Chapter 1, 2, 3 Mwangi Ivy 22.10.2021

BAR 613
THESIS PROPOSAL
TRANSFORMATION OF BUILT FORM IN NAROK
MWANGI IVY WANJIRU

B02/1002/2017
UNIVERSITY OF NAIROBI
FACULTY OF THE BUILT ENVIRONMENT AND DESIGN
DEPARTMENT OF ARCHITECTURE
©2021
TUTORS : ARCH. MUSAU KIMEU

ARCH. MUMBI MAINA
CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
Transformation of built form in Narok INTRODUCTION
1.1 BACKGROUND OF STUDY
The culture, beliefs and traditions of a people are reflected through the Architecture of that region. Oliver
(2000) defines vernacular Architecture as :buildings of the people, built by the people". These built forms
are transformative, sustainable, adaptive and time tested and are consistent with the dynamics of both
environment and community. Oruka (1983) declares that such meaning should be sourced on "basis of a
cultural domain" because this is where "ideological and other socio-political beliefs acquire meaning and
truth value".
As stated by Hockings (1985), there are ways in which aspects of culture and construction of built forms
are interconnected and how they help to clarify through symbols, spatial relationships and social - cultural
concern. Therefore the built environment draws its inspiration from the regional context from which it
is found. Denyer (1978) states that even the simplest settlement as viewed today is as a result of a whole
magnitude of economic, social, political, physical and technological forces. Different communities around
Fig 1.1 image showing location of Kenya in the African
continent the world have different built form language , that is a manifestation of their culture meaning hence
Source : https:www.alamy.com/stock-photo/kenya-map. unique built form. Neglect of the vernacular buildings which form the environment has had the effect of
html making the latter seem unimportant; it is consequently neglected physically and constantly deteriorates
(Rapoport, 1969).
We may say that monuments-buildings of the grand design tradition are built to impress either the
populace with the power of the patron, or the peer group of designers and cognoscenti with the cleverness
of the designer and good taste of the patron. The vernacular architecture, on the other hand, is the direct
and unselfconscious translation into physical form of a culture, its needs and values-as well as the desires,
dreams and passions of a people (Rapoport, 1969).
In light of the above, the Maasai community has been chosen as a model to demonstrate the built form
relationship. The study context is in Kenya, Africa as shown in fig 1.1,in Narok County, Kenya, as shown
in fig 1.2. It is named after, Enkare Narok, the flowing Narok Town. It covers an area of 17,944 sq km. It
borders Tanzania to the South, Bomet County to the west, Kajiado County to the east and Nakuru County
to the North. The climate is Narok is warm and temperate.
Fig 1.2 image showing location of Narok county in
Kenya This research documents the culture and traditional Architecture of the Maasai and analyse their built
Source : https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Narok county forms based on Rapoport’s theory on how culture and the environment affect house form.
Fig 1.3 Maasai Homestead Narok.

Source : https://www.sensesatlas.com/territory/
architecture/maasai-villages-an-architecture-
designed-by-the-traditional-pastoral-way-of-life/
Fig 1.4 Maasai Morans Narok.

Source :https://www.tripadvisor.com Location
Photo DirectLink-g294207-d4374561-i121945065-
Kenya_Finest_Tours_Safaris_Day_Tours-Nairobi.
html
1.2 PROBLEM STATEMENT
According to the Global Research Development Centre (GRDC), a sustainable design is a structure that
can maintain or improve the quality of life, harmonize with the local climate, preserve culture, conserve
energy and resources, and recycle materials, while maintaining the local and global ecosystem throughout
its life cycle. These aims of any architectural design should be analysed, interrelated and efficiently
integrated to create a high - performance building (World Green Building Society, 2004).
Tradition as a regulator has disappeared notably in our own culture for a number of reasons. The first
reason is the greater number of building types, many of which are too complex to build in traditional
fashion. This rise of specialization and differentiation is paralleled in the spaces within the buildings
and the various trades and professions involved in their design and erection. The second reason is loss
of the common shared value system and image of the world, with a consequent loss of an accepted and
shared hierarchy and generally a loss of goals shared by designers and the public. This results in the
Fig 1.5 Traditional Maasai house in Narok.
disappearance of that spirit of cooperation which makes people respect the rights of adjoining people and
Source : https://citizentv.co.ke/news/manyattas-
go-green-after-eco-manyattas-launched-in- their buildings, and ultimately the rights of the settlement as a whole (Rapoport,1969).
narok-88540/
Many Maasai are moving from their traditional houses as shown in fig 1.3 to contemporary structures.
This has had a significant impact on the maasai lifestyle, way of building and perception. The traditions
that they depended on are becoming less relied on, leading to loss of timeless architecture. In reference
to contemporary buildings in Narok, it is evident that vernacular design approaches are being replaced
rather than adapt. These new built forms bear no references to their context. Additionally, many modern
developments that have come up in the region are using new designs do not respect the climate of the
area. This makes the buildings perform poorly as compared to the traditional temporary structures that
performed well in this climate.
This study seeks to document the Maasai culture and its vernacular architecture. This study seeks to
document the transformation of built forms in Narok and how urbanization has affected the Maasai from
the site plan, house form, unit design up to the room design and prepare a comparative analysis of the
past and current. It identifies building technology employed by the Maasai community in Narok. The
Fig 1.6 Semi- Traditional Maasai house in
GSPublisherVersion 0.62.100.100
application of traditional building technology is analysed in the community and compared to modern
Olukurto, Narok.
Source : Author. 08/09/2021 building technology in terms of superiority in thermal properties and cultural significance.
It discusses the impact of the socio-cultural factors and environment on the transformation of the Maasai
built form so as to provide variables that can be re-interpreted in their contemporary Architecture, in
order to achieve a regional architectural response.
1.3 RESEARCH OBJECTIVES

a) To document Maasai culture and the Traditional Architecture in Narok Region.
b) To document transformation of Maasai built forms, building technology and the forces shaping them
Fig. 1.7 Semi- Traditional Maasai house in in Narok Region.
Olukurto, Narok.
c) To develop design guidelines for buildings in Narok region.

Source : Author. 08/09/2021
1.4 RESEARCH QUESTIONS

a) What is the culture of the Maasai and their traditional Architecture in Narok region?
b) What are the transformations of Maasai built forms, building technology and what are the forces
shaping them Narok region?
c) What are the design guidelines for buildings in Narok region ?
Fig 1.8 Semi- Modern Maasai house in Nkareta,

Narok.

Narok.

1.5 JUSTIFICATION OF STUDY
Previous studies on built form transforming of the Maasai have been done in other locations with different
climates (Kumary S. Kiunga (2018) documented Kajiado South, Nzuki Solomon (2014) documented
Magadi township) and focused on the traditional built form and the thermal performance of traditional
and contemporary buildings. This study seeks to address the current study gap and not only to document
the transformation of built form of Maasai in Narok and the neighbouring wards, but also analyse the effect
of urbanization on the social and cultural ways of the Maasai while providing guidelines on application
of building technology to the Savanna climates to ensure climate responsive design for optimal thermal
Narok.
comfort.
While many other ethnic groups have transformed their cultures drastically in the last century, the Maasai
continue to adapt their traditional values and practices to the current context without giving up its essential
elements. This findings of this study are useful in identifying the effect of urbanization in Narok town to
the Maasai as a person.
With urbanization leading to change in housing design, building materials and arrangement could have
adverse effects on the target people if not well planned as shown in fig 1.9. This results of this study will
provide some insights and information on how an urban setting, such as Narok, can adopt traditional
Fig 1.11 Semi- Modern Maasai house in Nkare- architecture principles or planned change with as little disruption to the social fabric as possible.
ta, Narok.

1.6 SIGNIFICANCE OF STUDY
The findings of this study will be a contribution to cultural organizations, museums and for Educational
purposes as it extends the knowledge based on cultural heritage of Kenyan communities.
This study is important in the development of appropriate design in Narok region through creating design
guidelines that are culturally oriented based on relationship of built forms and socio-cultural factors.
Fig 1.12. Eco- Manyatta house, Narok.

Source : https://citizentv.co.ke/news/manyat-
tas-go-green-after-eco-manyattas-launched-in-
narok-88540/
1.7 SCOPE AND LIMITATION OF STUDY
1.7.1 SCOPE OF STUDY
This study is limited to the predominant community in the Narok Region, i.e. the Maasai in the following
areas in Narok North : Narok town, Nkareta, Olukurto, Olposimaru, Olorropill and Upper Melli.
The study analyses the methodology

of the Maasai vernacular built forms
that can be re-interpreted in their
contemporary buildings as a response
to cultural change.
Fig 1.13 image showing location of Narok county The study will focus on analysis of built
in Kenya
forms, building technology and the
Source : https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Narok
county forces shaping the transformation.
Fig 1.14 Map of Narok County constituencies.

Source :https://www.pngkey.com/detail/ Fig 1.14 Map of Narok County constituencies.
u2w7y3y3w7i1a9o0_narokcounty-ginicoeffi- Source :https://www.pngkey.com/detail/u2w7y3y3w7i1a9o0_narokcounty-ginicoeffi-
cient-narok-county-map/ cient-narok-county-map/
1.7.2 LIMITATION OF STUDY
Due to time constraints, the study was limited to the aforementioned towns. With this issue of time, the
author was able to prepare questionnaires and get help from two residents in Nkareta area to help with
collecting data from the various case studies.
There was also lack of enough finance to be able to cover an extensive part of the Narok region. However,
the author focused on the different transformations that were near the road and was able to document
them.
With the issue of insecurity and terrorism in the country, the study was constraint as some building
owners were unwilling to allow access to their premises citing security concerns. As a result, the author
focused on studying the houses during the day when majority of the family was around.
Furthermore, the 2020 worldwide Covid 19 pandemic created restrictions to access in buildings and
further constrains the freedom to travel, limiting the scope and time of study.
Fig 1.13 Map of Narok County.

Source :https://www.researchgate.net/ publica-
tion/342610615_Harnessing the potential fommon_
water_hyacinth_as_an_industrial_raw_material_
for_the_production_of_quality_biofuel_briquettes
Fig 1.14 Map of Narok County.

Source :googleearth
1.7.1.2 DIFFERENT TYPOLOGIES FOUND IN AREA OF STUDY
Fig 1.17 Traditional Maasai house in Fig 1.18 Semi- Traditional Maasai Fig 1.19 Semi- Traditional Maasai house in Fig 1.20 Semi- Modern Maasai house
GSPublisherVersion 0.62.100.100 GSPublisherVersion 0.62.100.100
Narok. house in Olukurto, Narok. Olukurto, Narok. in Nkareta, Narok.

