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Contents • vii
6. Social Role Theory 166

Case Vignette 167
Historical Context 168
Key Concepts 169
New Directions 176
A Research Example: Balancing Work and Family Roles 182
An Application: Supporting Refugee Families and Youth 185
How Does Social Role Theory Answer the Basic Questions That a
Theory of Human Development Is Expected to Address? 187
Critique of Social Role Theory 190
Critical Thinking Questions and Exercises 192
Key Terms 193
Recommended Resources 193
References 194
7. Life Course Theory 198
Case Vignette 199
Key Concepts 202
New Directions 207
A Research Example: Work and Family Trade-Offs in Three Cohorts 209
An Application: Life Course Theory and Trajectories of Criminal Behavior 211
How Does Life Course Theory Answer the Questions That a
Critique of Life Course Theory 216
Key Terms 219
References 220
Part III: Theories That Emphasize the Interaction Between the

Person and the Environment 223
8. Psychosocial Theory 225

Case Vignette 226
Key Concepts 230
New Directions 235
A Research Example: Individual Identity 240
An Application: The Role of Hope in Coping and Problem Solving 242
How Does Psychosocial Theory Answer the Basic Questions That a
Critique of Psychosocial Theory 247
Key Terms 250
References 251
viii • Contents
9. Cognitive Social-Historical Theory255

Case Vignette 256
Key Concepts 259
New Directions 265
A Research Example: Cultural Management of Attention 268
An Application: Implications of Vygotsky’s Theory for Instruction 270
How Does Cognitive Social-Historical Theory Answer the Basic Questions
That a Theory of Human Development Is Expected to Address? 272
Critique of Cognitive Social-Historical Theory 276
Key Terms 280
References 281
10. Bioecological Theory 284
Case Vignette 285
Key Concepts 290
New Directions 294
A Research Example: Sensitive Care in Two Cultures 295
An Application: Evaluating the Impact of Early Childhood Care
on Developmental Outcomes 297
How Does Bioecological Theory Answer the Basic Questions
Critique of Bioecological Theory 302
Key Terms 305
References 306
11. Dynamic Systems Theory 308
Case Vignette 309
Key Concepts 312
New Directions 321
A Research Example: The A-not-B Error 325
An Application: A Dynamic Systems Model of Antisocial Development 327
How Does Dynamic Systems Theory Answer the Basic Questions
Critique of Dynamic Systems Theory 333
Key Terms 336
References 337
Contents • ix
12. Epilogue 340

Case Vignette and Analysis 341
Why So Many Theories? 348
Which One Shall I Choose? 351
Glossary 352
Author Index 367
Subject Index 369
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Preface
Think about the power of ideas. Consider how concepts like freedom, justice, or equality have
inspired action, or how ideas like loyalty, authority, and discipline have influenced family and
military life. Scientific theories are logical, empirically grounded sets of ideas that can have a
profound impact on the way one understands oneself and others. Theories draw you into a world
of ideas, leading you to consider relationships, processes, time, culture, and self in new ways
and suggesting methods for exploring human behavior. The goal of this book is to provide an
engaging introduction to theoretical perspectives about human development. The ten theories
that are presented have guided research, intervention, and practice in numerous fields including
developmental psychology, life-span development, education, medicine and nursing, social work,
human services, counseling, parenting, therapy, and mental health.
One weakness of several current books in this area is that they offer a “shotgun” approach to
theory. Each chapter is typically devoted to a separate theory, but students have no idea why these
theories were selected or how they relate to one another. In contrast, this book is designed to
focus on three major families of theories: those that emphasize biological systems in guiding the
direction of development; those that emphasize environmental factors in guiding the direction of
development; and those that emphasize a dynamic interaction between biological, environmental,
and self-directed forces in guiding the direction of development. Within each family, a small
number of influential theories are presented. These theories were selected because they have had
a major impact on developmental science and continue to evolve because of new insights from
contemporary scholarly work. Our hope is that, in examining the concepts and perspectives of
the ten theories, students will have new resources to think critically about theoretical ideas, begin
to assess the strengths and weaknesses of the theories, and gain a deeper understanding of how
the particular emphasis of a theory guides research, application, policy, and public opinion.
The book highlights the role of theories in building a knowledge base. Theories guide research,
help to interpret behavior, and guide the design of interventions. Students will appreciate how
theories are revised and extended as new issues are brought to light. They will observe, through
examples, how the research process contributes to the evaluation and modification of theories.
They will be able to appreciate how, over time, ideas that may have been introduced in one
theory are revisited in another theoretical framework, and how an emerging societal issue or
new research capability brings back the relevance of a theoretical concept from the past. Students
will also be encouraged to consider the historical and cultural context within which each theory
was developed. This perspective suggests that there are inevitable biases that accompany any
individual’s efforts to explain and predict human behavior, situated as they are in the prevailing
xi
xii • Preface
scientific environment and influenced by the theorist’s particular scholarly training, values, and
beliefs.
The book was written for upper division undergraduates and beginning graduate students
who have already taken one course in human development or developmental psychology. It
is comprised of 12 chapters: an introduction, ten theory chapters divided into three families,
and an epilogue. The introduction (Chapter 1) reviews the role that theories play in guiding
the development of knowledge and the design of interventions. It also highlights some of the
challenges of understanding human development across the life span. The introductory chapter
introduces six guiding questions that a theory of human development is expected to address.
These questions are addressed in each theory chapter, providing a vehicle for students to compare
and contrast the contributions of each theory. Each family of theories is introduced with a brief
interlude that provides some highlights of each theory and its unique perspectives, and an
explanation for why the theories in that section have been grouped together.
The discussion of each theory includes the following sections:
A. Guiding questions: each chapter begins with a small set of guiding questions to help orient the
reader to some big ideas and to introduce issues that will be central to the focus of the theory.
B. An opening case and brief narrative that links the case to themes from the theory.
C. The historical and cultural context in which the theory was developed.
D. An overview of the theory’s key concepts and important ideas.
E. New directions that extend the theory in contemporary scientific work.
F. A research example that shows how the theory has been tested and modified.
G. An application that shows how the theory has guided the design of an intervention or program,
or has been used to inform practice.
H. An analysis of how the theory answers six basic questions that a theory of human development
is expected to address.
I. A critique of the theory, pointing out strengths and weaknesses, and a table which summarizes
these points.
J. A set of critical thinking questions and exercises.
K. Key terms.
L. Recommended resources.
A major objective of this book is to foster critical thinking and an active approach to
learning. The book is written in a clear, comprehensible style without sacrificing the integrity
and complexity of ideas. Concepts are explained so that students can grasp the underlying logic
of the theory and its basic contributions. Each theory chapter follows the same organization to
allow students to do their own comparisons and to learn to anticipate the issues that are likely
to be raised. By emphasizing three families of theories and selecting a few examples within each
family, we hope to help students begin to grasp the essential features of the family of theories and
appreciate how new theories they will encounter fit within one orientation or another. Within
each chapter, the use of case material encourages application of concepts to real-life situations.
By returning to the six questions that a theory of human development is expected to address,
students begin to accumulate a broad and comparative view of the theories, and their relevance
for understanding the complexities of human behavior. After reading the critique of each theory,
highlighting strengths and weaknesses, students can begin to add their own ideas, possibly
combining ideas from several theories to address limitations.
Preface • xiii
The Epilogue, Chapter 12, is new to this edition. The Epilogue describes a single case that is
interpreted using each of the ten theories presented in the text. This approach is intended to
foster complex thinking by illustrating how the variety of theoretical ideas and principles can cast
a unique light on a common situation. The Epilogue also summarizes some of the similarities and
differences among the theories, culminating in a table that compares the theories with regard to
basic processes; conceptualizations about periods of life; the universal versus contextual emphasis
of the theory; and the timescale that the theory features in its approach to development.
Pedagogical Features
The pedagogical features of the text are intended to foster understanding and stimulate
conceptual development. An initial outline provides a roadmap of ideas that will be covered in
the chapter. The guiding questions help students to formulate a basis for their critical analysis
of the theories. As they read several theories, these questions will become increasingly useful to
guide efforts to compare and contrast the theories. The initial case vignette provides a real-life
situation to help illustrate how the theory can be useful in dealing with individual, family, and/
or organizational situations. The narrative that follows the case vignette provides a link from the
case to the concepts of the theory, even before the students have explored the theory in depth.
Each chapter includes a discussion of strengths and weaknesses of the theory, in order to facilitate
comparing theories and evaluating their usefulness for specific educational, counseling, human
service, or policy goals.
The chapters close with a set of critical thinking questions and exercises which are intended
to promote an analytical review of concepts, link the theory to personal life experiences, and
encourage students to return to the opening case with enhanced appreciation for the insights
provided by the theoretical lens. Key terms are boldfaced throughout each chapter, and the
definition of these words and phrases can be found in the glossary as well as in the student
e-resource. These glossary terms will support student assessment and outcomes. Recommended
resources are suggested that extend the ideas of the theory through lectures, videos, websites, and
additional readings. These resources suggest ways that students who are motivated can continue
their exploration of the theory by examining its past as well as its current trends and application.
New to the Second Edition

This edition preserves the basic organization and writing style of the first edition. It has been
thoroughly updated with new references and contemporary examples of theoretical extensions,
research, and applications. As noted above, many pedagogical elements were added to this
edition. With respect to the content, a stronger emphasis on application can be seen in the use
of opening cases for each theory chapter, a basic question about the practical implications of the
theory, and critical thinking questions that focus on using the theory to interpret the case and
personal life experiences. A new theory chapter, Chapter 10, Bioecological Theory, was added,
based on its importance as a foundational framework in education, human services, and social
work. The Epilogue, Chapter 12, was also added to provide a supplemental stimulus for analysis
and comparison.
New topics are incorporated into the chapters. A few examples include: research on free-riders
in Chapter 2; new research on the cognitive unconscious in Chapter 3; Robbie Case’s theory of
central conceptual structures in Chapter 4; a discussion of Albert Bandura’s social cognitive theory
xiv • Preface
in Chapter 5; an expanded discussion of gender role development in Chapter 6; a discussion of

