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Full Test Bank For Microeconomics The Pearson Series in Economics 5Th Edition R Glenn Hubbard PDF Docx Full Chapter Chapter
Full Test Bank For Microeconomics The Pearson Series in Economics 5Th Edition R Glenn Hubbard PDF Docx Full Chapter Chapter
4) Theȱbasicȱeconomicȱproblemȱofȱ ȱhasȱalwaysȱexistedȱandȱwillȱcontinueȱtoȱexist.
A) scarcity B) efficiency C) inflation D) recession
Answer: A
Diff:ȱ1 PageȱRef:ȱ4/4
Topic: Scarcity
LearningȱOutcome: Micro-1:ȱIdentifyȱtheȱbasicȱprinciplesȱofȱeconomicsȱandȱexplainȱhowȱtoȱthinkȱlikeȱanȱeconomist
AACSB: Analyticȱthinking
Copyrightȱ©ȱ2015ȱPearsonȱEducation,ȱInc.
Copyrightȱ©ȱ2015ȱPearsonȱEducation,ȱInc.
2ȱȱȱHubbard/OȇBrienȱNȱEconomics,ȱFifthȱEdition
5) Byȱdefinition,ȱeconomicsȱisȱtheȱstudyȱof
A) howȱtoȱmakeȱmoneyȱinȱtheȱstockȱmarket.
B) howȱtoȱmakeȱmoneyȱinȱaȱmarketȱeconomy.
C) theȱchoicesȱpeopleȱmakeȱtoȱattainȱtheirȱgoals,ȱgivenȱtheirȱscarceȱresources. D)
supplyȱandȱdemand.
Answer: C
Diff:ȱ1 PageȱRef:ȱ4/4
Topic: Scarcity
LearningȱOutcome: Micro-1:ȱIdentifyȱtheȱbasicȱprinciplesȱofȱeconomicsȱandȱexplainȱhowȱtoȱthinkȱlikeȱanȱeconomist
AACSB: Analyticȱthinking
6) Anȱeconomicȱ ȱisȱaȱsimplifiedȱversionȱofȱsomeȱaspectȱofȱeconomicȱlifeȱusedȱtoȱanalyzeȱan
economicȱissue.
A) market B) trade-off C) variable D) model
Answer: D
Diff:ȱ1 PageȱRef:ȱ4/4
Topic: EconomicȱModels
LearningȱOutcome: Micro-1:ȱIdentifyȱtheȱbasicȱprinciplesȱofȱeconomicsȱandȱexplainȱhowȱtoȱthinkȱlikeȱanȱeconomist
AACSB: Analyticȱthinking
7) Whereȱdoȱeconomicȱagentsȱsuchȱasȱindividuals,ȱfirmsȱandȱnations,ȱinteractȱwithȱeachȱother?
A) inȱpublicȱlocationsȱmonitoredȱbyȱtheȱgovernment
B) inȱanyȱarenaȱthatȱbringsȱtogetherȱbuyersȱandȱsellers
C) inȱanyȱphysicalȱlocationȱpeopleȱwhereȱpeopleȱcanȱphysicallyȱgetȱtogetherȱforȱsellingȱgoods,
suchȱasȱshoppingȱmalls
D) inȱanyȱlocationȱwhereȱtransactionsȱcanȱbeȱmonitoredȱbyȱconsumerȱgroupsȱandȱtaxedȱbyȱthe
government
Answer: B
Diff:ȱ1 PageȱRef:ȱ4/4
Topic: Markets
LearningȱOutcome: Micro-1:ȱIdentifyȱtheȱbasicȱprinciplesȱofȱeconomicsȱandȱexplainȱhowȱtoȱthinkȱlikeȱanȱeconomist
AACSB: Analyticȱthinking
8) Theȱtermȱ ȱinȱeconomicsȱrefersȱtoȱaȱgroupȱofȱbuyersȱandȱsellersȱofȱaȱproductȱandȱthe
arrangementȱbyȱwhichȱtheyȱcomeȱtogetherȱtoȱtrade.
A) collective B) cooperative C) market D) trade-off
Answer: C
Diff:ȱ1 PageȱRef:ȱ4/4
Topic: Markets
LearningȱOutcome: Micro-1:ȱIdentifyȱtheȱbasicȱprinciplesȱofȱeconomicsȱandȱexplainȱhowȱtoȱthinkȱlikeȱanȱeconomist
AACSB: Analyticȱthinking
9) Economistsȱassumeȱthatȱindividuals
A) behaveȱinȱunpredictableȱways.
