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Nuclear Weapons of The United States - Wikipedia
Nuclear Weapons of The United States - Wikipedia
Manhattan Project
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By investing heavily in breeding plutonium in early nuclear reactors and in the electromagnetic
and gaseous diffusion enrichment processes for the production of uranium-235, the United States
was able to develop three usable weapons by mid-1945. The Trinity test was a plutonium
implosion-design weapon tested on 16 July 1945, with around a 20 kiloton yield.[17]
Faced with a planned invasion of the Japanese home islands scheduled to begin on 1 November
1945 and with Japan not surrendering, President Harry S. Truman ordered the atomic raids on
Japan. On 6 August 1945, the U.S. detonated a uranium-gun design bomb, Little Boy, over the
Japanese city of Hiroshima with an energy of about 15 kilotons of TNT, killing approximately
70,000 people, among them 20,000 Japanese combatants and 20,000 Korean slave laborers, and
destroying nearly 50,000 buildings (including the 2nd General Army and Fifth Division
headquarters). Three days later, on 9 August, the U.S. attacked Nagasaki using a plutonium
implosion-design bomb, Fat Man, with the explosion equivalent to about 20 kilotons of TNT,
destroying 60% of the city and killing approximately 35,000 people, among them 23,200–28,200
Japanese munitions workers, 2,000 Korean slave laborers, and 150 Japanese combatants.[18]
On 1 January 1947, the Atomic Energy Act of 1946 (known as the McMahon Act) took effect, and
the Manhattan Project was officially turned over to the United States Atomic Energy Commission
(AEC).[19]
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perception that nuclear weapons gave more "bang for the buck" and thus were the most cost-
efficient way to respond to the security threat the Soviet Union represented.[24]
As a result, beginning in 1950 the AEC embarked on a massive expansion of its production
facilities, an effort that would eventually be one of the largest U.S. government construction
projects ever to take place outside of wartime.[25] And this production would soon include the far
more powerful hydrogen bomb, which the United States had decided to move forward with after an
intense debate during 1949–50.[26] as well as much smaller tactical atomic weapons for battlefield
use.[27]
By 1990, the United States had produced more than 70,000 nuclear warheads, in over 65 different
varieties, ranging in yield from around .01 kilotons (such as the man-portable Davy Crockett shell)
to the 25 megaton B41 bomb.[9] Between 1940 and 1996, the U.S. spent at least $10.9 trillion in
present-day terms[5] on nuclear weapons development. Over half was spent on building delivery
mechanisms for the weapon. $681 billion in present-day terms was spent on nuclear waste
management and environmental remediation.[6]
Richland, Washington was the first city established to support plutonium production at the nearby
Hanford nuclear site, to power the American nuclear weapons arsenals. It produced plutonium for
use in cold war atomic bombs.[28]
Throughout the Cold War, the U.S. and USSR threatened with all-out nuclear attack in case of war,
regardless of whether it was a conventional or a nuclear clash.[29] U.S. nuclear doctrine called for
mutually assured destruction (MAD), which entailed a massive nuclear attack against strategic
targets and major populations centers of the Soviet Union and its allies. The term "mutual assured
destruction" was coined in 1962 by American strategist Donald Brennan.[30] MAD was
implemented by deploying nuclear weapons simultaneously on three different types of weapons
platforms.[31][32][33]
Post–Cold War
After the 1989 end of the Cold War and the 1991 dissolution of the Soviet Union, the U.S. nuclear
program was heavily curtailed; halting its program of nuclear testing, ceasing its production of new
nuclear weapons, and reducing its stockpile by half by the mid-1990s under President Bill Clinton.