the effects of the accumulation of advantage and disadvantage over the life course in Chapter 7;
a discussion of the practical implications of psychosocial theory in Chapter 8; an explanation of
cultural historical activity theory (CHAT) in Chapter 9; and an explanation of Gilbert Gottlieb’s
concept of probabilistic epigenesis in Chapter 11.
This edition is accompanied by a website at www.psypress.com/9781848726673. The website
provides instructors with a test bank, PowerPoints, cases, discussion questions and activities, tips
for using the book with various types of majors, and a conversion guide outlining changes to
the new edition. Students will find a summary, chapter outline, key terms with definitions, and
additional readings and websites for further study.
We hope the text will serve instructors well in bringing the realm of theory to life. We hope
the content will encourage students to see the field of human development as a living science that
invites their critical thinking and creative contributions.
Acknowledgments
We would like to thank the reviewers who gave us their input on the revision: Davidio Dupree,
University of Pennsylvania, Michele Gregoire Gill, University of Central Florida, Hillary Merk,
University of Portland, Lydia B. Smith, University of North Carolina at Charlotte, and one
anonymous reviewer.
xv
About the Authors
Barbara M. Newman received her Ph.D. in developmental psychology from the University
of Michigan. She is a professor emeritus at the University of Rhode Island in Human
Development and Family Studies where she served for six years as department chair. She has
been on the faculty at Russell Sage College and the Ohio State University, where she served as
department chair in Human Development and Family Science, and as associate provost for
faculty recruitment and development. As associate provost, she provided leadership for the
recruitment of women and underrepresented minorities in the faculty, including innovative
spousal advocacy initiatives. She was one of the founders of the Young Scholars Program as
well as a program to provide access and coordinate resources for single mothers who wanted
to complete an undergraduate degree. Dr. Newman received the outstanding teaching award
from the College of Human Science and Services at the University of Rhode Island. Her
teaching included courses in human development and family theories, life-span development,
adolescence and young adulthood, and the research process. Dr. Newman’s publications include
articles on social and emotional development in adolescence, parent–adolescent relationships,
and adjustment in the transition to high school and the transition to college. She is currently
involved in two major research projects: a study of the sense of purpose and adaptation to
the college environment for students with disabilities; and a multinational study of adolescent
well-being.
Philip R. Newman received his Ph.D. in social psychology from the University of Michigan. He
is a fellow of the American Psychological Association, the Society for the Psychological Study of
Social Issues (SPSSI), and the American Orthopsychiatric Association. He has taught courses in
introductory psychology, adolescence, social psychology, developmental psychology, counseling,
and family, school and community contexts for development. He served as the director for
research and evaluation for the Young Scholars Program at the Ohio State University, and as the
director of the Human Behavior Curriculum Project for the American Psychological Association.
His research focused on the transition to high school for low-income, minority students, and
the relationship of group identity and alienation to adaptation in early adolescence. His current
projects include a book about how high schools can meet the psychosocial needs of adolescents,
and the development of a protocol for counselors to assess psychosocial maturity and problems
in living based on the developmental framework presented in Development through life: A
psychosocial approach.
xvii
xviii • About the Authors
Together, the Newmans have co-authored 13 books in the field of human development as well
as numerous journal articles and book chapters on adolescent development, parenting, and
psychosocial theory. Their life-span developmental text, Development through life: A psychosocial
approach, is in its 12th edition.
1
Introduction
CHAPTER OUTLINE
Case Vignette 1
What Is Human Development? 3
What Is a Theory? 4
Components of a Theory 5
Requirements of a Good Theory 6
What Do We Expect from a Theory of Human Development? 6
What Are the Challenges to Understanding Human Development Across the Life Span? 9
Why So Many Theories? Which One Should I Choose? 11
The Organization of the Book 11
Key Terms 13
References14
Guiding Questions
• What is the role of theory in the study of human development?
• What are some important features of a theory?
• How would you decide which theory is most appropriate for explaining behaviors that
are of interest to you?
Case Vignette
Imagine the following situation. You are babysitting for Clark, who is 2½. You are getting
ready to go to the park, which Clark loves, and you tell Clark that he needs to get his shoes on
1
2 • Introduction
before you can leave the house. Clark sits down on the floor, pulls his shoes on, and starts to
tie his laces. You see that he is having trouble, so you offer to help. “No!” says Clark, “I do it.”
You wait a while, and then you say, “Let me get that so we can go to the park.” “No!” says Clark
again, and pulls away. “Don’t you want to go to the park?” you ask. Clark takes his shoes off
and throws one at you. He falls on the floor, kicking and crying “no shoes, no help, no park!”
As a student of human development, you might begin to try to understand this situation
by reflecting on what you observed. What did Clark say and do? What did you say and
do? What was the context in which this interaction took place? Once you have taken
careful account of the “what” of the situation, you will probably begin asking yourself some
questions in order to understand the “why” of the situation and how to cope with it. You
may wonder about the meaning of the situation for you and for Clark. You might consider
that since you are an adult and Clark is a young child, the meaning of the situation might
be different for each of you. Why won’t Clark accept your help? Does Clark understand why
he has to wear shoes to the park? Why is Clark so set on tying his own shoelaces? What role
did you play in this situation? Did you say or do something that made Clark reject your
help? How can you intervene so that Clark puts his shoes on and gets to go to the park?
In order to answer these questions, you need to link your observation of your behavior
and Clark’s behavior to ideas that explain them. These ideas are your theory of why things
happened as they did for you, for Clark, and for you and Clark. The theory will lead you to
a decision about what you might do next.
The world of scientific inquiry can be divided into two related components: observation and
theory. Scientific observations describe what happens; scientific theories offer explanations
about “how” and “why” these things happen.
In the study of human development, theories play a powerful role by shaping our ideas about
the meaning of behavior, expanding our understanding of the scope and potential of complex
human functioning, opening the way to new research, and guiding interventions. There is
no single, agreed on theory that all scholars of human development endorse. Yet, many of the
theories have given us a new lens for observing and interpreting behavior.
• Jean Piaget’s theory of cognitive development led to a new appreciation for the way children
create meaning out of their experiences. His theory has helped parents and teachers appreciate
that as children develop they use different strategies for learning and thinking. This insight has
had broad application in the design of age-appropriate curricula and learning environments.
• Sigmund Freud’s theory of development provided insights into the unconscious, giving us
a way of thinking about the tension between strong motives or desires and the constraints
against expressing those desires. His emphasis on the early and continuing maturation of
sexual drives has influenced parenting practices and approaches to psychotherapy. Current
biopsychosocial theory draws on his work, linking internal sexual motives with patterns of
reproductive behavior and their implications for human evolution.
• Albert Bandura’s theory of social learning led to widespread use of the idea of modeling
to characterize the social conditions under which children learn through observation and
imitation of the behavior of others. His theory stimulated greater awareness of the social nature
Introduction • 3
of learning across many contexts. His ideas about self-efficacy have pointed to the importance
of confidence as a person strives to meet new and challenging standards for performance.
This concept has been applied in many fields including coaching, classroom instruction, and
workplace performance.
• Erik Erikson’s psychosocial theory highlighted the concept of identity, a creative synthesis
of a sense of self in society, that emerges in later adolescence and guides the direction of
development over the life span. His theory was one of the first to provide a model of
development that extends over the entire life span. His theory has been applied broadly in
the field of college student development with specific links to student achievement, career
exploration, ethnic identity, and gender role development.
These are a few examples of how theorists have provided frameworks for identifying unobservable
processes and mechanisms that account for behavior. In doing this, they have given us a new
vocabulary for understanding and studying the dynamics of development.
This book is a selective introduction to ten theories that have inspired the study of human
development and produced a rich heritage of research and intervention. Each theory not only has
a distinguished history, but is also important in shaping the current focus of the field and guiding
approaches to both research and practice.
This introductory chapter will address the following questions:
1. What is human development?

2. What is theory?
3. What do we expect from a theory of human development?
4. What are some of the challenges to understanding human development across the life span?
5. Why are there so many theories?
The chapter closes with an overview of the organization of the text.
What Is Human Development?

The study of human development focuses on describing patterns of constancy and change across
the life span and identifying the underlying processes that account for these patterns (Kagan,
1991). The term development implies change that occurs over time and has a direction. The
direction is usually from simple to more complex, from less organized and coordinated to more
organized and coordinated, or from less integrated to more integrated. In order to decide whether
a particular change is developmental, one must ask if there is some pattern to the change that can
be observed from one individual to the next, and if this change appears to have a direction that
suggests a new level of complexity or integration. Consider the behavior of walking as an example.
Walking is a new form of locomotion that can be observed from one child to the next. The change
from crawling or scooting to standing and walking involves new levels of coordination in balance,
and new integration of sensory and motor information.
The term human development suggests a focus on the human species, not all life forms. This
focus brings with it special considerations. First, humans have ideas and experiences that influence
their outlook. Scientists and theorists are similar to other humans in this regard. Scholars of
human development are humans studying their own species. They have their own thoughts
and experiences that may serve as a basis for expectations about the direction and meaning of
4 • Introduction
behavior. Often, these personal thoughts and experiences serve to give focus and direction to
the scholar’s work. For example, Erik Erikson grew up in southern Germany with his mother
and stepfather who was a Jewish pediatrician. It was not until he was older that he learned that
his biological father was Danish. The experience of being an ethnically and religiously mixed
child growing up in a tight knit, bourgeois community contributed to his heightened awareness
of identity, self, and society which became key constructs in his theory. Each theory of human
development must be understood as reflecting the education and training, historical context, and
personal experiences, values, and beliefs of the human beings who invented it.
Second, humans enjoy a wonderful capacity for representational or symbolic thought.
Thus, theories of human development must address more than a description of behaviors and
explanations that account for these behaviors. They must also account for the nature of mental
activity such as knowledge acquisition and use, imagination, aspirations and plans, emotions,
problem solving, patterns of change and the direction of change in mental activity. Theories of
development need to offer ideas about the mechanisms that link mental activity and behavior.
Third, humans have a comparatively long life span during which their capacities change
dramatically. In contrast to many other species, humans are born in a dependent state, and
their daily survival depends on the care and nurturance provided by others. This dependent
state continues for quite some time. Humans may live to an advanced age of 100 years or more,
achieving many new levels of complex thought and behavior, participating in a wide range of
social relationships, and adapting to diverse physical and social settings. Theories of human
development must address constancy and change of an organism over a long period of time.
What Is a Theory?
A theory is a logical system of concepts that helps explain observations and contributes to the
development of a body of knowledge. We all have our informal, intuitive theories about why
people behave as they do. For example, the adage “The acorn doesn’t fall far from the tree,” is an
informal theory that predicts that children are going to grow up to behave a lot like their parents.
However, a formal scientific theory is different from an informal set of beliefs. In order for a set of
ideas to reach the level of a formal scientific theory, it has to be supported by extensive evidence,
including systematic experimentation and observation (Zimmerman, 2009). A formal scientific
theory is a set of interconnected statements, including assumptions, definitions, and hypotheses,
which explain and interpret observations. The function of this set of interconnected statements is
to describe unobservable structures, mechanisms, or processes and to relate them to one another
in order to explain observable events. For example, in learning, the information or strategies that
have been learned are not observable nor is the process of learning. The information becomes
observable by asking questions, giving a test, or presenting a situation where the information
must be used to solve a problem. However, the process of learning the information is not directly
observable and our understanding of this process relies on theories that attempt to explain how
new information is acquired, remembered, and produced when needed. Components of a theory
and characteristics of a good theory are listed in Table 1.1.
In the field of human development, theory is differentiated from research and from facts. The
research process may be guided by theory; however, the research process is a separate approach to
building a knowledge base. For example, Piaget’s cognitive developmental theory introduced the
idea that through direct interaction with the physical world, infants gradually construct a scheme
for the permanent object, and understanding that objects do not cease to exist when they are out
Introduction • 5
Table 1.1 What is a theory?
Components of a theory Characteristics of a good theory