B) willȱneverȱtakeȱactionsȱtoȱhelpȱothers.
C) preferȱtoȱliveȱinȱaȱsocietyȱthatȱvaluesȱfairnessȱaboveȱallȱelse. D)
areȱrationalȱandȱrespondȱtoȱincentives.
Answer: D
Diff:ȱ1 PageȱRef:ȱ5/5
Topic: PeopleȱAreȱRational
LearningȱOutcome: Micro-1:ȱIdentifyȱtheȱbasicȱprinciplesȱofȱeconomicsȱandȱexplainȱhowȱtoȱthinkȱlikeȱanȱeconomist
Copyrightȱ©ȱ2015ȱPearsonȱEducation,ȱInc.
Copyrightȱ©ȱ2015ȱPearsonȱEducation,ȱInc.
3ȱȱȱHubbard/OȇBrienȱNȱEconomics,ȱFifthȱEdition
AACSB: Analyticȱthinking
Copyrightȱ©ȱ2015ȱPearsonȱEducation,ȱInc.
Copyrightȱ©ȱ2015ȱPearsonȱEducation,ȱInc.
Chapterȱ1ȱȱEconomics:ȱFoundationsȱandȱModelsȱȱȱ 3
10) Economistsȱassumeȱthatȱrationalȱbehaviorȱisȱusefulȱinȱexplainingȱchoicesȱpeopleȱmake
A) becauseȱirrationalȱpeopleȱdoȱnotȱmakeȱeconomicȱchoices.
B) evenȱthoughȱpeopleȱmayȱnotȱbehaveȱrationallyȱallȱtheȱtime.
C) becauseȱindividualsȱactȱrationallyȱallȱtheȱtimeȱinȱallȱcircumstances. D)
evenȱthoughȱpeopleȱrarely,ȱifȱever,ȱbehaveȱinȱaȱrationalȱmanner.
Answer: B
Diff:ȱ2 PageȱRef:ȱ5/5
Topic: PeopleȱAreȱRational
LearningȱOutcome: Micro-1:ȱIdentifyȱtheȱbasicȱprinciplesȱofȱeconomicsȱandȱexplainȱhowȱtoȱthinkȱlikeȱanȱeconomist
AACSB: Analyticȱthinking
12) Economicsȱdoesȱnotȱstudyȱcorrectȱorȱincorrectȱbehaviors,ȱbutȱratherȱitȱassumesȱthatȱeconomic
agentsȱbehaveȱ ,ȱmeaningȱtheyȱmakeȱtheȱbestȱdecisionsȱgivenȱtheirȱknowledgeȱofȱthe
costsȱandȱbenefits.
A) equitably B) rationally C) emotionally D) selfishly
Answer: B
Diff:ȱ2 PageȱRef:ȱ5/5
Topic: PeopleȱAreȱRational
LearningȱOutcome: Micro-1:ȱIdentifyȱtheȱbasicȱprinciplesȱofȱeconomicsȱandȱexplainȱhowȱtoȱthinkȱlikeȱanȱeconomist
AACSB: Analyticȱthinking
13) Considerȱtheȱfollowingȱstatements:
a.ȱ Carȱownersȱpurchaseȱmoreȱgasolineȱfromȱaȱgasȱstationȱthatȱsellsȱgasolineȱatȱaȱlowerȱprice
thanȱotherȱrivalȱgasȱstationsȱinȱtheȱarea.
b.ȱ Banksȱdoȱnotȱtakeȱstepsȱtoȱincreaseȱsecurityȱsinceȱtheyȱbelieveȱitȱisȱlessȱcostlyȱtoȱallowȱsome
bankȱrobberiesȱthanȱtoȱinstallȱexpensiveȱsecurityȱmonitoringȱequipment. c.ȱ
FirmsȱproduceȱmoreȱofȱaȱparticularȱDVDȱwhenȱitsȱsellingȱpriceȱrises.
Whichȱofȱtheȱaboveȱstatementsȱdemonstratesȱthatȱeconomicȱagentsȱrespondȱtoȱincentives?
