1009488

research-article2021
NMS0010.1177/14614448211009488new media & societyLi and Cho

Article

new media & society

The knowledge gap on social

2023, Vol. 25(5) 1023­–1042
© The Author(s) 2021
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DOI: 10.1177/14614448211009488
https://doi.org/10.1177/14614448211009488
engagement and networks journals.sagepub.com/home/nms

Wenbo Li and Hyunyi Cho

The Ohio State University, USA

Abstract
The knowledge gap hypothesis predicts that information inequity will be amplified
rather than attenuated by the media. Previous research has focused on the role of mass
media exposure and has not examined the roles of social media and social networks in
mitigating the gap. This study investigated the potential moderating roles of social media
engagement, social networks, and the interaction between engagement and online and
offline networks. Hypotheses were tested with data from a national sample survey
(N = 991) concerning political and health knowledge. More social media engagement
predicted a smaller knowledge gap in the political domain but not the health domain.
More diverse and denser social media networks predicted a smaller political, but
not health, knowledge gap. Social media engagement interacted with mixed-media
relationships to predict the political knowledge gap. More engagement with mixed-
media relationships was associated with a smaller political knowledge gap.

Keywords
Engagement, health knowledge, knowledge gap, mixed media relationships, network
composition, network density, political knowledge, social media, social networks

The knowledge gap hypothesis (Tichenor et al., 1970) predicts that increasing mass
media diffusion of information will increase, rather than decrease, the inequities in
knowledge across socioeconomic strata (SES). These paradoxical media effects this
hypothesis predicts have received much scholarly attention. With meta-analytic reviews
consistently showing that the knowledge gap is a reliable phenomenon (Gaziano, 1983;

Corresponding author:
Wenbo Li, School of Communication, The Ohio State University, 3028 Derby Hall, 154 N Oval Mall,
Columbus, OH 43210-1132, USA.
Email: li.8852@osu.edu
1024 new media & society 25(5)

Hwang and Jeong, 2009; Lind and Boomgaarden, 2019), studies have sought to identify
the factors that can mitigate this knowledge gap. Researchers have identified a number
of moderators that can reduce the knowledge gap between high and low SES groups
including individual-level factors like information seeking (e.g. Cacciatore et al., 2014),
issue interest (Kwak, 1999), interpersonal discussion (Su et al., 2014), and structural-
level factors such as community pluralism (Finnegan et al., 1993) and community type
(e.g. rural vs urban; Pearson, 1993). However, previous research has not yet addressed
the following three significant areas of inquiry.
First, research has not examined the role social media engagement plays in shaping
the knowledge gap between high and low SES groups. In the social media era, individu-
als can actively engage with the news (e.g. liking, commenting, and sharing) instead of
only experiencing passive exposure. This challenges the core underpinning of the expo-
sure-based knowledge gap in the mass media era. Active engagement as a unique prac-
tice on social media indicates greater interest and motivation than mere exposure and
may help reduce the knowledge gap. An important question thus arises: Can social media
engagement mitigate the knowledge gap?
The second void in the literature concerns the role of social networks. In their seminal
piece, the developers of the knowledge gap hypothesis (Tichenor et al., 1970) speculated
that differences in social networks may modify the influence of SES on knowledge.
Recent evidence suggests that more diverse networks provide people with more diverse
information (Scheufele et al., 2006) and more density in networks brings in more effi-
cient information flow (Luarn and Chiu, 2016), which may facilitate the acquisition and
internalization of knowledge. Social media provide dynamic networking opportunities
for individuals to manage social contacts with greater autonomy and flexibility in online
as well as offline contexts (Hampton, 2016). Increasingly, interdependent online and
offline networks give rise to mixed-media relationships (MMRs; Parks, 2017). Research
has investigated the role of neither online nor offline social networks. Consequently,
another important question surfaces: Do social networks influence the knowledge gap?
The third area to be addressed is the interplay between engagement and social net-
works. The knowledge gap is a multilevel phenomenon (Viswanath and Finnegan, 1996).
Although previous research has examined both individual- and structural-level predic-
tors of the knowledge gap as discussed above, it has not tested the cross-level linkage as
an explanation of the gap. Tichenor et al. (1970) attempted to link the levels of analysis
by providing both macro- and micro-theoretical explanations for the knowledge gap,
such as the differences in selective media use and relevant social contacts. Therefore, the
interaction between engagement and social networks is emphasized in the knowledge
gap hypothesis but has not yet been empirically examined in the literature. Thus, there is
a third question that warrants empirical investigation: Does engagement interact with
social networks in predicting the knowledge gap?
The goal of this study is to address these questions by investigating the roles of
engagement and social networks on social media as well as the interaction between
engagement and social networks in predicting the knowledge gap between high and low
SES groups. Consistent with existing knowledge gap research, SES is operationalized as
the level of education.
Li and Cho 1025