Assumptions Logical
Domains Internally consistent
Range of applicability Parsimonious
Constructs Testable
Hypotheses Integrates previous research
Deals with a relatively large area of science
of sight. A growing body of research, stimulated by this theory, has led to a more complex view
of what infants know about objects depending on the nature of the task, the kind of response the
baby is required to make, and the setting where the baby is studied.
Facts are distinct from the theories that might try to explain or account for them. For example,
life expectancy at birth in the United States has increased considerably from 1900 to the present.
This fact is indisputable. There may be several theories about factors that account for changes in
longevity. Each theory might influence the direction of research about longevity. However, these
theories do not change the facts.
Components of a Theory
Theories are like short stories with a situation, main characters, and a plot. The theory identifies
a domain such as cognition, language, learning, motivation, or identity development that will be
the focus of explanation. This is the situation or problem the theory is attempting to address. In
order to understand a theory, one must be clear about which phenomena the theory is trying to
explain. A theory of intellectual development may include hypotheses about the evolution of the
brain, the growth of logical thinking, or the capacity to use symbolism. Such a theory is less likely
to explain fears, motives, or friendship. Understanding the focus of the theory helps to identify its
range of applicability. Although principles from one theory may have relevance to another area
of knowledge, a theory is evaluated in terms of the domain it was originally intended to explain.
In reading about each theory, you will encounter certain assumptions about the scientific
process, human behavior, or development. These assumptions may not be testable; they provide
a platform upon which the theory is built. Assumptions are the guiding premises underlying the
logic of a theory. In order to evaluate a theory, you must first understand what its assumptions
are. Darwin assumed that lower life forms “progress” to higher forms in the process of evolution.
Freud assumed that all behavior is motivated and that the unconscious is a “storehouse” of
motives and wishes. The assumptions of any theory may or may not be correct. Assumptions may
be influenced by the cultural context that dominates the theorist’s period of history, by the sample
of observations from which the theorist has drawn inferences, by the current knowledge base of
the field, and by the intellectual capacities of the theorist.
Each theory is comprised of key constructs that refer to certain unobservable relationships
or processes. You might think of these constructs as the principal characters in the story. We
use constructs such as intelligence, motivation, and goals to explain human behavior, just as we
use constructs such as electricity, gravity, and momentum to explain the physical world. In each
case, the construct is not observable directly, although in the case of the physical world, scientists
often have reached agreement on ways of measuring constructs. Developmental scholars work
to measure explanatory constructs just as physical scientists do, but there is much less agreement
about approaches to measurement.
6 • Introduction
Finally, theories offer if–then links or testable hypotheses. This is the plot. What does the
theory predict? For example, Skinner’s theory of operant conditioning offered the following
testable hypothesis: “When a response is followed by a reward or reinforcement, the probability
of its recurrence will increase.” This means that successful actions (those that are rewarded)
are more likely to be repeated than unsuccessful actions (those that are not rewarded).
From this single hypothesis, one can interpret many observations about human behavior
and predict others.
Requirements of a Good Theory

A formal theory should meet certain requirements. It should be logical and internally consistent,
with no contradictory statements. The hypotheses can be explored through systematic research.
As you read each theory, look for ways that the abstract concepts of the theory can be observed
and measured. For example, a theory of learning might suggest that a behavior is more likely to
occur when it is followed by a reinforcement. You can test this theory by monitoring a specific
behavior, creating a specific reinforcement, and observing whether or not a person performs the
behavior more often once the reinforcement has been presented.
The theory should be parsimonious, which means that the theory should be simple, relying on
as few assumptions, constructs, and propositions as possible while still accurately accounting for
the observations. Parsimony is relative. For example, Freud hypothesized that there were five stages
of development. Erikson hypothesized that there were eight stages of development. Using the
principle of parsimony, one might conclude that Freud’s theory is a better one. However, Erikson’s
theory provides a more differentiated view of adulthood and aging, and, as a result, his theory
offers more insight into the process of development over the life span. On the other hand, a theory
that suggests 30 or 40 stages of life might be viewed as overly complex and less parsimonious
than one that provides a smaller number of integrated periods. Finally, a theory should integrate
previous research, and it should deal with a relatively large area of science (Miller, 2011).
Theories add new levels of understanding by suggesting causal relationships, by unifying diverse
observations, and by identifying the importance of events that may have gone unnoticed. Once you
agree to use the constructs of the theory as a way of talking about the domain, the theory takes you
through a set of logical steps to predict the nature and direction of constancy and change.
Upon entering the world of a specific theory, it is easy to be caught up in its vocabulary and
logic and to think of the theory as offering the truth about its domain. However, an important
aspect of any scientific theory is that it is viewed as tentative and open to revision based on new
observations. Scientific theories are different from beliefs. They are created with an understanding
that new instrumentation, new observations, and new insights may result in new and better
explanations. Thus, in your study of scientific theories you must realize that you are dealing with
works in progress, and always treat them as providing descriptions and explanations that are
useful until a more inclusive, accurate analysis is available (Bordens & Abbott, 2013).
What Do We Expect from a Theory of Human Development?

Theories of human development offer explanations regarding the origins and functions of human
behavior and mental activity, and the changes that can be expected under certain conditions or
from one period of life to the next. A theory of development should help to explain how people
change and grow over time, as well as how they remain the same (Thomas, 1999). We expect a
theory of human development to provide explanations for six questions:
Introduction • 7
1. What is the direction of change over the life span? We assume that there is a direction to
development, that it is not random. Development is not the same as changing one’s hair style
or deciding one day to play tennis and the next to play soccer. Theories of development offer
some big ideas about maturity, and shed light on important ways in which thought, self-
understanding, the capacity for social relationships, and/or the capacity for adaptation become
increasingly complex and integrated as life goes along. Theories of development provide a
framework for thinking about optimal development, that is, age-related characteristics of
social, physical, emotional and cognitive competence that can be expected when a person is
highly motivated, physically healthy, and well-integrated into their social group.
2. What are the mechanisms that account for growth from conception through old age? Do these
mechanisms vary across the life span? Theories of development suggest kinds of processes
or experiences that bring about systematic change. In this book, we will present and explain
the variety of mechanisms theorists offer for how growth and development occur. For
example, Piaget’s theory suggests that change occurs when a person encounters discrepancy
between what is experienced in the world and the mental representations of that experience.
He assumed that there is a natural tendency for people to resolve this discrepancy and seek
equilibrium. Another theorist might offer a different kind of mechanism for explaining how
change occurs. And in some instances, a theory suggests that different kinds of processes are
at work at different periods of life.
3. How relevant are early experiences for later development? The theories presented in this
book offer different ideas about the significance of early experiences for the psychological and
behavioral organization of later periods of life. Some theories suggest that incidents from infancy
and childhood play a powerful role in guiding the direction of development well into adulthood.
Other theories emphasize the influence of contemporary events in guiding development by
viewing the person as continuously adapting to new demands and opportunities.
Two contrasting concepts inform this question: canalization and plasticity. Canalization
means that responsiveness, whether at a neural or behavioral level, is shaped and narrowed
as a result of repeated experiences (Gottlieb, 1991, 1997). For example, in infancy, babies are
initially able to perceive sounds from a wide range of languages. However, some time between
6 and 10 months, infants are no longer able to differentiate the sounds of non-native languages,
while their sensitivity to native language sounds and combinations becomes increasingly
adept. Repeated exposure to early stressors, such as harsh parenting, has a similar canalizing
impact at the neurological, hormonal, and cognitive levels (Blair & Raver, 2012). Children who
have been repeatedly exposed to harsh, violent environments may develop neurological and
hormonal responses that provide an advantage—a more rapid, sensitive awareness to threat,
and the related ability to withdraw. However, this advantage comes at the cost of physical
health, difficulties in concentrating, and impaired self-regulation.
In contrast to the concept of canalization is the idea of plasticity, the capacity for adaptive
reorganization at the neurological, psychological, and behavioral levels. The impressive ability
of humans to learn from experience reflects this concept. Plasticity can be observed at the
neurological level. For example, after a stroke, rehabilitation efforts allow a person to relearn
many of the functions that were lost due to brain damage. Through repetition and practice,
new neural networks and pathways are established. In some cases, new regions of the brain
take over functions of regions that were damaged.
4. How do the environmental and social contexts affect individual development? Individuals
develop in contexts, especially physical, cultural, family, school, work, and community contexts.
8 • Introduction
Theories of human development provide ways of conceptualizing contexts and of highlighting

which aspects of context are especially important in shaping the directions of growth.
One of the most salient contexts impacting development is the culture in which a person
grows up. Culture refers to the social, standardized ways of thinking, feeling, and acting
that are shared by members of a society. Culture includes the concepts, habits, skills, arts,
technologies, religions, and governments of a people. Cultures have implicit theories about
the stages of life, the expectations for a person’s behavior as one matures, and the nature of a
person’s obligations to the older and younger members of the cultural group.
Cultures exert influence directly through families as well as through networks of interacting
individuals who may belong to common social organizations such as churches, clubs, schools,
political and work organizations. In addition, cultures exert influence through media such as
television, newspapers, magazines, online social media, music, books, and movies. Cultures
provide a worldview, a way of making meaning of the relationships, situations, and objects
people encounter in daily life. Culture is transmitted through a process of socialization
whereby adults convey values and goals for themselves and their children, and structure the
activities of daily life. We will analyze the salient aspects of each theory as it addresses the role
of the environmental and cultural contexts in shaping development.
5. What factors are likely to place the person at risk at specific periods of the life span? Although
humans have an enormous capacity for adaptation, some combination of conditions is likely
to impede optimal growth. We look to theories of human development to help us understand
risk factors that disrupt development. Each of the ten theories provides constructs that
address vulnerabilities or risks and some predictions about the conditions that increase risk.
Some of the theories also offer a differentiated view of risk over the life span.
The idea of risk factors is often accompanied by a complementary concept of protective
factors (Rutter, 1987). These are aspects of the person, the caregiving or intimate relationship,
or the larger social environment that provide a positive influence on development. Protective
factors may help to minimize or buffer the harm associated with threats, or contribute to the
person’s ability to rebound following a crisis (Ertem & Weitzman, 2011).
Another related concept is resilience. People differ in their sensitivity to threat and their
ability to recover following a crisis. Resilience refers to the ability to adapt successfully to
events that threaten optimal functioning (Masten, 2014). Resilience may include the ability
to anticipate threat, to adapt readily, and even become stronger or more competent under
conditions that are otherwise known to disrupt or undermine functioning (Lerner et al., 2012).
Differing environmental conditions at the cellular or behavioral levels can alter the expression
of one or more genes, resulting in vulnerabilities or resilience (see Table 1.2). As illustrated,
children with the same genetic profile become highly sensitive to environmental stressors if
they are exposed to harsh parenting, but they can be especially resilient in the face of stress if
they are exposed to warm, nurturing parenting (Caspi, Hariri, Holmes, Uher, & Moffitt, 2010).
Theories differ in how they characterize risk and protective factors and how they account for
individual differences in resilience.
6. What are the practical implications of the theory for prevention, intervention, or education?
This is the big SO WHAT question. In what ways has the theory influenced practice? What
big ideas from the theory contribute to the ways parents, caregivers, educators, counselors,
social workers, health care providers, or other human service professionals engage in their
work? Given the concepts and hypotheses of a theory, what guidance does the theory offer for
action? What does the theory suggest that one should do to promote optimal development,
Introduction • 9
Table 1.2 Expression of the same gene in different environments
Genetic make-up Parenting environment Resilience

Child A: Gene A Harsh parenting Highly sensitive to stress
Child B: Gene A Nurturing parenting Resilient in the face of stress
prevent dysfunction, or promote recovery from disruptive experiences? What guidance does
the theory offer about the timing of the intervention; the method of intervention; the duration
of the intervention; or the intensity of the intervention? The practical implications of a theory
are derived from its explanatory processes and mechanisms for change (Walton, 2014). In
deciding to apply the theory in a particular context, one looks to empirical evidence of its
effectiveness to determine if the guidance from that theory has been applied successfully to
similar situations with similar individuals or groups.
What Are the Challenges to Understanding Human