A) aȱonly B) bȱonly C) cȱonly D) aȱandȱb E) a,ȱb,ȱandȱc
Answer: E
Diff:ȱ3 PageȱRef:ȱ5/5
Topic: PeopleȱRespondȱtoȱEconomicȱIncentives
LearningȱOutcome: Micro-1:ȱIdentifyȱtheȱbasicȱprinciplesȱofȱeconomicsȱandȱexplainȱhowȱtoȱthinkȱlikeȱanȱeconomist
AACSB: Analyticȱthinking
Copyrightȱ©ȱ2015ȱPearsonȱEducation,ȱInc.
Copyrightȱ©ȱ2015ȱPearsonȱEducation,ȱInc.
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approach as the royal party turns the angle opposite Oldtown. The
king is always seated in a six-oared gig belonging to the ship to
which he is proceeding, whilst the canoes contain his eldest son,
young Eyo, and his three brothers, with an innumerable host of slave
attendants. He has a gigantic parti-coloured parasol held over his
head on these occasions, as he has whenever walking about his
town, or seated in one of his court-yards, overlooking his trade
books. The musical band accompanying the king consists of an
Egbo drum, placed transversely in the canoe, which is not beaten on
the ends as our drums are, but on the top of its longitudinal surface
with a pair of sticks; an instrument formed of iron, as of the saucers
of two shovels welded face to face, and struck with a piece of the
same metal; a cow’s-horn, blown rather discordantly; and clattering-
boxes made of bamboo matting, with a string to them held in the
hands like Spanish castanets, and shaken vigorously to produce a
noise by the agitation of the pebbles or pieces of broken crockery-
ware they contain. Yet, with this primitive attempt at music, the
banners flying from the canoes, the simultaneous hoisting of flags on
all the ships in the river, and the return of a salute from the vessel to
which he is proceeding, when the king’s party becomes visible, gives
the whole scene a very animated appearance.”
By-the-by, mention has several times been made of the curious
institution existing in this part of the world known as the order of
“Egbo.” It is a sort of negro brotherhood of kings, chiefs, and free
men, and the title is derived from “Ekpe,” the Efik name for tiger.
There are eleven grades, the three superior of which are not
purchaseable by slaves. In former times the Egbo title was confined
entirely to freemen, the second or third generation of a slave born
within the pale of an Egboman’s dwelling being liberated by this fact,
and allowed to purchase it after their parents were dead. It cannot be
compared to any institution familiar to European minds but to that of
Freemasonry. Previous to initiation, the Egbo candidate is obliged to
go through a number of ceremonial observances; as, for instance, on
a “Brass Egbo”—one of the superior grades—applicant’s admission
into that order, his body is daubed over with yellow dye to simulate
brass, and there is a sacrifice of animals on the occasion. The
secrets and meetings of Egbo men are strictly private. If a man,
woman, or child have a complaint of grievance against a master or
neighbour, he or she has only to give notification of it by slapping an
Egbo gentleman on the front of his body, or by going into the market
square and tolling the large Egbo bell. The gentleman apprised by
the first-mentioned form of notice, is bound to have at once an Egbo
meeting to redress the grievance complained of, and if this be found
to be trivial the punishment is inflicted on the complainant. When an
Egbo man wants to make a proclamation relative to a theft
committed, or the recovery of a debt, he sends out into the town
what is supposed to be Idem, or spiritual representation of Egbo, a
man with a black vizard on his black face, and the whole of his body
covered cap-a-pie with a fantastical dress of bamboo matting. This
personage is sometimes preceded by a few drummers, and he
always has a bell fastened to his side, which rings as he goes along.
In his left hand he carries a bunch of green leaves (for he is believed
to have been exorcised from the woods, and of course must keep up
his sylvan character); in his right is an enormous cow-hide whip with
which he flogs every slave, man or woman, whom he meets, as taste
or inclination may suggest. A brutal peculiarity of the Egboship is
this, that the want of a single variety of the title will expose him who
is so unfortunate as to lack it, to the lashings of the Idem of that
particular grade which he has not purchased. If an individual who is
in possession of all the inferior grades, and of three of the superior
ones, happens to be out on the day when the Idem of that particular
Egbo that he was in want of is walking, he is marked out from the
common multitude and treated with extra severity. Should the Idem
not meet any slave in the streets to whip on his rounds, he is at
liberty to go into their houses and whip them to his heart’s content.
