J ndica, 486/ll, 178; for Lalitii.ditya Muktii.piQ.a see Rama Shankar Tripathi,
History of Kanauj to the Muslim Conquest, Benaras, 1937, 195-197; 201-204;

H. C. Ray, op. cit., I, 72, 74, 112-II4, 116, 227. The most detailed and perhaps the
earliest account of this king of Kashmir, son of Pratapaditya, II is given by Kalha:Qa
in his Rajatara'ligii:ti tr. by M. A. Stein, II, Index no. 522. D. C. Sircar, Studies, I,
47, 1.53. For a list of the rulers of the Kii.rkota or Nii.ga dynasty of Kashmir to
which he belongs see Duff's Chronology, 293-94.
70 R. S. Tripii.thi, Ancient India, 344.--,Historyof Kanauj, 204-20.5; H. C. Ray,
op. cit., I, 112; see Rajatara'ligii:ti, Book IV, verses 131-264 and M.A. Stein's notes.

I02 M. s. Khan
capital was Tiauri which can be identified as Tripuri in the Jabalpur

Dist. There is no doubt that this Gangeya is Gangeyadeva Vikramaditya
(ca. 1015-41 A.D.) belonging to the Kalacuri dynasty of Tripuri. He
not only ruled Allahabad and Banaras but also exercised a loose control
over the Doab. 71
Al-Biriini states that from the tree of Prayaga southward towards
the coast was the territory of Uwaryahar. This ruler may be identified
as Ca:r;t<,l.ihara alias Yayati Mahasivagupta III of the Somavarpsa of
south Kosala in modern Orissa. 72
Al-Biriini writes that in the east of Kanouj Dugum was situated in
the empire of Shilahat. A modern scholar has suggested that Shilahat
may be identified as "Sauryaditya of the Malayaketu family of Darad-
71 Indica, 161/I, 202. H. C. Ray, op. cit., I, 504; D. C. Sircar Cosmography and
Geography in Early Indian Literature, Calcutta, 1967, 156; D. C. Ganguly, The
Kalacuris of Tripud in The Age of the Imperial Kanauj, 86-91; al-Biriini has
mentioned the correct name Tripuri of this capital in another context, see Indica,
254/I, 301; see D. D. Kosambi, An Introduction to the Study of Indian History,
Bombay, 1956, 2-3; R. S. Tripathi, History of Kanauj, 239, 256, 265, 293, 295, 314;
- - , Ancient India, 326, 360, 370, 371, 376, 382 and 419n. Sachau (II, 318) states
that he could not correctly identify Tiauri. R. S. Tripathi states in Ancient India,
370-71 "The Ta>rikh as-Subuktigin of al-Bayhaqi definitely testifies that the later
place (Banaras) was in possession of Ganga (Ga.Iigeya), when Al_imad Nialtigin
governor of the Punjab invaded it in 424/1033." Further the colophon of a Nepalese
Sanskrit manuscript of the Ramayatta indicates that Ga.Iigeya occupied Tirabhukti
(Tirhut) some time before the Vikrama year 1076 = 1019 A.D. and an epigraph
represents him as having vanquished the kings of Utkala (Orissa) and Kuntala
(Kanarese territory) also. Ga.Iigeyadeva's power was, however, ultimately eclipsed
by the rise of Bhoja Parmara who won a victory over him." R. C. Majumdar and
ors. An Advanced History, I, 159, 174, 178; see "Benaras Copper-plate Inscription
of Kan:iadeva" by F. Kielhorn in the Epigraphia Indica, ed. by Jas Burgess and
A. Fiihrer, Calcutta, 1894, II, 297-310 at 304 No. 9. For the dynastic list see Duff's
Chronology, 293; V. B. Mishra, The Gurjara-Pratiharas and Their Times, New
Delhi, 1966), 45. For an inscription of Ga.Iigeyadeva dated 1038 A.D. which
mentions Dhahala twice (Dahala of al-Biriini) see A. Cunningham, Archaeological
Survey of India Reports, Calcutta, 1885, XXI, prts. I & II, 13 and Gulab Chandra
Chowdhury, Political History of Northern India, 81-82, 84, 96, 372, 376. For coins
of Ga.Iigeyadeva see P. N. Srivastava, Madhya Pradesh District Gazetteer, Jabalpore
(Bhopal, 1968) 307 and passim; M. G. Dixit, Tripuri, Nagpur, 1955. R. D. Banerjee,
"The Haihayas of Tripuri and their Movements" in the Memoirs of the Archaeo-
logical Survey of India, Calcutta, 1931; see Vasudev Vishnu Mirashi, Corpus
Inscriptionum Indicarum, IV. Inscriptions of the Kalacuri-Chedi Era in two
Parts, Ootacamund, 1955, 374, LXVII-CVIIII, CLXXX-CXCIII, CLXXXII-
CLXXXIV.
71 Indica, 159/I, 200. H. C. Ray, op. cit., I, 394, 410; D. C. Sircar, op. cit., 155
note 16. About Uwariyahar Sachau (II, 318) surmised that it meant Orissa. See
the list of four rulers of the Sorllava.Ihsi kings of Katak mentioned without dates
in Duff's Chronology, 305. J. F. Fleet, "Records of the Sorllavarllsi Kings of Katak"
in the Epigraphia Indica, Calcutta, 1894-95, III, 323-358, specially 327 and 351-55
for a Katak Copper-plate Grant of the Ninth year of Mahasivagupta.