Social media engagement

One major difference between mass media and social media concerns the distinction
between exposure and engagement. While mass media effect is predicated in exposure,
active engagement is central to the conceptualization of social media use. Engagement is
the extent to which individuals interact with news content on social media (Oeldorf-
Hirsch, 2018). Engagement, which is considered to be more powerful than exposure (e.g.
Dewey, 1938), has become a major form of news usage in social media (Oeldorf-Hirsch,
2018). Compared with exposure, engagement indicates greater interest and motivation
(Khan, 2017). Interested and motivated individuals are more likely to derive cognitive
benefits such as involvement, internalization, and cognitive organization from engage-
ment than less interested and motivated individuals (e.g. Brodie et al., 2013); these ben-
efits may facilitate long-term knowledge gains.
Research on the knowledge gap in social media contexts has focused on exposure and
found null or negative effects. Studies show that exposure to social media news does not
contribute to learning about public affairs (e.g. Shehata and Strömbäck, 2018; Woo-Yoo
and Gil de Zúñiga, 2014). Exposure to Facebook news was associated with less political
knowledge (e.g. Cacciatore et al., 2018). With respect to the knowledge gap, greater
online news exposure was linked to a larger knowledge gap in public affairs (Yang and
Grabe, 2011). On the contrary, a more recent study found no significant association
between social media use and a factual science knowledge gap (Chang et al., 2018).
Beyond exposure, engagement, a defining feature of social media, has not been inves-
tigated in knowledge gap research. Engagement indicates a user’s motivation to interact
with news content for certain functions (Khan, 2017; Lee and Ma, 2012). Differences in
motivation may direct high and low SES groups to determine for themselves what con-
tent to engage with and to what extent. Because engagement may facilitate knowledge
gains, differences in knowledge levels may occur across SES groups depending on the
degree of engagement. Here, engagement is a moderating variable when it comes to the
association between SES and knowledge. This prediction is consistent with the motiva-
tion-contingency model of knowledge gap, which predicts that people across SES groups
who are motivated to acquire information and/or for whom information is functional,
will acquire more knowledge than those who are not motivated and/or for whom the
information is not functional (Ettema and Kline, 1977). Hence, the gap is less likely to
occur among those who engage more with social media news. In other words, the asso-
ciation between SES and knowledge across low and high SES groups will be attenuated
when engagement is high.
Importantly, the knowledge gap could be reduced as a result of the ceiling effect (see
Ettema and Kline, 1977, for a review). The ceiling effect occurs when (a) the breadth and
depth of content within high SES groups’ media environment have reached their limits
and thus will not allow further knowledge gains or when (b) high SES groups’ knowl-
edge has reached the upper limit of the knowledge measurement (Eveland and Scheufele,
2000). In the social media context, because people typically engage with news content
available through their social networks (Oeldorf-Hirsch and Sundar, 2015), their knowl-
edge acquisition may reach the “ceiling” when their knowledge levels have hit the upper
limit of available information. By contrast, low SES groups exhibiting greater
1026 new media & society 25(5)

engagement are expected to acquire more knowledge from relatively novel information
circulating in their social networks than if they do not engage, allowing them to catch up
to high SES groups. Taken together, the knowledge gap may be less likely due to the
increased knowledge of low SES groups, the decreased knowledge of high SES groups,
or a mixture of the two. Regardless, the knowledge gap may be so mitigated by engage-
ment that the gap between high and low SES groups is less likely to occur among those
with high social media engagement.

H1. The knowledge gap is contingent upon social media engagement such that the gap
is less likely to occur when social media engagement is high rather than low.