The walls are made of cow dung mixed The walls are made of cow dung mixed The walls are made of cow dung mixed with ash The walls are roof are made of 30gauge
with ash while the roof is made of Leleshwa with ash while the roof is made of Le- while the roof is made of 30gauge galvanized galvanized corrugated iron sheets.
branches. leshwa branches with a polythene sheet corrugated iron sheets. Source : Author. 08/09/2021
Source : https://citizentv.co.ke/news/manyat- underneath. Source : Author. 08/09/2021
tas-go-green-after-eco-manyattas-launched- Source : Author. 08/09/2021
in-narok-88540/
Fig 1.24 Eco- Manyatta house, Fig 1.23 Semi- Modern Maasai house in Fig 1.22 Semi- Modern Maasai house in Nka- Fig 1.21 Semi- Modern Maasai house in Nka-
Narok. Nkareta, Narok. reta, Narok. reta, Narok.
Source : https://citizentv.co.ke/ The walls are made of 200mm thick quarry The walls are made of timber while the roof is The walls are made of cowdung mixed with ash
news/manyattas-go-green-af- stones, jointed with cement/ mortar. The made of 30gauge galvanized corrugated iron while the roof is made of 30gauge galvanized
ter-eco-manyattas-launched-in- roof is galvanized corrugated iron sheets sheets. corrugated iron sheets.
narok-88540/ Source : Author. 08/09/2021 Source : Author. 08/09/2021 Source : Author. 08/09/2021
1.8 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
1.8.1 LITERATURE REVIEW OF PUBLISHED MATERIAL
i) Borden, I. & Ray, K., (2006). The Dissertation : An Architecture Student’s Handbook. Architectural
Press, Jordan Hill, Oxford.
ii) Fedders, A., (1989). People and Cultures of Kenya. Rex Collings, London.
This book explains the various linguistic groups in Kenya and gives an analysis of each culture.
iii) Givoni, B., (1994). Passive and Low Energy Cooling of Buildings. Van Nostrand Reinhold, New York.
All major varieties of passive cooling systems are presented, with extensive analysis of performance in
different types of buildings and in different climates: ventilation; radiant cooling; evaporative cooling; soil
cooling; and cooling of outdoor spaces.
iv) Groat,L. & Wang, D., (2013). Architectural Research methods. John Wiley & Sons press, New Jersey.
Fig 1.25 Maasai Homestead, Narok.

v) Hooper, C., (1975). Design For Climate: Guidelines for the Design of Low Cost house for the Climates
Source : https://www.sensesatlas.com/territory/ of Kenya. Kenya Building Centre, Nairobi.
architecture/maasai-villages-an-architecture- This book reviews climatic zones in Kenya and gives recommendations for each climate.
vi) Konya, A.,(1980). Design primer for hot climates. The architectural press Ltd, London.
This book offers a discussion of architecture and planning for hot climates. The hot tropical and sub-
tropical regions contain most of the world’s population and, it is here that the majority of new buildings
will be built. For this reason this book concentrates on these regions but serves only as a broad outline of
the climatic, environmental, and technological conditions.
vii) Koenigsberger, O.H., (1974). Manual For Tropical Housing and Building. Longman, London.
This book outlines the climatic characteristics all around the world. Of particular interest to this thesis is
the guidelines and recommendations given for design of semi-arid climates.
Fig 1.26 Maasai preparing a feast.
Source : https://www.sensesatlas.com/territory/ viii) Kipury,N., (1983).Oral literature of the Maasai.Heinemann Educational Books,Nairobi.
architecture/maasai-villages-an-architecture-
This book offers an extensive collection of types of oral literature: oral narratives; proverbs; riddles; and a
variety of songs for different occasions. She collects the oral literature of the Maasai, identifies the symbol
of the “oreteti” tree which among the Maasai symbolises long life “because of its strong sturdy nature”.
Kipury collects the oral literature of the Maasai.
ix) Oliver, P., (1976). Shelter in Africa London. Barrie and Jenkins.
The author consistently put forward his ideas on why an anthropological approach to architecture would
be beneficial to the understanding of the design, use and meaning of buildings.
x) Rapoport, A., (1969). House, Form and Culture. Englewood Cliffs N.J., Prentice Hall.
This book outlines factors that influence the transformation and evolution of traditional built form by
investigating various housing typologies around the world.
xi) Rukwaro, R. & Maina, S. (2006). Transformation of Maasai art and architecture. Nairobi: Arts
Press.
Fig 1.27 Maasai women building a house, Narok. This paper investigates whether there is any relationship between their new built forms and their current
Source : https://www.sensesatlas.com/territory/ cultural values. Using a number of identified culture – change variables including land tenure, education,
architecture/maasai-villages-an-architecture- religion, occupation, and rite of passage, the paper analyses what impact changes in these variables has
designed-by-the-traditional-pastoral-way-of-life/ on the Maasai settlements.
xii) Rukwaro, R. S. (2016). Proposal Writing In Research. Nairobi: Arts Press.
xiii) Salingaros, N., (2006). A theory of Architecture. Umbau-Verlag, Solingen

The author confronts difficult issues head on. Salingaros explores ways to clarify and formalize our
understanding of aesthetic forms in the built environment, using mathematics, thermodynamics,
Darwinism, complexity theory and cognitive sciences.
xiv) Sobania, N., (2006). Culture and customs of Kenya. Greenword Press.
The book in the series capture the elements of continuity and change in culture and customs. Custom is
not represented as static or as a museum artefact but as a dynamic phenomenon.
1.8.2 LITERATURE REVIEW OF UNPUBLISHED MATERIAL
i) Kumary, S.K., (2018). Transformation of traditional built form in Kajiado South and its Impact On
Thermal Comfort, University of Nairobi.
This thesis investigates how Maasai Art can be used to in Kajiado South between the early 1900s to
the present. The author sets out to assess the impact of materials and technological transformations on
thermal comfort and identify strategies that can be employed in Savannah climate for optimal thermal
comfort.
ii) Nzuki,S.M, (2013). Thermal Comfort Condition In Traditional And Contemporary Buildings :A
Case Of Magadi Town, University of Nairobi
iii) Sapuro, A. S., (2014). Maasai Art, Architecture and its Application In Contemporary Times., University
of Nairobi.
This thesis investigates materials and building technology transformations of traditional dwellings in
Kajiado South between the early 1900s to the present. The author sets out to assess the impact of materials
and technological transformations on thermal comfort and identify strategies that can be employed in
Savannah climate for optimal thermal comfort.
iv) Rukwaro, R. S. (1997). The Kenyan Maasai in a Changing Culture, University of Nairobi.
v) Jacobs, A. L. (1965). The traditional political organizations of the pastoral Maasai. D. Phil. Thesis,
Oxford University.
1.8.3 INTERNET SOURCES

Various online websites have been referred to for some of the information contained herein. A complete
list of these has been provided in the references’ section.
1.8.4 FIELDWORK
A systematic field study of the sampled areas in the study context was carried out.
1.9 ORGANIZATION OF STUDY
CHAPTER 1 : INTRODUCTION
This chapter serves as a preamble to the topic of study. It begins with a brief introduction, followed by
a background of the research problem which reveals that understanding culture is a determining factor
in shaping the built environment. It provides the basis for the study stating the problem in question.
Research questions and objectives of the study have been stated. Subsequently, the justification for the
research, and its significance are expounded. This chapter concludes with scope and limitations of the
study, a brief outline on the organisation of the study and literature reviewed.
CHAPTER 2 : LITERATURE REVIEW

This chapter outlines the determinants of built form in accordance with four authors: Amos Rapoport,
Susan Denyer, Neal Sobania and Paul Oliver. It further discusses transformation and the causes of
transformation of vernacular built forms. The Maasai vernacular built form is then discussed and used
as the constant in determining the determinants of built form in relation to the Maasai in Narok region.
The transformation is also discussed in relation with the causes that the four authors mentioned above,
discuss.
CHAPTER 3 : RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

It outlines research methods based on the conclusions of the literature review, to address the research
questions and objectives outlined in Chapter 1. This chapter highlights the research design, data collection
and research tools employed in carrying out the research. The case study is chosen as the main research
approach, based on its ability to provide detailed comparisons of the chosen examples of built form. The
chapter further provides a breakdown of the criteria used for the selection of each of the case studies.
CHAPTER 4: FIELDWORK- DATA COLLECTION, ANALYSIS AND PRESENTATIONS

This chapter entails collection of raw data on the selected case studies, scaled sketches, photographs and
scientific data from the digital data logger recording. Starting with an original Maasai traditional house
in Olukurto and goes on to look to look at the composites that transformed from the original in Nkareta
and finally contemporary buildings in Narok town are studied based on Rapoport’s theories on how
culture, human behaviour and the environment affect house form.
CHAPTER 5: CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS
This chapter is a synthesis of the entire study. Key insights are highlighted from the literature review
in Chapter 2 and 3 and the fieldwork in Chapter 5. Conclusions and recommendations are drawn and
are intended as guidelines to aid design of regional built form that is a climate responsive but rooted in
Maasai culture. Recommendations on future research opportunities are also given.
1.10 DEFINITIONS OF TERMS

CHAPTER TWO
A MAASAI VERNACULAR HOMESTEAD ( ENKANG)
LITERATURE REVIEW
CHAPTER 2 : LITERATURE REVIEW STRUCTURE
2.0 INTRODUCTION 2.2.2 Social organization
2.2.3 Defence
2.1 DETERMINANTS OF VERNACULAR BUILT FORM 2.2.4 Religion
2.1.1 Economic structure 2.2.5 Materials, construction and building technology
2.1.1 Social organization 2.2.6 Geographical context
2.1.3 Defence 2.2.7 Climatic context
2.1.4 Religion
2.1.5 Materials, construction and building technology
2.5 TRANSFORMATION OF MAASAI VERNACULAR
2.1.6 Geographical context BUILT FORMS
2.1.7 Climatic context 2.2.1 Social structure
2.2.2 Materials and Construction technology
2.2 TRANSFORMATION OF VERNACULAR BUILT FORM 2.2.3 Climate change
2.2.1 Social structure 2.2.4 Religious influence
2.2.2 Materials and Construction technology 2.2.5 Economic status
2.2.3 Climate change 2.2.6 Policies
2.2.4 Religious influence
2.2.5 Economic status 2.6 CONCLUSION
2.2.6 Policies
2.3 MAASAI BUILT FORM IN NAROK REGION

2.3.1 History and Culture of the Maasai
2.3.2 The Maasai Settlement
2.3.3 The Maasai Homestead
2.3.4 Traditional Maasai House
2.3.5 Building Materials and Construction Technology
2.3.6 Traditional Construction Process and Skills
2.4 DETERMINANTS OF BUILT FORM IN RELATION