The sound of Egbo bells, and the name of Egbo day, are enough to
terrify all the slave population of Duketown, and when they hear it
they hide in every available place. Latterly females have been
permitted to buy Egbo privileges, but are not allowed to be present at
the councils of the Egbo gentlemen, nor to enter at any time within
the wall of the Egbo Palaver-house. When a yellow flag floats from
the king’s house it is understood to be Brass Egbo day, and none but
a few of the privileged are allowed to walk abroad. A strip of cloth of
the same colour nailed to any man’s door implies that his house is
under the powerful protection of Brass Egbo, the indication being
significant of the master’s absence from home. If an Idem meets a
European in his progress, where there are two roads or pathways
available, the Idem walks off on the one different from that which the
white man is approaching; if there be but one road, the latter is
expected to turn his back and let the supposed spirit pass unnoticed
and undisturbed. “Aqua Osong,” the last day of the Kalabar week, is
grand Egbo day, on which there is a carnival and Egbo procession,
with the usual amount of brutality. All legal and judicial proceedings
in the country are ushered in and carried out under Egbo
demonstrations, for the purpose evidently of keeping the law in
terrorem over the slave population. And no stronger evidence of this
can be adduced than that a man tried and condemned by Egbo law
has to forfeit all his slaves and other property in his possession, no
matter to whom this latter may belong. These are all divided as prey
amongst the highest Egbo authorities. Persons sentenced to death
by Egbo trial are allowed what is considered a privilege of leaving
this world in a state of intoxication. There is a class of people called
Bloodmen, who live in the interior at the plantations, and whose
presence in Duketown does not give much comfort to the Egbo
authorities. Sometime after the death of King Eyamba in 1846, a
number of slaves belonging to the duke’s family ran away from their
owners, and entered into a blood covenant for mutual protection. In a
short time others joined them, and they now amount to several
thousands. The present King of Duketown, Duke Ephraim, is the
lineal descendant of the master of the original refugees, and
consequently has considerable influence over them. Some time back
they tried to be allowed the establishment of a separate Egboship for
themselves, but were refused. They come into town whenever any
ceremonial is to be performed having reference to a deed of blood;
but what their relation is to the Egbo order still remains a profound
secret. The gentlemen at Old Kalabar have all private fetishes at
their houses—the skulls of human beings, the bones of leopards,
hippopotami, crocodiles, and manattis, arranged according to the
owner’s taste and fancy. Peculiar species of food are not eaten by
many families, from the fact that some members of them die after
eating of such condiments, and their ju-ju consequently places an
interdict on their use.
At Lunda, another settlement in Western Africa, the individual at
the head of the State is called the “Mambo.” This gorgeous
personage, together with his chief ministers, is thus described by the
traveller Valdez, to whom audience was given:
“The Mambo sat on a number of tiger-skins, so arranged that all
the tails radiated, thus forming the figure of a large star, and in the
centre was spread an enormous lion-skin, which covered a portion of
all the others. A stool, covered with green cloth and placed on the
lion-skin, formed the throne of the Mambo. This dignitary was
dressed in a most magnificent style, far surpassing in grandeur of
display all the other potentates of the interior of Africa. His head was
adorned with a mitre, about two spans high, in shape resembling a
pyramid, and formed of feathers of a bright scarlet colour. His
forehead was encircled by a diadem ornamented with a great variety
of valuable jewels of great brilliancy; a sort of frill or fan of green
cloth, supported by two small ivory arrows, was standing up from the
back of his head; the neck and shoulders being covered with a kind
of spencer or capuchin without sleeves. The upper part of this cape
was ornamented with the bottom of cowrie shells, under which was a
row of imitation jewels. The lower part had a most brilliant and
dazzling effect, in consequence of a great number of small mirrors,
or square and round pieces of looking-glass, being tastefully
arranged alternately with the precious stones all round it. His
shoulders, breast, and back, were thus covered with a garment at
which no one in that resplendent sunshine could for one moment
look fixedly.
“The arms above the elbows were ornamented with a band of
cloth of about four inches broad, the borders and edges of which had
attached to them strips of skin, with hair of about four or five inches
long hanging down like a fringe. None but the Muata Cazembe, or
prime minister, and his nearest relatives are allowed to wear this
badge of royalty. From his elbows to the wrist the arms were
ornamented with sky-blue stones, while the yellow cloth, something
similar to the Highlandman’s kilt, extended from the waist to the
knees. This garment had two borders of about four inches wide, the
upper one blue, and the lower red.