Social networks
Social networks remain an untested moderator of the knowledge gap phenomenon pre-
dicted by the developers of the theory. In their initial explication of the knowledge gap,
Tichenor et al. (1970) proposed that the knowledge gap can be attributed to the differ-
ences in reference groups and the interpersonal contacts in their social networks between
high and low SES groups. Scholars emphasize the value of social networks because they
provide information that is available in the social environment (Viswanath and Emmons,
2006). In addition, social media have granted individuals more opportunities to build
social networks in the online world (Hampton, 2016). These networks vary in structure
(Gil de Zúñiga and Valenzuela, 2011), and this variance in network structure may influ-
ence the knowledge gap. Existing research on the knowledge gap, however, has not
examined the role of social media networks.
This study focuses on the social ties on social media that are directly connected to an
individual (i.e. “personal network,” Hogan et al., 2007). Personal networks provide egos
(i.e. focal individuals) with direct access to social resources and information (Brooks
et al., 2011). In this study, the personal network takes on two dimensions: network com-
position and network density. More diverse network composition can bring in more
diverse information (Song and Eveland, 2015); denser networks offer additional path-
ways for information spread, allowing it to flow quickly and thoroughly (Morey et al.,
2012). Research of social media networks shows that high SES is unrelated to greater
networking opportunities but is related to better capitalization of existing networks
(Brooks et al., 2011). Consequently, low and high SES groups may differ in their abilities
to extract information from their social media networks, resulting in differential effects
on knowledge acquisition.
Network composition assesses the degree to which a network contains ties of different
types such as family, colleagues, and strangers (Lai, 2019). More diverse composition
denotes a wider variety of social relations in one’s social network (Lai, 2019). The diver-
sity of network composition increases the probability of and opportunity for social inter-
actions with individuals of different backgrounds, viewpoints, and preferences (Scheufele
et al., 2006). These social interactions may overcome ethnic, social, and ideological
boundaries (Hampton et al., 2010). Exchanges in diverse networks encourage public
deliberation (Delli Carpini et al., 2004) and thereby knowledge acquisition. As such,
individuals embedded in relationally diverse networks are more likely to be exposed to
Li and Cho 1027

novel knowledge and to recognize, assimilate, and utilize the knowledge through interac-
tions with their social ties. Furthermore, the varied viewpoints and preferences within a
diverse network may also increase one’s need for information on a wider range of topics
(McLeod et al., 1998), and the need for information may, in turn, encourage information
seeking that contributes to knowledge acquisition. Overall, knowledge would be propor-
tional to the degree of diverse network composition.

H2a. The knowledge gap is contingent upon network composition such that the gap is
less likely to occur when the network composition is more diverse.

Network density indicates the extent to which individuals in a network are relation-
ally close to one another (Wasserman and Faust, 1994). Individuals with dense social
networks have more interconnected ties in their networks. Dense networks can be benefi-
cial for knowledge acquisition for two reasons. One, dense networks speed-up the diffu-
sion of information (e.g. Luarn and Chiu, 2016; Midgley et al., 1992). In other words,
information flow is more efficient in highly dense networks than in less dense ones. Two,
because of shared social connections, dense social networks are better able to generate
trust (McGloin et al., 2014) and observe a greater rate of reciprocation (Marsden, 1990)
relative to sparse networks. Trust and reciprocity in turn incur greater social interaction
and knowledge exchange and therefore increase learning from social contacts (Dyer and
Nobeoka, 2000). Overall, due to more efficient information diffusion and more effective
learning, individuals with dense networks acquire more knowledge than those with
sparse ones. For this reason, greater network density may also reduce the relationship
between SES and knowledge.

H2b. The knowledge gap is contingent upon network density such that the gap is less
likely to occur when the network composition is denser.

People’s social networks, both online and offline, may also modify the knowledge gap
between high and low SES groups. Parks (2017) observed that people alternate between
multiple modes of communication across online and offline channels to manage social
relationships including MMRs (Parks, 2017). MMRs are a joint product of interpersonal
communication and social relationships across online and offline contexts. The benefits
of MMRs have been well documented by previous research. According to the media
multiplexity theory (Haythornthwaite, 2005), people use multiple media to communicate
with strong ties; the more media people use for communicating with network ties, the
stronger their relationships will become. Research shows that strong mixed media-based
relationships help people stay informed about current affairs (Tian and Robinson, 2008).
As people navigate MMRs, their online and offline social resources enrich and amplify
each other (Requena and Ayuso, 2019) leading to more frequent social interactions and
thereby greater knowledge transfer. Therefore, people with higher MMRs may be more
likely to acquire knowledge from their social contacts than those who rely less on mixed-
media interactions.
Social media use involving MMRs may produce different social and psychological
outcomes (Parks, 2017). People in different SES groups may respond differently to
1028 new media & society 25(5)

information from MMRs, leading to different levels of knowledge acquisition. For

instance, people of high SES may be better able to capitalize on MMRs than those of low
SES (Brooks et al., 2011). Thus, we expect MMRs to modify the relationship between
SES and knowledge acquisition. People with greater MMRs are more likely to benefit
from their social contacts in knowledge acquisition compared with those with fewer
MMRs. The advantage of MMRs may also mitigate the low SES group’s limitations in
social contacts and access to information. Low SES groups with greater MMRs may
acquire greater knowledge from social contacts than low SES groups with fewer MMRs.
In other words, the association between SES and knowledge may be stronger among
those with fewer MMRs, leading to a greater knowledge gap. Conversely, the association
could be attenuated by greater MMRs where a reduced knowledge gap could be observed.