Many former nuclear facilities were closed, and their sites became targets of extensive
environmental remediation. Efforts were redirected from weapons production to stockpile
stewardship; attempting to predict the behavior of aging weapons without using full-scale nuclear
testing. Increased funding was directed to anti-nuclear proliferation programs, such as helping the
states of the former Soviet Union to eliminate their former nuclear sites and to assist Russia in
their efforts to inventory and secure their inherited nuclear stockpile. By February 2006, over $1.2
billion had been paid under the Radiation Exposure Compensation Act of 1990 to U.S. citizens
exposed to nuclear hazards as a result of the U.S. nuclear weapons program, and by 1998 at least
$759 million had been paid to the Marshall Islanders in compensation for their exposure to U.S.
nuclear testing. Over $15 million was paid to the Japanese government following the exposure of
its citizens and food supply to nuclear fallout from the 1954 "Bravo" test.[9][10] In 1998, the country
spent an estimated $35.1 billion on its nuclear weapons and weapons-related programs.[9]
In the 2013 book Plutopia: Nuclear Families, Atomic Cities, and the Great Soviet and American
Plutonium Disasters (Oxford), Kate Brown explores the health of affected citizens in the United
States, and the "slow-motion disasters" that still threaten the environments where the plants are
located. According to Brown, the plants at Hanford, over a period of four decades, released
millions of curies of radioactive isotopes into the surrounding environment.[28] Brown says that
most of this radioactive contamination over the years at Hanford were part of normal operations,
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Statements by the U.S. government in 2004 indicated that they planned to decrease the arsenal to
around 5,500 total warheads by 2012.[37] Much of that reduction was already accomplished by
January 2008.[38]
According to the Pentagon's June 2019 Doctrine for Joint Nuclear Operations,[39] "Integration of
nuclear weapons employment with conventional and special operations forces is essential to the
success of any mission or operation."[40]
The U.S. program of atmospheric nuclear testing exposed a number of the population to the
hazards of fallout. Estimating exact numbers, and the exact consequences, of people exposed has
been medically very difficult, with the exception of the high exposures of Marshall Islanders and
Japanese fishers in the case of the Castle Bravo incident in 1954. A number of groups of U.S.
citizens—especially farmers and inhabitants of cities downwind of the Nevada Test Site and U.S.
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A summary table of each of the American operational series may be found at United States' nuclear
test series.
Delivery systems
The original Little Boy and Fat Man weapons, developed by the
United States during the Manhattan Project, were relatively
large (Fat Man had a diameter of 5 feet (1.5 m)) and heavy
(around 5 tons each) and required specially modified bomber
planes[43] to be adapted for their bombing missions against
Japan. Each modified bomber could only carry one such
weapon and only within a limited range. After these initial
weapons were developed, a considerable amount of money and
research was conducted towards the goal of standardizing Early weapons models, such as the
nuclear warheads so that they did not require highly "Fat Man" bomb, were extremely
specialized experts to assemble them before use, as in the case large and difficult to use.
with the idiosyncratic wartime devices, and miniaturization of
the warheads for use in more variable delivery systems.
Additional developments in weapons delivery included cruise missile systems, which allowed a
plane to fire a long-distance, low-flying nuclear-armed missile towards a target from a relatively
comfortable distance.
The current delivery systems of the U.S. make virtually any part of the Earth's surface within the
reach of its nuclear arsenal. Though its land-based missile systems have a maximum range of
10,000 kilometres (6,200 mi) (less than worldwide), its submarine-based forces extend its reach
from a coastline 12,000 kilometres (7,500 mi) inland. Additionally, in-flight refueling of long-
range bombers and the use of aircraft carriers extends the possible range virtually indefinitely.
