Reading Prophetic Books / ‫קריאת ספרי הנביאים‬

Author(s): Marvin A. Sweeney and ‫מרוין א' סוויני‬

Source: Iggud: Selected Essays in Jewish Studies / ‫ מבחר מאמרים במדעי היהדות‬:‫איגוד‬
2005 / ‫ תשס"ה‬,, Vol. ‫&יד‬lrm;, VOLUME 1: THE BIBLE AND ITS WORLD, RABBINIC
LITERATURE AND JEWISH LAW, AND JEWISH THOUGHT / ,‫ המקרא ועולמו‬:‫כרך א‬
‫&ספרות חז"ל ומשפט עברי ומחשבת ישראל‬lrm; (2005 / ‫)תשס"ה‬, pp. 57*-68*
Published by: World Union of Jewish Studies / ‫האיגוד העולמי למדעי היהדות‬

Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/23531299

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 Reading Prophetic Books

Marvin A. Sweeney

The reading of prophetic books has emerged as a central concern in biblical scholarship,
as scholars increasingly recognize the significance of these books as coherent literary
entities that address central theological concerns.1 I therefore intend to examine the
central role that the Prophets play within the literary and theological structure of the
Tanakh, the Jewish form of the Bible, insofar as these books examine the questions
of the destruction and the projected restoration of the Temple, and articulate their
respective understandings of the significance of these events for Israel/Judah and
creation at large. Overall, I attempt to demonstrate that the Prophets engage in dialog,
both with their respective understandings of Israelite/Judean tradition and with the
other prophetic books, in their efforts to make theological sense out of the crises
engendered by the Babylonian destruction of the Temple in 587/6 B.C.E.
The Prophets play a key role within the three-part structure of the Tanakh: the
Torah, which presents Israel arrayed around the Wilderness Tabernacle or Temple as
the ideal culmination of creation; the Prophets, which reflect upon the significance
of the Templet destruction and restoration; and the writings, which reflect upon
the significance of the Temple as the reconstituted holy center of Israel and

1 For recent contributions to the discussion of prophetic books, see Ehud Ben Zvi, "The Prophetic
Book: A Key Form of Prophetic Literature," in The Changing Face of Form Criticism for the
Twenty-First Century (ed. M. A. Sweeney and E. Ben Zvi; Grand Rapids and Cambridge:
Eerdmans, 2003), 276-97; Ronald E. Clements, "Patterns in the Prophetic Canon," in idem,
Old Testament Prophecy: From Oracles to Canon (Louisville: Westminster John Knox, 1996),
191-202; idem, "The Prophet and His Editors," in From Oracles, 217-29; Terence Collins, The
Mantle of Elijah: The Redaction Criticism of the Prophetical Books (BibSem 20; Sheffield:
Sheffield Academic Press, 1993); Edgar W. Conrad, Reading the Latter Prophets: Toward a
New Canonical Criticism (London: T&T Clark, 2004); Michael H. Floyd, "Basic Trends in the
Form-Critical Study of Prophetic Texts," in The Changing Face, 298-311; David L. Petersen,
The Prophetic Literature: An Introduction (Louisville: Westminster John Knox, 2002); Marvin
A. Sweeney, The Prophetic Literature: An Introduction (IBT; Nashville: Abingdon, 2005).

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 Marvin A. Sweeney

creation.2 Insofar as the Tabernacle/Temple serves as the ideal, holy center of c

in the Tanakh,3 its destruction by the Babylonians and the question of its resto
must stand as a central concern in the Prophets.4 The first subsection of the Pro
i.e., the Former Prophets (Joshua, Judges, Samuel, and Kings), presents a histo
Israel's/Judah's existence in the land of Israel, from the time of the conquest u
Joshua through the time of the Babylonian exile; it reflects theologically upon
history by attempting to demonstrate that the destruction of the Temple resulted
IsraeTs failure to abide by G-d's Torah.5 The second subsection of the Prophets
the Latter Prophets (Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and the Twelve Prophets), like
attempts to explain the destruction of the Temple as the result of IsraeTs/Judah's
to abide by G-d,s expectations, but it also outlines divine plans to reestablish bo
Temple and Israel/Judah at the center of creation once the period of punishme
over.6 In this regard, the Prophets play the central role in the Tanakh, insofar a
provide the link between the Torah's ideal portrayal of creation, with Israel an
Temple at the center, and the reestablishment of that ideal in the Writings, fol
its disruption.7