Development Across the Life Span?
Take a moment to reflect on your own development over the past ten years. Try to make an inventory
of all the ways that you have changed. Include in this inventory your physical self, your interests,
your plans and goals, the quality of your relationships, the settings in which you participate, the
roles you play, the tasks you try to accomplish and your ability to succeed at those tasks, the way you
use your time, the people with whom you spend time, and your level of self-insight.
Now, consider the ways you experience a sense of self-sameness, such as a constant sense
of “I” who guides and directs your behaviors, certain continuous roles and relationships, your
assessment of your underlying temperament and personality, your strengths and special
talents, and a basket of early childhood memories that come along with you into each new
phase of your life. Theories of human development face tremendous challenges in trying to
offer scientifically based, empirically testable frameworks to account for the nature of stability
and change over the life span. A few of these challenges are identified below; you may think
of others.
1. Change in the person is taking place in the context of a changing environment. We do not
have the luxury of placing a person in a “petri dish” and watching how he or she grows. A
person develops over a long period of time, and as he or she grows, the environment changes.
New siblings are born; parents get older; the society’s norms for social behavior may change;
opportunities for education and employment may change; new technologies and medical
interventions may provide new resources; diseases, disasters, and war may place the person
at risk. A challenge for each theory is to conceptualize the reality of a changing person in a
changing environment (Magnusson & Cairns, 1996; Diehl et al., 2014).
2. Change is both quantitative and qualitative. Human beings grow by inches and pounds; these
are quantitative changes. But they also grow through transitions from lying, to creeping,
crawling, and walking; these are qualitative changes. Some changes, like a person’s vocabulary,
can be thought of as additive. At age 8 months, most infants typically have no real words; by
16 months most babies have about 24 words; and by 30 months most toddlers have about 570
words. In contrast to vocabulary, which grows incrementally, the creation of two-word sentences
(“daddy bye-bye,” “more juice”) is a qualitative change in language use. At age 16 months,
10 • Introduction
few infants make these primitive sentences, but by 30 months almost all children create them
(Fenson et al., 1994). Two-word expressions are an initial grammar through which children are
able to convey their own complex meaning. The words “more” and “juice” each have meaning,
but by putting them together, the child makes a primitive sentence that conveys an idea that is
more complicated than the words alone. Two-word sentences are a qualitatively new language
capacity that is a reorganization of vocabulary and meaning. Theories of human development
face the challenge of accounting for both quantitative and qualitative changes and explaining
how they operate together.
3. Human development is a product of the interaction of three dynamic systems: the biological,
the psychological, and the societal. Each system is complex in its own right, and each has the
potential for influencing the others (Erikson, 1963). The biological system includes all those
processes necessary for the person’s physical functioning, including genetic factors, physical
maturation, vulnerability to disease, nutrition, exercise, sleep and rest cycles, reproductive and
sexual functions. The psychological system includes all those mental processes needed to
make meaning out of experiences, to learn, and to take action. Symbolic abilities, memory,
language, the capacity for problem solving, emotion, coping strategies, and creativity are
examples of components of the psychological system. The societal system includes all those
processes through which a person becomes integrated into society. These include social
roles, family, participation in social institutions such as school, work, and religion, cultural
values and norms, exposure to discrimination or inter-group hostilities, and exposure to
environmental toxins and hazards. Theories of human development may emphasize one or
two of these systems more than the others, but without some recognition of the interaction of
these systems, the analysis of human development is incomplete.
4. Human beings are conscious, reflective and goal-directed. The final challenge we want to raise
in this introductory chapter is the need to recognize that humans are able to reflect upon and
analyze their behavior, evaluating outcomes as successes or failures (Ellis, Carette, Anseel, &
Lievens, 2014). The way people evaluate past experiences influences subsequent decisions. The
capacity for conscious reflection and evaluation allows individuals to make choices that guide
the direction of their own development.
Often, the concepts of nature (a biological plan for development) and nurture (the
environmental contexts of development) are presented as constructs that help account for
the direction of growth. Current scholarly work emphasizes that these two factors interact
with each other, so that we no longer seek a purely environmental or a purely biological
explanation for human behavior. Rather, we look for evidence about how the expression of
certain genetically guided patterns is mediated by environmental conditions. However, in
these analyses, a third dimension, self-directed goal behavior, is often omitted.
The great variability and flexibility of human behavior and development are advantages in
terms of enhanced adaptive potential. However, the organism needs to organize his or her
resource investment by making choices and focusing resources accordingly. Thus, life-span
development theory inherently raises questions of how individuals decide which domains
or goals to select and how they remain focused on the domains or goals they have chosen.
(Heckhausen & Schulz, 1999, p. 70)
The challenge to theories of human development is to offer an explanation for the choices
individuals make that ultimately contribute to the direction of their development.
Introduction • 11
Why So Many Theories? Which One Should I Choose?

Given the challenges to the study of human development noted above, it is probably not surprising
that there is no one agreed upon theory that accounts for all aspects of human development. The
ten theories you will review in this text address different domains of development, focusing to a
greater or lesser extent on physical, cognitive, social, and emotional processes. The theories differ
in their emphasis on particular periods of life, some more attuned to infancy and the childhood
years; others more attuned to periods of adolescence, adulthood, and aging. The theories differ
in their emphasis on universal patterns as compared to unique cultural and contextual factors
that influence development. The theories also differ in their level of analysis. Some theories focus
on very specific moments in daily life; others focus on broad, system changes that may occur
gradually over long periods of time. As you study the ten theories, you will appreciate that each
one offers a unique lens for the study of development.
The decision about which theory to use depends on your purpose. Think back to the case
vignette of Clark. Your choice of a theory to guide intervention will be influenced by your
goals. For example, do you want to understand the developmental significance of oppositional
behavior for long-term species survival? Or do you want to help Clark learn new strategies for
self-regulation? Or do you want to help Clark’s parents develop a new approach to childrearing?
Each purpose would implicate a different theory.
Once you understand the assumptions, scope, concepts, and hypotheses, and read about the
research and application of each theory, you will have a clearer notion of whether that theory can
be helpful in promoting optimal development. You will want to review how the theory addresses
the following key issues:
• What is the direction of development?

• What are the mechanisms that account for development?
• How do early experiences influence later development?
• What are the key contexts and how do they influence development?
• What are the key risk and protective factors that influence development?
You will want to examine the evidence that addresses the effectiveness of interventions that have
been guided by the theory. But, you may also think of some possible applications of the theory that
have not been considered before. That is one of the most exciting aspects of the study of human
development; it is a dynamic field with many new and emerging directions for intervention.
The Organization of the Book

The remainder of this book focuses on ten theories divided into three families of theories. Part
I includes evolutionary theory, psychoanalytic theory, and cognitive developmental theory,
which place a comparatively strong emphasis on biological factors that guide the direction of
development. Part II includes learning theories, social role theory, and life course theory,
which place a comparatively strong emphasis on environmental factors that guide the direction
of development. Part III includes psychosocial theory, cognitive social-historical theory,
bioecological theory, and dynamic systems theory, which emphasize the ongoing interaction
of the person and the environment. As an initial orientation to the book, Table 1.3 provides an
overview of the emphasis of each theory, its primary domain, and the methods it uses to gather
information and evaluate its claims.
12 • Introduction
Of course, this division of the theories into three families is an overgeneralization. Each theory
has something to say about biological factors, environmental factors, and person–environment
interactions. However, we expect that this organization will help you recognize some of the
common threads among the theories, compare and contrast them, and work out your own
assessment of their strengths and weaknesses.
The presentation of each family of theories begins with a brief interlude or overview in which
the issues that tie the theories together are introduced. The discussion of each theory includes the
following sections:
A. The historical/cultural context within which the theory was developed.

B. An overview of key concepts.
C. New directions of the theory.
D. A research example that shows how some aspect of the theory has been tested.
E. An application that shows how the theory has been used to address a practical problem.
F. A review of how the theory answers the six questions discussed above that are expected to be
addressed by a theory of human development.
G. A critique of the theory, pointing out its strengths and weaknesses.
As you read each theory, we encourage you to consider its broad impact as well as its scientific
merit. You will be thinking about the contributions these theories have made to research and
application, and their ability to shape the worldviews of people outside the narrow circle of
human development researchers and scholars.
Table 1.3 Overview of ten theories
Theory Emphasis Primary domain Unique methods
Evolutionary theory Biological evolution Fitness; sexual reproduction Ethology; observation of

behavior in natural settings
Psychoanalytic The origins and Personality development, Free association, dream
theory development of mental life emotions, motivation, interpretation, case analysis
morality
Cognitive The origins and The development of Cognitive interview, problem-
developmental theory development of cognition reasoning and logical thought solving tasks, observation
Learning theories The establishment of Learned behaviors, Laboratory experimentation
relatively permanent expectancies, vicarious
links between stimuli and learning; changes in behavior
responses as a result of experience
Social role theory Socially constructed roles The development of the self Survey, interview, and case
and role relationships in social life material
Life course theory Individual life in social Transitions and trajectories Archival data, demographic
and historical time over the life course data, longitudinal studies,
intergenerational studies
Psychosocial theory The interaction of the Stages of ego development, Case material, play analysis,
individual and society identity, worldview, and narratives and life stories, and
social relationships psychohistory
Cognitive social- The social and cultural Cognition, the relationship Experimental demonstrations
historical theory basis of thinking of speech and thinking, the that promote or include
nature of consciousness, learning and development,
learning and development double stimulation method
Introduction • 13
Theory Emphasis Primary domain Unique methods
Bioecological theory The interaction of the Development as a product Observation, experimentation,

person and the immediate of the interaction of and cross-setting comparisons
and more remote characteristics of the person, of behavior
environments specific processes, contexts
and time
Dynamic systems The function and change Emergence of novel patterns Mathematical,
theory of complex systems (e.g. motor behavior, skills, multidimensional modeling;
cognition, and social observation; experimentation
interactions)
Critical Thinking Questions and Exercises