Since World War II, the President of the United States has had sole authority to launch U.S.
nuclear weapons, whether as a first strike or nuclear retaliation. This arrangement was seen as
necessary during the Cold War to present a credible nuclear deterrent; if an attack was detected,
the United States would have only minutes to launch a counterstrike before its nuclear capability
was severely damaged, or national leaders killed. If the President has been killed, command
authority follows the presidential line of succession. Changes to this policy have been proposed,
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but currently the only way to countermand such an order before the strike was launched would be
for the Vice President and the majority of the Cabinet to relieve the President under Section 4 of
the Twenty-fifth Amendment to the United States Constitution.[44][45]
Regardless of whether the United States is actually under attack by a nuclear-capable adversary,
the President alone has the authority to order nuclear strikes. The President and the Secretary of
Defense form the National Command Authority, but the Secretary of Defense has no authority to
refuse or disobey such an order.[46] The President's decision must be transmitted to the National
Military Command Center, which will then issue the coded orders to nuclear-capable forces.[47]
The President can give a nuclear launch order using their nuclear briefcase (nicknamed the nuclear
football), or can use command centers such as the White House Situation Room. The command
would be carried out by a Nuclear and Missile Operations Officer (a member of a missile combat
crew, also called a "missileer") at a missile launch control center. A two-man rule applies to the
launch of missiles, meaning that two officers must turn keys simultaneously (far enough apart that
this cannot be done by one person).
When President Reagan was shot in 1981, there was confusion about where the "nuclear football"
was, and who was in charge.[48]
In 1975, a launch crew member, Harold Hering, was dismissed from the Air Force for asking how
he could know whether the order to launch his missiles came from a sane president.[45] It has been
claimed that the system is not foolproof.[45]
Starting with President Eisenhower, authority to launch a full-scale nuclear attack has been
delegated to theater commanders and other specific commanders if they believe it is warranted by
circumstances, and are out of communication with the president or the president had been
incapacitated.[49] For example, during the Cuban Missile Crisis, on 24 October 1962, General
Thomas Power, commander of the Strategic Air Command (SAC), took the country to DEFCON 2,
the very precipice of full-scale nuclear war, launching the SAC bombers of the US with nuclear
weapons ready to strike.[50] Moreover, some of these commanders subdelegated to lower
commanders the authority to launch nuclear weapons under similar circumstance. In fact, the
nuclear weapons were not placed under locks (i.e., permissive action links) until decades later, and
so pilots or individual submarine commanders had the power to launch nuclear weapons entirely
on their own, without higher authority.[49]
Accidents
The United States nuclear program since its inception has
experienced accidents of varying forms, ranging from single-
casualty research experiments (such as that of Louis Slotin
during the Manhattan Project), to the nuclear fallout
dispersion of the Castle Bravo shot in 1954, to accidents such as
crashes of aircraft carrying nuclear weapons, the dropping of The Castle Bravo fallout plume
nuclear weapons from aircraft, losses of nuclear submarines, spread dangerous levels of
and explosions of nuclear-armed missiles (broken arrows). radioactive material over an area
How close any of these accidents came to being major nuclear over 100 miles (160 km) long,
disasters is a matter of technical and scholarly debate and including inhabited islands, in the
interpretation. largest single U.S. nuclear accident.
Palomares, Spain (1966, see 1966 Palomares B-52 crash); and near Thule Air Base, Greenland
(1968) (see 1968 Thule Air Base B-52 crash). In some of these cases (such as the 1966 Palomares
case), the explosive system of the fission weapon discharged, but did not trigger a nuclear chain
reaction (safety features prevent this from easily happening), but did disperse hazardous nuclear
materials across wide areas, necessitating expensive cleanup endeavors. Several US nuclear
weapons, partial weapons, or weapons components are thought[9] to be lost and unrecovered,
primarily in aircraft accidents. The 1980 Damascus Titan missile explosion in Damascus,
Arkansas, threw a warhead from its silo but did not release any radiation.[51]
The nuclear testing program resulted in a number of cases of fallout dispersion onto populated
areas. The most significant of these was the Castle Bravo test, which spread radioactive ash over an
area of over 100 square miles (260 km2), including a number of populated islands.[52] The
populations of the islands were evacuated but not before suffering radiation burns.[52] They would
later suffer long-term effects, such as birth defects and increased cancer risk. There are ongoing
concerns around deterioration of the nuclear waste site on Runit Island and a potential radioactive
spill.[53] There were also instances during the nuclear testing program in which soldiers were
exposed to overly high levels of radiation, which grew into a major scandal in the 1970s and 1980s,
as many soldiers later suffered from what were claimed to be diseases caused by their
exposures.[54]
Many of the former nuclear facilities produced significant environmental damages during their
years of activity, and since the 1990s have been Superfund sites of cleanup and environmental
remediation. Hanford is currently the most contaminated nuclear site in the United States[55] and
is the focus of the nation's largest environmental cleanup.[56] Radioactive materials are known to
be leaking from Hanford into the environment.[57] The Radiation Exposure Compensation Act of
1990 allows for U.S. citizens exposed to radiation or other health risks through the U.S. nuclear
program to file for compensation and damages.