For comparison of the literary and theological structure of the Tanakh with that of the Ch
Old Testament, see Marvin A. Sweeney, "Tanak versus Old Testament: Concernin
Foundation for a Jewish Theology of the Bible," Problems in Biblical Theology: Essay
Honor of Rolf Knierim (ed. Fl. T. C. Sun and K. L. Eades, with J. M. Robinson and G. I. M
Grand Rapids and Cambridge: Eerdmans, 1997), 353-72.
For discussion of the role of the Temple in creation, see Jon D. Levenson, "The Temple an
World," JR 64 (1984): 275-98; idem, Sinai and Zion: An Entry into the Jewish Bible (Minne
Winston, 1985). See also the discussion of world order in Rolf R Knierim, "Cosmos and Hi
in Israel's Theology," in idem, The Task of Old Testament Theology: Substance, Metho
Cases (Grand Rapids and Cambridge: Eerdmans, 1995), 171-224, esp. 175-98, where he p
to the significance of sacred, cosmic space at the center of creation.
For discussion of the significance of the destructions of the Jerusalem Temple in 587
and 70 C.E. and the relation of the destruction to contemporary theological discussion
Shoah or Holocaust, see Emil L. Fackenheim, God's Presence in History: Jewish Affirm
and Philosophical Reflections (New York: Harper Torchbacks, 1972); cf. idem, The Jewish
after the Holocaust: A Rereading (Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University P
1990), for general discussion of the question of a post-Shoah reading of the Bible.
For discussion of the Former Prophets or the Deuteronomistic History (DtrH), as they are k
in modern scholarly parlance, see esp. Richard D. Nelson, The Historical Books (IBT; Nashv
Abingdon, 1998), 67-148; Marvin A. Sweeney, King Josiah of Judah: The Lost Mes
Israel (Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 2001), 33-177; Antony F. Campbell
Joshua to Chronicles: An Introduction (Louisville and London: Westminster John Knox, 2
15-105,111-233.
See now, Sweeney, The Prophetic Literature.
Cf. Gerhard von Rad's treatment of the prophets in his acclaimed Old Testament Theol
vols.; trans. D. M. G. Stalker; New York: Harper and Row, 1962-1965). By devoting the
second volume to the prophets, von Rad pointed to their central theological importance a

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 Reading Prophetic Books

II

Although all four books of the Latter Prophets, i.e., Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and
the Twelve Prophets, appear together under the general rubric of prophets, each
book has a distinctive outlook based in part on the social identity of the prophet
portrayed in the respective book.8 Thus, Isaiah's royalist viewpoint relates to his role
as royal advisor; Jeremiah's concern with the application of Torah stems from his
role as a Levitical priest; and Ezekiel's concern with the reestablishment of the Holy
Temple stems from his identity as a Zadokite priest. Although the Book of the Twelve
includes twelve originally discrete prophetic compositions, they are now arranged
so that they function as a single composition with a pervasive concern for the city
of Jerusalem. Altogether, the four books of the Latter Prophets each present their
respective understandings concerning the significance of the fall of Jerusalem and the
projected restoration of the Temple in Jerusalem.
Isaiah generally appears first in the order of the Latter Prophets,9 and it functions
as the most prominent dialog partner for the other prophetic books.10 As with the
Pentateuch, modern critical scholarship focuses on the identification of the historical
layers of the book, which results in reading Isaiah as a three-part composition, i.e.,
Isaiah 1-39, which portrays the eighth century prophet Isaiah ben Amoz; Isaiah
40-55, which presents the work of an anonymous prophet of the exile known as
Deutero-Isaiah; and Isaiah 56-66, which present the work of an anonymous prophet
or prophets identified as Trito-Isaiah.11 Although various aspects of the paradigm may

culmination of the Old Testament tradition, where they constitute the conclusion of the OT and
thus point to the New Testament in the Christian form of the Bible.
For an introduction to each of the prophetic books that comprise the Latter Prophets, see in
addition to Sweeney, The Prophetic Literature, Joseph Blenkinsopp, A History of Prophecy in
Israel (Louisville: Westminster John Knox, 1996); and Petersen, The Prophetic Literature.
See the discussion of the order of the prophetic books in the Babylonian Talmud (b. Baba Batra
14b), which identifies two different orders based on historical appearance (Isaiah; Jeremiah;
Ezekiel; Twelve) and theological theme (Jeremiah; Ezekiel; Isaiah; Twelve).
See my studies "The Truth in True and False Prophecy," in Truth: Interdisciplinary Dialogues in
a Pluralist Age (ed. Christine Helmer and Kristin De Troyer; Studies in Philosophical Theology
22; Leuven: Peeters, 2003), 9-26; "Micah's Debate with Isaiah," JSOT 93 (2001): 111-24;
"Zechariah's Debate with Isaiah," in The Changing Face of Form Criticism, 335-50; all of
which have been republished in my Form and Intertextuality in Prophetic and Apocalyptic
Literature (FAT 45; Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2005). For discussion of the construction of the
Book of the Twelve Prophets in relation to the Book of Isaiah, see Erich Bosshard-Nepustil,
Rezeptionen von Jesaia 1-39 im Zwölfprophetenbuch (OBO 154; Freiberg: Universitätsverlag;
Göttingen: Vandenhoeck St Ruprecht, 1997).
In addition to the studies on prophetic literature noted above, see the recent commentaries on
Isaiah by Marvin A. Sweeney, Isaiah 1-39, with an Introduction to Prophetic Literature (FOTL
16; Grand Rapids and Cambridge: Eerdmans, 1996); Brevard S. Childs, Isaiah: A Commentary
(OTL; Louisville: Westminster John Knox, 2001); Joseph Blenkinsopp, Isaiah 1-39 (AB 19;