“He also had a kind of girdle or swathe of several yards long,
which was worn in a rather peculiar manner; one end of it being
fastened to the other cloth by a small ivory arrow a little below the
waist, and the whole then wound round the body in small regular
folds. A leather belt which is girt round the body preserves this
garment in its place. Both are considered as the insignia of imperial
authority.
“The insipo or girdle of hide is cut from the entire length of an ox’s
skin, and is about five or six inches in breadth. When the insipo is
girded on, the tassel of the tail is left trailing under a sort of fan,
formed by the folds or plaits as before mentioned. The Muata
Cazembe had hung from his insipo under his right hand a string of
pearls, to the end of which a small bell was attached, which,
knocking against his legs as he moved, rang at intervals. He had
also pearls strung round his legs from his knees downwards, similar
to those he wore on his arms. While the whole of his body was thus
richly ornamented, his face, hands, and feet were left entirely
uncovered.
“The Muata Cazembe had seven umbrellas, forming a canopy to
shelter him from the sun. These varied in colour, and were fastened
to the ground with long bamboos, covered with stuff of different hues
manufactured by the natives. Twelve negroes simply clad, and each
of them holding in his hand a nhumbo’s tail, were stationed round the
umbrellas.
“The nhumbo is an antelope about the size of a three-year old ox,
and of a chestnut colour, having a black cross along the back, and a
great deal of hair about the shoulder-blades—about the same
quantity as a horse has upon his mane and tail. It has cloven feet,
head and horns like a buffalo, and the flesh is excellent food. The
nhumbo tails held by the negroes were in the form of a broom, and
the part which served as a handle was adorned with beads of
various colours. All the tails were put in motion at the same time
whenever the Muata Cazembe thought proper to make a sign with a
small one of the same kind, which he used himself.
“At a short distance from him were negroes gravely employed in
looking for and sweeping away whatever was unpleasant or
offensive to the sight. After them came two other negroes, with
baskets on their shoulders, to pick up anything which might be
overlooked; but the place was so clear that not one of them could
find anything to do, although, according to custom, the appearance
of being busy was kept up. Two curved lines issued from the
extremities of the Muata’s chair, and met at the distance of twenty
paces in front, opposite the Mambo. The line on the left was marked
by the point of a stick which was trailed along the ground; that on his
right by chalk. In front of these curved lines, forming an avenue of
about three spans in width, were two files of figures resembling idols,
beginning from the sides of the curved lines. The size of these
figures, which were only half-lengths, was about twenty inches; they
were nailed to sticks thrust in the ground, were very rudely made,
had Kaffir features, and were ornamented with the horns of beasts.
In the centre of the avenue was a cage in the form of a barrel,
containing another smaller figure.
“Two negroes sat on the ground near the two outermost figures
fronting the king, each having an earthen vessel full of live ashes
before him, and were employed in throwing on the fire a quantity of
leaves, which produced a dense aromatic smoke. The backs of the
images being placed towards the Muata Cazembe, from under the
last—the one nearest the earthen vessels—a rope was extended to
the Mambo’s feet; for what purpose I could not by any means
ascertain.
“The two wives of the Mambo were the only ones present in the
Chipango, the gate of which was open. One of these ladies was
sitting on a stool, covered with a green cloth; her arms, neck, and
bosom ornamented with stones of different colours, and her head
adorned with scarlet feathers, like the head-dress of the Mambo, but
shorter and smaller.
“The second wife sat on a lion’s skin at the left-hand side of the
gate, with no other dress than a cloth, which was entirely without
ornaments. Behind the two wives stood more than four hundred
women of different ages, all dressed in nhandas, a kind of
interwoven cloth made of the bark of trees.”
In another part of this strange country the ruler is known by the
euphonious title of “Jaga;” and whenever a vacancy occurs in the
government by the death of the Jaga, the Tendalla or prime-minister
convokes the heads of the electoral college, which comprises the
Macotas or counsellors, the Cazas or noblemen, and the Catondo or
commander-in-chief, who together with himself (the Tendella),
compose the cabinet council. When this body is assembled they
proceed to investigate the claims of the various individuals
connected with the families who are considered as legitimate
aspirants to the regal dignity.
Having first decided as to the family, their next inquiry has
reference to the individual best qualified to bear the royal dignity; but
it is seldom that matters proceed so far, for it is generally understood
beforehand by the members of the electoral college who is the
legitimate and popular claimant.