Various acts of civil disobedience since 1980 by the peace group Plowshares have shown how
nuclear weapons facilities can be penetrated, and the group's actions represent extraordinary
breaches of security at nuclear weapons plants in the United States. The National Nuclear Security
Administration has acknowledged the seriousness of the 2012 Plowshares action. Non-
proliferation policy experts have questioned "the use of private contractors to provide security at
facilities that manufacture and store the government's most dangerous military material".[60]
Nuclear weapons materials on the black market are a global concern,[61][62] and there is concern
about the possible detonation of a small, crude nuclear weapon by a militant group in a major city,
with significant loss of life and property.[63][64]
Stuxnet is a computer worm discovered in June 2010 that is believed to have been created by the
United States and Israel to attack Iran's nuclear fuel enrichment facilities.[65]
Development agencies
The initial U.S. nuclear program was run by the National Bureau of Standards starting in 1939
under the edict of President Franklin Delano Roosevelt. Its primary purpose was to delegate
research and dispense funds. In 1940 the National Defense Research Committee (NDRC) was
established, coordinating work under the Committee on Uranium among its other wartime efforts.
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In 1975, following the "energy crisis" of the early 1970s and public and congressional discontent
with the AEC (in part because of the impossibility to be both a producer and a regulator), it was
disassembled into component parts as the Energy Research and Development Administration
(ERDA), which assumed most of the AEC's former production, coordination, and research roles,
and the Nuclear Regulatory Commission, which assumed its civilian regulation activities.[68]
ERDA was short-lived, however, and in 1977 the U.S. nuclear weapons activities were reorganized
under the Department of Energy,[69] which maintains such responsibilities through the semi-
autonomous National Nuclear Security Administration. Some functions were taken over or shared
by the Department of Homeland Security in 2002. The already-built weapons themselves are in the
control of the Strategic Command, which is part of the Department of Defense.
In general, these agencies served to coordinate research and build sites. They generally operated
their sites through contractors, however, both private and public (for example, Union Carbide, a
private company, ran Oak Ridge National Laboratory for many decades; the University of
California, a public educational institution, has run the Los Alamos and Lawrence Livermore
laboratories since their inception, and will jointly manage Los Alamos with the private company
Bechtel as of its next contract). Funding was received both through these agencies directly, but also
from additional outside agencies, such as the Department of Defense. Each branch of the military
also maintained its own nuclear-related research agencies (generally related to delivery systems).
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weapons in 27 foreign countries and territories, including Okinawa (which was US-controlled until
1971,) Japan (during the occupation immediately following World War II), Greenland, Germany,
Taiwan, and French Morocco then independent Morocco.[70]
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Lawrence Livermore
Livermore, California Research and design Active
National Laboratory
Livermore, California;
Sandia National
Albuquerque, New Research and design Active
Laboratories
Mexico
Material production
Hanford Site Richland, Washington Not active, in remediation
(plutonium)
Pacific Proving
Marshall Islands Nuclear testing Not active, last test in 1962
Grounds
Rocky Flats Plant Near Denver, Colorado Components fabrication Not active, in remediation
Weapons assembly,
Pantex Amarillo, Texas Active, esp. disassembly
disassembly, pit storage
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Proliferation
Early on in the development of its nuclear weapons, the United
States relied in part on information-sharing with both the
United Kingdom and Canada, as codified in the Quebec
Agreement of 1943. These three parties agreed not to share
nuclear weapons information with other countries without the
consent of the others, an early attempt at nonproliferation.
