Tim Jewell

LING 492
Dr. Schneider-Zioga
18 December 2014

A Survey of Slang and Euphemism in Moslawi Arabic, Continued

1. Introduction

Slang and euphemisms in the Arabic-speaking world have been scarcely documented for
use within Linguistics; though folk linguistic accounts of Arabic slang can be easily investigated
through a Google Search or through intimate conversation with an Arabic-speaking acquaintance,
the religious and cultural values of Arabic societies act as somewhat of a barrier to the acquisition
of relevant, contemporary slang by non-Arabic-speaking outsiders. As stated in the author’s
previous investigation into slang and euphemism in one particular variety of Arabic, the Moslawi
dialect of the city of Mosul, male speakers refrain from discussing such terminology in the
company of female Arabic speakers, and though this investigation was richly informed by the
author’s open, candid rapport with the project’s consultant, Hakam, non-Arabic-speaking
American and European (and especially female) linguists might find it difficult not only to find an
Arabic speaker willing to share the sincere details of Arabic slang but also to build a relationship
sufficiently intimate for the unrestricted elicitation of such terms along with contexts in which
slang can be utilized with sociolinguistic salience to interlocutors. As mentioned in the previous
study, the author urges linguists who wish to undertake such investigations to proceed into
elicitations like the following with great caution and understand (Jewell 2014).
The following data were elicited from Hakam, a native speaker of Moslawi Arabic (as well
as a fluent speaker of American English), on 17 November 2014 during a two-hour session in
which the author prompted Hakam to provide a series of terms generally substituted with slang or
euphemistic designations cross-linguistically; where possible, the author will describe the
intentions behind the elicitation of each set of terms, and Hakam’s anecdotes/examples reflecting
the use of these terms in conversation (both polite and intimate) will be relayed to the greatest
extent possible. All descriptions of the sociolinguistic contexts in which the terms are relevant
stem from Hakam’s individual explanations of his own experience with these words and phrases;
thus, his opinions and interpretations do not necessarily reflect those of the entire Moslawi Arabic-
speaking community in Mosul and abroad.

2. Body Parts

Moslawi Arabic utilizes several terms to refer to the physical space around the neck, the
first implying the entire circumference of the neck from the throat in the front to the nape in the
back:

(1) ɣaqqabi
neck
‘neck’
 In some cultures, the neck is considered sexually attractive; in Japanese society, the nape
of the neck is considered erotic (Eicher & Evenson 2014:284), and erikubi (襟首) specifically
denotes the nape in contrast to the rest of the neck (kubi 首).
Moslawi Arabic, however, does distinguish between the exterior of the neck/throat area
and the interior of the human mouth, the term for which denotes all oral organs from the inside of
the lips to the throat and general pharyngeal region:

(2) ħaləq
throat
‘throat’

This word is considered rude in polite conversation when used to designate anything other
than the physical throat itself, and the word appears notably in a Moslawi insult that is perceived
as a severe affront to an interlocutor:

(3) səd ħalqak

shut 2.sg.GEN.throat
‘Shut your throat’

Hakam states that this phrase should only be used when a speaker truly intends to insult
the character of another speaker (or “means business”, to use the colloquial phrase). However, as
is the case with many insulting words and phrases in Moslawi, the phrase can be used among close
male friends as an endearing way of telling an interlocutor to shut up, whether intended to be
insulting or merely playful in nature.

2.1. Facial Hair and Hairstyles

Cross-linguistically, specific styles of facial hair and popular haircuts often receive labels
designating their metaphorical resemblance to an object, animal, or other naturally-occurring
element, and this is certainly the case for a variety of styles for both facial hair and haircuts. Facial
hair is a common sight in the Arabic-speaking world, and recent news articles have interpreted the
sociological significance of beards in Arabic society. In a 2013 article from BBC News, Cairo-
based journalist Ashraf Khalil stated that facial hair can be “a sociological signifier…[and] a
survival tactic”, as Khalil attempted to integrate himself visually within Iraqi culture during a visit
to the country by growing an “Iraqi-style moustache”; furthermore, Khalil recounts a public
dispute between an Iraqi and Kuwaiti diplomat that culminated in the Iraqi diplomat’s tense
declaration of “A curse on your moustache!”. Thus, it seemed vital to elicit several facial hair
terms in order to survey Moslawi terms for facial hair (and general hair) styles.
First, Hakam provided the general term for a full beard, whether short or long:

(4) ləħi
beard
‘beard’

Though at first I was incredulous that Moslawi Arabic only uses one term for a full beard,
Hakam assured me that (4) is the only term utilized to describe a long beard. However, Hakam
also provided the Moslawi term for the ‘goatee’ style of beard often clipped closely around the
mouth:

(5) saksuka
goatee
‘goatee’

Hakam states that this style refers to a beard that is closely trimmed around the mouth,
leaving the rest of the face beyond the outside of the mouth clean-shaven. Unfortunately, little time
during our elicitation was available to delve into various terminology for other beard and
moustache styles, but the author of this investigation encourages further research into this subject,
as moustaches seem to have significance in Iraqi culture (as implied by Khalil in his BBC News
article).
Hakam then provided several terms for hair and various hairstyles, beginning with the
general term for hair itself:

(6) sa əɣ
hair
‘hair’

Hakam then described a type of haircut parted in the exact middle of the head’s two
hemispheres and often combed back, a style which Hakam himself often wears during our
elicitation sessions:

(7) sa əɣ maqsum
hair divided
‘parted hair’

Hakam proceeded to describe the hairstyle that he donned during the elicitation session
wherein the data for this investigation was collected, which consists of all the hair on the head
being combed back from the forehead to the back of the head:

(8) sa əɣ qaləb
hair taken.to.back
‘hair taken to the back’

Then, Hakam described the hairstyle that appears to be popular worldwide, especially in
young, urban populations, including that in Mosul (and which the author of this investigation also
requests during those rare occasions when he receives a haircut; Padan 2014); that is, a style in
which the hair on the sides of the head are trimmed down nearly to the scalp (known as number
one in hair-trimming terminology) but the hair on the top of head is kept (variably) long:

(9) sa əɣ ħafəɣ
hair digging
‘hairstyle’
 No exact English translation for this hairstyle exists in the general lexicon (although,
according to Padan 2014, hair stylists often refer to it as an undercut), but the Moslawi term
literally translates to ‘hair digging’, a metaphorical reference to the ‘digging’ of the hair from
around the side of the head.
Hakam also provided several instances of uses of general vocabulary that are often used to
describe the appearance or perceived cleanliness of one’s hair:

(10) sədʒaɣa
tree
‘Crazy hair’

(10) is generally used for an actual tree, but can also describe either an individual whose
hair looks noticeably disheveled or a type of hairstyle that is intended to look messy (similar to
the English term ‘bedhead’ for someone whose hair appears as if the wearer literally got out of bed
and decided not to style their hair); both the Moslawi and English terms have relatively negative
connotations, but as in English, the term can be used as an encouraging compliment or as an
allegory for the comfort of being in one’s own bed (given that, in English, the hair-care brand Tigi
sells an entire line of products entitled Bedhead).
Another similar metaphorical term also exists for this notion of either intentionally or
unintentionally messy hair:

(11) əʃ
nest
‘messy hair’

Lastly, Hakam provided the general term for something that is disorganized or chaotic,
which can also convey the state of someone’s hair:

(12) ka ʃa
messy
‘messy’

2.2. Sexual Organs

Building on the success of a previous elicitation session, this investigation uncovered

further terms for both the biological and euphemistic terms for primary sexual organs; the author
recommends that linguists approach this type of elicitation with caution and ensure that the
consultant is comfortable discussing such topics. Fortunately, Hakam not only provided such terms
with a surprising degree of willingness but also amused the author with illustrative, detailed, and
entertaining contexts wherein a speaker might use such terms in conversation.
First, Hakam provided the general biological term for the male testicles, informing me that
there is a distinct term for both the singular and plural denotation of the testicles:

(13) χəṣwi
testicle
‘testicle’
(14) χəṣaw
testicles
‘testicle’

These two terms also illustrate the use of phonological process similar to ablaut in the
creation of plurals in Moslawi (although this process could also be described as metathesis, given
the frequent reversal of consonant placements and adjacent vowel assimilation involved in the
Moslawi pluralization procedure).
Moslawi also uses a metaphorical reference to the egg in a common euphemistic term for
testicles (which appears cross-linguistically in Spanish as juevo ‘egg/testicle’ and in Chinese as
dàn 蛋 ‘egg’, which also refers euphemistically to the male testicles; Mair 2011):

(15) bɛð
egg
‘egg’

Interestingly, the root word for ‘testicle’, χəṣwi, also appears in a related Moslawi slang
phrase as a verb:

(16) ən-χaṣa
3.sg.MASC-testicle.PST
‘He has been testicled’

The addition of the pronominal prefix for 3.sg.MASC to χəṣwi and subsequent conjugation
of χəṣwi into the verbal suffix χaṣa transforms the term into a verbal phrase that is often used to
describe an individual who has encountered intense pain to his testicles due to intense physical
contact; Hakam states that if he witnessed someone receiving an powerful kick to their testicles
(perhaps, to use an illustrative example of someone whose leg muscles would be especially suited
for this situation, from a professional soccer player), Hakam would likely use this phrase to
indicate to another speaker that the individual has been ‘testicled’. This phrase is not considered
particularly rude or offensive, as it is often utilized in informal or intimate settings with friends,
family members, and close intimate partners.
Moslawi Arabic also employs a variety of slang terms for words and scenarios that involve
the human anus/rectal tract. Moslawi ‘anus’ slang resembles similar English slang in this respect,
for reasons that will become evident in the following provisions of data.
(17) semantically denotes a biological use of the anus when, for example, a speaker
discusses anus-related medical issues with one’s doctor:

(17) fatħət əl-mastaqim

opening the-rectum
‘Anus’

This terminology is considered polite, formal, and appropriate to use in contexts wherein
the biological meaning of ‘anus’ is relevant.
 The following word in (18) specifically refers to, in most contexts, a physical hole in a
building, in the ground, or in any other physical object, but can also imply reference to the
speaker’s anus:

(18) nəqəb
hole
‘hole’

During our elicitation session, Hakam pointed at several holes in the cement walls of the
adjacent university building, in the cement ground beneath our table, and in the table at which we
sat to emphasize that nəqəb essentially refers to any possible existence of a ‘hole’; however,
Moslawi speakers will often use the word to indicate their anus in conversation, whether describing
a physiological issue or simply attempting to covertly discuss someone’s anus without offending
another speaker or conduct the creation of an ‘inside joke’ without the knowledge of other speakers
(which is similar to the use of the masculine suffix –u to refer to the penis without creating
uncomfortable social situations).
Attempting to account for Hakam’s possible knowledge about female body part
euphemisms (beyond terms for ‘vagina’), the author elicited the general term referring to a
woman’s clitoris:

(19) zənæbi
clitoris
‘clitoris’

Hakam states that (19) is the only term he knows for the female clitoris, and though the
author also investigated any possible existence of the erogenous zone in female sexual anatomy
often known in English as the ‘Gräfenberg-Spot’ (or G-Spot; Rosenthal 2012: 76), Hakam had no
knowledge of terminology that described such a notion.i ii
The term in (20) most closely reflects a vernacular usage of anus vocabulary to refer to an
individual’s personality or social standing that is also present in English:

(20) sərəm
asshole
‘asshole’

Like the English word ‘asshole’, which can variably indicate an impolite reference to
someone’s anus/rectum as well as an individual with negative social behavior, this Moslawi term
is meant to offensively denote an individual’s abrasive social behavior; whether this individual is
rude, impolite, uncouth, uncivilized, or generally coarse in their behavior, sərəm is exclusively
used to insult a speaker whose presence is unwanted in social groups; however, also like the
equivalent English word, the word can be used by close friends or intimate partners in a spirited,
inoffensive manner (and thus can also be translated to related English words like ‘jerk’ or
‘douchebag’; Trawick-Smith 2011).
The following term is considered deeply offensive in any register of conversation or
formality in Moslawi Arabic and, as Hakam states, is generally only used when two speakers wish
to instigate violent conflict (such as, for example, a fistfight):
(21) farəχ
bottom
‘receiving homosexual partner’

In a literal sense, (20) refers to the partner in a male homosexual relationship who receives
his partner’s entrance, and given that homosexuality is considered particularly immoral in Moslawi
culture (and in Islamic societies worldwide), intimating that an interlocutor is involved in
homosexual activity in any sense is extremely offensive in any sociolinguistic context, even if the
man in question is actually homosexual. The word farəχ is most equivalent to the English term
‘faggot’, implying that a male interlocutor is not only homosexual but has stereotypical
personality/behavioral traits that make him perceptibly ‘feminine’, in both its physical and
metaphorical meaning. Hakam informed me that, because the term implies femininity and
diminutiveness, this term is especially insulting to a man of large physical size with a solid,
muscular build (perhaps akin to assigning the English nickname ‘Tiny’ to someone whose body
exhibits well-developed muscular strength). However, ‘faggot’ is not always considered offensive
in English-speaking societies, especially American English contexts wherein close friends utilize
the term endearingly, and farəχ is similarly used, as Hakam informed the author that many
Moslawi speakers that he has encountered have used farəχ as a positive slang term in discourse
between friends, family members, and/or intimate partners.

