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First, one argument is that the increase in homophobic policing since the early 2000s can be attributed
to the presidency of Vladmir Putin or re-instatement of Valery Zorkin as chair of the Constitutional
Court in 2003. Putin’s anti-west narrative is strong. He has claimed that the west will destroy Russia
by encouraging people to be homosexual. Homosexual people became scapegoats for everything that
was going wrong in Russia (CNN, 2022). Nevertheless, the 2020 constitutional amendments included
a provision in the constitution defining a marriage as a union of man and woman (art. 72(1). It is true
that this definition had been used in the Family Code before but it was not in the Constitution.
Another article of the constitution (art. 114) was amended to make the government responsible for
'supporting, strengthening and protecting family, protection of 'traditional family values' (1(в), thus
creating some sort of enforcement mechanism. (Valerie Sperling, Presentation).
Secondly, homophobic policies are a continuation of the attitude towards homosexual people in soviet
russia (Valerie sperling). The 2020 constitutional amendments illustrate this. Art 7(1), for example,
defines marriage as a union between men and women only. Art 114 is an enforcement mechanism; the
government is responsible for 'supporting, strengthening and protecting family, protection of
'traditional family values'.
First, the biggest impact of these amendments is that they have solidified Russia’s move towards
ultra-conservatism. It can be argued that before these constitutional amendments, Russia was merely
‘conservative’. However, Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has precipitated a rhetoric that uses
homophobia to justify war. Before this, prior to 2020, the president made only one ultra-conservative
statement concerning the role of women and only two statements concerning the LGBTQ
community. These dynamics changed in the lead up to the invasion.
Second, this has showcased to the West and Russian citizens themselves that there will be no legal or
political consequences to Russia’s toxic ultra-conservatism. Putin has gradually become more
confident in violating human rights, moral rights and eventually has felt comfortable enough to invade
Ukraine using this rhetoric without fears of retaliation, accountability or consequences from the West
or the International Court of Justice. Therefore, Russia can freely act in ways that directly contradict
its own Constitution, namely Article 29(1), guaranteeing freedom of speech and expression and
Article 29 (2), prohibiting ‘Propaganda or agitation that incite social, racial, national or religious
hatred and enmity’.
Third, contrary to the entrenched Articles of the constitution, these amendments have solidified
Putin’s edicts on Traditional Values (2022). Article 5 protects ‘traditional values’ of ‘high moral
ideals and traditional family life’, while Article 10 will implement ‘state policy to preserve and
strengthen traditional values is implemented in the field of education and upbringing and work with
youth,’. Evidently, there is no space for same-sex relations or individuals in this ultra-conservative
society. The future does not seem bright.
One, I found it quite engaging to go above and beyond the factual information we had explored in
class, to use critical thinking to assess the impact and significance of the topic we had chosen. This
helped connect different concepts we have been exploring through the course of the module across
different blocks. The complete picture seems to come together and evidence how these concepts are
inherently interrelated.
Two, I found it a little challenging to search for credible and valuable sources outside the wide range
of sources in our required and further reading. Therefore, I decided to use the wide sources we had
been provided and synthesize my analysis from these sources. They proved to be very sufficient for a
comprehensive analysis.