H3. The knowledge gap is contingent on MMRs such that the gap is less likely to
occur when MMRs are high rather than low.

Interaction between engagement and network

We hypothesized that individual-level social media engagement and structural-level
social network factors mitigate the knowledge gap between high and low SES groups.
While the two variables are important for explaining the knowledge gap in their own
right, investigating their influence separately may not provide us with an ecologically
valid understanding of the knowledge gap. More important is the linkage between indi-
vidual- and structural-level explanations. Echoing Viswanath and Finnegan’s (1996:
203) call for “finding distinctive links between the two levels” for explaining the knowl-
edge gap, we consider the above hypotheses together and further examine whether
engagement and social networks interact with each other in predicting the knowledge
gap. Of interest is whether and how engagement modifies the association of social media
networks and MMRs with the knowledge gap between high and low SES groups.
Social media engagement is a phenomenon of social structure; that is, social struc-
tures can determine the extent of social media engagement (e.g. Tichenor et al., 1980;
Wu et al., 2011) noted that exposure to media messages is a function of differences in
offline community factors (e.g. community heterogeneity, multiple sources of power).
Network characteristics, therefore, may determine whether and to what extent people
will interact with social media news (Thorson and Wells, 2016). Individuals who engage
more with social media may learn more from the news than those less engaged. This
advantage of engagement may complement the advantages of network dimensions dis-
cussed earlier in reducing the knowledge gap. Among those with less diverse, dense
networks and fewer MMRs, high engagement may compensate for their lack of access to
the advantages of these network dimensions in facilitating knowledge acquisition.
Simply put, among those with less diverse, dense networks and greater MMRs, the
knowledge gap is less likely to occur when they engage more with news in social media.
Among those with more diverse, dense networks and greater MMRs, engagement may
further attenuate the association between SES and knowledge, thereby making the
knowledge gap less likely to occur.
Li and Cho 1029

H4. Social media engagement modifies the associations between social networks and
the knowledge gap such that the associations between social media network (a) com-
position and (b) density and the knowledge gap are smaller among those with high
engagement.
H5. Social media engagement modifies the MMRs’ association with the knowledge
gap such that the MMRs’ association with the knowledge gap is smaller among those
with high engagement.

These five hypotheses were tested across the two knowledge domains of health and
politics. Of interest is the possibility that the hypothesized relationships may vary by
knowledge domains. Meta-analyses have shown that the education–knowledge relation-
ship differs by knowledge topics (Hwang and Jeong, 2009; Lind and Boomgaarden,
2019). Therefore, a multi-domain investigation may afford a more comprehensive view
of the knowledge gap’s associations with individual- and structural-level factors.

Method
Design and sample
Research has shown that the knowledge gap is both a cross-sectional and longitudinal
phenomenon (Gaziano, 1983; Tichenor et al., 1970). This study focused on the cross-
sectional occurrence of the knowledge gap. Health and political knowledge have been
the two major domains of inquiry of knowledge gap research (health: e.g. Ettema et al.,
1983; Viswanath et al., 1993; politics: e.g. Ettema and Kline, 1977; Kwak, 1999).
Previous research has focused on either health or politics but not both. We focus on both
health and political knowledge for a more comprehensive investigation of the knowledge
gap phenomenon.
We conducted a survey of adults in the United States using the online panel of
Dynata (formerly Research Now). This sample was drawn from the strata of the panel
based on age, sex, race, and education to simulate population characteristics of the
2010 US Census. The web-based platform Qualtrics was used to administer the
survey.
A power analysis using R package pwr showed that a sample size of 782 was needed
for an r value of .1 representing a small effect as found in a recent meta-analysis (Lind
and Boomgaarden, 2019). The two most recent knowledge gap studies using a similar
design used sample sizes of around 1000 (Cacciatore et al., 2018; Lee and Xenos, 2019).
On these bases, a sample size of 1000 was targeted for the current study. A total of 991
cases were obtained after removing missing and invalid cases. The average age of
respondents in the sample was 51.4 (SD = 15.9) years, with 60.4% female. The sample
comprised 63.2% White, 17.1% Black, 11.5% Hispanic, and 3.0% Asian. The respond-
ents in our sample were more educated and older but more ethnically diverse than the
2010 US Census. These demographic characteristics are comparable to previous national
surveys utilizing similar sampling strategies (e.g. Gil de Zúñiga et al., 2017). Data were
collected between 20 February and 4 March 2020.
1030 new media & society 25(5)