al-Bin1nI and the Political History of India 103
ga1_1<[aki in the Gandak valley who issued charters in 1020 and 1026 A.D." 73
Al-Biruni states that during his time the area from Draur to Kunk
was ruled by a king called J aur. If Draur is identified with Dravida used
for Andhra and Kunk is taken to be south Konkan towards the western
coast of India, it may reasonably be suggested that this Jaur of al-
Biriini is none other than Rajendra Cola 74 who ruled from 1016 to 1044
A.D. as the supreme power south of the Tungabhadra. It is difficult to
state how Rajendra became Jaur in Arabic transcription.
Al-Biriini devotes one full chapter (XLIX) to a summary description
of the different eras of the Hindus. He states that the Saka era is named
after the tyrant Saka 76 who was killed by Vikramaditya in the region
of Karur between Multan and the castle of Loni. But he could not solve
the problem of this Vikramaditya who flourished many years after the
73 Indica, 160/I, 201. D. C. Sircar, op. cit., 155 note 17, but in the index (229)
Shilahat is entered as Sylhat territory; see his "Two Grants of Sauryaditya" in
the Epigraphia Indica ed. by D. C. Sircar, Calcutta, 1963, XXXV/pt. 3, July,
1963, 130-140. The two charters issued by him are actually dated Vikrama 1077
and 1083 respectively. D. C. Sircar writes (lac. cit.) "The king was the son of
Hamsaraja and the grandson of Helavaraha and belonged to a branch of solar
race, of which the progenitor was a royal hero named Malayaketu ......... It
appears that the rulers of the Malayaketu family were ruling over the north-
eastern districts of Uttar Pradesh and the adjoining areas of North Bihar. They
were at first subordinate to the Gurjara-Pratiharas but became independent
about the beginning of the eleventh century". Sachau enquired (II, 318) whether
this Shilahat can be identified with Sylhet in the Province of Assam. The present
writer does not think so because as stated by al-Birflni it was situated at a distance
of IO farsakhs or a little more than 35 miles from Kanauj. Professor D. C. Sircar
writes "Shilahat cannot be Sylhet because that would be too far to the east of the
area indicated by al-Birflni's language. AI-Biruni does not appear to have any
clear idea about the contemporary Pala kingdom and Sylhet lies even farther
east." (personal letter dated n.8.1973).
74 D. C. Sircar, op. cit., 160; H. C. Ray, op. cit., I, 250, 279, 318, 341, 405, 406,
450, 456, 461, 531 (Rajendra Coladeva Parakesarivarman); R. S. Tripathi, Ancient

India, 463-469; Indica, 159/I, 200 and 168/I, 209 where it is stated "Round the
bay lies the city of Panjayavar (Tanjavur or Tanjore). When this city had fallen
into ruins, the king, Jaur built instead of it, on the coast towards the West, a new
city which he called Padnar." Sachau correctly stated that Jaur's possessions
meant the Cola empire. He refers to Lassen, Indische Alterthumskunde, II, 435;
IV, 230 ff. For the Tirumalai inscription of Rajendra Cola I see Epigraphia Indica,
vol. IX, 229 ff.; A. L. Basham, Studies, 155, 183, 188, 191, for other inscriptions
of his reign see C. Mabel Duff, op. cit., 106; F. Kielhorn, "Dates of Chola Kings"
in Epigraphia Indica, ed. by E. Huetzsch, Calcutta, 1896-97, IV, 66-73 at 68-69.
75 Indica, 345-46/II, 6. See the "Saka Era" by R. C. Majumdar, in The Age
of Imperial Unity, 2nd ed., Bombay, 1953, 158. There is a discussion of the Saka
era in the Indian Epigraphy by D. C. Sircar, 1st ed., Delhi, 1965, 258-267 where
(at p 266) it has been stated that the tradition recorded by al-Birflni that Vikra-
maditya started the era after having defeated and killed the Saka king has no
historical basis.

M. s. Khan
first Vikramaditya after whom another era of the Hindus is named. 78

It is quite reasonable to suggest that the second Vikramaditya, the
conqueror of the Saka was actually Chandragupta II (Vikramaditya
ca. 375-414 A.D.) of the Gupta Dynasty. 77
That Bhojadeva of the Paramara dynasty of Gujarat, Malwa and
Rajputana ruled at Dhara the capital of Malwa around 1030 A.D., when
the Indica was written is confirmed by al-Bin1ni. 78 It is recorded that
this Bhojadeva ruled between lOII and 1055 A.D. 79
Al-Bin1ni also gives information about those parts of India which
were under Muslim occupation. These may now be taken up for consider-
ation here.
In the opening chapter of this book al-Bin1ni discusses the causes
which antagonized the Hindus from the Muslims so making it difficult
for a Muslim to study the Hindu sciences and culture. He records the
78 Ibid., 345/II, 5 where al-Biriini discusses the era of Harsha and compares
it with that of Vikramaditya. Harsha's era was followed at Mathura and Kanauj
and some people of that region told him that there is a difference of 400 years
between the two. But a Kashmirian calendar consulted by al-Biriini records a
difference not of 400 but 664 years.
77 H. C. Raychaudhuri, Political History of Ancient India, sixth ed., Calcutta,
1953, 553-565; R. S. Tripathi, Ancient India, 249-278; D. C. Sircar, Geography.

It is a historical fact that the Saka ruler of western India was killed by Candra-
gupta II. (R. S. Tripathi, loc. cit., foot-notes on 250-51). See James Fergusson's
criticism of this passage of al-Biriini "On the Saka Sarp.vat and Gupta Eras" in
the ]RAS, new series, London, 1880, XII, 259-285 (273 ff.); see also his "On
Indian Chronology" in ibid., new series, London, 1870, IV, 81-137; A. L. Basham,
Studies 105, 139, 205, 209; R. C. Majumdar, H. C. Ray-Chaudhuri and Kalikinkar
Datta, An Advanced History of India, pt. I, Ancient India, 3rd ed., New York,
1967, 141-43; 164-65; 185, 190, 193, 200.
78 Indica, 152/I, 191; R. S. Tripathi, History of Kanauj, 293-95. Sachau, Preface
to the Eng. trans. XLIV, writes "Bhojadeva of Malava, ruling between A.D. 997
and 1053, is mentioned by al-Biriini. His court at Dhar where he had gone from
Ujjain was a rendezvous of the scholars of the time." See D. C. Ganguly, History
of the Paramara Dynasty, Dacca, 1933. For a most detailed, critical and recent
account of Bhojadeva see Pratipal Bhatia, The Paramiiras, New Delhi, 1970,
74-95 and passim; B. N. Reu, Raja Bhoja (Hindi), Allahabad, 1932. C. Mabel
Duff, Chronology, I09, with references to inscriptions and periodical articles.
D. C. Sircar, Geography, 121-22 and II where it is stated that "In the records of
the Parmara kings of Malwa, king Bhoja (ca. 1010-55 A.D.) is said to have enjoyed
the earth extending from the Kailasa (in the Himalayas) in the north, the Malaya
mountain (Travancore Hills) in the south." See also 15. A. L. Basham, Studies,
156-57; C. Mabel Duff, op. cit., I09 with references to journal articles and inscrip-
tions bearing on his reign; see Gulab Chandra Chowdhury, Political History of
Northern India, 21-23; 78-80; 82-83; 95-rn8; 145-146; 184-85, and passim.
79 H. C. Ray, ope. cit., II, 865; Sachau refers to Lassen, Indische Alterthumskunde,
III, 845 seq. (tr. II, 315); R. S. Tripathi, Ancient India, 381-384; D. C. Sircar,
Geography, 121-22.
80 Indica, 13-18/I, 17-23.