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 Marvin A. Sweeney

be disputed, it represents a largely sound model for the reconstruction of Isa

compositional history. Nevertheless, an exclusively historical reading of the b
impedes a full grasp of its literary and theological coherence.
A synchronic reading of Isaiah points to several fundamental concerns.12 The
presents itself entirely as the vision of the eighth-century prophet, Isaiah ben
Isaiah's vision therefore extends forward for some four centuries, from his
period during the times of the Assyrian invasions of Israel and Judah throug
Babylonian exile and the early Persian period, when Jews began to return to th
of Israel to reestablish their life in Jerusalem and Judah around a newly reconst
Temple. Overall, the book contends that both the destruction of Israel and Jud
the Assyrians and Babylonians, and the restoration of Jerusalem under Persian
are acts of G-d that are designed to reveal G-d's sovereignty over all creation
nations. Within this scenario, nations such as Assyria, Babylon, and Persia act
agents of the divine will. Of course, the famous swords into plowshares passage
the beginning of the book in Isa 2:2—4 signals that the nations will in time com
Jerusalem/Zion, the site of G-d's Temple, to learn divine Torah. Ultimately, th
of Isaiah envisions a future of world peace, in which the Jerusalem Temple sta
the holy center of both Israel and the nations in a new creation.
Nevertheless, there are several very remarkable dimensions to Isaiah's depicti
this ideal scenario, especially when the book is read from a synchronic standpoin
one, the book is especially concerned with the issue of righteous Davidic king
Indeed, many have pointed to the ideological foundations of Isaiah's, Deutero-Is
and Trito-Isaiah's viewpoints in the royal Zion traditions of the House of Dav
diachronic reading of the book points to each prophet's respective viewpoint:
the royal counselor looks forward to a righteous Davidic king, perhaps Hezek
Deutero-Isaiah contends that the Persian monarch Cyrus is G-d's anointed as t
Davidic covenant is applied to all Israel; and Trito-Isaiah contends that G-d is
true king, whose Temple in Jerusalem serves as royal throne and footstool in a
heaven and earth. At this level, the three major historical portions of the book
debate with each other, as each asserts its own respective view of ideal kingship
Israel. But when read synchronically, the three positions collapse into one so th
book of Isaiah ultimately calls for Israel/Judah to submit to Persian rule, i.e., th
of a non-Jewish king, as an expression of G-d's ultimate sovereignty in the n

New York: Doubleday, 2000); idem, Isaiah 40-55 (AB 19A; New York: Doubleday, 2
idem, Isaiah 56-66 (AB 19B; New York: Doubleday, 2003).
For attempts at synchronic readings of Isaiah, see Sweeney, Isaiah 1-39, 39-48; idem,
Prophetic Literature, 45-54; cf. Edgar W. Conrad, Reading Isaiah (OBT; Minneapolis: For
1991); Thomas L. Leclerc, YHWH is Exalted in Justice: Solidarity and Conflict in
(Minneapolis: Fortress, 2001); Rolf Rendtorff, The Canonical Hebrew Bible: A Theology of
Old Testament (trans. D. E. Orton; Leiden: Deo, 2005), 167-201.