WITH THE MAASAI BUILT FORM IN NAROK
2.2.1 Economic structure
Transformation of built form in Narok LITERATURE REVIEW
2.0 INTRODUCTION
Built form refers to the function, shape and configuration of buildings as well as their relationship to
streets and open spaces. The architect must be a form- artist: only the art of form leads the way to a
new architecture (Endell,1897). The paradigm of the architect passed down to us through the modern
period is that of the form-giver, the creator of hierarchical and symbolic structures characterized, on
one hand, by their unity of parts and, on the other, by the transparency of form to meaning (Tschumi,
1987). In order to enable the built form to tell the story of a place, architects need to work in the now,
understanding the past and designing for the future. Through deliberate and meaningful exposure rather
Fig 2. Pyramids of Giza, Egypt. than concealment, built forms and spaces can tell the story of their history and how their uses have
Source:https://www.zingyhomes.com/latest-trends/ changed over time.
architecture-and-culture-relation-influence/
Whiteman (1987) illustrates the link between built form and culture from the philosophical perspective.
Here it is declared that art and architecture are the products of nature’s incomplete state, and it is only
through man’s transformation of nature that man can really come to know who he is. The motivational
force that drives this transformation is passion, an energy exhorting man to achieve and thus produce
culture. Due to the way the human mind works, what something is, is determined by the way it is
defined—a construct of human thought. Man is a thinker; his objects, specifically architectural objects,
are not natural objects but cultural ones.
An architectural cultural link is further illustrated by Passanti (1997). He contends that Le Corbusier’s
modern style, rooted in his interest in people and their artefacts, looked to precedent for many of his
design solutions. Influenced by Rousseau’s idea that the more basic a solution the closer it was to
original, Le Corbusier frequently sought answers in the vernacular. This notion was further illustrated
by writer critic Ritter and architect Behrens. Ritter emphasized one’s roots; identity was not willed or
manufactured but rather, it is received, the product of the history and place of your birth.
Fig 2. Jharokas of Rajasthana The very essence of every built form or built up environments is the manifestation of culture masked
Source:https://www.zingyhomes.com/latest-trends/ behind its layers of abstraction. The manifestation may be royal and imposing like those of the mighty
architecture-and-culture-relation-influence/ empires, or may be simple and yet powerful to create an identity for those who adhere to it. It’s similar
to an artist who paints his canvas and there by builds a sanctuary in the hearts of people and lives forever
through his work.
There has been several examples of culture expressed extensively in design and architecture. Dating
back to the era of the Egyptian civilization, the culture back then demanded its followers to believe in
life after death. This belief directly translated into their architecture in the form of mortuary temples
and the great pyramids. In Rome, cultural belief in polytheism was expressed in its true form in the
Pantheon. The Greek concept of the Agora which is nothing but a gathering space also evolved out of
their cultural practise of congregation. In the words of Bernard Tschumi, “Architecture becomes a frame
for constructed situations”. Culture on the other hand, is a way of life for a group of individuals. Thus,
in a nutshell, culture and architecture are two sides of the same coin. Architecture never deviates from
culture, it adapts and merges with the layers of abstraction and sometimes exist in transition when there
are dramatic paradigm shifts in the way people live.
Over the years cultural influences have moulded the way spaces have been designed in India. Not only
in areas of ritualistic and religious importance such as temples and mosques, but also the design of
residences have been a direct result of the cultural practises prevalent during the time. One such example
is the blue city of Jodhpur in Rajasthan. The entire town developed about five hundred years ago on a
Fig 2. Brahmapur Settlements, Jodhpur
hill next to the Mehrangarh fort. The town was occupied by the Brahmins who served the royal class and
Source:https://www.zingyhomes.com/latest-trends/
architecture-and-culture-relation-influence/ performed ritualistic chores. The basic cultural principle that lead to the development of this town was
the belief in unity. All the dwellings share a common foundation and common walls between each other.
Another instance of culture playing a vital role in design is seen in the caves of Badami in Karnataka.
Badami, being the abode for the early Chalukyans, have a distinct mark of their culture imprinted in
the form of base relief and carvings on the old red rocks. Nine kings of the Chalukyan Dynasty reined
this place from the 6th to the 8th century AD. During this period they decorated their capital with
architectural wonders. Later, the relief work in the caves became one of the most important sources to
trace and identify the cultural patterns and social constitution prevalent during the Chalukyan rule. Thus,
architecture in this case, became the sanctuary for culture and tradition of an entire era.
There are several other examples that validate the presence of culture in every form of architecture, and
vice versa. Even in the modern day, culture plays a vital role. Despite the strong impact of westernisation
in architecture in India, local culture continues to inspire architects to design by adopting and merging the
Fig 2. Carving in the Caves of Badami elements of both worlds together. There is no architecture without culture, and culture always establishes
Source:https://www.zingyhomes.com/latest-trends/ itself in design, regardless of time and space.
architecture-and-culture-relation-influence/
2.1 DETERMINANTS OF VERNACULAR BUILT FORM
Giuseppe Pagano was the first to find a name for vernacular architecture and call it “spontaneous
architecture”, not in a random but in a natural sense (Novello, 2005) but Paul Oliver was one of the first
scholars to devote much time to research on vernacular architecture, typology, and related definitions, and
the English word vernacular has also come to architecture through his efforts in the field of linguistics.
Oliver’s definition of vernacular architecture encompasses a variety of meanings; from constructions
built or adapted by people to their daily needs in any time and place, to more limited definitions of
traditional mansions, pre-industrial and hand-built structures (Cromley 2008).
According to Amos Rapoport, one must look at the whole environment n order to understand it, and it
is in this sense that one must study the history of built form. Oliver’s aim was to draw attention to the
ways in which all forms of architecture ( be they architecturally designed, vernacular, popular, informal
or commercial) are intricately linked to aspects of society and culture like economic structures, social
relationships, political formations and religious values. In Oliver’s view, it is only by investigating the
way in which buildings embody social identities, symbolic messages, cultural values and economic
relationships, that a true understanding of the form, use and meaning of architecture can be arrived at.
It would be quite wrong to see the temporary nature of many of the buildings as epitomizing as
unstable, unsure society. Houses were built using local materials. Permanent houses would have been an
embarrasment for many people, for instance the hunters and gatherers such as pygmies and bushmen,
the migrant pastoralists such as the Fulani and the Maasai. Thus the study of vernacular built forms, one
requires an interdisciplinary approach (Denyer, 1978). The architecture needs to know about economic
relationships, social structures or religious values because by doing so, s/he will learn why a building
has the spatial layout it does, why specific material or technologies have been used in its construction
(Oliver, 1979).
According to Paul Oliver, from a structural - functionalist perspective, architecture, society and culture
have an independent existence, regardless of human agency; they are place specific, clearly bounded &
potentially fixed in their nature e.g.. he writes about the “Maasai woman” who builds her own house,
but who “works within fairly tight limitations nonetheless so that the resultant house is indisputably
Maasai & traditional”. From the four different authors, it is evident that there are factors that determine
vernacular architecture which include : Economic structure, social organization, political structure,
religion, materials construction and technology, climate and geographical context.
2.1.1 ECONOMIC STRUCTURE
Economics has been widely used to explain settlement and building form, and its importance is indeed
great. In the past rural Africa was largely an amalgam of small-scale societies. Despite the more obvious
differences there were certain strong economic similarities between them. Most families depended for
their basic livelihood on their own farms or herds and there was little differentiation of productive labour.
A subsistence economy like this was hazardous, especially in areas of infertile soil, arduous climate and a
quite fearsome incidence of pestilence and disease affecting not only humans but also animals and crops
as well. So it was inevitable that many societies should direct much of their energy towards the task of
mere self-preservation. For many societies, survival was dependent on preserving a delicate balance of
forces and treading and retreading a path worked out empirically over many generations (Denyer, 1978).
It has been customary to classify rural African people according to four broad economic categories:
agriculturalists, pastoral nomads, mixed farmers and hunters and gatherers. Often the pastoralists utilized
land which was unsuitable for agriculture, but sometimes the sedentary farmers’ holdings were an obstacle
to the free movement of the pastoralists and the consequent enmity became a major force in the shaping of
settlement patterns. The pattern of settlement was also influenced by the nature of the crops grown, slow
maturing crops tying their owners to one plot of land for many years. Moreover, if times were uncertain,
it was necessary for these crops to be with in the defensive schemes of the village (Denyer, 1978).
The seasonal migrations of the pastoral nomads were, except in a very few areas, not haphazard and
followed fairly specific routes. Their patterns were very closely adapted to climatic conditions as well as to
social cohesiveness and animal ownership, and almost every group had a pattern peculiar to themselves.
Some, especially the camel owners moved only horizontally along the plains, while others moved up
and down the hills; some moved almost continually throughout the year, while others moved only once
a year from a dry season to a wet-season camp. The distance, involved varied enormously. The Maasai
had permanent homes next to dry-season wells and migrated to temporary pastures in the west season
often only about 100 km away. The pastoralists who moved most frequently had houses which were very
easy to dismantle and transport, usually tents. Some of those who only made one major move a year bad
permanent houses in one or other of their camps (Denyer, 1978).
However, according to Amos Rapoport, generally, since people with similar economies may have different
moral systems and world views, and since the house is an expression of the world view, economic life has
no determining effect on house form.
Lack of labour specialization, so typical of primitive, and to a lesser extent vernacular, builders, may
be socially and culturally rather than economically motivated, and specialized labour may be despised.
Collaborative building may be due not to economic needs or complexity of task, but be socially motivated.
The same forms of economy (in agriculture, for example) may lead to widely differing forms of rural
settlement, houses, and their spatial arrangement. An example are the nomads, for whom the economic
base affects house form by imposing the need for mobility, use widely varying forms (Rapoport, 1969).
One factor which might be involved in all these variations is some aspect of social organization which
differs among societies with otherwise similar economic bases (Rapoport, 1969). This makes it important
to discuss the social organization as a determinant of built form in vernacular architecture.
2.1.2 SOCIAL ORGANIZATION

The house is an institution not just a structure, created for a complex set of purposes. Because building a
house is a cultural phenomenon, its form and organization are greatly influenced by the cultural milieu to
which it belongs. Very early in recorded time the house became more than shelter for primitive man, and
almost from the beginning “function” was much more than a physical or utilitarian concept. Religious
ceremonial has almost always preceded and accompanied its foundation, erection, and occupation. If
provision of shelter is the passive function of the house, then its positive purpose is the creation of an
environment best suited to the way of life of a people-in other words, a social unit of space (Rapoport,
1969).
The specific characteristics of a culture-the accepted way of doing “things, the socially unacceptable ways
and the implicit ideals-need to be considered since they affect housing and settlement form; this includes
the subtleties as well as the more obvious or utilitarian features. It is often what a culture makes impossible
by prohibiting it either explicitly or implicitly, rather than what it makes inevitable, which is significant.
In many rural societies no great social privilege was attached to wealth and its accumulation was frowned
upon. Social practices often meant it was immediately dissipated in the form of extra dependants such as
more wives, or in entertainment (Denyer, 1978).
In this part, the author looks at how the village layout and homestead layout have been affected by the
following social forces :
i) Family structure
ii) Kinship
iii) Position of women
iv) Privacy
v) Social intercourse
2.1.2.1 VILLAGE LAYOUT

African villages used to express physically the social structure of the group of people living with them.
Of course the actual relationships varied from year to year as people were born, married, divorced or died,
but the general structure remained fairly constant. The relatively impermanent nature of the buildings
meant that there could be a quick response to changed circumstances. On the domestic level, a man
taking a new wife would usually build a house for her in his compound, while at the village level in some
societies the death of a chief brought about a gradual reorientation of the village as new houses were built
tu face the new chief’s house. Villages and houses were built round people and their groupings: there was
no question of people adapting themselves to fixed houses and villages, which may have been unsuitable
and inadequate (Denyer, 1978).
There was nevertheless a good deal of careful planning often based on sound practical principles, but
sometimes related to religious beliefs and taboos. It was quite well appreciated in some societies that
some relations were better kept separate. The Tullishi of the Sudan a lived in small crowded hamlets
which described a rough circle. They appeared on a plan to form a corporate unit, but in fact they were
divided by an invisible line cutting across the circle which had no physical features and was related to
their myth of origin. This line effectively divided the hamlet into two isolated communities and it was
reinforced by threats of witchcraft from which only very old men were immune. Invisible forces too were
sometimes at work influencing the selection of village sites. For example, the Kikuyu avoided any grave
site, battlefield or place connected with an ancestral taboo or curse (Rapoport, 1969).
Many of the village configurations were quite formal or symmetrical, for example the circular plan with
houses arranged round the circumference and an open cattle space in the middle, found in southern
Africa; or the axial or horseshoe or square plans found in central Africa. This formality did often imply
conscious planning, but the mere plan means nothing without a knowledge of the invisible boundaries and
social forces recognized by the inhabitants (Denyer, 1978). As has already been pointed out, formal and
informal social forces served to foster’ a relatively egalitarian climate in many, though by no means all,
2.1.2.1.1 Family structure
Although the family is basic, there are great differences in family structure which are significant in relation
to house forms which differ equally as much. In the traditional African house, in polygamous situations,
the man has no real house and visits his wives, each of whom has her own house, on different days.
The impact of this arrangement on house form is clear when we compare two houses in the same area,
one belonging to a polygamous and the other to a monogamous family. Although the same features are
found-separation of man from the wife whom he visits, controlled, single entry, walled compound, and
protection accorded the granaries-the spatial arrangements are very different. In order not to oversimplify,
it should be pointed out that other forces act at the same time, leading to different house forms among
polygamous peoples (Rapoport, 1969).
For instance, one can compare the Moundang of Cameroon, with the Masai. The Moundang value granaries
highly, and these are placed in the centre of the compound. To the Masai, cattle are not only wealth but
have mystical, religious, and ceremonial importance transcending their economic value and forming the
basis of Masai culture. The compound is centred on them, with consequences of a very different scale and
other changes in spatia1 organization (Denyer, 1978).
2.1.2.1.2 Kinship
In all societies kinship was an important determinant of the structure of settlement pattern. It was usually
expressed by physical nearness: all members of one clan would live in a clearly defined piece of territory.
Within this were any number of family units; whose size and composition varied enormously across the
continent (Denyer, 1978). An example was the traditional Bemba family consisted of parents and children
and the daughters’ husbands and children. The Kongo Mayombc family, on the other hand, included all
the sons of one mother (though not the mother herself) and their wives and children, her daughters’ sons
and their wives and the daughters’ unmarried daughters.
In societies where there was age differentiation, this was often reflected in settlement patterns. Amongst
the Masai young men became warriors at a certain age and during the period of military service they Jived
together in one section of the kraal. Other pastoralists bad similar systems.
2.1.2.1.3 Position of women