Measurement
Measurement reliability was assessed with Pearson’s r for two-item scales and Cronbach’s
α for all other scales including those for knowledge, consistent with previous knowledge
gap research (e.g. Eveland and Scheufele, 2000; Kwak, 1999). The response scale for
knowledge measures included multiple-choice and true/false/don’t know categories. In
the latter, correct responses to each question were coded as 1, and incorrect and “Don’t
know” responses were coded as 0. Domain-specific scores were aggregated for composite
indexes for health and political knowledge. A full list of knowledge items and scales is
available in the online supplementary material. For multi-item scales, principal compo-
nent factor analyses were used to reduce the number of items for the final scales. The item
reduction was based on item loadings, explained variance, and inter-item correlations.

Education
Consistent with Tichenor et al. (1970) and other accumulated knowledge gap research,
education was used as an indicator of SES. Respondents were asked to indicate the high-
est grade or level of schooling they completed. The response scale ranged from less than
8 years, 8–11 years, 12 years or completed high school, post-high school training other
than college (vocational or technical), some college, and college graduate to postgradu-
ate (range = [1, 7]). On average, the respondents completed “some college” as their level
of education (M = 4.99, SD = 1.41).

Health knowledge
Items were adapted from previous research (e.g. Franks et al., 2017) and national surveys
(e.g. Annenberg National Health Communication Survey). The items covered three areas
with four questions about cancer, six about HPV, and six about e-cigarettes. Sample
items included, “At which age are individuals recommended to get their first colonos-
copy?” Sample true/false questions included “E-cigarettes contain toxic chemicals” and
“HPV is transmitted by skin-to-skin contact.” These responses were summed to create an
index (α = .73, range = [0, 16], M = 9.18, SD = 3.36).

Political knowledge
Consistent with the approach used in prior research (American National Election Studies;
Delli Carpini and Keeter, 1993), the political knowledge scale covered situational political
issues and enduring political rules and systems. Items included, “Which party currently has
more members in the U.S. House of Representatives?” “What is the length of a U.S. senator’s
term?” “Which of the following Supreme Court Justices was appointed by President Trump?”
These items were summed to create an index (α = .60, range = [0, 5], M = 2.46, SD = 1.55).

Social media engagement

Khan’s (2017) scale was used to measure social media engagement. Respondents were
asked to indicate how often they share, like, comment, and read comments on social
Li and Cho 1031

media news posts on a 5-point Likert-type scale (1 = “never” to 5 = “always”). The four
items composed a single factor which accounted for 75% of the variance, and they were
averaged for an index (α = .89, M = 2.31, SD = .94).

Social media networks

Network composition. Lai’s (2019) scale was used to measure the composition of social
media networks. Respondents were asked, when posting updates on social media, how
often the following contacts respond to their posts. The contacts included family, friends,
co-workers/classmates, acquaintances, and strangers. The response scale ranged from
1 = “never” to 5 = “always.” The five items were averaged to create an index (α = .84,
M = 2.41, SD = .92).
Network density was assessed with the one-item scale used by Lai (2019). Respondents
were asked to report how many of their social media contacts know each other on a
5-point scale (1 = “none of them know each other” to 5 = “almost all of them know each
other”). An average respondent had “some of them know each other” in social media
networks (M = 3.01, SD = 1.06).

MMRs
Lai’s (2019) scale was used to measure MMRs. It assessed how many of the respondents’
contacts in four categories (family, friends, co-workers/classmates, acquaintances) main-
tained connections through forms other than social media on a 5-point scale (1 = “none of
them,” 2 = “a few,” 3 = “half,” 4 = “most of them,” 5 = “all of them”). These four items
composed two factors which accounted for 82% of the variance. The first factor encom-
passed proximal contacts (family, friends; r = .61, p < .001, M = 3.48, SD = 1.12), and the
second factor covered distal contacts (co-workers/classmates, acquaintances; r = .62,
p < .001, M = 2.41, SD = 1.14).

Covariates
The following were measured and entered as covariates in all analyses: age, gender, race,
political orientation (measured on a 5-point scale from 1 = “very liberal” to 5 = “very
conservative”; M = 2.96, SD = 1.28), the frequencies of social media use (measured on a
5-point scale from 1 = “never” to 5 = “very often”; M = 1.77, SD = .79), the frequencies of
mass media use (M = 2.87, SD = .93), and interest in health (measured on a 5-point scale
from 1 = “not at all interested” to 5 = “very interested”; M = 3.15, SD = 1.23)/politics
(M = 3.11, SD = 1.37).