1. What should a theory of human development explain?
2. Why are there so many different theories of human development?
3. Think back to the case of Clark. What concepts that you have studied in the past are most
useful to you in explaining Clark’s behavior?
4. How might a babysitter, a parent, and a preschool teacher differ in their analysis of this
situation? How might their theories of development differ? Make a table that summarizes the
similarities and differences in the theoretical focus of each of these three roles.
5. Given what you have read about challenges to the study of human development, what more
would you need to know about Clark and the context of this situation in order to account for
his behavior?
6. Identify a theoretical concept that has proven useful to you in understanding a topic in
development. What are the features of that concept that make it particularly useful? Identify
a theoretical concept that you believe to be incorrect or disadvantageous in your efforts
to understand a problem in development. What evidence do you have that the concept is
incorrect? How has it disrupted your efforts to understand the topic?
Key Terms
assumptions observation
behavior optimal development
biological system plasticity
canalization protective factors
change psychological system
constancy qualitative change
constructs quantitative change
context range of applicability
culture resilience
development risk factors
domains scientific inquiry
hypotheses societal system
intervention theory
life span worldview
mental activity
14 • Introduction
Recommended Resources
**Haig, B.D. (2009). Methods: Evaluating explanatory theories. Retrieved on April 2, 2014 from
www.thepsychologist.org.uk/archive/archive_home.cfm?volumeID=22&editionID=181&
ArticleID=1587
This article describes a qualitative approach, Inference to the Best Explanation (IBE), for
evaluating theories.
**Popper, K.R. (1963). Science as falsification. Taken from Conjectures and Refutations. Retrieved
on April 2, 2014 at www.stephenjaygould.org/ctrl/popper_falsification.html
The essay from a distinguished philosopher of science describes his early thinking about how to
evaluate theories based on the principle of falsification.
** Schermer, Michael (2006). “Why people believe weird things.” Ted Talks. www.ted.com/talks/
michael_shermer_on_believing_strange_things
Schermer provides an amusing and insightful presentation about how beliefs can be based on
questionable evidence.
**Sutton, R.I. & Staw, B.M. (1995). What theory is not. Administrative Science Quarterly, 40,
371–384. Stable URL: www.jstor.org/stable/2393788
Sutton and Staw offer a perspective that critically evaluates many social science papers by
clarifying the elements that are not sufficient to be considered a theory.
**Wilson, T.D. (2011). Redirect: The surprising new science of psychological change. New York:
Little Brown.
A review of interventions that target specific psychological processes, illustrating the power of
theory in helping to guide change.
References
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Bordens, K.S. & Abbott, B.B. (2013). Research design and methods: A process approach. 9th ed. New York: McGraw-
Hill.
Caspi, A., Hariri, A.R., Holmes, A., Uher, R., & Moffitt, T.E. (2010). Genetic sensitivity to the environment: The
case of the serotonin gene and its implications for studying complex diseases and traits. American Journal of
Psychiatry, 167, 509–527.
Diehl, M., Chui, H., Hay, M.A. et al. (2014). Change in coping and defense mechanisms across adulthood:
Longitudinal findings in a European American sample. Developmental Psychology, 50, 634–648.
Ellis, S., Carette, B., Anseel, F., & Lievens, F. (2014). Systematic reflection: Implications for learning from failures
and successes. Current Directions in Psychological Science, 23, 67–72.
Erikson, E.H. (1963). Childhood and society. 2nd ed. New York: Norton. (Original work published 1950)
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DANCE ON STILTS AT THE GIRLS’ UNYAGO, NIUCHI
Newala, too, suffers from the distance of its water-supply—at least

the Newala of to-day does; there was once another Newala in a lovely
valley at the foot of the plateau. I visited it and found scarcely a trace
of houses, only a Christian cemetery, with the graves of several
missionaries and their converts, remaining as a monument of its
former glories. But the surroundings are wonderfully beautiful. A
thick grove of splendid mango-trees closes in the weather-worn
crosses and headstones; behind them, combining the useful and the
agreeable, is a whole plantation of lemon-trees covered with ripe
fruit; not the small African kind, but a much larger and also juicier
imported variety, which drops into the hands of the passing traveller,
without calling for any exertion on his part. Old Newala is now under
the jurisdiction of the native pastor, Daudi, at Chingulungulu, who,
as I am on very friendly terms with him, allows me, as a matter of
course, the use of this lemon-grove during my stay at Newala.
FEET MUTILATED BY THE RAVAGES OF THE “JIGGER”
(Sarcopsylla penetrans)
The water-supply of New Newala is in the bottom of the valley,

some 1,600 feet lower down. The way is not only long and fatiguing,
but the water, when we get it, is thoroughly bad. We are suffering not
only from this, but from the fact that the arrangements at Newala are
nothing short of luxurious. We have a separate kitchen—a hut built
against the boma palisade on the right of the baraza, the interior of
which is not visible from our usual position. Our two cooks were not
long in finding this out, and they consequently do—or rather neglect
to do—what they please. In any case they do not seem to be very
particular about the boiling of our drinking-water—at least I can
attribute to no other cause certain attacks of a dysenteric nature,
from which both Knudsen and I have suffered for some time. If a
man like Omari has to be left unwatched for a moment, he is capable
of anything. Besides this complaint, we are inconvenienced by the
state of our nails, which have become as hard as glass, and crack on
the slightest provocation, and I have the additional infliction of
pimples all over me. As if all this were not enough, we have also, for
the last week been waging war against the jigger, who has found his
Eldorado in the hot sand of the Makonde plateau. Our men are seen
all day long—whenever their chronic colds and the dysentery likewise
raging among them permit—occupied in removing this scourge of
Africa from their feet and trying to prevent the disastrous
consequences of its presence. It is quite common to see natives of
this place with one or two toes missing; many have lost all their toes,
or even the whole front part of the foot, so that a well-formed leg
ends in a shapeless stump. These ravages are caused by the female of
Sarcopsylla penetrans, which bores its way under the skin and there
develops an egg-sac the size of a pea. In all books on the subject, it is
stated that one’s attention is called to the presence of this parasite by
an intolerable itching. This agrees very well with my experience, so
far as the softer parts of the sole, the spaces between and under the
toes, and the side of the foot are concerned, but if the creature
penetrates through the harder parts of the heel or ball of the foot, it
may escape even the most careful search till it has reached maturity.
Then there is no time to be lost, if the horrible ulceration, of which
we see cases by the dozen every day, is to be prevented. It is much
easier, by the way, to discover the insect on the white skin of a
European than on that of a native, on which the dark speck scarcely
shows. The four or five jiggers which, in spite of the fact that I
constantly wore high laced boots, chose my feet to settle in, were
taken out for me by the all-accomplished Knudsen, after which I
thought it advisable to wash out the cavities with corrosive
sublimate. The natives have a different sort of disinfectant—they fill
the hole with scraped roots. In a tiny Makua village on the slope of
the plateau south of Newala, we saw an old woman who had filled all
the spaces under her toe-nails with powdered roots by way of
prophylactic treatment. What will be the result, if any, who can say?
The rest of the many trifling ills which trouble our existence are
really more comic than serious. In the absence of anything else to
smoke, Knudsen and I at last opened a box of cigars procured from
the Indian store-keeper at Lindi, and tried them, with the most
distressing results. Whether they contain opium or some other
narcotic, neither of us can say, but after the tenth puff we were both
“off,” three-quarters stupefied and unspeakably wretched. Slowly we
recovered—and what happened next? Half-an-hour later we were
once more smoking these poisonous concoctions—so insatiable is the
craving for tobacco in the tropics.
Even my present attacks of fever scarcely deserve to be taken
seriously. I have had no less than three here at Newala, all of which
have run their course in an incredibly short time. In the early
afternoon, I am busy with my old natives, asking questions and
making notes. The strong midday coffee has stimulated my spirits to
an extraordinary degree, the brain is active and vigorous, and work
progresses rapidly, while a pleasant warmth pervades the whole
body. Suddenly this gives place to a violent chill, forcing me to put on
my overcoat, though it is only half-past three and the afternoon sun
is at its hottest. Now the brain no longer works with such acuteness
and logical precision; more especially does it fail me in trying to
establish the syntax of the difficult Makua language on which I have
ventured, as if I had not enough to do without it. Under the
circumstances it seems advisable to take my temperature, and I do
so, to save trouble, without leaving my seat, and while going on with
my work. On examination, I find it to be 101·48°. My tutors are
abruptly dismissed and my bed set up in the baraza; a few minutes
later I am in it and treating myself internally with hot water and
lemon-juice.
Three hours later, the thermometer marks nearly 104°, and I make
them carry me back into the tent, bed and all, as I am now perspiring
heavily, and exposure to the cold wind just beginning to blow might
mean a fatal chill. I lie still for a little while, and then find, to my
great relief, that the temperature is not rising, but rather falling. This
is about 7.30 p.m. At 8 p.m. I find, to my unbounded astonishment,
that it has fallen below 98·6°, and I feel perfectly well. I read for an
hour or two, and could very well enjoy a smoke, if I had the
wherewithal—Indian cigars being out of the question.
Having no medical training, I am at a loss to account for this state
of things. It is impossible that these transitory attacks of high fever
should be malarial; it seems more probable that they are due to a
kind of sunstroke. On consulting my note-book, I become more and
more inclined to think this is the case, for these attacks regularly
follow extreme fatigue and long exposure to strong sunshine. They at
least have the advantage of being only short interruptions to my
work, as on the following morning I am always quite fresh and fit.
My treasure of a cook is suffering from an enormous hydrocele which
makes it difficult for him to get up, and Moritz is obliged to keep in
the dark on account of his inflamed eyes. Knudsen’s cook, a raw boy
from somewhere in the bush, knows still less of cooking than Omari;
consequently Nils Knudsen himself has been promoted to the vacant
post. Finding that we had come to the end of our supplies, he began
by sending to Chingulungulu for the four sucking-pigs which we had
bought from Matola and temporarily left in his charge; and when
they came up, neatly packed in a large crate, he callously slaughtered
the biggest of them. The first joint we were thoughtless enough to
entrust for roasting to Knudsen’s mshenzi cook, and it was
consequently uneatable; but we made the rest of the animal into a
jelly which we ate with great relish after weeks of underfeeding,
consuming incredible helpings of it at both midday and evening
meals. The only drawback is a certain want of variety in the tinned
vegetables. Dr. Jäger, to whom the Geographical Commission
entrusted the provisioning of the expeditions—mine as well as his
own—because he had more time on his hands than the rest of us,
seems to have laid in a huge stock of Teltow turnips,[46] an article of
food which is all very well for occasional use, but which quickly palls
when set before one every day; and we seem to have no other tins
left. There is no help for it—we must put up with the turnips; but I
am certain that, once I am home again, I shall not touch them for ten
years to come.
Amid all these minor evils, which, after all, go to make up the
genuine flavour of Africa, there is at least one cheering touch:
Knudsen has, with the dexterity of a skilled mechanic, repaired my 9
× 12 cm. camera, at least so far that I can use it with a little care.
How, in the absence of finger-nails, he was able to accomplish such a
ticklish piece of work, having no tool but a clumsy screw-driver for
taking to pieces and putting together again the complicated
mechanism of the instantaneous shutter, is still a mystery to me; but
he did it successfully. The loss of his finger-nails shows him in a light
contrasting curiously enough with the intelligence evinced by the
above operation; though, after all, it is scarcely surprising after his
ten years’ residence in the bush. One day, at Lindi, he had occasion
to wash a dog, which must have been in need of very thorough
cleansing, for the bottle handed to our friend for the purpose had an
extremely strong smell. Having performed his task in the most
conscientious manner, he perceived with some surprise that the dog
did not appear much the better for it, and was further surprised by
finding his own nails ulcerating away in the course of the next few
days. “How was I to know that carbolic acid has to be diluted?” he
mutters indignantly, from time to time, with a troubled gaze at his
mutilated finger-tips.
Since we came to Newala we have been making excursions in all
directions through the surrounding country, in accordance with old
habit, and also because the akida Sefu did not get together the tribal
elders from whom I wanted information so speedily as he had
promised. There is, however, no harm done, as, even if seen only
from the outside, the country and people are interesting enough.
The Makonde plateau is like a large rectangular table rounded off
at the corners. Measured from the Indian Ocean to Newala, it is
about seventy-five miles long, and between the Rovuma and the
Lukuledi it averages fifty miles in breadth, so that its superficial area
is about two-thirds of that of the kingdom of Saxony. The surface,
however, is not level, but uniformly inclined from its south-western
edge to the ocean. From the upper edge, on which Newala lies, the
eye ranges for many miles east and north-east, without encountering
any obstacle, over the Makonde bush. It is a green sea, from which
here and there thick clouds of smoke rise, to show that it, too, is
inhabited by men who carry on their tillage like so many other
primitive peoples, by cutting down and burning the bush, and
manuring with the ashes. Even in the radiant light of a tropical day
such a fire is a grand sight.
Much less effective is the impression produced just now by the
great western plain as seen from the edge of the plateau. As often as
time permits, I stroll along this edge, sometimes in one direction,
sometimes in another, in the hope of finding the air clear enough to
let me enjoy the view; but I have always been disappointed.
Wherever one looks, clouds of smoke rise from the burning bush,
and the air is full of smoke and vapour. It is a pity, for under more
favourable circumstances the panorama of the whole country up to
the distant Majeje hills must be truly magnificent. It is of little use
taking photographs now, and an outline sketch gives a very poor idea
of the scenery. In one of these excursions I went out of my way to
make a personal attempt on the Makonde bush. The present edge of
the plateau is the result of a far-reaching process of destruction
through erosion and denudation. The Makonde strata are
everywhere cut into by ravines, which, though short, are hundreds of
yards in depth. In consequence of the loose stratification of these
beds, not only are the walls of these ravines nearly vertical, but their
upper end is closed by an equally steep escarpment, so that the
western edge of the Makonde plateau is hemmed in by a series of
deep, basin-like valleys. In order to get from one side of such a ravine
to the other, I cut my way through the bush with a dozen of my men.
It was a very open part, with more grass than scrub, but even so the
short stretch of less than two hundred yards was very hard work; at
the end of it the men’s calicoes were in rags and they themselves
bleeding from hundreds of scratches, while even our strong khaki
suits had not escaped scatheless.
NATIVE PATH THROUGH THE MAKONDE BUSH, NEAR