After the development of the first nuclear weapons during
World War II, though, there was much debate within the
political circles and public sphere of the United States about
whether or not the country should attempt to maintain a
monopoly on nuclear technology, or whether it should
undertake a program of information sharing with other nations
(especially its former ally and likely competitor, the Soviet A sign pointing to an old fallout
Union), or submit control of its weapons to some sort of shelter in New York City.
international organization (such as the United Nations) who
would use them to attempt to maintain world peace. Though
fear of a nuclear arms race spurred many politicians and
scientists to advocate some degree of international control or
sharing of nuclear weapons and information, many politicians
and members of the military believed that it was better in the
short term to maintain high standards of nuclear secrecy and to
forestall a Soviet bomb as long as possible (and they did not
believe the USSR would actually submit to international
controls in good faith).
The Atoms for Peace program
Since this path was chosen, the United States was, in its early distributed nuclear technology,
days, essentially an advocate for the prevention of nuclear materials, and know-how to many
proliferation, though primarily for the reason of self- less technologically advanced
preservation. A few years after the USSR detonated its first countries.
weapon in 1949, though, the U.S. under President Dwight D.
Eisenhower sought to encourage a program of sharing nuclear
information related to civilian nuclear power and nuclear physics in general. The Atoms for Peace
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program, begun in 1953, was also in part political: the U.S. was better poised to commit various
scarce resources, such as enriched uranium, towards this peaceful effort, and to request a similar
contribution from the Soviet Union, who had far fewer resources along these lines; thus the
program had a strategic justification as well, as was later revealed by internal memos. This overall
goal of promoting civilian use of nuclear energy in other countries, while also preventing weapons
dissemination, has been labeled by many critics as contradictory and having led to lax standards
for a number of decades which allowed a number of other nations, such as China and India, to
profit from dual-use technology (purchased from nations other than the U.S.).
The Cooperative Threat Reduction program of the Defense Threat Reduction Agency was
established after the breakup of the Soviet Union in 1991 to aid former Soviet bloc countries in the
inventory and destruction of their sites for developing nuclear, chemical, and biological weapons,
and their methods of delivering them (ICBM silos, long-range bombers, etc.). Over $4.4 billion has
been spent on this endeavor to prevent purposeful or accidental proliferation of weapons from the
former Soviet arsenal.[71]
After India and Pakistan tested nuclear weapons in 1998, President Bill Clinton imposed economic
sanctions on the countries. In 1999, however, the sanctions against India were lifted; those against
Pakistan were kept in place as a result of the military government that had taken over. Shortly after
the September 11 attacks in 2001, President George W. Bush lifted the sanctions against Pakistan
as well, in order to get the Pakistani government's help as a conduit for US and NATO forces for
operations in Afghanistan.[72]
The U.S. government has been vocal against the proliferation of such weapons in the countries of
Iran and North Korea. The 2003 U.S.-led invasion of Iraq was carried out under the pretext of
disarming Iraq from possessing weapons of mass destruction; however, no such weapons were
discovered.[73][74]
In September 2018, then South Korean president Moon Jae-in travelled to Pyongyang, North
Korea to attend the September 2018 inter-Korean summit along with North Korean supreme
leader, Kim Jong Un. A joint declaration consisting of conditions on nuclear non-proliferation was
signed. The DPRK agreed to dismantle its nuclear complex in the presence of international experts
if the U.S. takes correlative action.[75]
Further under Article VI of the NPT, all signatories, including the US, agreed to negotiate in good
faith to stop the nuclear arms race and to negotiate for complete elimination of nuclear weapons.