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 Reading Prophetic Books

restored world of creation.13 Certainly, such a contention stands in contrast to the

viewpoint of not only Isaiah ben Amoz, but of the entire Davidic tradition expressed
in Samuel, Psalms, and elsewhere, which posited G-d's eternal protection for both
Jerusalem and the house of David.14

Although Isaiah's perspective finds agreement in the books of Ezra-Nehemiah,

which portray the reestablishment of a Temple-based Jewish community in Jerusalem
under Persian rule as the fulfillment of the great prophet's vision, Isaiah's prophetic
colleagues are hardly so accommodating. Jeremiah is a major case in point. The
book of Jeremiah presents him as a prophet and Levitical priest like Moses.15 He
lives during the final years of the kingdom of Judah and sees the ultimate decline
and destruction of Judah, as the Babylonians destroy the city and the Temple and
carry the people off to exile. Literary critical scholarship has wrestled with the
question of the interrelationship between the poetic oracles, prose sermons, and
prose narratives of the book, generally concluding that the oracles are Jeremian,
the sermons are based on Jeremian sermons, and the narratives are the product of
another Deuteronomistically-influenced author, perhaps Baruch, or a Deuteronomic
(Dtr) school. The issue is complicated by the interrelationship between the Masoretic
and Septuagint versions of the book and by complicated questions concerning the
redaction-critical reconstruction of the book and the prophet presented therein. In
general, however, diachronic critical treatment contends that the historical Jeremiah
calls the Temple into question as a source for national security, sharply criticizes the
house of David, and says little about the restoration of Jerusalem.
As interpreters begin to consider the synchronic literary dimensions of the book,
additional issues come to light. One is the issue of intertextuality, particularly with
regard to the intertextual relationships between the book of Jeremiah and the book
of Isaiah.16 Although interpreters have generally noted the relationship between the
book of Jeremiah and the Deuteronomistic History (DtrH) as part of their efforts to

See my essays, "On Multiple Settings in the Book of Isaiah," Society of Biblical Literature 1993
Seminar Papers (ed. E. H. Löveling, Jr.; Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1993), 267-73, reprinted in
Form and Intertextuality; and "Isaiah and Theodicy after the Shoah," in Strange Fire: Reading
the Bible after the Holocaust (ed. T. Linafelt; BibSem 71; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press,
2000), 208-19.
See Moshe Weinfeld, "Covenant, Davidic," in Interpreter s Dictionary of the Bible, Supplement
(ed. K Crim; Nashville: Abingdon, 1976), 188-92.
In addition to the introductions to prophetic literature cited above, see Louis Stuhlman, Order
Amid Chaos: Jeremiah as Symbolic Tapestry (BibSem 57; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press,
1998); Jack Lundbom, Jeremiah 1-20 (AB 21 A; New York: Doubleday, 1999); idem, Jeremiah
21-36 (AB 21B; New York: Doubleday, 2004); idem, Jeremiah 37-52 (AB 21C; New York:
Doubleday, 2004).
See my essay, "The Truth in True and False Prophecy," for discussion of Jeremiah's reading
of Isaiah; Ute Wendel, Jesaja und Jeremia: Worte, Motive und Einsichten Jesajas in der
Verkündigung Jeremias (BibThSt 25; Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1995).

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 Marvin A. Sweeney

demonstrate Dtr editing of the book,17 they have paid less attention to its link
Isaiah. Indeed, Jeremiah appears to cite or allude to many passages from the
of Isaiah, most notably in the prophet's portrayal (Jeremiah 5-6) of G-d's pla
bring a far-off nation to punish Judah; this section draws heavily on Isaiah's s
statements (Isaiah 5) concerning G-d's plans to bring a far-off nation to p
Israel. Although Jeremiah appears to agree with his senior colleague about
intention to bring punishment, he disagrees on its ultimate timing and its ta
Isaiah pronounced judgment against northern Israel and Jerusalem/Judah, bu
never claimed that Jerusalem would be destroyed. Instead, Isaiah articulates G
continuing commitment to Jerusalem as the holy center of creation.
The book of Jeremiah, however, presents the later prophet's message quite differ
Jeremiah's well-known Temple sermon in Jeremiah 7 presents a striking critiq
the people's contention that the presence of the Jerusalem Temple would gua
the security of the city.18 The narrative concerning his trial for sedition emp
the theme of Jerusalem's destruction when Micah's statement that Jerusalem w
be destroyed is cited in defense of Jeremiah. In true Levitical (and Deuterono
fashion, Jeremiah maintains that security is achieved only insofar as the people
by divine Torah; without adherence to G-d's Torah, the city and the Temple w
lost just as Shiloh was lost centuries before. Jeremiah's differences with Isaia
also evident in his confrontation with the prophet Hananiah in Jeremiah 27-28.
Jerusalem falls under Babylonian rule, Hananiah contends that G-d will act to d
the city within two years. Jeremiah, by contrast, wears a yoke around his n
symbolize his message that Jerusalem must submit to Babylon in keeping wit
will of G-d. During the ensuring confrontation, Hananiah breaks Jeremiah's yok
Jeremiah returns with an iron yoke to reiterate his message. With Hananiah's
he is ultimately identified as a false prophet and Jeremiah's message is confirm
subsequent events.19 But we must recognize that Hananiah's position is in fact t
Isaiah, i.e., G-d will act to defend the city.