MAHUTA
I see increasing reason to believe that the view formed some time
back as to the origin of the Makonde bush is the correct one. I have
no doubt that it is not a natural product, but the result of human
occupation. Those parts of the high country where man—as a very
slight amount of practice enables the eye to perceive at once—has not
yet penetrated with axe and hoe, are still occupied by a splendid
timber forest quite able to sustain a comparison with our mixed
forests in Germany. But wherever man has once built his hut or tilled
his field, this horrible bush springs up. Every phase of this process
may be seen in the course of a couple of hours’ walk along the main
road. From the bush to right or left, one hears the sound of the axe—
not from one spot only, but from several directions at once. A few
steps further on, we can see what is taking place. The brush has been
cut down and piled up in heaps to the height of a yard or more,
between which the trunks of the large trees stand up like the last
pillars of a magnificent ruined building. These, too, present a
melancholy spectacle: the destructive Makonde have ringed them—
cut a broad strip of bark all round to ensure their dying off—and also
piled up pyramids of brush round them. Father and son, mother and
son-in-law, are chopping away perseveringly in the background—too
busy, almost, to look round at the white stranger, who usually excites
so much interest. If you pass by the same place a week later, the piles
of brushwood have disappeared and a thick layer of ashes has taken
the place of the green forest. The large trees stretch their
smouldering trunks and branches in dumb accusation to heaven—if
they have not already fallen and been more or less reduced to ashes,
perhaps only showing as a white stripe on the dark ground.
This work of destruction is carried out by the Makonde alike on the
virgin forest and on the bush which has sprung up on sites already
cultivated and deserted. In the second case they are saved the trouble
of burning the large trees, these being entirely absent in the
secondary bush.
After burning this piece of forest ground and loosening it with the
hoe, the native sows his corn and plants his vegetables. All over the
country, he goes in for bed-culture, which requires, and, in fact,
receives, the most careful attention. Weeds are nowhere tolerated in
the south of German East Africa. The crops may fail on the plains,
where droughts are frequent, but never on the plateau with its
abundant rains and heavy dews. Its fortunate inhabitants even have
the satisfaction of seeing the proud Wayao and Wamakua working
for them as labourers, driven by hunger to serve where they were
accustomed to rule.
But the light, sandy soil is soon exhausted, and would yield no
harvest the second year if cultivated twice running. This fact has
been familiar to the native for ages; consequently he provides in
time, and, while his crop is growing, prepares the next plot with axe
and firebrand. Next year he plants this with his various crops and
lets the first piece lie fallow. For a short time it remains waste and
desolate; then nature steps in to repair the destruction wrought by
man; a thousand new growths spring out of the exhausted soil, and
even the old stumps put forth fresh shoots. Next year the new growth
is up to one’s knees, and in a few years more it is that terrible,
impenetrable bush, which maintains its position till the black
occupier of the land has made the round of all the available sites and
come back to his starting point.
The Makonde are, body and soul, so to speak, one with this bush.
According to my Yao informants, indeed, their name means nothing
else but “bush people.” Their own tradition says that they have been
settled up here for a very long time, but to my surprise they laid great
stress on an original immigration. Their old homes were in the
south-east, near Mikindani and the mouth of the Rovuma, whence
their peaceful forefathers were driven by the continual raids of the
Sakalavas from Madagascar and the warlike Shirazis[47] of the coast,
to take refuge on the almost inaccessible plateau. I have studied
African ethnology for twenty years, but the fact that changes of
population in this apparently quiet and peaceable corner of the earth
could have been occasioned by outside enterprises taking place on
the high seas, was completely new to me. It is, no doubt, however,
correct.
The charming tribal legend of the Makonde—besides informing us
of other interesting matters—explains why they have to live in the
thickest of the bush and a long way from the edge of the plateau,
instead of making their permanent homes beside the purling brooks
and springs of the low country.
“The place where the tribe originated is Mahuta, on the southern
side of the plateau towards the Rovuma, where of old time there was
nothing but thick bush. Out of this bush came a man who never
washed himself or shaved his head, and who ate and drank but little.
He went out and made a human figure from the wood of a tree
growing in the open country, which he took home to his abode in the
bush and there set it upright. In the night this image came to life and
was a woman. The man and woman went down together to the
Rovuma to wash themselves. Here the woman gave birth to a still-
born child. They left that place and passed over the high land into the
valley of the Mbemkuru, where the woman had another child, which
was also born dead. Then they returned to the high bush country of
Mahuta, where the third child was born, which lived and grew up. In
course of time, the couple had many more children, and called
themselves Wamatanda. These were the ancestral stock of the
Makonde, also called Wamakonde,[48] i.e., aborigines. Their
forefather, the man from the bush, gave his children the command to
bury their dead upright, in memory of the mother of their race who
was cut out of wood and awoke to life when standing upright. He also
warned them against settling in the valleys and near large streams,
for sickness and death dwelt there. They were to make it a rule to
have their huts at least an hour’s walk from the nearest watering-
place; then their children would thrive and escape illness.”
The explanation of the name Makonde given by my informants is
somewhat different from that contained in the above legend, which I
extract from a little book (small, but packed with information), by
Pater Adams, entitled Lindi und sein Hinterland. Otherwise, my
results agree exactly with the statements of the legend. Washing?
Hapana—there is no such thing. Why should they do so? As it is, the
supply of water scarcely suffices for cooking and drinking; other
people do not wash, so why should the Makonde distinguish himself
by such needless eccentricity? As for shaving the head, the short,
woolly crop scarcely needs it,[49] so the second ancestral precept is
likewise easy enough to follow. Beyond this, however, there is
nothing ridiculous in the ancestor’s advice. I have obtained from
various local artists a fairly large number of figures carved in wood,
ranging from fifteen to twenty-three inches in height, and
representing women belonging to the great group of the Mavia,
Makonde, and Matambwe tribes. The carving is remarkably well
done and renders the female type with great accuracy, especially the
keloid ornamentation, to be described later on. As to the object and
meaning of their works the sculptors either could or (more probably)
would tell me nothing, and I was forced to content myself with the
scanty information vouchsafed by one man, who said that the figures
were merely intended to represent the nembo—the artificial
deformations of pelele, ear-discs, and keloids. The legend recorded
by Pater Adams places these figures in a new light. They must surely
be more than mere dolls; and we may even venture to assume that
they are—though the majority of present-day Makonde are probably
unaware of the fact—representations of the tribal ancestress.
The references in the legend to the descent from Mahuta to the
Rovuma, and to a journey across the highlands into the Mbekuru
valley, undoubtedly indicate the previous history of the tribe, the
travels of the ancestral pair typifying the migrations of their
descendants. The descent to the neighbouring Rovuma valley, with
its extraordinary fertility and great abundance of game, is intelligible
at a glance—but the crossing of the Lukuledi depression, the ascent
to the Rondo Plateau and the descent to the Mbemkuru, also lie
within the bounds of probability, for all these districts have exactly
the same character as the extreme south. Now, however, comes a
point of especial interest for our bacteriological age. The primitive
Makonde did not enjoy their lives in the marshy river-valleys.
Disease raged among them, and many died. It was only after they
had returned to their original home near Mahuta, that the health
conditions of these people improved. We are very apt to think of the
African as a stupid person whose ignorance of nature is only equalled
by his fear of it, and who looks on all mishaps as caused by evil
spirits and malignant natural powers. It is much more correct to
assume in this case that the people very early learnt to distinguish
districts infested with malaria from those where it is absent.
This knowledge is crystallized in the
ancestral warning against settling in the
valleys and near the great waters, the
dwelling-places of disease and death. At the
same time, for security against the hostile
Mavia south of the Rovuma, it was enacted
that every settlement must be not less than a
certain distance from the southern edge of the
plateau. Such in fact is their mode of life at the
present day. It is not such a bad one, and
certainly they are both safer and more
comfortable than the Makua, the recent
intruders from the south, who have made USUAL METHOD OF
good their footing on the western edge of the CLOSING HUT-DOOR
plateau, extending over a fairly wide belt of
country. Neither Makua nor Makonde show in their dwellings
anything of the size and comeliness of the Yao houses in the plain,
especially at Masasi, Chingulungulu and Zuza’s. Jumbe Chauro, a
Makonde hamlet not far from Newala, on the road to Mahuta, is the
most important settlement of the tribe I have yet seen, and has fairly
spacious huts. But how slovenly is their construction compared with
the palatial residences of the elephant-hunters living in the plain.
The roofs are still more untidy than in the general run of huts during
the dry season, the walls show here and there the scanty beginnings
or the lamentable remains of the mud plastering, and the interior is a
veritable dog-kennel; dirt, dust and disorder everywhere. A few huts
only show any attempt at division into rooms, and this consists
merely of very roughly-made bamboo partitions. In one point alone
have I noticed any indication of progress—in the method of fastening
the door. Houses all over the south are secured in a simple but
ingenious manner. The door consists of a set of stout pieces of wood
or bamboo, tied with bark-string to two cross-pieces, and moving in
two grooves round one of the door-posts, so as to open inwards. If
the owner wishes to leave home, he takes two logs as thick as a man’s
upper arm and about a yard long. One of these is placed obliquely
against the middle of the door from the inside, so as to form an angle
of from 60° to 75° with the ground. He then places the second piece
horizontally across the first, pressing it downward with all his might.
It is kept in place by two strong posts planted in the ground a few
inches inside the door. This fastening is absolutely safe, but of course
cannot be applied to both doors at once, otherwise how could the
owner leave or enter his house? I have not yet succeeded in finding
out how the back door is fastened.
MAKONDE LOCK AND KEY AT JUMBE CHAURO