Analysis strategy
A series of ordinary least squares (OLS) multiple regressions were conducted using the
R platform for statistical computing version 4.0.2. Health and political knowledge were
entered as outcome variables for their respective multiple regression models. With
respect to predictors, the interaction terms were calculated by multiplying variables of
1032 new media & society 25(5)

Figure 1. Social media engagement associated with a reduced political knowledge gap between
high and low education groups.

interest for each hypothesis and included in the model, along with the covariates noted
above. All continuous variables were mean centered for meaningful interpretations.
Significant interaction effects were probed using the Johnson–Neyman technique in R
package interactions (Long, 2019).

Results
H1 predicted that the knowledge gap would be contingent upon social media engage-
ment, such that the gap would be less likely to occur when social media engagement was
high rather than low. The interaction between engagement and education was significant
for political knowledge (b = −.07, p = .016) but not for health knowledge (b = −.12,
p = .083). Social media engagement was associated with increased political knowledge of
those with an education level lower than −2.18 but not associated with political knowl-
edge of those with an education level higher than −2.18. Figure 1 visualizes this interac-
tion. H1 was partially supported.
H2 predicted that the knowledge gap would be contingent upon network composition
and density such that the gap would be less likely to occur when the network was (a)
more diverse and (b) denser. Network composition interacted with education in predict-
ing political knowledge (b = −.08, p = .012) but not health knowledge (b = −.03, p = .699).
More diverse composition was associated with increased political knowledge among
those with an education level lower than −3.51 and decreased political knowledge among
those with an education level higher than .93. H2a was partially supported.
Network density interacted with education in predicting political knowledge (b = −.05,
p = .047) but not health knowledge (b = −.01, p = .863). Network density was associated
Li and Cho 1033

Figure 2. Social media network composition associated with a reduced political knowledge
gap between high and low education groups.

Figure 3. Social media network density associated with a reduced political knowledge gap
between high and low education groups.

with increased political knowledge among those with an education level lower than
−2.22 but was not associated with political knowledge among those with an education
level higher than −2.22. H2b was partially supported. Figures 2 and 3 visualize the two
interactions.
1034 new media & society 25(5)

H3 predicted that the knowledge gap would be contingent on MMRs such that the gap
would be less likely to occur when MMRs were high rather than low. Education did not
interact with MMRs with proximal ties for health (b = .01, p = .802) or political knowl-
edge (b = .02, p = .541). Nor did education interact with MMRs with distal ties for health
(b = -.002, p = .975) or political knowledge (b = −.04, p = .134). H3 was rejected.
H4 predicted that social media engagement would modify the association between
social networks and the knowledge gap such that the associations between social media
(a) network composition and (b) density and the knowledge gap would be smaller among
those with high engagement.
The results showed a nonsignificant three-way interaction between education, engage-
ment, and network composition in predicting health (b = .008, p = .916) and political
knowledge (b = .01, p = .661). After dropping the nonsignificant three-way interaction
terms from the models, significant two-way interactions were observed. Specifically,
engagement interacted with network composition in predicting health knowledge
(b = −.21, p = .047). Network composition was associated with decreased health knowl-
edge when engagement was greater than 1.22 and was not associated with health knowl-
edge when engagement was less than 1.22. Engagement also interacted with network
composition in predicting political knowledge (b = −.09, p = .037). Network composition
was associated with decreased political knowledge when engagement was greater than
.73 and was not associated with political knowledge when engagement was less than .73.
H4a was partially supported.
Regarding network density, the three-way interaction among network density, engage-
ment, and education was not significant for health (b = .02, p = .685) or political knowl-
edge (b = −.02, p = .383). After dropping the nonsignificant three-way interaction term,
network density interacted with engagement in predicting health knowledge (b = −.18,
p = .045). Network density was associated with increased health knowledge when
engagement was lower than −.87 but not associated with health knowledge when engage-
ment was higher than −.87. No significant two-way interaction was found for political
knowledge. H4b was partially supported.
H5 predicted that engagement would modify the MMRs’ association with the knowl-
edge gap between high and low education groups such that MMRs’ association with the
knowledge gap would be smaller among those exhibiting high engagement. Engagement
did not interact with MMRs with proximal ties and education in predicting health knowl-
edge (b = .04, p = .548), nor did it interact with MMRs with distal ties and education
(b = .06, p = .315). After dropping this nonsignificant three-way interaction term, engage-
ment interacted with MMRs with distal ties in predicting health knowledge (b = −.21,
p = .016). MMRs with distal ties were associated with decreased health knowledge when
engagement was greater than -.13 and were not associated with health knowledge when
engagement was less than −.13.
Regarding political knowledge, there were significant three-way interactions between
education, engagement, and MMRs with proximal ties (b = .06, p = .028) and distal ties
(b = .04, p = .047). Among those with fewer MMRs with proximal ties, engagement was
associated with increased political knowledge among those with an education level lower
than −.74 and not associated with political knowledge among those with an education
level higher than −.74. Among those with more MMRs with proximal ties, the association
Li and Cho 1035