"Each of the Parties to the Treaty undertakes to pursue negotiations in good faith on effective
measures relating to cessation of the nuclear arms race at an early date and to nuclear
disarmament, and on a treaty on general and complete disarmament."[76] The International Court
of Justice (ICJ), the preeminent judicial tribunal of international law, in its advisory opinion on the
Legality of the Threat or Use of Nuclear Weapons, issued 8 July 1996, unanimously interprets the
text of Article VI as implying that:
There exists an obligation to pursue in good faith and bring to a conclusion negotiations
leading to nuclear disarmament in all its aspects under strict and effective international
control.[77]
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The International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) in 2005 proposed a comprehensive ban on fissile
material that would greatly limit the production of weapons of mass destruction. 147 countries
voted for this proposal, but the United States voted against. The US government has also resisted
the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons, a binding agreement for negotiations for the
total elimination of nuclear weapons, supported by more than 120 nations.[78]
Current status
The United States is one of the five recognized nuclear powers
by the signatories of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of
Nuclear Weapons (NPT). As of 2017, the US has an estimated
4,018 nuclear weapons in either deployment or storage.[86]
This figure compares to a peak of 31,225 total warheads in 1967
and 22,217 in 1989 and does not include "several thousand"
warheads that have been retired and scheduled for
dismantlement. The Pantex Plant near Amarillo, Texas, is the
only location in the United States where weapons from the U.S. nuclear warhead stockpile,
aging nuclear arsenal can be refurbished or dismantled.[8] 1945–2002.
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There have also been protests by anti-nuclear groups at the Y-12 Nuclear Weapons Plant,[108] the
Idaho National Laboratory,[109] Yucca Mountain nuclear waste repository proposal,[110] the
Hanford Site, the Nevada Test Site,[111] Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory,[112] and
transportation of nuclear waste from the Los Alamos National Laboratory.[113]
On 1 May 2005, 40,000 anti-nuclear/anti-war protesters marched past the United Nations in New
York, 60 years after the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki.[114][115] This was the largest
anti-nuclear rally in the U.S. for several decades.[101] In May 2010, some 25,000 people, including
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Total 2,854
Notes:
Each heavy bomber is counted as one warhead (The New START Treaty)[118]
The nuclear weapon delivery capability has been removed from B-1 heavy bombers.[119]
See also
Anti-nuclear movement in the United States
Global Security Institute
History of nuclear weapons
International Day against Nuclear Tests
List of nuclear weapons tests
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Notes
1. According to Carey Sublette's Nuclear Weapon Archive, the United States "tested (by official
count) 1054 nuclear tests" between 1945 and 1992.[4]
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ar-warheads-exist-and-which-countries-own-them/). Defense News. Retrieved 16 April 2021.
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Further reading
"Presidency in the Nuclear Age" (http://www.jfklibrary.org/Events-and-Awards/Forums.aspx?f=2
009), conference and forum at the JFK Library, Boston, 12 October 2009. Four panels: "The
Race to Build the Bomb and the Decision to Use It", "Cuban Missile Crisis and the First
Nuclear Test Ban Treaty", "The Cold War and the Nuclear Arms Race", and "Nuclear Weapons,
Terrorism, and the Presidency".
External links
Video archive of US Nuclear Testing (http://sonicbomb.com) at sonicbomb.com (http://
www.sonicbomb.com)
Nuclear Threat Initiative: United States (https://web.archive.org/web/20111115025921/
http://www.nti.org/e_research/profiles/USA/index.html)
NDRC's data on the US Nuclear Stockpile, 1945–2002 (https://web.archive.org/web/20160303
234733/http://www.nrdc.org/nuclear/nudb/dafig9.asp)
Snapshot of the U.S. Nuclear Weapons Complex, April 2004 (http://www.lasg.org/sites/siteover
view.htm) by the Los Alamos Study Group
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