first inroad of the Muslims into India in the following words " ... the
repugnance of the Hindus against foreigners increased more and more
when the Muslims began to make their inroads into their country, for
Mul).ammad bin al-Qasim bin al-Munabbih entered Sindh from the side
of Sijistan and conquered the cities of Bahmanwa and Miilasthana, the
former of which he called al-Man~iira, the latter al-Ma <mura. He entered
India proper and penetrated even as far as Kanauj, marched through
the country of Gandhara, and on his way back, through the confines of
Kashmir, sometimes fighting sword in hand, sometimes gaining his ends
by treaties, leaving to the people their ancient belief, except in the case
of those who wanted to become Muslims. All those events planted a
deeply rooted hatred in their hearts." 81
Then he records how Subuktigin and his son Mal).miid led several
expeditions into India causing great damage to the lives and properties
of the Hindus. He writes with a feeling of deep sympathy for the
Hindus who suffered death and destruction at the hands of Sultan
Mal).miid. 82
Al-Biriini's (d. 892 A.D.) account of the conquest of Sindh and
southern Punjab is perhaps the earliest extant. 83 If the accounts of
al-Baladhuri and al-Biriini are compared, it will reveal several inaccura-
cies in the latter. Al-Munabbih does not seem to be the name of the
grandfather of the conqueror of Sindh. He did not advance from Sijistan
in the north as stated by al-Biriini but through Makran in Baluchistan
in the south. Historical evidence on record shows that the conquests
of Mul).ammad bin al-Qasim were confined to Sindh and Multan 84 in
southern Punjab only and it was at a later date that Gandhara and the
81 Ibid., 16-17/I, 21-22. Therefore it may be stated that there was no forced
conversion to Islam undertaken by Mul;lammad bin al-Qasim.
82 Al-Biriini states 17/I, 22 "Mal;lmiid utterly ruined the prosperity of the
country, and performed there wonderful exploits, by which the Hindus became
like atoms of dust scattered in all directions, and like a tale of old in the mouth
of the people. Their scattered remains cherish, of course, the most inveterate
aversion towards all Muslims."
83 Al-Baladhuri, Kitab Futu~ al-Buldan, ed. by M. J. de Goeje, Leiden, 1865,
431-446; eng. trans. by P. K. Hitti and F. C. Murgotten, The Origins of the Islamic
States, 2 parts, New York, 1916, 1924, II, 216-223. It may be suggested here that
lbn Munabbih in the name of the conqueror of Sindh and Multan mentioned in
the text Indica 16/I, 21 and 88/1, 116 should be Ibn 'ammihi or "his cousin" as
is well-known that Mul;lammad bin al-Qasim was a cousin of the Caliph al-Walid I
(86-96/705-715) and son-in-law of al-I;Iajjaj; see M. Hedayat I;Iosein, Enc. of Islam,
1936, III, 672.
84 Al-Baladhuri, op. cit., 439. He records the conquest of Multan again at a
much later date. Yaqiit, Mu'jam, IV, 689-90 also states that only Sindh and
Multan were conquered by Mul;lammad bin al-Qasim.

I06 M. s. Khan
borders of Kashmir were invaded by Muslim armies. 85 The route followed

by Mul}.ammad bin al-Qasim's army through Makran as indicated by
al-Baladhuri has been confirmed by other sources including the F at[inama-
i-Sindh by al-Kiifi. 8 6
Al-Biriini writes about the contemporary history of Multan which was
ruled by Jalam bin Shayban, the Carmathian. There is no evidence
either to prove or refute the statement of al-Biriini that Jalam broke the
famous idol of Aditya of Multan and killed its priests. 87 However, he
does not write that when Sultan Mal}.miid attacked and conquered it
in 396/rno6 and 4or/roro, he massacred the Carmathians. 88 He records
that the Carmathians had left the old mosque which was closed. They
constructed a congregational mosque of their own. After the conquest
of Multan the old mosque was opened and congregational prayers were
held in it while the Carmathian mosque was allowed to decay being
reduced to the position of 'barn89 floor'. It is a fact that Multan was cap-
tured by •Abd Allah the Carmathian around 287 /900 90 and it was
86 Al-Baliidhuri (445) mentions the conquest of al-Qandiihar (Gandhiira) during
the reign of Caliph al-Mu•ta~im (218/833-228/842).