While this is an aspect of the family system, it is important enough to merit a few words on its own, and
shows the degree of specificity needed in discussing these factors (Rapoport, 1969).
Women, especially those in nomadic communities, were the ones who built the houses. As a result, the
height of the house was determined by the height which the woman was able to achieve. The materials for
construction were also light so as to make it possible for the women to carry. Regardless of this challenge,
the houses were sturdy and required little maintenance and were easy to put up.
Different communities had different adaptations of built form with regard to their women. In some of
these houses, the windows and roofs of these court houses are designed to prevent anyone from intruding
into the intimacy of the house. For the same reason, house doors on opposite sides of the street may not
face each other. An example of such are the Mykonos of, whose outside stair of the house, is related to the
position of women. On Mykonos the dowry is of great importance, and must include a house; the outside
stair enables more than one occupancy in the same house without conflict (Rapoport, 1969).
The pre-eminence of women in the house may take different forms, from the African custom of the man
visiting the women’s houses and not having one of his own to the subtle distinction between man’s and
woman’s domain in England and America. The position of women may also affect the traditional house,
where the kitchen is one of the few places which is woman’s domain and is physically different from
the rest of the house. In Egypt men and women are always separated, rich people having separate rooms
and poor ones using different corners of their house; this procedure is also followed in the Nomad tent
(Rapoport, 1969).
2.1.2.1.4 Privacy
Since privacy is at least partly affected by the position of women, we would expect to .find considerable
variations in the definition of privacy, how it is achieved, and which are the important considerations. In
addition to attitudes to sex and shame, it is possible that feelings of personal worth, territoriality, and the
place of the individual may affect attitudes to privacy. It is the latter factors which may decide whether
a communal house is left open and unsubdivided or is divided or even has separate smaller enclosures
within it (Rapoport, 1969).
The desire for privacy may also take forms related to the separation of domains. This can be seen in part
of North Africa where the buildings traditionally face inwards (very differently from the outward facing
Anglo-American house), and seem independent of the climatic zone or site, occurring in both cities and
villages. It is interesting that in communities, where Muslim influences with regard to purdah are less
common, the court is used less frequently and the houses are more open (Oliver, 1979).
A clear transition occurs from the noisy public domain to the quiet private one, and from the relatively
plain, simple, and restrained exterior to whatever richness and luxury exist inside. There is little concern
for what happens in the street, which is merely a way of getting to the fields, wells, or shops, or of
defining ethnic and caste groupings. In the traditional settlements, however, the narrow, shady streets
become full of life as they serve some social functions.
2.1.2.1.5 Social Intercourse

The meeting of people is also a basic need, since man has been defined as a social animal. What concerns
us is where people meet, whether in the house, the cafe, the bath, or the street. This, not the fact of
meeting itself, affects the form of the habitat. In vernacular communities, social intercourse happens in
different forms: informal and formal education, elders meetings and recreational activities, as traditional
songs and dances during rituals. As a results, the built forms where these activities took plan were open
plan, with a roof covering the top (Oliver, 1979).
2.1.2.2 HOMESTEAD LAYOUT

The discussion dealing with separation of domains and social intercourse suggests that the house cannot
be seen in isolation from the settlement, but must be viewed as part of a total social and spatial system
which relates the house, way of life, settlement, and even landscape. Man lives in the whole settlement of
which the house is only a part, and the way in which he uses the settlement affects house form. Because
the living pattern always extends beyond the house to some degree, the form of the house is affected by
the extent to which one lives in it and the range of activities that take place in it (Rapoport, 1969).
Attention has so far been mainly concentrated on the arrangement of family units within villages; but
each unit, compound or homestead also exhibited its own internal plan. Domestic families were, as has
been demonstrated, not all equal in size, but a larger family would have had a homestead or compound
which was quantitatively rather than qualitatively grander. The physical layout, just as in the village
plan, did not always connect the social groupings. Similar buildings and plans could sometimes house
fundamentally different social groups. The requirements of the family were simple and mainly similar in
all agricultural societies: a place for each member to sleep; a place for cooking; places for food storage
and somewhere to protect animals at night, such as cattle, goat and chickens; a place to eat and a place
to sit and talk in the day and practise craftwork, basket making, spinning and weaving (Denyer, 1978).
In most parts of Africa, for a greater portion of the year, the weather is warm and when it is dry many
activities can be performed outside. So a demarcated space was often sufficient for some activities and this
must he considered as much a part of the homestead as the buildings. The more usual arrangement was
that each compound consisted of many separate buildings, each one in effect a ‘room’ of the homestead
with one specific purpose, be it as a kitchen, a man’s bedroom, a wife’s bedroom or a grain store (Denyer,
1978).
2.1.3 DEFENCE
Typically, when social explanations of house form are proposed, defence and economics-the most material
ones-are most commonly used. Defence has been cited more to account for tight urban patterns than to
explain the form of dwellings, but even in this respect it does not provide a fully adequate explanation.
Defence certainly plays a role in deciding house form, and use of stockades, palisades, and fences has
defensive implications as well as the religious ones discussed later.
All traditional African societies were characterized by very great economic risk, despite social and cultural
measures seeking to minimize its effects. The smaller the scale of the society, the greater the subsistence
element and the less the risk was spread. On the other hand, larger and more complex societies inevitably
had more delicate political equilibria to maintain and in particular were easy prey to outside aggression.
Neither, as has been demonstrated, set much store by accumulated wealth, so in both the protection of
food supplies for consumption (or in some cases for trade) was of paramount importance. It can be seen
that marriage customs and other factors affect the form of different dwellings, all of which have defence
requirements. The communal dwelling has been linked by some to the need to form a survival unit .Even
if this explanation is accepted, this form is not an inevitable result of the need for defence (Denyer, 1978).
2.1.3.1 Small-scale societies

In the rural areas it was neither politically nor logistically possible to create massive barricades.
Consequently defences tended to rely for their effectiveness more on ingenuity than intrinsic strength.
These sorts of defences perish quickly when not maintained and even oral tradition (in the absence of
written records) does not yield much evidence. Nevertheless those that do survive illustrate the lengths to
which some communities went (Denyer, 1978).
Examples of defence strategies applied by different communities included complex entrance tunnels
villages which were formed out of live cactus hedges and planned on the principle of a maze to
frustrate any attempts by horsemen to enter either by stealth or by storm. Another strategy involved
arrangement of live hedges planted in a maze The terrain frequently provided fairly effective natural
defences. Some hill villages, for example, hardly needed any physical barriers to be constructed, as
often there were only one or two ways up to them. In a few areas, underground houses were built. As
with the hill villages, it is not possible to say that these were always in the first instance constructed
for defensive reasons, but they certainly had defensive properties (Denyer, 1978).
2.1.3. Large-scale societies

In some places in West Africa, town walls were built of mud and some reached truly gigantic proportions,
In some areas almost every town and village was surrounded by a wall by the nineteenth century.
Examples of strategies used in these societies included building walls round the main towns not only to
keep out common enemies but also to defend the state from the others. In other communities, the walls
were built of puddled mud which was sometimes mixed with stone and at times puddled with oil instead
of water. Two and even three concentric walls and trenches surrounded some of the towns, especially
those outside the thick forest on the plains which were much more exposed to sudden cavalry attack. In
other communities, the disordered arrangement of the houses seems to have been a definite defensive
ploy: a visitor would soon lose his way and unwelcome ones could easily be trapped (Denyer, 1978).
2.1.4 RELIGION
Rapoport (1969) notes that the forms of primitive and vernacular buildings are less the result of individual
desires than of the aims and the desires of the unified group for an ideal environment. Religion is one of
the many aspects that shape the aims and desires of a society. Religion forms an essential part of most
primitive and pre-industrial cultures, hence forms a starting point on the discussion of the forces leading
to the symbolic nature of buildings. Religion sets the beliefs, norms and values which guide moral
conducts within the community.
African Religions have often been dismissed as ‘pagan’ or ‘animistic’, but they cannot be described
or explained so simply. There was an enormous diversity in beliefs, but one can trace certain broad
similarities. Religion permeated almost every part life. It was man’s concern with an assembly of forces
both inside and outside the community-single gods, pantheons, ancestors, natural forces, for instance
who could lend assistance in every part of life from birth to death (Denyer, 1978).
Religion was by no means a way of escaping from the harsh realities of this world, it was very much a
part of living. However the various supernatural forces were thought of had to be contacted in some way.
These acts of propitiation, invocation or worship took many individuals and communal forms throughout
the continent, and whereas actual buildings for the participants were uncommon, shrines were much less
so.
The view that while both man and animals seek shelter, a place to store things, and a micro-climate, only
man has a spiritual aspect which is uniquely human and which distinguishes his constructions from nests,
beehives, and beaver dams, is very convincing. Many examples can be found of this sacred function of
the house. Religion affects the form, plan, spatial arrangements, and orientation of the house, and may
be the influence which leads to the existence of round and rectangular houses. The reason for a culture
never having had round houses may well be due to the needs of cosmic orientation, a round house cannot
easily be oriented, In Africa the distribution of round and rectangular houses is related to the distribution
of religion (Rapoport, 1969).
2.1.5 MATERIALS, CONSTRUCTION AND BUILDING TECHNOLOGY

Forms develop as man learns to master more complex building techniques, and all forms are part of a
progressive development in a series of almost inevitable steps. The cave-with no building-gives way to
the windbreak, the circular hut, and finally the rectangular hut in its various forms which are, in turn,
derived from the various materials and techniques available.
The local environment and the construction materials provide and govern many aspects of vernacular
architecture. Local soils make an effective building material, while in general heat and aridity assist in
drying of building materials (Oliver, 2003). According to Rapoport (1969), vernacular built form are
limited to organic materials such as timber and twisted vegetable fibres which presents challenges of
technology that considerably affect the form but then he then adds that this factor does not determine the
form but only modifies it.
The fact that circular huts are easier to roof than rectangular ones need not be denied when we question
the notion that change from one to the other responds to building skills only. The change of form may,
in fact, be related to the symbolic nature of the two forms. Some communities have both round and
rectangular forms as in the Nicobar islands while others have never had round forms (Rapoport, 1969).
Materials, construction, and technology are best treated as modifying factors, rather than form determinants,
because they decide neither what is to be built nor its form-this is decided on other grounds. They make
possible the enclosure of a space organization decided upon for other reasons, and possibly modify that
organization. They facilitate and make possible or impossible certain decisions, but never decide or
determine form. Traditional construction in at least the rural areas of tropical Africa was almost always
a highly cooperative venture, as the eighteenth-century account quoted earlier makes abundantly clear.
Building would be a major social occasion in which both the men and women of a village cooperated.
Thatching was often done by women and ritual jokes about their slowness were made by the men, who
of course finished the walls long before the women’s roof work was complete. However, in communities
such as the Maasai and Samburu, the women were the ones who constructed the houses (Denyer, 1978).
With very little division of labour with the need to use essentially voluntary manpower, and with every
house conforming to type and custom, one would think that construction techniques would have to be
extremely simple. In fact, getting any sort of dwelling to stand up using limited materials available
requires a good deal of skill, as anyone who has tried it will know. The fact that buildings of the standard
shown could be produced under these conditions, indicates clearly that the skills must have been
developed carefully over a long period of time. They also suggest that construction skills were passed
down from every member of one generation to every member of the next, since few houses outlasted a
single lifetime. This must have been a major exercise in frequently non-literate societies (Oliver, 2003).
2.1.6 GEOGRAPHICAL CONTEXT