This is the general way of closing a house. The Makonde at Jumbe
Chauro, however, have a much more complicated, solid and original
one. Here, too, the door is as already described, except that there is
only one post on the inside, standing by itself about six inches from
one side of the doorway. Opposite this post is a hole in the wall just
large enough to admit a man’s arm. The door is closed inside by a
large wooden bolt passing through a hole in this post and pressing
with its free end against the door. The other end has three holes into
which fit three pegs running in vertical grooves inside the post. The
door is opened with a wooden key about a foot long, somewhat
curved and sloped off at the butt; the other end has three pegs
corresponding to the holes, in the bolt, so that, when it is thrust
through the hole in the wall and inserted into the rectangular
opening in the post, the pegs can be lifted and the bolt drawn out.[50]
MODE OF INSERTING THE KEY
With no small pride first one householder and then a second

showed me on the spot the action of this greatest invention of the
Makonde Highlands. To both with an admiring exclamation of
“Vizuri sana!” (“Very fine!”). I expressed the wish to take back these
marvels with me to Ulaya, to show the Wazungu what clever fellows
the Makonde are. Scarcely five minutes after my return to camp at
Newala, the two men came up sweating under the weight of two
heavy logs which they laid down at my feet, handing over at the same
time the keys of the fallen fortress. Arguing, logically enough, that if
the key was wanted, the lock would be wanted with it, they had taken
their axes and chopped down the posts—as it never occurred to them
to dig them out of the ground and so bring them intact. Thus I have
two badly damaged specimens, and the owners, instead of praise,
come in for a blowing-up.
The Makua huts in the environs of Newala are especially
miserable; their more than slovenly construction reminds one of the
temporary erections of the Makua at Hatia’s, though the people here
have not been concerned in a war. It must therefore be due to
congenital idleness, or else to the absence of a powerful chief. Even
the baraza at Mlipa’s, a short hour’s walk south-east of Newala,
shares in this general neglect. While public buildings in this country
are usually looked after more or less carefully, this is in evident
danger of being blown over by the first strong easterly gale. The only
attractive object in this whole district is the grave of the late chief
Mlipa. I visited it in the morning, while the sun was still trying with
partial success to break through the rolling mists, and the circular
grove of tall euphorbias, which, with a broken pot, is all that marks
the old king’s resting-place, impressed one with a touch of pathos.
Even my very materially-minded carriers seemed to feel something
of the sort, for instead of their usual ribald songs, they chanted
solemnly, as we marched on through the dense green of the Makonde
bush:—
“We shall arrive with the great master; we stand in a row and have
no fear about getting our food and our money from the Serkali (the
Government). We are not afraid; we are going along with the great
master, the lion; we are going down to the coast and back.”
With regard to the characteristic features of the various tribes here
on the western edge of the plateau, I can arrive at no other
conclusion than the one already come to in the plain, viz., that it is
impossible for anyone but a trained anthropologist to assign any
given individual at once to his proper tribe. In fact, I think that even
an anthropological specialist, after the most careful examination,
might find it a difficult task to decide. The whole congeries of peoples
collected in the region bounded on the west by the great Central
African rift, Tanganyika and Nyasa, and on the east by the Indian
Ocean, are closely related to each other—some of their languages are
only distinguished from one another as dialects of the same speech,
and no doubt all the tribes present the same shape of skull and
structure of skeleton. Thus, surely, there can be no very striking
differences in outward appearance.
Even did such exist, I should have no time
to concern myself with them, for day after day,
I have to see or hear, as the case may be—in
any case to grasp and record—an
extraordinary number of ethnographic
phenomena. I am almost disposed to think it
fortunate that some departments of inquiry, at
least, are barred by external circumstances.
Chief among these is the subject of iron-
working. We are apt to think of Africa as a
country where iron ore is everywhere, so to
speak, to be picked up by the roadside, and
where it would be quite surprising if the
inhabitants had not learnt to smelt the
material ready to their hand. In fact, the
knowledge of this art ranges all over the
continent, from the Kabyles in the north to the
Kafirs in the south. Here between the Rovuma
and the Lukuledi the conditions are not so
favourable. According to the statements of the
Makonde, neither ironstone nor any other
form of iron ore is known to them. They have
not therefore advanced to the art of smelting
the metal, but have hitherto bought all their
THE ANCESTRESS OF
THE MAKONDE
iron implements from neighbouring tribes.
Even in the plain the inhabitants are not much
better off. Only one man now living is said to
understand the art of smelting iron. This old fundi lives close to
Huwe, that isolated, steep-sided block of granite which rises out of
the green solitude between Masasi and Chingulungulu, and whose
jagged and splintered top meets the traveller’s eye everywhere. While
still at Masasi I wished to see this man at work, but was told that,
frightened by the rising, he had retired across the Rovuma, though
he would soon return. All subsequent inquiries as to whether the
fundi had come back met with the genuine African answer, “Bado”
(“Not yet”).
BRAZIER
Some consolation was afforded me by a brassfounder, whom I

came across in the bush near Akundonde’s. This man is the favourite
of women, and therefore no doubt of the gods; he welds the glittering
brass rods purchased at the coast into those massive, heavy rings
which, on the wrists and ankles of the local fair ones, continually give
me fresh food for admiration. Like every decent master-craftsman he
had all his tools with him, consisting of a pair of bellows, three
crucibles and a hammer—nothing more, apparently. He was quite
willing to show his skill, and in a twinkling had fixed his bellows on
the ground. They are simply two goat-skins, taken off whole, the four
legs being closed by knots, while the upper opening, intended to
admit the air, is kept stretched by two pieces of wood. At the lower
end of the skin a smaller opening is left into which a wooden tube is
stuck. The fundi has quickly borrowed a heap of wood-embers from
the nearest hut; he then fixes the free ends of the two tubes into an
earthen pipe, and clamps them to the ground by means of a bent
piece of wood. Now he fills one of his small clay crucibles, the dross
on which shows that they have been long in use, with the yellow
material, places it in the midst of the embers, which, at present are
only faintly glimmering, and begins his work. In quick alternation
the smith’s two hands move up and down with the open ends of the
bellows; as he raises his hand he holds the slit wide open, so as to let
the air enter the skin bag unhindered. In pressing it down he closes
the bag, and the air puffs through the bamboo tube and clay pipe into
the fire, which quickly burns up. The smith, however, does not keep
on with this work, but beckons to another man, who relieves him at
the bellows, while he takes some more tools out of a large skin pouch
carried on his back. I look on in wonder as, with a smooth round
stick about the thickness of a finger, he bores a few vertical holes into
the clean sand of the soil. This should not be difficult, yet the man
seems to be taking great pains over it. Then he fastens down to the
ground, with a couple of wooden clamps, a neat little trough made by
splitting a joint of bamboo in half, so that the ends are closed by the
two knots. At last the yellow metal has attained the right consistency,
and the fundi lifts the crucible from the fire by means of two sticks
split at the end to serve as tongs. A short swift turn to the left—a
tilting of the crucible—and the molten brass, hissing and giving forth
clouds of smoke, flows first into the bamboo mould and then into the
holes in the ground.
The technique of this backwoods craftsman may not be very far
advanced, but it cannot be denied that he knows how to obtain an
adequate result by the simplest means. The ladies of highest rank in
this country—that is to say, those who can afford it, wear two kinds
of these massive brass rings, one cylindrical, the other semicircular
in section. The latter are cast in the most ingenious way in the
bamboo mould, the former in the circular hole in the sand. It is quite
a simple matter for the fundi to fit these bars to the limbs of his fair
customers; with a few light strokes of his hammer he bends the
pliable brass round arm or ankle without further inconvenience to
the wearer.
SHAPING THE POT
SMOOTHING WITH MAIZE-COB
CUTTING THE EDGE