88 That Mul;tammad bin al-Qiisim advanced from Makriin and not from Sijistiin
finds support from the fact that according to al-Baliidhuri he conquered Qanniizbur
and Armii'il the towns of Makriin; see Regions, 123. 'Ali bin l:Iamid bin Abi Bakr
al-Kiifi, Fatfmiima-i-Sindh known as Chachniima, ed. by U. M. Daudpota, Hydera-
bad, 1358/1939, 99, 100; see H. M. Elliot and John Dowson, The History of India
as Told by Its own Histo'l'ians, London, 1867, I, 119-20; see Brian Spooner, "Notes
on the Toponomy of the Persian Makran" in l'l'an and Islam, ed. C. E. Bosworth,
Edinburgh, 1971, 517-533.
87 Indica, 88/1, 116. Sachau writes (II, 296) that the history of this Qarmatian
chief is unknown and it is difficult to identify him; but see Syed Sulaymiin Nadwi,
<A'l'ab wa Hind Ke Ta'alluqiit', Allahabad, 1930, 326-328.
88 For a short account of Abii Tahir Sulaymiin bin Abi Sa<id al-I:Iasan bin
Bahriim al-Janna.bi and the Qa'l'iimi/ah see al-Athii'I' of al-Biriini, text 212-214
(Ch'l'onology, 196-198). lbn I:Iawqal, op. cit., 210-211. D. Sourdel, "The Abbasid
Caliphate" in The Camb'l'idge Histo'l'_v of Islam: The Cent'l'al Islamic Lands, Cam-
bridge, 1970, I, 132-33; 136-37; G. E. von Grunebaum, Classical Islam, tr. by
Katherine Watson, Chicago, 1970, 111-113; 145, 149, 206; H. Laoust, Les schismes
dans /'Islam, Paris, 1965; B. Lewis, The 01'igins of Isma'ilism, Cambridge, 1940;
Thiibit bin Sinan and Ibn al-'Adim, Ta''l'ikh Akhbii'I' al-Qa1'iimi/ah, Beirut, 1391/
1971, 127; "Al-Qariimitah" in Dii'i'l'at al-Ma'ii'l'if by Farid Wajdi, 4th ed., Cairo,
1386/1967, VII, 713-734; L. Massignon, "~armatians" in the Enc. of Islam,
Leiden, 1927, II, 767-772.
89 Indica, 89/I, 117.
90 T. W. Haig, Enc. of Islam (1936), III, 721. cf. Syed Sulaymiin NadwI, "The
Carmatians of Multan" in op. cit., 315-326. Al-BiriinI's statement (loc. cit.) that
the Carmathians appeared about 100 years before his own time creates confusion.
The Indica was written about 421 A.H. which means that the Carmathians occupied
Multan around 321 A.H. which does not seem to be correct. Over and above this
confusion of date it is perhaps more correct to state that the ruler of Multan con-
temporary to al-Biriini was not a Carmathian but an Ismii'Ili. But it is not under-

Sultan Mal_imiid who not only conquered Multan but also expelled ...
the Carmathians from it. When the Arab geographer al-Maqdisi visited
India in 375/985 he found that the ruler of Multan was an Isma'ili Shi'i
and the Khutbah (Friday sermon) was read in the name of the Fatimid
rulers of Egypt. 91
But the short description of the idol of the temple and its being the
cause of the material prosperity of the town as given by al-Biriini are
borrowed from the works of the early Arabic geographers. 92 According
to the reliable statement of Zayn al-Akhbar of Gardizi Sultan Mal_imiid
led expedition into Multan twice-one in 396/1006 and the other in
401/1010. 93 All historians agree that the ruler of Multan whom Mal_imiid
defeated was Abu'l-Futii}:i Dawiid bin Na~r. the grandson of Shaikh
I;Iamid Lawi. 94 Then Jalam bin Shayban mentioned by al-Biriini as
stood how al-BiriinI, who was the author of a book on the Carmathians, could
commit such an error. Cunningham has identified Miilasthana with Multan see
B. C. Law, Historical Geography, 112.
81 Afisan at-Taqasim, ed. by M. J. de Goeje, Leiden, 1906, 485. Al-Maqdisi's
contemporary the author of the l;Iudud al-'Alam states "Its ruler is a quraishite
from the descendents of Sam. He lives at a camp half a farsang (from Multan) and
reads the Khutba in the name of the "Western One". Minorsky thinks that by
"Western One" the Fa.timid Caliph is meant and quotes the above passage of
al-Maqdisi in support; Regions, 89, 246. Minorsky also refers to al-IstakhrI and
Ibn Rustah. In the contemporary sources no distinction is generally made between
the Isma'Ilis and the QaramiJah; see C. E. Bosworth, op. cit., 52-53.
91 Al-I~takhri, Kitab al-Masalik wa'l-Mamalik, ed. by De Goeje, Leiden, 1927,
173-74; lbn Rustah al-A'liiq an-Nafisah, ed. by De Goeje, Leiden, 1892, 135-36.
Yaqiit copies the relevant information from these geographers; see Mu'jam
al-Buldan, IV, 689.
83 See the critical edition of this book by 'Abdu'l-l;Iayy I;Iabibi, who considered
the tribal affiliation Lodi with the name of Shaikh I;Iamid as correct (178 n. 5).
81 That Lawi and not Lodi was the tribal affiliation of Shaikh l;Iamid the grand-
father of Abu'l-Futiil_i Dawiid bin Na~r is attested by Ibn I;Iawqal who visited
Multan in 977 A. D. He states that the ruler of Multan was descendant of a Quray-
shite named Sama bin Lawi. It also confirms that he was an 'Arab and not an
Afghan; op. cit., 230; this is copied by Yaqiit, Mu'jam, IV, 690. Marwazi/Minorsky
also mentions Sam bin Lu'ayy (Lawi) and not Lody; op. cit., 48; Mul_iammad
Na;i:im writes, op. cit., 96. note 5 "Briggs Firishta I, 40 says that Da'iid was a
descendent of Shaikh I;Iameed Lody". Lody is an obvious error for LawI, who
according to al-Mas'iidi 234, 385 was probably one of the ancestors of Dawiid. This
error has misled some writers to call Dawiid a Lody." See also Ishtiaq I;Iusain
Qureshi, The Muslim Community of the Inda-Pakistan Subcontinent (610-1947 A.D.),
The Hague, 1962, 42-43; see C. E. Bosworth, 52. He makes a reasonable statement
that "the real reasons for the attack seem to have been financial" and this may
also be stated as regards his expeditions into India. It has to be pinpointed here
that Sultan Mal_imiid not only attacked the Hindu rulers and the temples of
India but also Multan twice which was ruled by a Muslim. Al-Mas'iidi states that
he visited Multan after 300 A.H. and confirms that Usama bin Lawi bin Ghalib
was the name of the ancestor of the ruler of Multan; see Muruj adh-Dhahab (Paris,
ed.) I, 374-78 at 375.