People have different forms of shelter appropriate to different seasons and geographical locations. The
development of different solutions in similar circumstances because of cultural influences is typical
of vernacular architecture. Vernacular Architecture consists of buildings or landscapes that affirm a
distinctive material, affinity for place and holds the promise of achieving a compatible and sustainable
relationship between people, nature and the human built environment. Tradition has accumulated over
the ages, wisdom and knowledge and it is our duty to focus the essence of this genius tradition and use it
in today’s environment (Oliver, 2003).
However, Rapoport opposes this notion of site being a determinant of house form as different house
forms can be found in the same site. An example is the coast, for example, one can aim for the view
or turn away from it. Even sites as forceful as mountains, deserts, and jungles have produced great
variations in house forms.
Site influences both the city and the house, but it does not determine form. As Vidal de la Blache says
“nature prepares the site and man organizes it to enable him to satisfy his desires and his needs.” In one
sense, the effect of site is cultural rather than physical, since the ideal site depends on the goals, ideals,
and values of a people or period, and choice of the “good” site, whether lake, river, mountain, or coast-
depends on this cultural definition. Use or non use of mountains may be due not to their difficulty as sites
but to the attitude taken toward them. Site selection may be due to supernatural aspects or may depend
partly on the political and social viewpoint (Rapoport, 1969).
2.1.7 CLIMATIC CONTEXT

One of the most significant influences on vernacular architecture is the macro climate of the area in
which the building is constructed. Buildings in cold climates invariably have high thermal mass or
significant amounts of insulation. They are usually sealed in order to prevent heat loss, and openings
such as windows tend to be small or non existent. Buildings in warm climates, by contrast, tend to be
constructed of lighter materials and to allow significant cross-ventilation through openings in the fabric
of the building. Buildings for a continental climate must be able to cope with significant variations in
temperature, and may even be altered by their occupants according to the seasons (Oliver, 2003).
Buildings take different forms depending on precipitation levels in the region leading to dwellings on
stilts in many regions with frequent flooding or rainy monsoon seasons. Flat roofs are rare in areas with
high levels of precipitation. Similarly, areas with high winds will lead to specialized buildings able to
cope with them, and buildings will be oriented to present minimal area to the direction of prevailing
winds (Oliver, 2003).
Oliver (2003) states that climatic influences on vernacular architecture are substantial and can be
extremely complex. Mediterranean vernacular, and that of much of the Middle East, often includes
a courtyard with a fountain or pond; air cooled by water mist and evaporation is drawn through the
building by the natural ventilation set up by the building form. Similarly, Northern African vernacular
often has very high thermal mass and small windows to keep the occupants cool, and in many cases also
includes chimneys, not for fires but to draw air through the internal spaces.
2.2 TRANSFORMATION OF VERNACULAR BUILT FORM
Transformation is a natural phenomenon, which is a need based response of the users arising out of
various factors. Hence, the reasons for transformation in vernacular houses vary from place to place and
from one case to the other, more as a need based response to the needs people from time to time. The
20th century began to flourish economically due to urbanization and globalization, which has impacted
upon the vernacular and traditional built environments. The process of change in vernacular generally
was slow and natural, but the urbanisation and globalisation brought fast and abrupt changes in the
built environments in many regions. These developments were due to rural urban migrations, improved
transportation systems, information revolution, and a change in attributes and values due to international
influence. These factors have led to vernacular becoming a rare and conservable entity, rather than being
a part of a settlement (Dayaratne, 2008).
According to Oliver, transformations observed in the present are at three different stages; based on the
transformation observed in various regions due to changes or introduction of new materials, construction
technologies, policies, changes in the social structure, micro climatic conditions and economic status.
Transformations have taken place in stages from partial to complete. The partial transformation or
buildings in intermediate stage of transformation differ from having changes in material or the construction
technique, or the change in spatial planning.
All over tropical Africa sweeping changes over the last century have inevitably disturbed traditional life
and culture and much of what has been discussed in preceding chapters has disappeared. Even where
building styles have largely been preserved, changing economic, political and social conditions have
altered peoples’ basic architectural requirements. It may be as well to begin this chapter by examining
some of the ways in which socalled ‘modernization’ has affected aspects of the social system relevant to
architecture (Denyer, 1978).
Transformations have different phases of development in the urban and rural areas. In the urban areas, the
rate of change is faster as modernisation and infrastructural development are happening at a faster pace
leading to diminishing of indigenous or vernacular architecture. In rural areas, the rate of transformation
is still slow and hence vernacular architecture co-exists with the new constructions, along with few
buildings which are at an intermediate stage (Dayaratne, 2008).
The type or degree of transformations in vernacular architecture can be categorized in many ways. One
of which is:
i. Normative transformation or old vernacular structures - This refers to the dwellings or units that
have minimum to no changes in their spatial organization and vernacular architecture in the face of
modernisation (Weldekidan, 2015).
ii. Partial/ Hybrid transformation or intermediate vernacular structures - Transitions which are in
process and are neither completely vernacular nor new, fall into the intermediate or partial/ hybrid
transformations in vernacular architecture. The ease of access to different sources of material, and labour
(skilled/ unskilled) has provided opportunity to the residents in a settlement to make changes suitable
to their needs in the existing infrastructure. These changes may be physical or a development in spatial
planning. When the changes are dominant but have most of the indigenous styles intact, it is known as
partial or hybrid transformation. This type of transformation is widely accepted as in certain cases, these
transformations are necessary to reduce the load on the operation and maintenance of the built structure
(Weldekidan, 2015).
iii. Total transformation - The complete change in form, material, spatial planning, and construction
techniques due to modern and international influences are considered as total transformations. These
transformations are mostly built and inspired by the nearest developed city or urban area and are a
product of skilled labour .
There are many ways in which vernacular or traditional architecture have been influenced or transformed.
This include social structure, climate change, globalization, policies and economic status. Materials used
in a building, the construction and technology adapted can be studied as the modifying factors.
2.2.1 SOCIAL STRUCTURE

International (western) influence came fast, along with growth in education and industrialization. Thus,
opportunities of work/ jobs increased, although it mostly required the people to leave their home towns.
The movement of people from one region to another was developing mixed cultures, which had begun
to develop their own social structures. In such environments, the evidence of change was more evident.
These movements were predominant in urban areas but the effect of this was also evident in the villages
which were being influenced by the nearby cities (Weldekidan, 2015).
In Africa, colonialists had their own rules that they wanted the Africans to follow. One of the ways in
which colonial governments interfered with the social structure was through habitation arrangements
(and many independent governments have followed them). This was fairly widespread and consisted
of trying to persuade people to live in settlements suitable for local development policies. They were
mostly encouraged to group together in large villages and abandon their family homesteads or small
scattered hamlets. This affected the house form as communities could no longer build separate houses for
the members of the family and had to live together as a nuclear unit. Polygamy was often discouraged
during this time and this also led to change in their built forms. Sometimes government persuasion and
the attraction of modern services and utilities was sufficient; but for the more obdurate coercion was by
no means unknown (Denyer, 1978).
Even when other determinants were used, the more or less gradual change from a subsistence to a cash
economy was inevitable. This not only affected patterns of employment and agricultural production but also
family size. The governments also set up new towns and expanded old ones, attracting people by providing
not only paid employment but also educational and medical facilities. Colonial administrative centres were
often deliberately placed in a traditional void, somewhere which did not come under the hegemony of any
traditional ruler. From the outset, the new town populations were therefore heterogeneous and impersonal
and this usually meant that social life was freer than in the villages, a factor which in turn attracted further
settlers. New roads cut across traditional settlement patterns linking administrative centres, and villages
therefore had to move to the roads to rake advantage of the transport facilities, particularly where cash
crops were grown (Denyer, 1978). This in turn had an effect on their spatial organization and in turn, built
form.
2.2.2 MATERIALS AND CONSTRUCTION TECHNOLOGY

Change in built forms due to the introduction of new materials, which were easily available at an affordable
cost. The change of use of materials was also due to the depletion in availability of natural materials.
With the loss of craftsmen or labour having an expertise in the available materials, the use of vernacular
construction materials and techniques is declining. In some places, the switch in materials has come to
reduce the cost and labour on maintenance; mud floors require constant maintenance and replenishment.
Changes in materials began with small alterations, from a change in mortar, to brick type, and slowly to
complete adoption of global materials (Oliver, 2003).
Changing technology and revolution in machinery has led to advancement in construction technologies.
This change has brought changes in the use of materials where it has become feasible for individuals
to build easily with different materials. The local labour available have also lost the traditional building
knowledge, needing to change in methods of constructions (Oliver, 2003).
What has changed the physical appearance or settlements more than anything else was the introduction of
new building materials from Europe. Corrugated iron sheeting and cement have had perhaps the greatest
effect. The main attraction of corrugated iron (or ‘bati’ or tin) roofs is that they are fireproof, and they
were therefore quickly adopted in the residential areas near new towns. However, it is almost impossible
to roof a circular house with corrugated sheeting; so its introduction in some areas changed not only
the roofing material but also the basic shape of the house to a rectangular one. It was in this way that
traditional patterns tended to persist longer where the basic shape of the house was rectangular rather than
circular (Denyer, 1978).
In the new communities the more prosperous businessmen often tried to distinguish themselves from the
traditional extended family and build houses to reflect their status. In villages and small towns, traditional
moulded decoration on clay walls has given way to painted decoration executed in bought paint and
sometimes in figurative patterns in complete contrast to the old non-figurative ones. African societies
were by no means static in the past but the changes in the twentieth century may be more cataclysmic and
irreversible than any before (Denyer, 1978).
2.2.3 CLIMATE CHANGE

Climate is another influencing factor, which has affected the changes in vernacular built forms and
planning. Due to the changing weather conditions from rainfall to increasing temperatures in different
regions, the residences have changed to get accustomed to these changes. Introduction of mechanical
ventilation, especially in the urban areas has also led to the use of modern materials and built forms not
authentic to the surrounding built environments (Weldekidan, 2015).
Majority of communities have come to the realisation that their vernacular built forms had majority
of issues in regards to lighting and ventilation. This has led to the change in built form and spatial
organization (Weldekidan, 2015).
2.2.4 RELIGIOUS INFLUENCE
It was not until the nineteenth century and the arrival of many missionaries from Europe that Christianity
really began to take root in middle Africa. Although from the fifteenth century, Portuguese catholics had
worked along the west and east coasts, their work did not penetrate to the interior or to any sizeable number
of Africans. Christianity demands regular communal worship by its members in a consecrated building.
Although the churches which have been built over the last century in the new Christian communities have
often utilized purely local materials, most were built to emulate European prototypes. This included use
of stone, a material which local communities did not use previously in their built forms (Oliver, 2003).
On the east coast of Africa, Islamic influence began with the establishment of the dhow trade, which,
relying on the trade winds, linked East Africa with the Arabian and Persian Gulf ports and with India.
Kilwa, an island port that flourished between the 12th and 15th centuries, was built largely of stone,
as were Zanzibar (where the mosque at Kizimkazi has a 12th-century inscription), Dar es Salaam,
Malindi, Mombasa, and other ports and citystates built by Swahili- and Arabic-speaking traders along
the Tanzanian and Kenyan coast. With the coming of the Portuguese at the close of the 15th century, the
east-coast towns were plundered and burned. Only the northerly island port of Lamu, Kenya, retains the
character of the Swahili town. Built of coral ragstone, roofed with mangrove poles, and covered with rag
and lime mortar, the houses have fine plasterwork, decorative rows of niches, and deeply carved doors
(Oliver, 2003).
Although Islam dictates that followers should worship communally on Friday it does not specify that
the mosque should be anything more than a dedicated space set aside for the purpose of worship and
oriented towards Mecca. Along the coast of East Africa today, the most common mosque is simply a
clean brushed space, rectangular in plan with an apse shape at one end and demarcated by a row of stones
(Denyer,1978).
2.2.5 ECONOMIC STATUS