E.g., Winfried Thiel, Die deuteronomistische Redaktion von Jeremia 1-25 (WMAN
Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1973); idem, Die deuteronomistische Redaktio
Jeremia 26-45 (WMANT 52; Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1981); Christi M
Jeremia als Lehrer der Tora: Soziale Gebote des Deuteronomiums in Fortschreibungen
Jeremiabuches (FRLANT 196; Göttingen: Vandenhoeck St Ruprecht, 2002); but se
Carolyn J. Sharp, Prophecy and Ideology in Jeremiah: Struggles for Authority in the De
Jeremianic Prose (London: T&T Clark, 2003).
For the construction of Jeremiah's Temple speech as a Levitical sermon, see the now c
study, E. W. Nicholson, Preaching to the Exiles: A Study of the Prose Tradition of the Bo
Jeremiah (New York: Schocken, 1970), esp. 68-70.
For the construction of Hananiah as a false prophet, see esp. James A. Sanders, "Flermeneut
True and False Prophecy," in Canon and Authority (ed. G. W. Coats and B. O. Long; Philad
Fortress, 1977), 21-41.

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 Reading Prophetic Books

The identification of Hananiah as a false prophet generally obscures an important

point to be drawn from this confrontation: Jeremiah considers Isaiah's message of
security for the city of Jerusalem to be false prophecy. In Jeremiah's view, Jerusalem
would face war, destruction, and seventy years of exile. Although critical scholarship
frequently denies passages concerned with restoration to the historical Jeremiah, a
synchronic reading of the book indicates that restoration will come—after the seventy
years of exile. Jeremiah 30-31 employs the image of the weeping Rachel to portray
Israel's return to Jerusalem, but it does so in the context of a new covenant in which
Torah is inscribed on the hearts of the people. Whereas the book of Isaiah maintains
the continuity of G-d's covenant with David/Jerusalem/Israel as the basis for its
portrayal of Jerusalem's restoration, the book of Jeremiah posits a change in covenant
that will ultimately result in the restoration of the city and its people. Interpreters
might note that Jeremiah's vision of the future does—in contrast to the full form of
the book of Isaiah—envision the restoration of a righteous Davidic monarch.20 Critical
scholarship raises questions about the authenticity of the royal oracles in Jer 23:1-8
and 33:12-26,21 but a synchronic reading of the book necessarily concludes that
Jeremiah envisions a restored Jerusalem ruled once again by a righteous member of
the house of David. Whereas the book of Isaiah reinterpreted the Davidic covenant to
justify submission to Persian rule, Jeremiah envisions a permanent Davidic covenant
based in creation as part of the scenario for G-d's new covenant with Israel/Judah.

Ezekiel is an extremely erudite figure, who cites both biblical and ancient Near Eastern
mythological tradition as part of his effort to define the theological significance of
the Babylonian exile and the reconstruction of the Jerusalem Temple. Ezekiel is a
Zadokite priest, and his education, practices, and use of Temple-based imagery, such
as the use of imagery from the Holy of Holies of the Jerusalem Temple to describe
the throne chariot of G-d and the sacrificial destruction of Jerusalem in chapters
1-11, point to this role.22
Again, we must turn to a synchronic reading of the book to gain an understanding

Contra Bernard Renaud, Nouvelle ou eternelle alliance? Le message des prophetes (LD 189;
Paris: Cerf, 2002), who tends to collapse the distinctions between the prophetic books on this
point into an apolitical eschatological scenario.
For discussion of Jer 23:1-8; 33:14-36, see Lundbom, Jeremiah 21-36, 164-177, 534-546; cf.
Yohanan Goldman, Prophetie et royaute au retour de I 'exil (OBO 118; Freiburg: Universitäts
verlag; Göttingen: Vandenhoeck Sc Ruprecht, 1992).
See my essays, "Ezekiel: Zadokite Priest and Visionary Prophet of the Exile," Occasional
Papers of the Institute for Antiquity and Christianity 41 (2001); "The Destruction of Jerusalem
as Purification in Ezekiel 8-11," both now reprinted in Form and Intertextuality. For recent
treatment of Ezekiel, see Daniel Block, The Book of Ezekiel (NICOT; 2 vols.; Grand Rapids:
Eerdmans, 1997-98); Katheryn Pfisterer Darr, "Ezekiel," New Interpreter's Bible (ed. L. E.
Keck et al.; Nashville: Abingdon, 2001), 6:1073-1607; Margaret S. Odell, Ezekiel (Smyth and
Helwys Bible Commentary; Macon: Smyth and Helwys, 2005).