These important questions once settled, they next proceed to
build a suitable house for a new Jaga, and to lay out the garden,
etc., and also to erect houses for themselves around it. After these
preliminary proceedings, they next direct their steps to the residence
of the man of their choice, and unceremoniously entering, bring him
out as if he were a malefactor and present him to the multitude, who,
amidst the clang of marimbas and beating of drums, raise a
simultaneous shout on his appearance. He is then conveyed on the
shoulders of his sons, or of the people, to the Quilombo or fortified
residence provided for him, where he remains for several days, none
being allowed to visit him, with the exception of two relations and the
Tendella. At the end of two months he removes to a house
previously prepared on the borders of the River Undua, where he
remains for twenty or thirty days. Here he may be said to form his
new ministry—deposing some officers and appointing others. On this
occasion he also selects his principal wife. When all these
arrangements are finished, the Jaga returns to the locality where he
intends to reside, and fixes the exact spot as follows:—Having
formed his Quilombo, he takes his bow and discharges an arrow,
and wherever it falls there he must erect his permanent residence,
called Semba. Around it are built the houses of his wives, who in
general amount to fifty in number. Next to these are located the
senzales of the Macotas and their wives of the followers of the
former Jaga, and lastly of those who were with the elected Jaga at
the Senzald, where formerly he acted as Maquita.
The last of these ceremonies is that called the Sambamento, after
which the Jaga is considered qualified to exercise all the functions of
his office.
The particular period at which this most cruel and barbarous
custom originated is not known. Some of the Jagas have been
known to dispense with it altogether.
When it is decided to celebrate the Sambamento, some of the
Sovas or Maquitas are dispatched to find the Nicango or victim. The
person selected is uniformly a black, who must have no relationship
or connection with the Jaga or any of the Maquitas or Macotas.
When the Nicango arrives, he is received at the Quilombo and
treated in the same manner as the Jaga; he is provided with
everything he requires, and all his orders are obeyed with the same
promptitude.
The day on which the Sambamento is to be celebrated being
appointed, the Maquitas are informed of the fact, and as large a
number of the people as can be accommodated at the Quilombo
being invited, they all assemble in front of the residence of the Jaga.
The Maquitas and the Macotas form themselves into a circle, the
rest of the people assembling around. The Jaga then takes his seat
in the centre of the circle, on an iron stool, in a circular concave form
with a hole through the centre of the top. The Bansacuco is seated
beside the Jaga, together with all the concubines. The Cassange-
Cagongue then strikes the gong, which is of iron in the form of an
arch, with two small bells attached, and with a bar across it. The
Cassange-Cagongue continues to ring the bells during the
ceremony.
The Nicango is then introduced and placed in front of the Jaga,
but with his back towards him. The Jaga being provided with a
cutlass of a semi-circular form, commences operations by cutting
open the back of the Nicango until he reaches the heart, which he
extracts, and having taken a bit of it he spits it out and gives it to be
burned.
The Macotas in the meantime hold the corpse of the Nicango in
such a manner that the blood from the wound in the back is
discharged against the breast and belly of the Jaga, and falling
through the hole in the iron stool is collected by the Maquitas in their
hands; they then rub their breast and beard with it, at the same time
making a great clamour vociferating “Great is the Jaga and the rites
of the State.”
The corpse of the Nicango is next carried to some distance,
where it is first skinned and then divided into small pieces and
cooked with the flesh of an ox, a dog, a hen, and some other
animals. The meal being prepared it is first served to the Jaga, next
to the Maquitas and Macotas, and then to all the people assembled,
and woe to the unhappy wight who has the temerity to refuse
partaking of the repast from any repugnance to the ingredient, as in
such case the law made and provided is that he and his family forfeit
their liberty and are therefore at once sold into captivity.
Singing and dancing conclude the Sambamento.
CHAPTER XVIII.
CHAPTER XIX.
Installation of a Dayak Rajah—A visit to the Grungs—A Dayak dance
—Captain Hall’s visit to Corea—The chief on board the “Lyra”—
Entertained at one’s own expense—The chief loses his temper—
The marriage of King Finow’s daughter—The marriage
ceremonies—Mummying a king—King John’s skull—The
Bushman’s mourning.
n Borneo we find the ruling power to be a Sultan, assisted in
his rule by “Rajahs” and “Pangerans” and “Bandars,” and
many others whose titles are equally unintelligible to us.