In Africa, the colonial governments evidently thought that hill-dwellers would be easier to administer on
the plains. What they did not anticipate was the breaking up of communities which took place nor the
changes in agricultural practice. Many of the hill peoples had exceedingly efficient and highly intensive
systems of agriculture using manuring, terracing, irrigation, crop rotation, and so on. When they moved to
the plains, these were mostly abandoned for an extensive system, with profound consequences in matters
as diverse as family structure and soil structure, all of which in turn influence architectural considerations.
In other areas, a directly opposite effect can be seen, and previously dispersed migrant communities have
become nucleated and settled for example, the growing of cash crops and the introduction of Irrigation
schemes and artificial fertilizers (among other things) has tended to encourage peripatetic farmers to
become sedentary and cultivate land all the year round (Denyer, 1978).
In some areas this has had serious repercussions for pastoralists, hampering their free movement in the
dry season. In other areas, money acquired by farmers from cash crops bas been invested in cattle and
so they no longer need the pastoralists’ cattle which used to manure the land as they grazed the remains
of harvested crops. This again has limited the pastoralists’ domains and as a result, many are settling and
starling to practice some agriculture as well. The pastoralists’ environmental adaptation bas been upset
in other ways. Government policies of immunization of herds and haphazard provision of water supplies
have sometimes produced much larger herds which in turn have meant over-grazed land, especially near
the water supplies. All this has led to enforced extensive migrations (Denyer, 1978).
Economic status of the people of a region has also adversely affected vernacular architecture. Due to
affordability of better and comfortable living conditions, the dwellers switched to modern construction
and materials.
2.2.6 POLICIES
Governments have launched schemes and housing developments that have been designed without the
influence of the local surroundings or culture leading to a massive change in infrastructural growth.
These developments have spread to the rural and tribal areas where it has in many places led to force in
change of socio-culture influence (Weldekidan, 2015). In Africa, colonial governments brought about
the alienation of land to accommodate expatriate settlers or miners or government schemes. In others,
however, the displacement was on a much bigger scale and the need for new building was therefore
greater. Independent governments have naturally been chary of pursuing similar policies, but in the
interests of ‘development’ many have been driven to doing so (Denyer, 1978).
2.3 MAASAI BUILT FORM IN NAROK REGION
Rapoport (1969), claims that objects that man creates serve as symbols of a culture’s ideas and feelings.
Man’s architecture, his dwellings and settlements are the physical expression of the sum total of the
cultural, spiritual, material and social aspects of man’s life. These aspects are shared by members of
a society (William, 1977). Culture is a series of consolidated activities which an individual learns as a
member of the society.
The Maasai people of Kenya and Tanzania speak the language known as Maa. They are members of Nilo-
saharan family that is related to Dinka and Nuer of South Sudan. Culturally they are related to Cushitic
speaking people that presently inhabit the North Eastern side of Lake Turkana, the Rendile, Borana and
Somali (Kipury,1980).
The Maasai population stands at 841,622 in Kenya in the 2009 census and 800,000 in Tanzania 2011
Fig. 2.5 Map of land currently occupied by census. The Maasai live along the great rift valley on semi-arid and arid land. They occupy a total of
Maasai people approximately 160,000square kilometres with a population of about one and a half million people. Maasai
S o u r c e : h t t p s : / / w w w . k i c k s t a r t e r. c o m / are related to Samburu, Ilichamus and Iltorobo. Even though there’s a culture and linguistic unity, there
projects/2062290740/inkopa-olMasaithehistory- of-
the-Masai
is a noticeable dialect and cultural difference among these Maa speaking communities. The Ilchamus
practice fishing and do subsistence farming. They also have a few livestock whereas the Iltorobo practise
hunting and gathering.
The Maasai can be divided into two major groups, Orok-Kiteng and Oldo-Mongi. It is further divided into
fifteen politically independent Iloshon or location. (Kipury,1980). This groups purely practice pastoralism
though with the changing rain pattern and the severe drought they are slowly practicing both pastoralism
and agriculture. Shrinking grazing land and population growth are among other factors fuelling this
change. At present, a good number of Maasai are educated and are engaged in formal employment where
they earn monthly salaries i.e. as teachers, administrators e.t.c. Others are engaged in formal commercial
enterprises such as hardware business, livestock sellers, horizontal farming e.t.c. This has caused them to
move and live in urban areas so as to pursue their interests thereby affecting activities such as livestock
keeping in places upcountry (Kipury,1980).
Fig. 2.6 Map of migration route of the maasai
S o u r c e : h t t p s : / / w w w . k i c k s t a r t e r. c o m / This research focuses on the Maasai in Narok region as different Maasai have different built forms
projects/2062290740/inkopa-olMasaithehistory- of- depending on the geographical context.
the-Masai
2.3.1 HISTORY AND CULTURE OF THE MAASAI
a) History and Migration of the Maasai
The Maasai people originated from the lower Nile valley, North of Lake Turkana (see Fig.104)and
began migrating south around the15th century arriving and displacing many communities which had
already formed settlement in Northern Kenya and what’s now Central Tanzania. Maasai assimilated
some southern Cushitic groups. According to Kipury (1980) Since the middle of the 19th century Maa
speaking people occupied the region from near Mt. Marsabit in Northern Kenya to Kiteto in Central
Tanzania, a distance of about 700 miles from North to South and about 200 miles from East to West. In
the turn of the 19th century tragedy struck the Maasai people .
Rinderpest, small pox and other diseases killed a large number of Maasai and their livestock. This was
followed by a severe drought killing over half the Maasai population and their animals, this time is
referred to as ‘’Emutai’’ by the Masai folks which was between (1883-1902). The consequences of
Fig. 2.7 Ole Senteu Simel, grandson of the famous Rinderpest and small pox was cataclysmic.
Masai Laibon Mbatian
Source:https://www.gettyimages.co.uk/detail/photo/
kenyanarok-enteskera-ole-senteu-simel-highres- For decades the Maasai sections warred with each other and raided neighbouring tribes for cattle. For
stock-photography/126558image/201802906457, survival Maasai pawned their women and children to neighbouring farmers like Kikuyu in exchange for
grain. Prices for the scarce surviving cattle inflated making pride with wealth unattainable for many men.
Many families fled to agrarian communities and trading centres. This dispersal forever changed the ethnic
identity of the Masai. The Purko Maasai came to terms with the British. This together with colonization
significantly reduced the Maasai grazing land. Establishment of national parks like Amboseli, Nairobi
National Park, Masai Mara game reserve further reduced their grazing lands.
b) Culture and Identity of the Maasai

Various elements of the Maasai have had an influence on the form of the structures they build and their
artefacts.
i) Religious organization - According to Sobania (2006), the Maasai and those closely related to them,
Fig. 2.8 Oloibon Mokombo such as the Samburu and Arusha, have few beliefs associated with an afterlife or a role for the ancestors.
Source:https://www.gettyimages.co.uk/detail/photo/ They do, however, believe in a supreme being, Engai, to whom they appeal in times of need. Engai is
kenyanarok-enteskera-oloibonmokombo-highres- understood to govern those elements that shape the Maasai world, including rain, thunder, lightning, and
stock-photography/126558image/201802906457,
fertility. Thus the same word, engai, can also be used to refer to rain, thunder, and lightning.
Among the Maasai- speaking peoples of Kenya, belief is associated directly with the powerful institution
of prophets, the laibon. In the everyday life of a herder and his family, events can occur for which the
average person has no clear explanation. These can include the large-scale loss of livestock, infertility
(always associated with women), and illnesses such as blindness, epilepsy, and insanity. It is also believed
that individuals can cause harm to others as a result of jealousy, resentment, and greed.
ii) Political organization - Administrative is the operative term - not ruling. Traditionally the Maasai have
had neither headmen nor chiefs. They had no system of centralised , coercive authority. Public opinion
based on custom coerced, not particular people. The only individuals who ever achieved any extensive
pan- Maasai influence were the Oloiboni, the priest-prophet-soothsayers, and the most influential among
Fig. 2.9 Masai children in two hand prayer postion those were the progeny of one family. Lenana was the most famous of them. But even the most famous
source:http://majimotomaasaicamp.com/featured- and influential of them were primarily ritual leaders, not political ones. There were leaders in the age-
blogdemers-family/ grouping system too, but these were selected by their age-mates to speak for them and to preside over
meetings, not to rule them (Fedders,1989).
There are five major clans among the Maa community each with a different male ancestor. The founding
father of all Masai was known as Maasinta and had two wives. The first wife lived on the right side of
the gate post while the second wife lived on the left side of the gate post. The first wife had red cattle,
that’s why her house is referred to as ‘the one of which the calves and oxen are red’ in Maa Naadomongi.
This wife gave birth to three sons namely lokesen, lelian and losero these three sons are the descendant
of Il-makesen (of baboons),il-molelian (of elephants) and il-taarasero (of Hyena) Which are collectively
known as Oldomong’i (Kipury,1980).
The second wife who lived on the left hand side of the gate post known as Entailoishi enke dianye had
calves and oxen that were black in colour. Her house was called ‘the one of which the calves and oxen
Fig. 2.10 Masai boma(enkang) note first wife
are black in Maa Orok kiteng. This wife gave birth to two sons namely Lukum and Laiser. The two
house circled in blue and the second wife
sons are descendants of Il-Lukumai and Il-Laiser clan which are represented by raven and rhinoceros
circled
Source:http://iesjuliocarobarojaeducacion.navarra. respectively. Both Il-kumai and Ilaiser are known as Orok Kiteng. The Five sons are the founders of the
es/blogsconlacabezaenlatierra/2012/02/09/ five major clans of the Masai community (Kipury,1980).
losmasai-un-ejemplo-de-ganaderia-de-subsistencia/
iii) Rites of passage - In the social organization of the Masai, of paramount importance is the age set into
which all males are recruited according to their approximate age. Each age set organizes and regulates
its age set activities independent of the other.
There are two stages of growth one being the childhood and the other adulthood. In the childhood stage
children are taught traditions, informally, the boys are taken to graze cattle, sheep and goats and are
taught by their fathers and grandfathers manly skills whereas girls learn from the women folk. When
initiation rights are observed, adulthood begins (Fedders,1989).
Among the Maasai and Samburu, for example, initiates wear a blue or black skin or cloth along with a
crown of stuffed dead birds and their mother’s earrings. They also paint their faces with chalk markings.
Circumcision is a common feature of the initiation associated with puberty, transforming a boy or girl
from being a dependent to active participation in adult life. Through the various activities and trials that
Fig. 2.12 Maasai Eunoto these initiates undergo as a group, suffering together and learning together, the importance of friendship,
Source:http://www.mychoosenvessels.org cooperation, mutual respect, and the allegiance they must have toward each other are all reinforced
(Fedders,1989).
iv) Role of Woman - As with so many traditional societies, the community view is that the woman has
the heaviest responsibility in the marriage for keeping the husband content. Despite the inequality that
exists between the circumstances of women when compared with those of men, women are nevertheless
accorded high status given their potential for bearing children, and motherhood is honoured in traditional
society (Fedders,1989).
Fig. 2.13 Maasai Enkipaata