108 M. s. Khan
the usurper of Multan may be the founder of an Arab Carmathian

dynasty that ruled it at the end of the 4th/10th century. 95
The geographical and physical factors of a country play an important
part in its history and there is geography behind history. The infor-
mation contained in al-Biriini's chapter on India's geography is useful
for the historians of ancient and early medieval India. 96 It may be stated
here that some of those towns and villages mentioned by al-Biriini have
either changed their names or they have completely disappeared from
the modem map of India. Thus al-Biriini's accounts not only help in
the correct location of some of these towns but also facilitate their
identification. 97
There is a difference of opinion as regards the exact situation of
Vallabhi the capital of the kings of Vallabha dynasty. Vincent Smith
held the view that it was located in Eastern Kathiawar while other
state that it was in the peninsular portion of Gujarat. 98 Al-Biriini,
95 Syed Sulayman Nadwi, op. cit., 316; but this Jalam bin Shayban needs
further investigation. Due to the conquest of Multan by Sultan Mal).miid and the
killing of a good number of the Qarmathians they could not rise again till the time
of Maudiid's reign; Fakhr Mudabbir, op. cit., 253; M. I. Shafi', "Fresh Light on
the Ghaznavids" in the Islamic Culture, Hyderabad, 1938, XII, 213-15.
98 The Indica has been used by D. C. Sircar in his Studies in the Geography of
Ancient and Medieval India, Delhi, 1960, 304; and his Cosmography and Geography
in Early Indian Literature; H. C. Ray, The Dynastic History of Northern India,
Calcutta, 1931, 36, I and II. and by many others; see B. C. Law "Al-Biriini's
knowledge of Indian Geography", Indo-Iranica, Calcutta, 1954, VII/No. 4, 1-26
and Ghayasuddin's unpublished Ph.D. Thesis (1968) at the Maulana Azad Library,
Aligarh Muslim University entitled "A Critical Analysis of the Writings of al-
Biriini Pertaining to India". A. Zeki Velidi Togan, "~ifat al-Ma'miirah 'ala al-
Biriini (Biruni's Picture of the World)", Memoirs of the Archaeological Survey of
India, No. 53, Delhi, 1937 ?, IX, 8, 142. A large part of V. B. Mishra's The Gurjara
Pratiharas, 1966, 150 is based on the Indica of al-Biriini, see also S. M. 'Ali, The
Geography of the Pura1;1as, New Delhi, 1966, 234 at 7, 126-27, 180.
97 For example on the basis of what al-Biriini has written D. C. Sircar states
about the location of Brahmasila. "Brahmasila thus lay about 45 miles to the
west of northwest of Allahabad and was situated in the Doab between Kanauj
and Allahabad. It was, therefore, to the east of south-east of Kanouj"; Geography,
245. H. C. Raychaudhuri remarks: "The account of al-Beriini is valuable not only
because it embodies the personal observations of an intelligent foreigner who
actually visited this country, but also because it affords us a glimpse into the
geographical texts of the Pural).as available to him, which had undergone much
corruption in his day, i.e. as early as the eleventh century A.D."; Studies, 40-41.
Gopal Haldar has rightly considered the account of al-Biriini and other Muslim
writers on India as "highly creditable for their times and highly important for
ours-as all students of Indian medieval history admittedly realize"; Horst
Kruger, Kunwar Moftammad Ashraf-An Indian Scholar &, Revolutionary (I903-
I962), Berlin, 1966, 224.
98 See "al-Biriini's Knowledge of Indian Geography" in op. cit., 5. Vincent
Smith, Early History of India, 342-43; H. C. Raychaudhuri, Political History of
Ancient India, 490; - - , Studies, 241 note I states that the Emperors of the

al-Binini and the Political History of India I09
however, states that the town of Vallabhi was situated at a distance of

a bout 30 yojnas south of Anhilwara 99 and thus helps in the correct
location of this ancient town. It is generally accepted as Vala in Sau-
rashtra.
As regards the exact situation of the town of Bhatiya which Sultan
Ma}:lmfid conquered in 395/1004, al-Birfini writes: "from Narayan (not
Bazana as read by Sachau) towards the west, you come to Multan which
is 50 Jarsakhs from it. Bhati (or Bhatiya) IS Jarsakhs. Marching from
Bhati towards the south-west you come to Aror which is IS Jarsakhs
from it. Aror is a township between two arms of the Sindh river. 100
Thus according to al-Birfini Bhatiya was located between Narayan
(Alwar state) and Aror or Rohri somewhere near Sind in the same
latitude as Multan. 101 It may be pointed out here that he displays an
intimate knowledge of Multan which means that he visited it frequently
or lived in it for sometime. Modern research has proved that the location
of Bhatiyah as given by al-Birfini is correct. 102
Al-Birfini states that Rajyapala after being defeated by Sultan Ma}:lmfid
fled from Kanouj and set up his capital at Bari which was situated on
the east of the Ganges at a distance of three or four days marches from
Kanouj. 103 He has clarified the distance by adding later, "Marching
Deccan belonging to the royal houses of Calukya and Ral?trakiita called them-
selves Vallabha, Sri Vallabha or Sri Pp:hivi Vallabha doubtless in imitation of the
God Vis9u the Preserver; B. C. Law, Historical Geography of Ancient India, 300-
301; The Imperial Gazetteer of India, Oxford, 1908, 175.
98 Indica 346/II, 7; see D. C. Sircar, Cosmography, 160 where Hieun Tsang
mentions Valabhi Vallabha of al-Biriini is identified as Manykheta; Guiab Chandra

Chowdhury, op. cit., 204; V. A. Janaki, op. cit., 31, 51, 63-64 (specially the notes
and references).
100 Indica, 164/I, 205; for Bazana or Narayan, see D. C. Sircar Geography,
162-163, where it is identified as Bayana in the former Bharatpur State. Al-Biriini
writes in another context "Marching from Kanouj towards the south-west .....
Bazana the Capital of Gujarat, 20 farsakhs. This town is called Narayan by our
people"; Indica, 161/I, 202.
161 Mul,l.ammad Na~im, op. cit., 199 and foot-note No. 1. Bhati is not mentioned
by any Arab geographer not even by the author of the Ifudud al-'Alam.
162 See al-'Utbi, at-Ta>rikh al-Yamini, ed. by Mawlawy Mamliik al-'Alyy and
A. Sprenger (Delhi, 1847) 258-261 under Dhikr Ghazwa Bhatiya, and Mul,J.ammad
Na~im, loc. cit.; see A. Cunningham, Ancient Geography of India, 1871, 256.
163 Indica, 158/I, 199; R. S. Tripathi, History of Kanauj, 285, 287-88; the
transfer of the capital to Bari is attested by Nizamuddin; see Tripathi, ibid, 287
note 5 and V. B. Mishra, op. cit., 53-54, not mentioned by the author of the ]Judud
and by other Arab geographers. "Behind the Ganges flow the rivers Rahab
(modern Ramganga) and Kavini which join the river Sarva near the city of Bari";
D. C. Sircar, Geography, 45; Mul,J.ammad Na~im, op. cit., 94, 108, III, 206. Al-
Bin1ni (loc. cit.) writes that between Kanauj and Bari there is a distance of three
to ~four days marches; Gardizi, op. cit., 184 and note 4. King Mahipala who
resided at Bari around 1026 A.D. tried "to consolidate and to extend his empire.