Each of these minor rulers, however, appears to rule
absolutely over the people in their immediate care; and
much ceremony is observed at their installation. Sir James Brooke,
himself a rajah, was once present at the election of three of these
petty rulers.
With the Dayaks all council is divided into hot and cold—peace,
friendship, good intentions, are all included under the latter head;
war, etc., are under the former. Hot is represented by red, and cold
by white. So in everything they make this distinction; and as the
public hall is the place for war councils and war trophies, it is hot in
the extreme, and unfit for friendly conference. A shed was therefore
erected close to the Orang Kaya’s house wherein the ceremony was
to take place. “About nine in the evening we repaired to the scene;
loud music, barbarous but not unpleasing, resounded, and we took
our seats on mats in the midst of our Dayak friends. A feast was in
preparation, and each guest (if I may call them such) brought his
share of rice in bamboos and laid it on the general stock. As one
party came up after another, carrying their burning logs, the effect
was very good; and they kept arriving until the place and its vicinity
was literally crammed with human beings. A large antique sīrih-box
was placed in the midst, and I contributed that greatest of luxuries,
tobacco.
“The feast in the meantime was in preparation, some of the
principal people being employed in counting the number who were to
eat and dividing the bamboos into exactly equal portions for each
person. About six inches were allotted to every man, and it took a
very long time to divide it, for they are remarkably particular as to the
proper size and quantity to each share. The bamboos of rice being,
however, at length satisfactorily disposed, the Orang Kaya produced
as his share a large basin full of sauce composed of salt and chilis,
and a small stock of sweetmeats, and then the ceremony of his
installation commenced as follows:
“A jacket, a turban, a cloth for the loins, and a kris (all of white),
were presented to the chiefs as a token of sejiek dingin, or cold (i.e.
good). The chief then rose, and taking a white fowl and waving it
over the eatables, repeated nearly the following words [The
commencement, however, is curious enough to dwell upon: the
opening is a sort of invocation beginning with the phrase ‘Samungut
Samungi.’ Samungut is a Malay word, Samungi signifying the same
in Dayak; the exact meaning it is difficult to comprehend, but it is
here understood as some principal spirit or fortune which is in men
and things. Thus the Dayaks in stowing their rice at harvest, do it
with great care from a superstitious feeling that the Samungi of the
padi will escape. They now call this principal to be present—that of
men, of pigs (their favorite animal), of padi, and of fruits. They
particularly named my Samungi, that of my ancestors, of the
Pangeran from Borneo, of the Datus and of their ancestors, and of
the ancestors of their own tribe. They call them—that is, their
Samungi—to be present. They then call upon Jovata to grant their
prayer that the great man from Europe and the Datus might hold the
government for a length of time]:—‘May the government be cold
(good). May there be rice in our houses. May many pigs be killed.
May male children be born to us. May fruit ripen. May we be happy,
and our goods abundant. We declare ourselves to be true to the
great man and the Datus; what they wish we will do, what they
command is our law.’ Having said this and much more the fowl was
taken by a leading Malay who repeated the latter words, whilst
others bound strips of white cloth round the heads of the multitude.
The fowl was then killed, the blood shed in a bamboo, and each man
dipping his finger in the blood touched his forehead and breast in
attestation of his fidelity. The fowl was now carried away to be
cooked, and when brought back placed with the rest of the feast, and
the dancing commenced. The chief coming forward uttered a loud
yell ending in ‘ish,’ which was oftentimes repeated during the dance.
He raised his hand to his forehead and, taking a dish, commenced
dancing to lively music. Three other old chief-men followed his
example, each uttering the yell and making the salute, but without
taking the dish. They danced with arms extended, turning the body
frequently, taking very small steps and little more than lifting their
feet from the ground. Thus they turned backwards and forwards,
passed in and out in the inner rooms, and frequently repeating a yell
and making the salutation to me. The dish in the meantime was
changed from one to the other; there was little variety, no
gesticulation, no violence, and though not deficient in native grace,
yet the movements were by no means interesting. The dance over
the feast commenced, and everything was carried on with great
gravity and propriety. I left them shortly after they begun to eat, and
retired, very fagged, to my bed, or rather my board, for sitting cross-
legged for several hours is surely a great affliction.”
Sir J. Brooke, in company with a modern writer on Bornean
manners and customs—Mr. St. John—on another occasion paid a
ceremonial visit to a chief of the Grungs, and with results that are
worth chronicling.