FINISHING THE BOTTOM
LAST SMOOTHING BEFORE

BURNING
FIRING THE BRUSH-PILE

LIGHTING THE FARTHER SIDE OF
THE PILE
TURNING THE RED-HOT VESSEL
NYASA WOMAN MAKING POTS AT MASASI

Pottery is an art which must always and everywhere excite the
interest of the student, just because it is so intimately connected with
the development of human culture, and because its relics are one of
the principal factors in the reconstruction of our own condition in
prehistoric times. I shall always remember with pleasure the two or
three afternoons at Masasi when Salim Matola’s mother, a slightly-
built, graceful, pleasant-looking woman, explained to me with
touching patience, by means of concrete illustrations, the ceramic art
of her people. The only implements for this primitive process were a
lump of clay in her left hand, and in the right a calabash containing
the following valuables: the fragment of a maize-cob stripped of all
its grains, a smooth, oval pebble, about the size of a pigeon’s egg, a
few chips of gourd-shell, a bamboo splinter about the length of one’s
hand, a small shell, and a bunch of some herb resembling spinach.
Nothing more. The woman scraped with the
shell a round, shallow hole in the soft, fine
sand of the soil, and, when an active young
girl had filled the calabash with water for her,
she began to knead the clay. As if by magic it
gradually assumed the shape of a rough but
already well-shaped vessel, which only wanted
a little touching up with the instruments
before mentioned. I looked out with the
MAKUA WOMAN closest attention for any indication of the use
MAKING A POT. of the potter’s wheel, in however rudimentary
SHOWS THE a form, but no—hapana (there is none). The
BEGINNINGS OF THE embryo pot stood firmly in its little
POTTER’S WHEEL
depression, and the woman walked round it in
a stooping posture, whether she was removing
small stones or similar foreign bodies with the maize-cob, smoothing
the inner or outer surface with the splinter of bamboo, or later, after
letting it dry for a day, pricking in the ornamentation with a pointed
bit of gourd-shell, or working out the bottom, or cutting the edge
with a sharp bamboo knife, or giving the last touches to the finished
vessel. This occupation of the women is infinitely toilsome, but it is
without doubt an accurate reproduction of the process in use among
our ancestors of the Neolithic and Bronze ages.
There is no doubt that the invention of pottery, an item in human
progress whose importance cannot be over-estimated, is due to
women. Rough, coarse and unfeeling, the men of the horde range
over the countryside. When the united cunning of the hunters has
succeeded in killing the game; not one of them thinks of carrying
home the spoil. A bright fire, kindled by a vigorous wielding of the
drill, is crackling beside them; the animal has been cleaned and cut
up secundum artem, and, after a slight singeing, will soon disappear
under their sharp teeth; no one all this time giving a single thought
to wife or child.
To what shifts, on the other hand, the primitive wife, and still more
the primitive mother, was put! Not even prehistoric stomachs could
endure an unvarying diet of raw food. Something or other suggested
the beneficial effect of hot water on the majority of approved but
indigestible dishes. Perhaps a neighbour had tried holding the hard
roots or tubers over the fire in a calabash filled with water—or maybe
an ostrich-egg-shell, or a hastily improvised vessel of bark. They
became much softer and more palatable than they had previously
been; but, unfortunately, the vessel could not stand the fire and got
charred on the outside. That can be remedied, thought our
ancestress, and plastered a layer of wet clay round a similar vessel.
This is an improvement; the cooking utensil remains uninjured, but
the heat of the fire has shrunk it, so that it is loose in its shell. The
next step is to detach it, so, with a firm grip and a jerk, shell and
kernel are separated, and pottery is invented. Perhaps, however, the
discovery which led to an intelligent use of the burnt-clay shell, was
made in a slightly different way. Ostrich-eggs and calabashes are not
to be found in every part of the world, but everywhere mankind has
arrived at the art of making baskets out of pliant materials, such as
bark, bast, strips of palm-leaf, supple twigs, etc. Our inventor has no
water-tight vessel provided by nature. “Never mind, let us line the
basket with clay.” This answers the purpose, but alas! the basket gets
burnt over the blazing fire, the woman watches the process of
cooking with increasing uneasiness, fearing a leak, but no leak
appears. The food, done to a turn, is eaten with peculiar relish; and
the cooking-vessel is examined, half in curiosity, half in satisfaction
at the result. The plastic clay is now hard as stone, and at the same
time looks exceedingly well, for the neat plaiting of the burnt basket
is traced all over it in a pretty pattern. Thus, simultaneously with
pottery, its ornamentation was invented.
Primitive woman has another claim to respect. It was the man,
roving abroad, who invented the art of producing fire at will, but the
woman, unable to imitate him in this, has been a Vestal from the
earliest times. Nothing gives so much trouble as the keeping alight of
the smouldering brand, and, above all, when all the men are absent
from the camp. Heavy rain-clouds gather, already the first large
drops are falling, the first gusts of the storm rage over the plain. The
little flame, a greater anxiety to the woman than her own children,
flickers unsteadily in the blast. What is to be done? A sudden thought
occurs to her, and in an instant she has constructed a primitive hut
out of strips of bark, to protect the flame against rain and wind.
This, or something very like it, was the way in which the principle
of the house was discovered; and even the most hardened misogynist
cannot fairly refuse a woman the credit of it. The protection of the
hearth-fire from the weather is the germ from which the human
dwelling was evolved. Men had little, if any share, in this forward
step, and that only at a late stage. Even at the present day, the
plastering of the housewall with clay and the manufacture of pottery
are exclusively the women’s business. These are two very significant
survivals. Our European kitchen-garden, too, is originally a woman’s
invention, and the hoe, the primitive instrument of agriculture, is,
characteristically enough, still used in this department. But the
noblest achievement which we owe to the other sex is unquestionably
the art of cookery. Roasting alone—the oldest process—is one for
which men took the hint (a very obvious one) from nature. It must
have been suggested by the scorched carcase of some animal
overtaken by the destructive forest-fires. But boiling—the process of
improving organic substances by the help of water heated to boiling-
point—is a much later discovery. It is so recent that it has not even
yet penetrated to all parts of the world. The Polynesians understand
how to steam food, that is, to cook it, neatly wrapped in leaves, in a
hole in the earth between hot stones, the air being excluded, and
(sometimes) a few drops of water sprinkled on the stones; but they
do not understand boiling.
To come back from this digression, we find that the slender Nyasa
woman has, after once more carefully examining the finished pot,
put it aside in the shade to dry. On the following day she sends me
word by her son, Salim Matola, who is always on hand, that she is
going to do the burning, and, on coming out of my house, I find her
already hard at work. She has spread on the ground a layer of very
dry sticks, about as thick as one’s thumb, has laid the pot (now of a
yellowish-grey colour) on them, and is piling brushwood round it.
My faithful Pesa mbili, the mnyampara, who has been standing by,
most obligingly, with a lighted stick, now hands it to her. Both of
them, blowing steadily, light the pile on the lee side, and, when the
flame begins to catch, on the weather side also. Soon the whole is in a
blaze, but the dry fuel is quickly consumed and the fire dies down, so
that we see the red-hot vessel rising from the ashes. The woman
turns it continually with a long stick, sometimes one way and
sometimes another, so that it may be evenly heated all over. In
twenty minutes she rolls it out of the ash-heap, takes up the bundle
of spinach, which has been lying for two days in a jar of water, and
sprinkles the red-hot clay with it. The places where the drops fall are
marked by black spots on the uniform reddish-brown surface. With a
sigh of relief, and with visible satisfaction, the woman rises to an
erect position; she is standing just in a line between me and the fire,
from which a cloud of smoke is just rising: I press the ball of my
camera, the shutter clicks—the apotheosis is achieved! Like a
priestess, representative of her inventive sex, the graceful woman
stands: at her feet the hearth-fire she has given us beside her the
invention she has devised for us, in the background the home she has
built for us.
At Newala, also, I have had the manufacture of pottery carried on
in my presence. Technically the process is better than that already
described, for here we find the beginnings of the potter’s wheel,
which does not seem to exist in the plains; at least I have seen
nothing of the sort. The artist, a frightfully stupid Makua woman, did
not make a depression in the ground to receive the pot she was about
to shape, but used instead a large potsherd. Otherwise, she went to
work in much the same way as Salim’s mother, except that she saved
herself the trouble of walking round and round her work by squatting
at her ease and letting the pot and potsherd rotate round her; this is
surely the first step towards a machine. But it does not follow that
the pot was improved by the process. It is true that it was beautifully
rounded and presented a very creditable appearance when finished,
but the numerous large and small vessels which I have seen, and, in
part, collected, in the “less advanced” districts, are no less so. We
moderns imagine that instruments of precision are necessary to
produce excellent results. Go to the prehistoric collections of our
museums and look at the pots, urns and bowls of our ancestors in the
dim ages of the past, and you will at once perceive your error.
MAKING LONGITUDINAL CUT IN
BARK
DRAWING THE BARK OFF THE LOG
REMOVING THE OUTER BARK

BEATING THE BARK
WORKING THE BARK-CLOTH AFTER BEATING, TO MAKE IT

SOFT
MANUFACTURE OF BARK-CLOTH AT NEWALA

To-day, nearly the whole population of German East Africa is
clothed in imported calico. This was not always the case; even now in
some parts of the north dressed skins are still the prevailing wear,
and in the north-western districts—east and north of Lake
Tanganyika—lies a zone where bark-cloth has not yet been
superseded. Probably not many generations have passed since such
bark fabrics and kilts of skins were the only clothing even in the
south. Even to-day, large quantities of this bright-red or drab
material are still to be found; but if we wish to see it, we must look in
the granaries and on the drying stages inside the native huts, where
it serves less ambitious uses as wrappings for those seeds and fruits
which require to be packed with special care. The salt produced at
Masasi, too, is packed for transport to a distance in large sheets of
bark-cloth. Wherever I found it in any degree possible, I studied the
process of making this cloth. The native requisitioned for the
purpose arrived, carrying a log between two and three yards long and
as thick as his thigh, and nothing else except a curiously-shaped
mallet and the usual long, sharp and pointed knife which all men and
boys wear in a belt at their backs without a sheath—horribile dictu!
[51]
Silently he squats down before me, and with two rapid cuts has
drawn a couple of circles round the log some two yards apart, and
slits the bark lengthwise between them with the point of his knife.
With evident care, he then scrapes off the outer rind all round the
log, so that in a quarter of an hour the inner red layer of the bark
shows up brightly-coloured between the two untouched ends. With
some trouble and much caution, he now loosens the bark at one end,
and opens the cylinder. He then stands up, takes hold of the free
edge with both hands, and turning it inside out, slowly but steadily
pulls it off in one piece. Now comes the troublesome work of
scraping all superfluous particles of outer bark from the outside of
the long, narrow piece of material, while the inner side is carefully
scrutinised for defective spots. At last it is ready for beating. Having
signalled to a friend, who immediately places a bowl of water beside
him, the artificer damps his sheet of bark all over, seizes his mallet,
lays one end of the stuff on the smoothest spot of the log, and
hammers away slowly but continuously. “Very simple!” I think to
myself. “Why, I could do that, too!”—but I am forced to change my
opinions a little later on; for the beating is quite an art, if the fabric is
not to be beaten to pieces. To prevent the breaking of the fibres, the
stuff is several times folded across, so as to interpose several
thicknesses between the mallet and the block. At last the required
state is reached, and the fundi seizes the sheet, still folded, by both
ends, and wrings it out, or calls an assistant to take one end while he
holds the other. The cloth produced in this way is not nearly so fine
and uniform in texture as the famous Uganda bark-cloth, but it is
quite soft, and, above all, cheap.
Now, too, I examine the mallet. My craftsman has been using the
simpler but better form of this implement, a conical block of some
hard wood, its base—the striking surface—being scored across and
across with more or less deeply-cut grooves, and the handle stuck
into a hole in the middle. The other and earlier form of mallet is
shaped in the same way, but the head is fastened by an ingenious
network of bark strips into the split bamboo serving as a handle. The
observation so often made, that ancient customs persist longest in
connection with religious ceremonies and in the life of children, here
finds confirmation. As we shall soon see, bark-cloth is still worn
during the unyago,[52] having been prepared with special solemn
ceremonies; and many a mother, if she has no other garment handy,
will still put her little one into a kilt of bark-cloth, which, after all,
looks better, besides being more in keeping with its African
surroundings, than the ridiculous bit of print from Ulaya.
MAKUA WOMEN

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Theories of Human Development 2nd

Edition – Ebook PDF Version

6. Social Role Theory 166

Part III: Theories That Emphasize the Interaction Between the

8. Psychosocial Theory 225

9. Cognitive Social-Historical Theory255

12. Epilogue 340

New to the Second Edition

in Chapter 5; an expanded discussion of gender role development in Chapter 6; a discussion of

1. What is human development?

The chapter closes with an overview of the organization of the text.

What Is Human Development?

Table 1.1 What is a theory?

Components of a theory Characteristics of a good theory

Requirements of a Good Theory

What Do We Expect from a Theory of Human Development?

Theories of human development provide ways of conceptualizing contexts and of highlighting

Table 1.2 Expression of the same gene in different environments

Genetic make-up Parenting environment Resilience

What Are the Challenges to Understanding Human

Why So Many Theories? Which One Should I Choose?

• What is the direction of development?

The Organization of the Book

A. The historical/cultural context within which the theory was developed.

Table 1.3 Overview of ten theories

Theory Emphasis Primary domain Unique methods

Evolutionary theory Biological evolution Fitness; sexual reproduction Ethology; observation of

Theory Emphasis Primary domain Unique methods

Bioecological theory The interaction of the Development as a product Observation, experimentation,

Critical Thinking Questions and Exercises

Newala, too, suffers from the distance of its water-supply—at least

The water-supply of New Newala is in the bottom of the valley,

NATIVE PATH THROUGH THE MAKONDE BUSH, NEAR

MAKONDE LOCK AND KEY AT JUMBE CHAURO

MODE OF INSERTING THE KEY

With no small pride first one householder and then a second

Some consolation was afforded me by a brassfounder, whom I

SMOOTHING WITH MAIZE-COB

CUTTING THE EDGE

LAST SMOOTHING BEFORE

FIRING THE BRUSH-PILE

TURNING THE RED-HOT VESSEL

NYASA WOMAN MAKING POTS AT MASASI

DRAWING THE BARK OFF THE LOG

REMOVING THE OUTER BARK

WORKING THE BARK-CLOTH AFTER BEATING, TO MAKE IT

MANUFACTURE OF BARK-CLOTH AT NEWALA

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6. Social Role Theory 166

8. Psychosocial Theory 225

9. Cognitive Social-Historical Theory255

12. Epilogue 340