Figure 4. MMRs with proximal ties’ association with political knowledge gap is smaller among
those with high engagement.

between engagement and political knowledge did not vary by education levels. This sug-
gests that engagement was associated with a reduced political knowledge gap when
MMRs with proximal ties were low and was not associated with the political knowledge
gap when they were high. Figure 4 visualizes this interaction.
Among those with fewer MMRs with distal ties, engagement was associated with
increased political knowledge among those with an education level lower than −.56 and
not associated with political knowledge among those with an education level higher than
−.56. Among those with more MMRs with distal ties, the association between engage-
ment and political knowledge did not vary by education level. This suggests that engage-
ment was associated with a reduced political knowledge gap when MMRs with distal ties
were low and was not associated with the political knowledge gap when they were high.
H5 received support for political knowledge and partial support for health knowledge.
Tables 2 and 3 in the online supplemental material present the results of OLS regressions
predicting health and political knowledge.

Discussion
In this study, we conducted a national survey to investigate the roles of social media
engagement and social networks in predicting the health and political knowledge gaps
between high and low SES groups. Overall, the results show that more engagement pre-
dicted a smaller political knowledge gap between high and low SES groups. Greater
diversity and density of social media networks predicted a smaller political knowledge
1036 new media & society 25(5)

gap between SES groups. Social media network composition and density interacted with
engagement in predicting health and political knowledge without being moderated by
education level. This suggests the association between individual-level engagement
behaviors and knowledge is dependent on social media structural factors. Moreover,
more engagement with low MMRs (i.e. the mix of online and offline networks) predicted
a smaller political knowledge gap.
Prior knowledge gap research, focusing on exposure, has provided a limited under-
standing of its functions in social media. By examining engagement, this study addresses
an important void in existing knowledge gap research. The role of engagement observed
in the political knowledge gap suggests that engagement functions differently than expo-
sure in the knowledge gap on social media. Previous research showed that exposure to
social media is either unrelated or negatively related to the knowledge gap (e.g. Cacciatore
et al., 2018; Chang et al., 2018). The findings of this study show that exposure provides,
at best, an incomplete understanding of the social media knowledge gap. Engagement was
beneficial for low education groups because it mitigated the political knowledge gap by
increasing low SES groups’ knowledge while not impacting high SES groups’ knowledge.
This could be due to the ceiling effect that occurs when high SES groups reach the level
of knowledge where additional information intake is redundant (Ettema and Kline, 1977).
To our knowledge, this study is the first to examine the relationship between online
social networks and knowledge acquisition differences between different population
groups. The findings lend support to Tichenor et al.’s (1970) speculation that the differ-
ences in people’s social networks may explain the knowledge gap between different SES
groups. We hope our initial efforts serve as a useful foundation for future investigations
on the role of social media network effects on the knowledge gap.
Notably, both network density and composition diversity reduced the political knowl-
edge gap by increasing the low SES group’s knowledge. The findings suggest that net-
work structure factors may serve different functions in influencing knowledge acquisition
among different SES groups. More diverse and denser networks may be beneficial for
low SES groups. The information from these networks is easier to digest than that from
traditional media and is not available in a less diverse and more efficient information
flow. In contrast, these advantages may not be as beneficial for high SES groups.
Information from more diverse and denser networks may have reached its upper limit of
breadth and depth at a certain point for high SES groups. As a result, their knowledge
may stagnate or even decrease. Overall, greater diversity and density in social media
networks may be more beneficial for low SES groups than for high SES groups in terms
of acquisition of political knowledge.
Our study contributes to theory and research by linking individual-level and struc-
tural-level explanations of the knowledge gap within and beyond social media, as shown
in H5. The findings show the structural conditions under which individual-level varia-
bles can predict information inequities. This multilevel explanation shifts the focus from
motivation to social structure and the interplay between the two. Extending previous
research in offline contexts (e.g. Gaziano, 1984; Viswanath et al., 1993), this study shows
that associations of social structural factors with knowledge gaps span across online and
offline modalities, as evidenced by the moderating role of MMRs. Specifically, MMRs
were positively correlated with education in this study (Table 1), suggesting that high
 Li and Cho

Table 1. Zero-order correlations between variables.