IIO M. s. Khan
from Kanouj towards the east you come to Bari, ro / arsakhs" .104 This
was actually the second capital of the Gurjara Pratiharas of Kanouj and
was situated on the west bank of the Ganges. Al-Biriini's account of
Bari is confirmed by al-'Utbi and Ibn al-Athir. 105
The statement of al-Biriini makes it easy to locate the Nandana
fort. He states that he had lived in it and used a nearby mountain to
measure the earth's diameter. 106 Sultan Mal_imiid marched against this
fort in 404/Nov. 1013. It was actually situated among the Balnath hills
at the junction of two spurs of the Salt Range. It is the Nardin of al-
'Utbi.101 The editor of a recent critical edition of the Zayn al-Akhbar
by Gardizi 108 has read it correctly but in the printed edition of the
Kitab .Adab al-lfarb wash-Shuja'ah by Fakhr Mudabbir, it is read as
Bandana in error 109 twice on the authority of the A•in-i-Akbari of Abu'l-
Fa<;ll. It is not mentioned in the lfudud al-'.Alam. 110
It is difficult to ascertain but an attempt may be made to find out the
written sources of information concerning the political history found in
al-Biriini's Indica. The statement of Sachau that he had no access to
the Mahabharata text in the original Sanskrit m and that the historical
information he provides about the Hindushahiya dynasty of Kabul are
not drawn from literary sources is correct. 112 Al-Biriini is careful in men-
This ruler is said to have been a Buddhist". cf. Kem, Geschichte des Buddhismus
in Indien, II, 544; Sachau, Preface to his trans. of the lndica, XLV; see V. B.
Mishra, op. cit., 53-54.
1°' lndica, 160/I, 201.
185 Al-'Utbi, op. cit., 394 ff.; Ibn al-Athir, al-Kiimil fi't-Ta>rikh, ed. by Tomberg,
IX, 218-219 where it is stated that Sultan MaQmiid conquered it and destroyed it.
108 See his Tafidid Nihayat al-Amiikin, 222: 10, quoted by E. S. Kennedy,
op. cit., 150.
187 Al-'Utbi, op. cit., 329-336 under Dhikr Waq'at Nardin, where it is stated
that it was conquered by Sultan Mal:;uniid in 404/1013; MuQammad Na;i:im, op. cit.,
74 n., 88 n., 91-93, 103-135.
1os Op. cit., 181 and note 4.
189 Edited by AQmad Suhaili Khwansari, Tehran, 1346 A.H. Shamsi, 308-311.
It is stated in foot-note I that in the Ta>rikh of Abu'l-Fa1;U Bayhaqi {ed.
Ghani and Fayya.Q) it is mentioned as Nandana but in the Ayin-i-Akbari it is
entered both as Bandana and Nandana. But the editor has not given any reason
why he preferred Bandana to Nandana.
110 It is not mentioned by any Arab geographer. Bhatiyah, Nandana and Bari
are not mentioned by the author of the }Judud or by Yaqiit or by B. C. Law in
his Historical Geography of Ancient India.
111 Preface to the translation XL. Prof. Ajay Mitra Shastri writes (op. cit., 60):
"Al-Biriini does not appear to have gone through the Riimiiya1;1ii and his notions
about it and its author are hazy...... Al-Biriini had much more reliable know-
ledge of the frame and contents of the Mahabharata which he refers to as Bharata".
111 Had he used any other written source he would have mentioned it. Moreover,
in this context he complains of the lack of written historical works among the

al-Biriini and the Political History of India III
tioning the written sources of the social and cultural history of India
specially the Indian scientific works and their authors and frequently
indicates oral sources throughout the I ndica and there does not seem
to be any valid reason for disagreeing with Sachau's contention that had
al-Biriini obtained information about the Hindu eras and other historical
accounts from any book or author he would have acknowledged it. In
connection with the rulers of the Hindushahiya dynasty he states that
he attempted to see a record but failed to do so. He writes "I have been
told that the pedigree of this royal family, written on silk, exists in the
fortress of Nagar Kot and I much desired to make myself acquainted
with it, but it was impossible to do so for various reasons". 113
While discussing the eras of the Hindus he admits that the informa-
tion he has recorded is not exact and accurate. 114 He could make this
kind of statement only when he recorded traditions transmitted orally.
It seems correct to state that no historical work written in Sanskrit or
any other Indian language was available to al-Biriini and this actually
led him to complain against the lack of interest among the Hindus in
history and chronology. There was no historical work among the books
translated from Sanskrit into Arabic before al-Biriini wrote the Indica. 115
A question may be asked as to how al-Biriini tested the reliability of
his reporters and their reports. There are several statements in the
Indica that lead to the conclusion that he accepted such reports after
careful ciriticism and examination and on the basis of corroborative
evidence. A man from the neighbourhood of Somnath reported that a
Mithqal in India was equal in weight to that of al-Biriini's native country
Hindus. In another context Sachau makes the following correct statement, "The
author stood so near to the events in question that he could have ample and
trustworthy information"; Annotations to II, 362. V. Minorsky, "On some of
Biriini's informants" in the Al-Biruni Commemoration Volume, 233-36, shows that
al-BiriinI was in the habit of interrogating foreigners, travellers and ambassadors
visiting the courts of his patrons and collecting information from them.
113 Indica, 349/II, 1 I. This one statement of al-Biruni is significant as it shows
that he fully realised the importance of written sources and he made attempts
to search them out; see foot-note No. 76 above. He corrected the oral report
about the difference in years between the Har~a and Vikramaditya eras by
consulting the Kashmirian calendar. Sachau correctly remarks " ... but he
surpassed his predecessors by going back upon the original Sanskrit sources,
trying to check his pandits by whatever Sanskrit he had contrived to learn";
Preface to the Eng. trans. of the Indica, XXXVII.
m lndica, 347/II, 9. Al-Biriini writes "I have already excused myself on
account of the imperfection of the information given in this chapter".
116 No such book is mentioned by lbn an-Nadim, al-QiftI, lbn Abi U~aybi'a
and others. Sachau has written about the Sanskrit (Indian) books translated into
Arabic before al-Biriini but does not give any historical work; see his Preface to
the Indica, XXX-XXXV.