Source:http://www.mychoosenvessels.org
Fig. 2.14 Maasai Woman

Source:http://www.mychoosenvessels.org
2.3.2 THE MAASAI SETTLEMENT
The significant residential groupings of the Maasai are the locality, the village, and the polygynous
homestead, or joint family. The locality typically corresponds to a natural water-catchment area, within
which interaction is most frequent and elders meet to discuss the issues that affect the community at large
and the villages within it. Villages are dispersed throughout the locality, but have little social identity of
their own. They are built primarily as a protection against the dangers of the bush at night (Jacobs, 1985).
During the day, the cattle go out to graze, and social life extends to the wider neighbourhood and locality.
The significant unit within the village is the cluster of huts and stock corrals that comprise the joint-family
homestead, of which there are typically four or five within each village. It is the joint family that has the
greatest continuity, and the family head has almost total autonomy in handling its internal affairs. Such
families may migrate to another locality at any time, leaving their huts and village space to be occupied
Fig. 2.15 Masai homestead(enkang),
Source:http://iesjuliocarobarojaeducacion. by any newcomers to the village. Huts and villages tend to be more substantial and permanent in the less
navarres/blogsconlacabezaenlatierra/2012/02/09/ nomadic, upland areas (Jacobs, 1985).
losmasaiun-ejemplo-de-ganaderia-de-
subsistencia/, Contrasting with the elders’ villages, both ideologically and in size, are the warrior villages ( manyatta ),
which are built to protect the area from marauders. Typically, there are three or four warrior villages in
any tribal section, and the warriors who are associated with them claim considerable autonomy from the
elders and adopt a contrasting life-style that emphasizes their dependence on one another and their lack
of domesticity (Jacobs, 1985).
2.3.3 MAASAI HOMESTEAD (ENKANG)

The Maasai homestead consists of a large circular enclosure surrounded by a thorn bush fence. The size
of the camp and the number of gates it has depends on the number of families living in the camp for as the
saying goes; one gate cannot contain two elders. The homestead is known as ‘Enkang’ in Maa language.
It is composed of several houses enclosed in a large circular thorn fence with a small enclosure in the
middle for the livestock. It is normally owned by the head of the family usually a man. Masai family
is polygamous and patrimonial. The basis of social organization within the family and clan is kinship
(Kipury, 1980).
Fig. 2.16 Masai homestead(enkang),
Source:http://iesjuliocarobarojaeducacion.
navarres/blogsconlacabezaenlatierra/2012/02/09/ According to Rukwaro and Maina (2006), arrangement of the wives houses is based on the dualism
losmasaiun-ejemplo-de-ganaderia-de-
subsistencia/,
concept whereby women who married in the family in odd positions, build their houses to the right of the
Olpashe (external walls of the cattle kraal) while the left is reserved for those married in even positions.
In simple terms, it means that the first wife builds her house right next to the boo while the second wife
builds to the left. This sequence is repeated in order for the third wife, fourth wife etc.
When young, Maasai boys and girls live with their mothers in a house built of cow dung and wattle in a
large enclosure, their father , his other wives and young siblings live nearby in almost identical houses of
their own. The father lives in a small house called Enkaji orripie, the mother lives in a small house called
Enkaji entasat while the boy and girl stayed in the Enkaji oo nkera and Enkaji oo esingiaki respectively
(Rukwaro, 2006).
Fig. 2.17 Masai boma(enkaji), Animals occupied a space central in the Masai settlement. This space is called boo. The boo has its
Source:http://iesjuliocarobarojaeducacion.
navarres/blogsconlacabezaenlatierra/2012/02/09/
own spatial enclosure for cattle, sheep, goats and calves each of which has a separate entrance. It is
losmasaiun-ejemplo-de-ganaderia-de- surrounded by lerai or leleshwa i.e. where the areas where lerai is the predominant vegetation cover. At
subsistencia/, night, young calves, goats and sheep occupy a space reserve in the mother’s house (Kipury, 1980).
There are three levels or hierarchies of spaces in a Masai settlement; private, semi-private/ semi public
and public. The private spaces are found within the house (Enkaji). This spaces facilitated social intimacy
and gathering of the people. Semi-public spaces included the central courtyard and transitional spaces
at the entrance. These are the collective social spaces and act as filters to the private spaces. Public spaces
such as the central courtyard and peripheral areas outside the Enkang’ hosted the public and collective
social functional groups (Rukwaro and Maina).
2.3.4 MAASAI TRADITIONAL HOUSE (ENKAJI)

Every culture has its particular expectations of its dwellings, and arranges domestic spaces in ways that
relate to its social structure, to its traditions and to the organizations of the daily lives of its members
(Oliver, 2003).
Fig. 2.18 Masai boo (kraal)9, According to Taylor, Vernacular Architecture has been shaped by:
Source:http://iesjuliocarobarojaeducacion. i) Environmental impacts - climate, geography, wildlife, pests and predators
navarres/blogsconlacabezaenlatierra/2012/02/09/ ii) Available resources - building materials, labour
l o s m a s a i u n - e j e m p l o - d e - g a n a d e r i a - d e - iii) Human needs - space required for specific uses
subsistencia/,
Their structures are suited for hot and dry climate. Owing to their initial nomadic lives, the Maasai had
temporary structures, due to their constant movements. However, today the standard house of the Maasai
is a stone house with the roofs made of galvanised iron sheets. The various types of Maasai houses
include : Enkaji Orripie (father’s house), Enkaji Entasat (mother’s house), Enkaji oo Nkera (boy’s house)
and Enkaji oo Esiangiki (girl’s house). Another structure is the Orng’obor which is a temporary structure
that is put up during festivals.
2.3.4.1 ENKAJI ORRIPIE (FATHER’S HOUSE)

This is the father’s house. It is constructed for the head of the family by the women (his wives included)
when the children get to puberty. The spaces within are:
i) Transitional space
ii) Firewood storage
iii) Father’s bed
iv) Goats space
v) Hearth
vi) Storage
According to Rukwaro and Maina (2006), the women build houses primarily because they are seen as
creators i.e. they perpetuate humanity and therefore man’s abode shall be blessed by women. The scholars
further indicate that “ like hearth that keeps fire alive, Maasai women ensure that man shall never perish”.
2.3.4.2 ENKAJI ENTASAT (MOTHER’S HOUSE)

This is the father’s house. The layout of the mother’s house is open plan and the spaces within are:
ii) Firewood storage
iii) Children’s bed
iv) Young animals enclosure (Olale)
v) Hearth
vi) Mother’s bed
The unit’s dimensions are approximately 6m long by 3m wide by 2m high. The entrance to the dwelling
unit is usually placed on the side facing the cattle kraal. The unit is well planned and this is emphasized
by Rukwaro and Maina (2006) who note that, the morphology of the enkaji entasat plan exhibits a high
level of competence by the Maasai people to define the entrance space without affecting the spatial
organization, form and functional relationship of the key space in the house.
Oliver(2003) also indicates that there were no window openings but small vents in the walls, a few inches
wide. The windows are located on the walls, near bed spaces and on the roof. The roof window is located
directly above the hearth and helps in ventilating/ lighting of the bed spaces.
2.3.4.3 ENKAJI OO NKERA/ ENKAJI OO ESIANGIKI

These are the housing units of the boys and girls. Enkaji oo nkera is for the boys and enkaji oo esiangiki is
for the girls. These units are constructed when boys and girls reach puberty. The boys unit is put up near
the kraal while the girl’s unit is put up near the mother’s house. The spaces in these units are similar i.e.
ii) Hearth
iii) Two beds
iv) Storage bed
Rukwaro and Maina (2006) argue that the column pots define the interior spaces of the house. These units
may or may not have the young animals enclosure depending on the builders choice.
2.3.4.4 ORNG’OBOOR
This is a temporary unit that is put up during rituals ceremonies and festivals. The hearth is the only space
within the unit. The layout structure has the entrance projecting outwards of the oval shape. The structure
can be referred to as a temporary outdoor kitchen for the family which is erected only when there are
ceremonies within the enkang (Rukwaro and Maina, 2006).
2.3.5 CONSTRUCTION, MATERIALS AND TECHNOLOGY

The local environment and the construction materials provide and govern many aspects of vernacular
architecture. Local soils make an effective building material, while in general heat and aridity assist in
drying of building materials (Oliver,2003). The requirements of the buildings are intended to achieve the
practical and functional needs of the users concerned. The usage of temporary materials dictated their
economic behaviour as nomads i.e. people who shift from one grazing place to another.
The Maasai women apply their traditional building norms to achieve their building techniques and
selection of materials used in construction. The level of workmanship had a bearing on the wife’s keenness
in executing work.
i) Site selection and setting out of the house - Before construction begins, women use their steps to
measure the distance between the wooden poles which would be used as columns along the perimeter of
the whole house. The centre to centre of the poles of 1950 millimetres height is normally between 380 -
450 millimetres.
ii) Laying out the foundation - The traditional foundation is made of wooden poles entrenched in the
ground and a layer of pliable sticks and branches is fastened into the poles. Mud would then be smeared
in layers then finished using a cow dung smear.
iii) Walls - The skeleton of the house walling is composed of rigid horizontal sticks tied alternatively to
the strong vertical wooden poles. Infill materials include intertwined thin pliable sticks, twigs and leafy
branches weaved to the space between the poles and horizontal members. The infill is made thick to
ensure the cow dung, that is used after, does not go through the walls. The cow dung is plastered by hand
all over the external surface of the structure until the infill is covered, (Rukwaro and Maina, 2006).
iiv) Roof - The roof, being hyperbolic, would be formed when the walls are smoothly bent round vertically.
The layers of the mud and cow dung mixture on the central area of the roof is thinner that at the edge
this fulfilling the principle of a shell structure. Polythene sheets are added for water proofing (Fig 4.20).
Lastly, ash is spread to make the roof impervious. Occasionally, internal wooden columns reinforce the
roof structure, (Rukwaro and Maina, 2006).
v) Fenestration - The locations of the openings are strategic for maximum ventilation. The arch door
opening · made with circular pliable sticks placed at the entrance and tied on two poles. The door itself is
made of thick or thorny branches, me h and interwoven sticks or timber boarding.
vii) Finishes - A layer of cowdung is mixed with a little soil and smeared onto the outside of traditional
wall surfaces until the structure is concealed.
viii) Material choice - The use of cow-dung in traditional Maasai architecture is reverence to Enkai: an
appreciation of the gift of cattle, besides its functional role (thermal comfort).
2.4 DETERMINANTS OF BUILT FORM IN RELATION WITH THE MAASAI
BUILT FORM IN NAROK
CHAPTER THREE
RESEARCH METHOD
CHAPTER 3 : RESEARCH METHOD
3.1 INTRODUCTION
3.2 RESEARCH PURPOSE
3.3 RESEARCH DESIGN
3.4 RESEARCH STRATEGY

3.4.1 CASE STUDY RESEARCH STRATEGY USED
3.4.2 RESEARCH AIMS AND OBJECTIVES
3.4.3 POPULATION FRAME/ AREA OF STUDY
3.4.4 TIME HORIZON
3.5 DATA SOURCES

3.5.1 SECONDARY DATA SOURCES
3.5.2 PRIMARY DATA SOURCES
3.6 DATA ANALYSIS

3.6.1 CAUSAL EXPLANATORY ANALYSIS
3.6.2 COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS
3.6.3 SKETCHES AND MEASURED DRAWINGS
3.6.4 CONTEXTUAL BUILDING ANALYSIS
3.6.5 VISUAL ANALYSIS (PHOTOGRAPHS)
3.7 DATA PRESENTATION
3.8 SUMMARY
3.8.1 TABLE OF SUMMARY
Transformation of built form in Narok RESEARCH METHODS
3.1 INTRODUCTION
This chapter outlines various strategies the author employs, to achieve the goals and objectives set out in
chapter one, in a logical order. It begins by outlining the purpose & design of this study by re-examining
its aims and objectives. It outlines the research strategy, includes the research methodology, demarcating
the study area, demystifying the sampling criteria employed, the study’s time horizon, the limitations of
this research and its demographics. This chapter also examines the methods used for data analysis & data
presentation of the findings of the study.
3.2 RESEARCH PURPOSE

This research adopts both a descriptive and explanatory approach. Being a description-based research,
it enables the investigation of built form determinants and its relationship with the Maasai built forms in
Narok region and the morphological transformation of the built forms in Narok region.
Being an explanatory research, it enables the interpretation of these transformations with regards to the
causes that various authors have put across.
3.3 RESEARCH DESIGN

The overall structure of the research will enable this research to have valid, objective, reliable and
statistically significant results. Groat & Wang (2002) describe 2 types of research: qualitative and
quantitative research. This research will apply qualitative methods to investigate determinants of built
form in relation with Maasai built forms in Narok region and observe the transformation of the built forms
in Narok region.
3.4 RESEARCH STRATEGY