3. Bodily Fluids and Functions

Moslawi Arabic has a rich lexicon of words and phrases referring to bodily functions
involving the genitals, bowels, and reproductive issues of its speakers, and Hakam provided an
extensive (though likely incomplete, due to the time constraints of this investigation) list of terms
and utterances that evoke the human body and its daily tasks.
At least four terms for male seminal fluid, or ‘semen’, exist in Moslawi Arabic. Three of
these four, glossed in (21), (22), and (23), are interchangeable biological terms for this fluid:

(21) ħajamən
semen
‘semen’

(22) nuṭaf
semen
‘semen’

(23) dʒələq
semen
‘semen’

Speakers generally use these terms in classroom settings or when describing the fluid to a
doctor or other health professional.
Moslawi Arabic speakers also use a metaphorical term for semen using the word that
generally refers to ‘seeds’:
(24) bazəɣ
seed.PL
‘seeds’

Like (15), which uses the term for ‘egg’ as a sexual euphemism, (24) means ‘semen’ when
used in contexts wherein the speaker wishes to mention the notion in conversation covertly.
Moslawi Arabic also utilizes metaphorical terminology for the act of masturbation. Two
terms commonly used by speakers in conversations with close friends and intimate partners were
elicited during this session:

(25) Je-ðɣəb-dʒələq
PROG-shake-seed
‘to masturbate’

Building on the euphemistic term for ‘seed’, (25) transliterates into ‘he is shaking it’, and
though no unique term for masturbation exists in this phrase, speakers generally understand the
intention of such an utterance in relevant sociolinguistic contexts.
The second term in (26) is used when speakers wish to mention masturbation in
conversation even more covertly than with (25):

(26) jəɣəð
masturbate
‘to masturbate’

Moslawi Arabic speakers also use a variety of terms for urine and feces, especially for the
act of urinating or excreting solid waste. (27) refers to the formal, biological term for ‘urine’ used
when speaking to doctors or in polite conversation:

(27) bol
urine
‘urine’

When referring to the act of urination, Moslawi speakers often use the following allegorical
phrase:

(28) a-fawəl
VRB-fuel
‘to piss’

Using the prefix a as a verbalizer of the nominal item fawəl (a loanword from the English
‘fuel’ modified through Moslawi phonological transfer), Moslawi Arabic speakers can intimate
urination in a playful manner without directly referring to urination (similarly to such lighthearted
euphemisms in English as ‘bleed the lizard’; Vinson 2008) by using the same term that would be
used to describe putting gasoline into an automobile, as the image of ejecting gasoline from a
nozzle at a gasoline station resembles that of urinating.
 Moslawi Arabic uses several terms to refer to excrement as well as the act of excreting
solid waste; (29) is used as the formal, biological term used in polite conversation as well as in all
contexts wherein the biological term is appropriate:

(29) χərudʒ
poop
‘stool’

(30), however, is used as a slang term that is not appropriate for polite conversation, though
it is commonly utilized in intimate company or informal sociolinguistic contexts:

(30) χaɣa
shit
‘shit’

A conjugated form of this term appears in a common euphemism for the act of producing
excrement, which can be most closely translated into English as ‘taking a shit’:

(31) jə-χa
PROG-shit
‘to take a shit’

Like (30), (31) is only used in informal contexts and among friends and/or intimate
partners, as the semantics of these two terms are akin to the word ‘shit’ in English, which is
generally considered a highly offensive term (Harper 2014).
Fortunately, Moslawi Arabic utilizes several euphemisms for the act of excreting waste
that bear a double-meaning depending on the conversational context, the first of which can either
mean ‘I have a meeting’ or ‘I need to excrete waste’:

(32) and-i əʃtima

have-1.sg meeting
‘I have a meeting’

(32) acts similarly to English phrases such as ‘I have to drop the kids off at the pool’, which
seems to carry no euphemistic meaning unless the context, intonation, or body language of the
speaker imply otherwise (Safire 2004). Thus, this phrase is useful in polite, formal company when
attempting to courteously, yet jokingly, indicate that a speaker must use the toilet.
(33) is perhaps even more significant for its use of not only a euphemistic event but also
the title of a political official:

(33) ajqab-əl əl-muħa əð

meeting-3.sg.MASC the-governor
‘He is meeting the governor’
 The second word in (33), əl-muħa əð (‫)محافظ‬, refers to the governor of a region or state in
the Arabic-speaking world at least in the Moslawi lexicon), and the euphemism implies the
powerful influence that the digestive tract has on a speaker’s daily routine; despite the speaker’s
commitment to any previous task, the digestive tract will unfailingly lead the speaker away from
their obligations in order to pass waste purely because of the necessity of the action. Hakam states
that a speaker might use this phrase when he or she receives an inquiry about the location of a
speaker not present in the conversation and wishes to politely acknowledge to his or her
interlocutor that the speaker in question is using the toilet.
This investigation, with the knowledge that several Indo-European languages use
onomatopoeic euphemisms for the act of vomiting that also include male names, i.e. ‘ calling
Ralph’ in English (Keyes 2010) or Jorg telefonieren ‘to make a phone call to Jorg’ in German
(Chaffey 2009), attempted to discover any similar instances of metaphorical vomiting phrases.
However, Hakam assured the author that only one term for vomiting exists in Moslawi Arabic:

(34) jə-zawə
PROG-vomit
‘to vomit’

Moslawi Arabic, like other languages, also uses euphemistic phrases to refer to men and
women who are either infertile or inexplicably unable to achieve pregnancy through infertility or
a low sperm count; (35) is exclusively used in reference to women and, while not considered
particularly rude, is discouraged because it implies the biological inability of a woman to conceive,
which is beyond her control:

(35) aqim
barren
‘barren/infertile’

This adjective is rarely used outside of a medical context due to its perceived abrasive
meaning, and the author believes that (35) could also be used as an insult (though insults between
men and women do not appear to be common in Moslawi culture, at least not as common as
between two male speakers).
Moslawi Arabic also uses a similar phrase to describe male infertility:

(36) χəllab
shoot.blanks
‘shoot blanks’

Hakam states that this word directly translates to the related English verb ‘to shoot blanks’,
which metaphorically refers to (in both English and Moslawi Arabic) shooting a gun with
fake/rubber bullets that are not intended to cause harm, injury, or death. Hakam also stated that
this word is not as impolite or abrasive as (35), and male speakers might use the word amongst
each other in an informal, friendly manner that does not imply any biological insufficiency on the
part of the male speaker.

4. Conversational Slang
 Moslawi Arabic utilizes many of the aforementioned terms in daily conversation; many of
them are used in informal contexts, especially between male speakers, and should not necessarily
be utilized unless the speaker has a close, intimate relationship with his or her interlocutor.
Similarly to English, Moslawi uses the informal word for ‘shit’, χaɣa, in numerous contexts
wherein the semantic implication does not entail actual excrement but rather a filler for an object
or even other speaker being referred to in the conversation, such as in (37):

(37) ta al wal χaɣa

come.you you shit
‘Come here, you shit!’

(37) is often used ingenuously amongst male speakers when asking one another to
accompany them to a designated location or to close the spatial distance between them, and outside
of such a context, this phrase is considered impolite, especially to other speakers with whom the
speaker has no previous relationship.
(38) reflects a similar use of the word for ‘shit’ in a non-literal sense:

(38) dʒib əl-χaɣa

bring-IMP the-shit
‘Bring that shit here!

The phrase əl-χaɣa ‘the shit’ acts as an indicative phrase for an object that the speaker is
physically referring to (i.e. by gesticulation or other symbolic body language), and Hakam states
that he might use the phrase to informally ask another speaker to bring a plate of food to him in a
facetious manner.
English, especially American English, is well-known for its use of slang and profanity to
imply not only negative qualities but also positive qualities of things, events, people, etc. (i.e. the
infamous use of the word bad in the 1980s and 1990s to indicate that something is actually good;
Smitherman 1986: 44); a similar ironic notion exists in the use of the Moslawi Arabic phrase in
(39):

(39) fad ʃɛ χaɣa

one thing shit
‘That’s the shit!’