II2 M. s. Khan
but he found out that the comparison was wrong. 118 His attitude towards
the verbal reporters becomes clear from the following statements about
some people from Kanouj who gave him wrong information about
chronology. "When I heard among these pretended names of Samvatsaras,
names of nations, trees and mountains, I conceived a suspicion of my
reporters, more particularly as their chief business was indeed to practice
deception ...... I used great care in examining every single one of
them, in repeating the same questions at different times in a different
order and context. But lo! what different answers did I get". 117
Al-Biriini's criticism and caution are not confined to oral traditions
only. He is careful not to accept the written sources also without critical
examination. 118 In a discussion about the religions and doctrines of the
Hindus he made the following remarks which clarify his attitude to his
written sources " ... Everything which exists on this subject in our
literature is second hand information which one has copied from the
other, a farrago of materials never sifted by the sieve of critical examina-
tion".119 Throughout the Indica he criticizes the statement of al-lran-
shahri, Ya<qub bin Tariq, al-Fazari and others which implies his criticism
of their oral and written sources. 120
Therefore, as stated by Sachau, the historical information contained
in the chapter entitled "A Summary Description of the Eras" has been
derived from the educated Hindus whom al-Biriini met in north-western
India. 121 Two instances have been cited above showing that some persons
from Somnath and Kanouj reported to him verbally. It is likely that
at least two other persons Sripala 122 and Jivasarman 123 also supplied
118 Indica, 125/I, 161, in the chapter entitled "Notes on Hindu Metrology."
117 Ibid., 451-52/II, 129.
118 In the following al-Biriini himself critically examined his own written
sources. "On the morning of the 17th the Battle of Badr occured; according to
another report it occured on the 19th. But this is not correct because there is an
uninterrupted tradition saying that it occured on a Monday in the second year
of the flight. If we compute the first of RamaQ.an for this year, we find that it
was a Saturday, and the Monday in question falls upon the 17th"; al-Athiir, 332
(Chronology, 330). On the criticism of evidence see A. Jeffery, op. cit., 132-133.
119 Indica, 4/I, 6. The whole Preface of al-Biruni (text. 1-6; trans. I, 3-7.) is
a general criticism of his written and oral sources.

m See Ibid., 259/I, 303; 269/I, 316; 297/I, 353 (criticism of Ya'qub bin Tariq's
Tarkib al-A flak) and passim; 4-5/l, 6-7; 206/I, 249; 276/l, 326 (criticism of the
statements of Abu'l-'Abbas al-Iranshahri and his oral and written sources.
181 Annotations to II, 357. Sachau goes to the extent of making the following
statement. "Whatever blame or praise, therefore, attached to this chapter must
in the first instance be laid to the charge, not of al-Biruni, but of his informants"
(loc. cit.).
m Indica, 127/l, 164; 198/I, 240; al-Biruni copies the names of the twenty
seven yogas from Sripala (514/II, 209). Sachau (Annotations, II, 310) states,

al-Biriini and the Political History of India IIJ
him verbal information. So it may be stated that other historical in-

formations embodied in the Indica as discussed above are also based
on verbal reports. Moreover, he was his own source of information in
such matters and recorded "what he had himself observed during his
stay among Hindus and elsewhere" 124 in course of his travels and long
stay in north-western India.
The above discussion leads to another question as to the names of
persons who supplied al-Biriini with historical information and to the
class to which they belonged. He has not enlightened his readers on
these points and this question must remain unanswered. Writing about
Sri Har~a era al-Biriini states that some inhabitants of the Mathura-
Kanouj region gave him verbal information but he does not mention
their names. 126 There is no way to find out their names but only this
much can be stated that they belonged to a class of educated informed
and enlightened Hindus. Some of them might be those Pandits who
were also his teachers. 126
In conclusion it may be stated that the information about the political
history of India contained in the lndica is meagre no doubt but they
are valuable as they throw light on some hitherto obscure points in the
history of India and it is an unjust and harsh remark that the Indica
"contributes comparatively little information which can be utilized for
the purpose of political history". 127 A detailed study of such information
has been presented above. They are all the more important because they
are indirect and incidental. They show how India was divided into
small principalities under separate rulers at the time of al-Biriini in the
eleventh century. 128 This was the main cause of the weakness of these
kingdoms, specially of northern India, which made Sultan Mal,imiid
so successful in his expeditions into India.
"perhaps Sripii.la was a scholar living at Multan at the time of the author. Al-
Biriini does not mention a book of his."
188 Ibid., 122/I, 157; 127/I, 164; 489/II, 181; 490/II, 182. Sachau believes
"he seems to have been a contemporary and personal acquaintenance of al-BiriinI

in the same way as Sripii.la" (op. cit., II, 309). But it is almost impossible to
identify either Sripii.la or Jiva~arman.
124 See Sachau's annotations to II. 357.
115 Indica, 345/II, 5.
188 Al-Biriini has also mentioned two other names as Samaya and Auliatta as
his informers; but neither the correct forms of their names can be ascertained
nor can they be identified.
117 Vincent Smith, Ea'Yly Histo,yy of India (Oxford, 1924), 15.
118 See the prejudiced and biassed account of Wolseley Haig The Cambridge
Histo,yy of India (Turks and Afghans), 2nd Indian reprint (New Delhi, January,
1965), III, 11-27 chapter II. An idea about these small principalities can be had
from chapter XIII entitled "The Passing of the Old Hindu Kingdoms" in the An
Advanced Histo,yy of India, I (Ancient India), 171-183 (note 77 above).
ORIENS 25-26 8