3.4.1 CASE STUDY RESEARCH STRATEGY
The case study method seeks to achieve an in-depth understanding of a phenomenon, event or occurrence
within its real-life context. A case is a bounded system with parts that work together (Mugenda & Mugenda,
2012). A case could therefore be a person, an organization, a social group or any other entity that operates
as a system. In this case, a case would be built forms in Narok region.
This method of study was chosen because :

i) It allows the study of phenomena in their actual context, giving a true dimension of the transformation
ii) Morphological transformation in Maasai built forms and how various factors have influenced this
transformation can be observed.
This research focuses on multiple case studies approach. A number of built forms are chosen for the
study in Narok, an urban area and surrounding context, a rural area towards the North. The case study
method looks both into Maasai vernacular and contemporary built forms.
RESEARCH AIMS AND OBJECTIVES

a) What is the culture of the Maasai and their traditional Architecture in Narok region?
b) What are the transformations of Maasai built forms, building technology and what are the forces
shaping them Narok region?
c) What are the design guidelines for buildings in Narok region ?
3.4.2 AREA OF STUDY

As stated by Mugenda & Mugenda (2012) the population frame is a complete listing of all the units of
the target population to enable the researcher to determine the sample size and the appropriate method
of sampling.
In this research, the area is study is Narok North, specifically in Narok town, Nkareta and Olukurto.
It represents the sample size of the population to be studied including contemporary and vernacular
residential buildings. The elements are the buildings within Narok.
3.4.3 TIME HORIZON

Cross sectional studies were used in this research for collection of data. The study will be carried for
ten days in Narok town, Nkareta and Olukurto. Actual work included taking measurements traditional
and new houses, taking photographs and sketching out the layout and section of the houses, carrying
out interviews with the locals and using digital data loggers for temperature and relative humidity (RH)
recordings.
Vernacular built form in Olukurto Vernacular built form in Olukurto Vernacular built form in the border of Nkareta
and olukurto
Map of Kenya highlighting Narok county
Semi- modern built form in Nkareta
Map of Narok county highlighting Narok north

Semi- modern built form in Nkareta
Map of Narok North highlighting the areas where the various built forms are found
Contemporary built form in Narok town Semi- modern built form in outskirtsof narok town
3.5 SAMPLING DESIGN
NON PROBABILITY SAMPLING
The author employs the non- probability sampling approach which is defined as a sampling technique in
which the researcher selects samples based on the subjective judgement of the author rather than random
selection.
Both the convenience sampling and purposive sampling methods. Convenience sampling has been used
in selecting the vernacular and contemporary built forms since they are conveniently available to the
author. The built forms selected are near the main road that connects Narok town to the northern side till
Olukurto. The built forms are less than 2km from the road sated above.
Purposive sampling has been used by the author to select built forms that can be able to describe how
transformation has occurred in Narok region. This stretches from the traditional manyatta to the modern
stone house.
3.6 DATA SOURCES

Leeds (1993) defines data collection methods as the act of administering research tools. It is the collection
of primary and secondary sources of information.
3.5.1 SECONDARY DATA

i) Literature review
ii) Information from local authorities and cultural villages
3.5.1 PRIMARY DATA
i) Observation
ii) Photography, sketches and measured drawings
iii) Interviews
iv) Modified 3D images and visualisation
3.7 DATA ANALYSIS

Data analysis entails processing ,presentation and manipulation of data into meaningful information that
can help that can help you draw conclusions and recommendations (Taylor, 2008).
3.6.1 CAUSAL – EXPLANATORY ANALYSIS
This analysis probes relations between variables and identify their correlations. Independent variables
(spatial layout, Layout arrangement, Construction materials, Size of walls, Window sizes, Fenestration
logic, Courtyard sizes, Room sizes & Spatial use, Building technology, Architectural elements etc.)
impact on the dependent variable (house form).
3.6.2 COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS

The vernacular Maasai houses act as the datum and are compared against the transformed houses.
This comparative analysis addresses:
i) socio-cultural responsiveness
ii) Regional responsiveness
iii) Socio-spatial organization
iv) Materials, construction and technology
v) Climatic responsiveness
3.6.3 SKETCHES AND MEASURED DRAWINGS

Sketches and photos are to be taken during fieldwork while architectural drawings will also be generated
during the field study.
3.6.4 CONTEXTUAL BUILDING ANALYSIS

This consists of the historical and geographical context of the case studies.
3.6.5 VISUAL ANALYSIS
3.7 DATA PRESENTATION

In this dissertation, data collected and analysed has been presented in the form of:
Maps
b) Architectural drawings i.e. plans, elevations, sections
c) Photographic images
d) Tables
e) Sketches
f) Notes
TABLE OF SUMMARY
PARAMETERS VARIABLES ASSESSED DATA SOURCES DATA COLLECTION DATA ANALYSIS

METHODS METHODS
SOCIO - CULTURAL - Family structure - Primary data - Observations (taking - Photographs
FACTORS - Privacy - Secondary data photographs, free hand - Architectural
- Lifestyle sketching, taking notes drawings and
- Activities - In-depth unstructured sketches
- Quality of life interviews - Modified 3D
- Religion images and
- Position of women visualizations
- Social intercourse - Comparative
- Economic structure analysis
REGIONAL FACTORS - Organization - Primary data - Observations (taking - Photographs

(RURAL TO URBAN) - Kinship structures - Secondary data photographs, free hand - Architectural
- Religion sketching, taking notes drawings and
- In-depth unstructured sketches
interviews - Comparative
analysis
SOCIO - SPATIAL - Settlement layout - Primary data - Observations (taking - Photographs
ORGANIZATION - Dwelling unit layout - Secondary data photographs, free hand - Architectural
sketching, taking notes drawings and
- In-depth unstructured sketches
interviews - Comparative
analysis
MATERIALS, - Functionality - Primary data - Observations (taking - Photographs

TECHNOLOGY AND - Building materials - Secondary data photographs, free hand - Architectural
CONSTRUCTION - Functionality sketching, taking notes drawings and
- Construction technology - Taking measurements sketches
- Construction process - Comparative
- Openings analysis
PARAMETERS VARIABLES ASSESSED DATA SOURCES DATA COLLECTION DATA ANALYSIS
METHODS METHODS
CLIMATIC FACTORS - Building depth - Primary data - Observations (taking - Photographs
- Orientation - Secondary data photographs, free hand - Architectural
- Size & position of fenestrations sketching, taking notes drawings and
- Ventilation - In-depth unstructured sketches
- Sunshading interviews - Modified 3D
- Temperature images and
- Density of homesteads visualizations
- Topography - Comparative
analysis
LITERATURE REVIEW OF PUBLISHED MATERIAL
i) Borden, I. & Ray, K., (2006). The Dissertation : An Architecture Student’s Handbook. Architectural Press, Jordan Hill, Oxford.
ii) Fedders, A., (1989). People and Cultures of Kenya. Rex Collings, London.
iii) Givoni, B., (1994). Passive and Low Energy Cooling of Buildings. Van Nostrand Reinhold, New York.
iv) Groat,L. & Wang, D., (2013). Architectural Research methods. John Wiley & Sons press, New Jersey.
v) Hooper, C., (1975). Design For Climate: Guidelines for the Design of Low Cost house for the Climates of Kenya. Kenya Building
Centre, Nairobi.
vi) Konya, A.,(1980). Design primer for hot climates. The architectural press Ltd, London.
vii) Koenigsberger, O.H., (1974). Manual For Tropical Housing and Building. Longman, London.
viii) Kipury,N., (1983).Oral literature of the Maasai.Heinemann Educational Books,Nairobi.
ix) Oliver, P., (1976). Shelter in Africa London. Barrie and Jenkins.
x) Rapoport, A., (1969). House, Form and Culture. Englewood Cliffs N.J., Prentice Hall.
xi) Rukwaro, R. & Maina, S. (2006). Transformation of Maasai art and architecture. Nairobi: Arts
Press.
xii) Rukwaro, R. S. (2016). Proposal Writing In Research. Nairobi: Arts Press.
xiii) Salingaros, N., (2006). A theory of Architecture. Umbau-Verlag, Solingen
xiv) Sobania, N., (2006). Culture and customs of Kenya. Greenword Press.
xv) Ching. D.K., (2007) Architecture: Form, Space, and Order, 4th Edition. New York: John Wiley & Sons, Inc.
v) Forty, A., (2000) Words and Buildings: A Vocabulary of Modern Architecture : Form. New York: Thames and Hudson.
vi) Whiteman, J., (1987). On Hegel’s Definition of Architecture. MIT Press.
vii) Passanti. F., (1997). The Vernacular, Modernism, and Le Corbusier. Cambridge. Massachusetts.

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BAR 613

TRANSFORMATION OF BUILT FORM IN NAROK

MWANGI IVY WANJIRU

TUTORS : ARCH. MUSAU KIMEU

Fig 1.3 Maasai Homestead Narok.

Fig 1.4 Maasai Morans Narok.

1.3 RESEARCH OBJECTIVES

c) To develop design guidelines for buildings in Narok region.

1.4 RESEARCH QUESTIONS

Fig 1.8 Semi- Modern Maasai house in Nkareta,

Source : Author. 08/09/2021

Fig 1.9 Semi- Modern Maasai house in Nkareta,

Source : Author. 08/09/2021

Source : Author. 08/09/2021

Fig 1.12. Eco- Manyatta house, Narok.

The study analyses the methodology

Fig 1.14 Map of Narok County constituencies.

Fig 1.13 Map of Narok County.

Fig 1.14 Map of Narok County.

Narok. house in Olukurto, Narok. Olukurto, Narok. in Nkareta, Narok.

Fig 1.25 Maasai Homestead, Narok.

xii) Rukwaro, R. S. (2016). Proposal Writing In Research. Nairobi: Arts Press.

xiii) Salingaros, N., (2006). A theory of Architecture. Umbau-Verlag, Solingen

1.8.3 INTERNET SOURCES

CHAPTER 2 : LITERATURE REVIEW

CHAPTER 3 : RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

CHAPTER 4: FIELDWORK- DATA COLLECTION, ANALYSIS AND PRESENTATIONS

1.10 DEFINITIONS OF TERMS

2.3 MAASAI BUILT FORM IN NAROK REGION

2.4 DETERMINANTS OF BUILT FORM IN RELATION

2.1.2 SOCIAL ORGANIZATION

2.1.2.1 VILLAGE LAYOUT

2.1.2.1.3 Position of women

2.1.2.1.5 Social Intercourse

2.1.2.2 HOMESTEAD LAYOUT

2.1.3.1 Small-scale societies

2.1.3. Large-scale societies

2.1.5 MATERIALS, CONSTRUCTION AND BUILDING TECHNOLOGY

2.1.6 GEOGRAPHICAL CONTEXT

2.1.7 CLIMATIC CONTEXT

2.2.1 SOCIAL STRUCTURE

2.2.2 MATERIALS AND CONSTRUCTION TECHNOLOGY

2.2.3 CLIMATE CHANGE

2.2.5 ECONOMIC STATUS

b) Culture and Identity of the Maasai

Fig. 2.13 Maasai Enkipaata

Fig. 2.14 Maasai Woman

2.3.3 MAASAI HOMESTEAD (ENKANG)

2.3.4 MAASAI TRADITIONAL HOUSE (ENKAJI)

2.3.4.1 ENKAJI ORRIPIE (FATHER’S HOUSE)

2.3.4.2 ENKAJI ENTASAT (MOTHER’S HOUSE)

2.3.4.3 ENKAJI OO NKERA/ ENKAJI OO ESIANGIKI

2.3.5 CONSTRUCTION, MATERIALS AND TECHNOLOGY

3.2 RESEARCH PURPOSE

3.3 RESEARCH DESIGN

3.4 RESEARCH STRATEGY

3.5 DATA SOURCES