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 Marvin A. Sweeney

of its full theological significance. Critical scholarship has missed the mark i
efforts to separate priestly and prophetic elements in the book of Ezekiel. In
the attempt to excise the prophet's vision of the restored Temple in Ezekiel 4
is fundamentally mistaken.23 The vision clearly stands as the culmination of
book, expressing Ezekiel's understanding of divine purpose—G-d first abando
Temple so that it and the city might be purged of their impurity and then retu
Temple and city, so that they might stand once again as the holy center of cre
Ezekiel portrays the destruction of Jerusalem much like the offering of the sca
at the Temple on Yom Kippur (see Leviticus 16): the seven men dressed in
linen act as priests in carrying out the sacrificial ritual, by marking and rec
those to be burnt and by setting the fire much as one ignites the sacrifice on the
those left unmarked are killed in the destruction of the city; those marked are sen
to the wilderness of exile.24 Ezekiel is after all a Zadokite priest, and he emplo
imagery and conceptual categories for purification and holiness that are charact
of the Zadokite priesthood.
He shares some characteristics with his prophetic colleagues. Like Isaia
envisions the future role of the Temple at the center of a transformed creatio
nation Israel. He shares with Isaiah a theological foundation in the Zion tradit
although Ezekiel focuses on G-d's sanctification of Zion as the permanent site f
Temple in contrast to Isaiah's interest in the House of David. In this regard, h
some diminishment of the role of the Davidic monarch, but he differs from Isa
that he does not dismiss the Davidic king entirely; instead, he clearly places th
under the authority of the Temple and its priesthood.25 He is able to employ I
motifs; Ezekiel 31 portrays Pharaoh as a high, lofty tree that must be brought
similar to the way Isaiah portrayed the Assyrian king in Isaiah 10.
Ezekiel likewise shares some concerns with Jeremiah. He employs the proverb
parents have eaten sour grapes and the children's teeth are set on edge," in E
18 to illustrate his contention that people do not suffer for the sins of their par
rather they suffer for their own wrongdoing—much as Jer 31:27-30 uses th
proverb to make the same point.26 He might differ from his older contemporar
Ezekiel identifies Jaazniah ben Shaphan as one of those whose idolatrous wors
profaned the holy Temple, but it was the Shaphan family that served as Jerem
primary supporters in his conflicts with the monarchs throughout his career.27 Pe

Cf. Jon D. Levenson, Theology of the Program of Restoration in Ezekiel 40-48 (HS
Missoula: Scholars Press, 1976).
Sweeney, "The Destruction of Jerusalem as Purification."
See Iain Duguid, Ezekiel and the Leaders of Israel (VTSup 56; Leiden: Brill, 1994).
See Gordon H. Matties, Ezekiel 18 and the Rhetoric of Moral Discourse (SBLDS 126; A
Scholars Press, 1990), esp. 79-86.
See Jay Wilcoxen, "The Political Background of Jeremiah's Temple Sermon," in Scriptu

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 Reading Prophetic Books

the Zadokite Ezekiel viewed Levitical supporters with suspicion as potential sources
of corruption for the Temple and the people.
But Ezekiel's debate is not primarily with his prophetic colleagues; rather, it is
with the tradition in which he has been trained to serve as a priest, at the holy center
of creation. Ezekiel cites and employs traditions that are well-known in the Torah.
However, his understanding of his inherited tradition differs to such an extent that
Rabbi Hananiah ben Hezekiah later was said to have burned three hundred barrels
of oil working at night to reconcile the differences between Ezekiel and the Torah
so that Ezekiel might be accepted as sacred scripture (b. Shabbat 13b; b. Hagigah
13a; b. Menahot 45a). For example, the prophet's discussion of individual moral
responsibility in the above-cited Ezekiel 18 draws extensively on the so-called
Holiness Code of Leviticus 17-26, portraying the actions of the righteous and the
wicked in terms of the worship of idols, the slaughter and eating of meat, sexual
activity, justice to the poor, etc. But Ezekiel differs markedly from Leviticus by stating
that an individual alone is responsible for his actions, whereas Leviticus indicates
that G-d may punish later generations for the wrongdoing of their ancestors. His
description of the restored Temple, its sacred precincts, and its altar differs markedly
from the requirements of the Torah in many details—to the extent that Ezekiel's altar
appears to represent a Babylonian stepped structure. The prophet deliberately eats
impure food to illustrate his life as an exile in a land that is not holy. His depiction of
G-d's throne chariot draws in part on the imagery of the ark in the Holy of Holies in
the Temple, but it also draws upon motifs from the depiction of Mesopotamian G-ds,
such as Assur, who flies in his own throne chariot at the head of his armies.28
Clearly, Ezekiel employs traditions found in the Torah, but his divergences suggest
that he is in dialog with them, insofar as he changes them to meet the needs of a
very new situation. He is a Zadokite priest, raised for holy service in the Jerusalem
Temple, but he finds himself with a life outside of that Temple in a foreign land
that can hardly be described as holy by Temple standards. And yet he strives to act
as a priest in very different conditions throughout his lifetime, to sanctify that alien
land by demonstrating the reality of the divine presence even in Babylonia. In this
respect, he asserts that G-d is indeed sovereign of all creation. His portrayal of the
restored Temple at the center of a restored Israel and a restored creation supports that
contention.