Variable 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15
1. Age
2. Gender .18**
3. Race .21** .11**
4. Political Orientation .14** .10** .18**
5. Interest (health) .09** .03 −.03 −.06
6. Interest (politics) .17** .24** .06* −.06 .48**
7. Social media use −.41** −.05 −.20** −.06 .21** .17**
8. Mass media use .23** .13** −.00 .02 .44** .46** .27**
9. Education .16** .24** .12** −.02 .21** .25** −.02 .21**
10. Engagement −.26** −.10** −.11** −.06* .26** .26** .60** .24** −.05
11. Health knowledge .08* −.11** .12** −.04 .22** .13** −.04 .14** .17** .04
12. Political knowledge .32** .28** .16** −.05 .20** .43** −.14** .25** .35** −.04 .20**
13. Composition −.20** −.10** −.07* .07* .17** .12** .46** .21** −.02 .60** .01 −.09**
14. Density −.17** −.06 −.04 .03 .06 .04 .22** .02 −.04 .32** .03 −.04 .51**
15. MMRs1 .04 .04 .09** .06 .17** .15** .12** .23** .11** .09** .07* .10** .25** .10**
16. MMRs2 −.02 .13** .04 .03 .17** .16** .16** .27** .18** .08* −.00 .11** .20** −.02 .58**

Note. Gender: male; Race: White; Political orientation: conservative. Engagement: social media engagement; Composition: social media network composition hetero-
geneity; Density: social media network density; MMRs1: mixed-media relationships with proximal ties; MMRs2: mixed-media relationships with distal ties.
*p < .05. **p < .01.
1037
1038 new media & society 25(5)

SES groups may enjoy certain social network advantages over low SES groups. And the
fact that the MMRs’ relationship with the political knowledge gap was moderated by
social media engagement suggests that the impact of the SES groups’ structural differ-
ences in mixed-media networks was contingent on individual-level media use behaviors.
The findings on MMRs’ role in the political knowledge gap advance the existing litera-
ture by demonstrating the impact MMRs can have on information inequity.
This study is among the first to investigate the knowledge gaps across health and
political domains. Consistent with the knowledge gap hypothesis, education was posi-
tively associated with the levels of both health and political knowledge, with education
being associated more with political knowledge (.35) than with health knowledge (.17).
The political knowledge gap, rather than the health knowledge gap, was more contingent
on social network factors including social media networks and MMRs. This may be
because, compared with health, political issues are more likely to be discussed in inter-
personal situations (Minozzi et al., 2020). Therefore, the political knowledge gap varies
more by network factors than does the health knowledge gap. Future research should
continue to investigate knowledge gaps across diverse domains of knowledge.

Limitations
This study has several limitations. First, more items were used for measuring health
knowledge (n = 16) than political knowledge (n = 5). Future research may include more
comprehensive measures for political knowledge. Second, the reliance on self-reported
data for social network factors may limit our ability to capture more nuances in people’s
social networks. Third, the social network measures used in this study were not platform
specific. As social networks may differ across unique social media platforms, future
research should address this limitation. Finally, the measure used for network composi-
tion assessed response network composition rather than the broader social media net-
work composition. Response networks could be a subset of general networks, providing
a snapshot of the composition of one’s networks on social media. However, the composi-
tion of general social media networks may have different effects on the knowledge gap.
Future research should examine convergent and divergent roles of these networks in the
knowledge gap.

Implications for theory and research

The findings of the study offer three main implications. First, information inequity in the
social media era may not be just a matter of access but also the quality of use. Second,
the role of social networks in knowledge gaps suggests that information inequity has to
be conceptualized as a structural factor and addressed with a focus on social processes of
information transmission. Efforts to reduce the knowledge gap should move beyond
individual-level media use and aim at its interplay with social structures. Third, given the
findings, communication campaigns mounted at multiple social levels can be effective in
eliminating knowledge gaps and influencing social change. Furthermore, this study pro-
vides specific guidance for future efforts by specifying the role of individual-level vari-
ables under varying structural conditions.
Li and Cho 1039

Funding
The authors received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this
article.

ORCID iD
Wenbo Li https://orcid.org/0000-0003-0417-1758

Supplemental material
Supplemental material for this article is available online.

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Author biographies
Wenbo Li is a PhD candidate in the School of Communication at the Ohio State University. His
research program centers around media effects, social media, and social networks. His current
research interests focus on the role of social media in health disparities and social justice.
Hyunyi Cho is a Professor in the School of Communication at the Ohio State University. Her
research engages a broad range of theories and methods, focusing on the examination of issues
concerning health and risk. Her current research interests span media effects and media literacy to
communication about race.