Hakam states that a speaker would use this phrase to indicate their pleasure at witnessing
an action, event, or object that impresses them or to congratulate another speaker upon
accomplishing a notable achievement requiring skill or talent.
Moslawi Arabic also employs a single word that denotes an individual who has completed
an action that a speaker perceives as extremely notable due to its difficulty, complexity, or
necessity of talent:

(40) bidʒ
crafty
‘crafty’
 Hakam believes that this phrase closely resembles the English phrase ‘son of a bitch’ for
several reasons. First, Hakam states that a speaker would use bidʒ to declare their otherwise
inexpressible approval of another speaker’s extraordinary actions in a congratulatory manner,
similarly to the use of the phrase in English when a speaker expresses their unfiltered opinion of
something that. In addition, speakers can also use this phrase insultingly, and Hakam informed the
author that this phrase should never be used outside of its primary, positive context unless a speaker
genuinely wishes to insult another speaker.
The final three terms discussed for this elicitation session refer to the various terms used
for male and female pimps and prostitutes in Moslawi Arabic. These terms were elicited with the
intention of determining any similarity between Moslawi terms for these professions and the
similar terms in English that connote both positive and negative meanings (i.e. the braggadocio-
oriented declarations of American rap artists who claim to be ‘pimps’ who employ prostitutes
called ‘hoes’; Davis 2013); however, Hakam informed the author that no such positive
connotations of these professions exist, especially not in the hip-hop musical context, given that
Moslawi culture has not experienced a surge in the popularity of American rap music and hip hop
culture in the same sense that other Middle Eastern and European nations have.
Only one term is utilized to denote a woman who is a professional prostitute, but the word
in (41) can also describe a woman who raises her voice or yells in public, an action which is
considered impolite in Moslawi culture:

(41) qaħpi
prostitute
‘prostitute/bitch’

Hakam states that the English word ‘bitch’ is the closest translation for the semantic sense
of the word describing a woman whose behavior contradicts cultural definitions of femininity.
Needless to say, this term is impolite and is rarely directed at female speakers whom other speakers
believe exhibit this behavior; instead, the term is generally utilized in contexts in which speakers
are covertly discussing a female speaker who is not involved in the conversation.
Furthermore, only one term is used to describe an individual who organizes prostitutes and
essentially trades their services for money (i.e. pimp); however, both men and women can be
involved in this profession, and the term accepts grammatical morphology to indicate that a pimp
is female, as illustrates in (43):

(42) qawad
pimp
‘pimp (male)’

(43) qawad-i
pimp-FEM
‘pimp (female)’

As stated earlier, neither of these terms convey any positive connotation, and each term is
merely used to describe a male or female involved in the profession of ‘pimping’.
5. Conclusion

Further data was gathered regarding the variation of slang terms by neighborhood, but such
research is more fitting in a study of Moslawi Arabic Dialectology. This and the previous study
intend to indicate a lively culture of slang production in the Iraqi city of Mosul that has not yet
been documented in sociolinguistic literature, as dictionaries and histories of slang are increasingly
popular in the Western world and yet rarely account for similar phenomena in the Middle East,
Asia, or Africa unless a term enters the West’s primarily Indo-European lexicon (Green 2010;
Mohr 2013). Such an ignorance of Arabic slang disallows linguists and the non-linguist public
from exploring the nuances of non-standard Arabic discourse, and linguists able to elicit
sociolinguistically-relevant slang and euphemism from native Arabic speakers inhabit a unique
role in their ability to transmit a more playful side of Arabic communication often inaccessible to
outsiders (that is, non-Arabic speakers in the West and beyond) because of the extant political
strife between, for example, the United States and the Arabic-speaking nations, and such
elicitations could allow the Arabic-speaking world to become less opaque to linguists and others
interested in understanding the idiosyncrasies of Arabic beyond textbooks and linguistic surveys.

6. References

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i
The author urges any reader of this investigation to proceed with such elicitation strategies with caution, as
Moslawi culture, and Arabic-speaking societies in general, are religious, and some speakers may not feel
comfortable describing sexual acts, terms, or even their own lifestyles. Hakam is remarkably open about his
knowledge of otherwise taboo subjects, but scholars of Arabic slang should prudently design any studies involving
sexual euphemisms to account for the possibility of discomfort on the part of the consultant.
ii
Female linguists studying Arabic slang might be able to elicit female sexual terms from female consultants more
easily; as mentioned in a previous study of Moslawi slang and euphemisms, male and female Moslawi Arabic
speakers generall do ot dis uss se ual atters i ea h other’s o pa , so further resear h o sla g used
females to describe these terms can only be conducted by female linguists (Jewell 2014).