Although Christian Bibles treat the Twelve Prophets as twelve discrete prophetic
books, Jewish tradition treats the Twelve as a single book which includes twelve
components. Indeed, modern critical scholarship has recently begun to consider both

History and Theology (Fest. J. C. Rylaarsdam; ed. A. L. Merrill and T. W. Overholt; Pittsburgh:
Pickwick, 1977), 151-66.
28 See John F. Kutsko, Between Heaven and Earth: Divine Presence and Absence in the Book of
Ezekiel (BibJudSt 7; Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns, 2000).

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 Marvin A. Sweeney

the compositional history and the literary form of the Book of the Twelve.29 The
is complicated by the existence of the Septuagint form of the book, which empl
own distinctive hermeneutical perspective to present the Twelve Prophets in a
different order from that of the Masoretic Text. Because the present concern i
the Tanakh, the following discussion will focus on the MT sequence.
The MT sequence indicates a deliberate concern with Jerusalem and its relatio
to G-d and the nations of the world. Thus, Hosea addresses the potential disrupt
the relationship between Israel and G-d, but envisions resolution when Israel re
to G-d and the house of David in Jerusalem.30 Joel employs motifs from cre
e.g., locust plagues and images of grain to focus on G-d's defense of Jerusalem
the nations. Amos points to the restoration of Jerusalem and Davidic rule follo
G-d's punishment of Israel and the nations.31 Obadiah focuses on G-d's judgm
against Edom as a representative of the nations, and its submission to Israel a
on the Day of the L-rd. Jonah tempers Obadiah's scenario of judgment by ra
the question of G-d's mercy to a repentant Nineveh.32 Micah portrays the ri
new Davidic monarch in Jerusalem who inaugurates a period of world peace a
punishing the nations for their assaults upon Israel. Nahum celebrates the down
the oppressive Assyrian empire. Habakkuk raises questions concerning divine ju
as the Babylonians threaten Judah. Zephaniah calls for a purge of Jerusalem
Judah on the Day of the L-rd that apparently signals the beginning of the Baby
threat against Jerusalem. Haggai calls upon the returned people of Jerusalem
rebuild the Temple as the holy center of the nations. Zechariah portrays the p
by which the nations will acknowledge G-d at the Jerusalem Temple followin
period of worldwide war. Finally, Malachi recapitulates the initial concerns of H
by calling for the observance of divine Torah, thereby rejecting calls for a disr
of the relationship between Israel and G-d.
Of course, the Book of the Twelve includes intertextual relationships with a
variety of texts from the Bible and elsewhere, but Steck, Bosshard-Nepustil, and o

See nowmy commentary, The Twelve Prophets (Berit Olam; 2 vols.; Collegeville: Liturgical
2000), esp. 1 :xv-xlii; see also my "Sequence and Interpretation in the Book of the Twel
Reading and Hearing the Book of the Twelve (ed. J. D. Nogalski and M. A. Sweeney; SB
15; Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature, 2000), 49-64, reprinted in Form and Intertextu
For a review of research on the Book of the Twelve, see now Paul L. Redditt, "The Format
the Book of the Twelve: A Review of Research," in Thematic Threads in the Book of the T
(ed. P. L. Redditt and A. Schart; BZAW 325; Berlin and New York: de Gruyter, 2003), 1
Francis Landy, Hosea (Readings; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1995).
See Max E. Polley, Amos and the Davidic Empire: A Socio-Historical Approach (New
and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1989); Shalom Paul, Amos: A Commentary (Herm
Minneapolis: Fortress, 1991).
Uriel Simon, Jonah (JPS Bible Commentary; Philadelphia: The Jewish Publication Soc
1999).