II4 M. s. Khan
In general the Arabic and Persian historical works record only the
political history and they report almost nothing concerning the social,
cultural and religious history of a country or a town. 129 The I ndica does
not suffer from this deficiency and it is unique in the sense that it contains
an account of the social, cultural, religious history and history of sciences
in India not found in any other Arabic or Persian historical work. There
is no other Arabic or Persian history 180 which records a detailed and
connected political history of India during the period under discussion
so that the I ndica could be supplemented and the total picture of India
could emerge at this period. The at-Ta>rikh al-Yamini of al-'Utbi, the
court historian of Sultan Mal_imiid, is available 181 but he does not possess
an adequate knowledge of the topography of the country and the informa-
tion contained in his narrative is lost in the embellished, flowery and
rhetorical rhymed prose which he used. The verbose and flamboyant
language considerably reduces the value and importance of this work as a
source of contemporary history. 182 Moreover, it does not report on the
battles that Sultan Mal_imiid fought against the Hindushahiyya rulers nor
on his conquest of Somnath and it is also defective in dates. Compared
to this al-Biriini's language is clear and simple, consistent with the
subject matter of the Indica.
Another deficiency of the I ndica has to be noted here. Over and above
the information that it gives about Sultan Mal_imiid's conquest of Som-
nath and Multan, it could have given more details about him and his
various campaigns in India. There is not even a hint about his method
of warfare and strategy employed by him in siege operations of mighty
119 See F. Rosenthal, A HistO'l'y of Muslim HistO'l'iography, 2nd ed., Leiden,
1968, 653; Ghulam l;lusain Sadri, Tarikh dar Iran, Tehran, 1345/1966, 242; C. A.
Storey, Persian Literature, a bio-bibliographical Survey, I, sec. II, fascs. 1-3, London,
1939; M. S. Khan, "Miskawaih and Arabic Historiography" in the Journal of
the American Oriental Society, 89, No. 4, New Haven, Oct.-Dec. 1969, 710-30.
Bertold Spuler, "Die historische und geographische Literatur in Persischer Sprache"
in Handbuch der Orientalistik IV, Iranistik/Literatur, Zweiter Abschnitt/Lieferung
1, Leiden, 1968, 100-167.
130 Some Arabic and Persian general historical works devote some chapters or
sections to India. Several extracts from these books have been selected and
translated by H. M. Elliot and John Dowson in their The HistO'l'y of India as Told
by Its Own HistO'l'ians, I, London, 1867, 541, II, London, 1869, 579. They help us
only partially in testing the authenticity of the reports about political history
contained in the Indica.
131 Ed. cited. Conquest of Multan, 261-264; of Nardin 329-336; of Thaneswar
336-338; of Mathura, Kanouj and Kashmir, 395-408.

181 For this reason Shaikh al-Manini had to write a Commentary on the at-
Ta>rikh al-Yamini; see al-Fatfi al-Wahby, 2 vols., Bulaq, 1286/1870. For other
commentaries on this work see C. Brockelmann, GAL S 1, Leiden, 1937, 547-48.
It has been translated into English.

al-Biruni and the Political History of India IIS
fortresses and the cause of his success. Perhaps al-Biriini was not in-
terested in such matters and it may not be correct to criticize him for
these deficiencies.
As regards ancient historical events mentioned by al-Biriini, that
about Sagara's father's kingdom invaded by his enemy from "our land"
is vague and confused. 133 The following statement is also uncertain and
obscure "when Kabul was conquered by the Muslims and the Isfahbad
of Kabul adopted Islam, he stipulated that he should not be bound to
eat cow's meat". 134 It is a fact that al-Biriini lived at Kabul for many
years but he has not specifically named this ruler of Kabul. It is not
possible to identify him as one who embraced Islam on certain con-
ditions.
In spite of some deficiencies several statements concerning the political
history of India in the early eleventh century found in the Indica of
al-Biriini are useful and valuable. They may be used for checking the
historical facts recorded in other works and they may clear up many
confusions.
188 Indica, 15/I, 20.

la& Indica, 471/II, 157.


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AL-BIRUNI AND THE POLITICAL HISTORY OF INDIA

When al-Biriini wrote, history meant only political and military

1 Kitiib al-Athiir al-Biiqiyah 'anil-Qurun al-Khiiliyah (written ca. 391/1000) ed.

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Barani, "Muslim Researches in Geodesy", in the Al-Biriini Commemoration Volume,

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the Greek, Zoroastrian, Christian, Jewish, Manichaean and $iifi sources.

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in a true spirit of historical criticism". 18 Now the historical works written

18 See Edward Sachau's Preface to his trans. of the al-Athiir (Chronology) p. X.

mathians in the al-Athiir, 213.

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contact with India in the wake of Sultan Ma}:imiid's expeditions to this

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Al-Biriini states that he has himself determined the latitudes of the

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astronomy, zoology, geodesy, mathematics, medicine, pharmacology,

81 See the papers contributed to the Al-Biruni Commemoration Volume, 303;

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of the Mahabharata was Vyasa the son of Parasara. 35 It was written

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,o See Vish,:iu-Purii,:ia ed. and compiled by H. H. Wilson (Calcutta, 1961), 299,

n K. M. Munshi, Somnath-The Shrine Eternal, Bombay, n.d., 94.

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moon", writes al-Biriini, ,.was perpetually occupied in bathing the idol

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pelled Kallar to transfer his capital to Udabhai:iq.a on the Sindhu near

51 Al-Biriini refers to the capital of al-Kandahar (Gandha.ra) i.e. Vaihind.

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History of Kanauj to the Muslim Conquest, Benaras, 1937, 195-197; 201-204;

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capital was Tiauri which can be identified as Tripuri in the Jabalpur

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450, 456, 461, 531 (Rajendra Coladeva Parakesarivarman); R. S. Tripathi, Ancient

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first Vikramaditya after whom another era of the Hindus is named. 78

1953, 553-565; R. S. Tripathi, Ancient India, 249-278; D. C. Sircar, Geography.

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borders of Kashmir were invaded by Muslim armies. 85 The route followed

86 Al-Baliidhuri (445) mentions the conquest of al-Qandiihar (Gandhiira) during

the reign of Caliph al-Mu•ta~im (218/833-228/842).

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the usurper of Multan may be the founder of an Arab Carmathian

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however, states that the town of Vallabhi was situated at a distance of

mentions Valabhi Vallabha of al-Biriini is identified as Manykheta; Guiab Chandra

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a general criticism of his written and oral sources.

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him verbal information. So it may be stated that other historical in-

"he seems to have been a contemporary and personal acquaintenance of al-BiriinI

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119 See F. Rosenthal, A HistO'l'y of Muslim HistO'l'iography, 2nd ed., Leiden,

336-338; of Mathura, Kanouj and Kashmir, 395-408.