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 Reading Prophetic Books

have noted that the MT form of the Book of the Twelve is especially concerned with
the book of Isaiah.33 A primary example of this concern is the repeated intertextual
use in the Book of the Twelve of the famous "swords into plowshares" passage that
appears in Isa 2:2—4. Indeed, the passage plays important roles near the beginning,
middle, and end of the MT sequence of the Twelve. Thus, Joel employs a reversal
of Isaiah's peaceful imagery in his own portrayal of G-d's call to battle against the
nations that threaten Jerusalem on the Day of the L-rd.34 Micah draws on a slightly
different version of the Isaian passage in Mic 4:1-5 at the beginning of a sequence
that calls for the rise of a new Davidic king, who will confront and subdue the
nations that have exiled Israel.35 Zechariah applies the Isaian oracle in Zech 8:20-23
in order to express the nations' proposal to seek G-d at Zion, immediately prior to
the depiction of world war in Zechariah 9-14 that culminates in the submission
of the nations to G-d at the Jerusalem Temple.36 Of course, there are many more
allusions and citations, both to Isaiah and to other biblical texts, but these examples
suffice to demonstrate that the Book of the Twelve takes up concerns very similar
to those of Isaiah, i.e., Jerusalem's role at the center of the world following a period
of judgment. But its outlook differs markedly from Isaiah's vision of Jerusalem's/
Israel's submission to a foreign monarch as part of the divine plan for a restored
creation. By contrast, the Book of the Twelve envisions a period of extensive conflict
with the nations in which the nations will finally be subdued as they submit to G-d.
Although G-d emerges as the ultimate sovereign of creation and Jerusalem serves as
the site of G-d's sanctuary, a new Davidic king and restored Judah/Israel play leading
roles throughout the Twelve in realizing this goal.
This survey of the books of the Latter Prophets demonstrates that each addresses
the problems of exile and restoration in its own distinctive way. Isaiah envisions a
restored Jerusalem/Israel that will serve as a source for divine Torah and be ruled by a
foreign monarch in the context of the recognition of G-d by all the creation. Jeremiah
envisions the restoration of Israel to Jerusalem and the restoration of righteous
Davidic rule based on divine Torah following the punishment of the nation. Ezekiel
envisions the purification of Jerusalem and the world at large as the process by which
a new Temple will be built at the center of Israel and all creation. The Book of the
Twelve anticipates a period of world conflict in which the nations will recognize G-d
at the Jerusalem Temple after their defeat by G-d's Davidic monarch. Indeed, each
book of the Latter Prophets takes up the problem of Israel's exile as articulated in the

See Odil Hannes Steck, The Prophetic Books and their Theological Witness (St. Louis: Chalice,
2000); Erich Bosshard-Nepustil, Rezeption von Jesaja 1-39 im Zwölfprophetenbuch.
Marvin A. Sweeney, "The Place and Function of Joel within the Book of the Twelve," in Redditt
and Schart, Thematic Threads, 133-54, reprinted in Form and Intertextuality.
See my essay, "Micah's Debate with Isaiah."
See my essay, "Zechariah's Debate with Isaiah."

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 Marvin A. Sweeney

Former Prophets, by envisioning a restoration of Jerusalem/Israel at the cente

new creation. Each engages in debate, both with the tradition and with their pro
colleagues, concerning the character of the future restoration.

Ill

The Prophets play a decisive role within the three-part structure of the Tanakh. Th
is to say, the Prophets bridge the gap between the Torah, with its ideal portraya
of Israel assembled around the wilderness Tabernacle at the center of creation, an
the Writings, which portray the fundamental concerns of the Israelite/Jewish peop
centered around its restored Temple in Jerusalem. Insofar as the destruction of th
Jerusalem Temple and the Babylonian exile constitute the major challenge to ancien
IsraeTs/Judaism's sense of identity within the created world, the Prophets provide
theological means within the Tanakh by which Israel/Judaism constructively migh
come to grips with fundamental challenges to their existence in ways that enable
them to rebuild for the future. Indeed, this basic prophetic pattern, the call for t
building and rebuilding of the ideal Jewish people and its relationship to the world
large, has continued to inform and sustain Judaism throughout its history.37

37 This is a revised version of a plenary paper presented at the 14th World Congress of Jewi
Studies, Jerusalem, Israel, August 3, 2005. I would like to thank Prof. Ed Greenstein, Bar Ilan
University, for his role in securing my invitation to present this paper. An earlier form of th
paper was presented as the second of the two-part series, "Foundations for a Jewish Theology
the Bible," the Thirteenth Annual Gustafson Lectures, United Theological Seminary of the Twi
Cities, Brighton, Minnesota, October 7-8, 2002.1 thank Dean Richard D. Weis and the Unite
faculty for their invitation to present these lectures and for their hospitality during my visit
United Theological Seminary.

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