Building Indigenous Subjectivity

Building Indigenous Subjectivity:
Jesuit Pedagogies of Emotion

in the Colonial Andes
Alcira Dueñas, The Ohio State University at Newark
Downloaded from http://read.dukeupress.edu/ethnohistory/article-pdf/69/4/401/1655518/401duenas.pdf by UNIV CA DAVIS user on 21 November 2022

Abstract. Transforming the religious outlook of Indigenous populations in the
colonial Andes became an imperial undertaking that required more than an
external change. In the Andes, the missionary enterprise of the Jesuits created a
wholesale design of mechanisms for an effective intervention in the psyche of the
Native children of the Andean kurakas. Indoctrinators used the schools of caciques
and other missional spaces to direct these young students’ mental and bodily
dispositions toward cultural comportment changes. Colonizing Andeans’ inner-
most realms, the king and the Jesuits expected that out of “idolatrous heathens”
would emerge Indians with European customs who embraced and expanded
Christianity. To that end, the Jesuits systematically applied the “medicine of
the soul,” an assortment of pedagogies employed to set in motion a variety of
psychological states to produce a Christian subjectivity that occupied the inner
space of Andean children’s lives.
Keywords. missional psychology, Indian subjectivity, schools of caciques, body-
mind colonization.
The need to govern and control a massive and diverse population in the
Americas put the Jesuits and the Andean children of kurakas into a colo-
nizing relationship. While the Spanish crown’s approach to Indigenous
education conformed largely to the goals of the evangelization enterprise—
uprooting Andean religions, their errors, and “superstitions” — its his-
tory speaks more broadly to the constitution of Andeans as subjects of a
Christian empire. This essay discusses formal and informal models of colo-
nial Indigenous schooling and focuses on a seldom-recognized layer of
Ethnohistory 69:4 (October 2022) doi 10.1215/00141801-9881215

Copyright 2022 by American Society for Ethnohistory
402 Alcira Dueñas
imperial formation that pertains to the bodily and emotional aspects of

the evangelization project. Part and parcel of early modern missional
methods of the Jesuits, their catechization programs sought to modulate
Andeans’ emotional makeup to forge them into a group of malleable
Christians loyal to the church and the crown.

A close examination of carefully devised practices conducted in the
schools of caciques and extramural missional spaces in colonial Lima and
Cuzco unveils a concerted endeavor to manage Native children’s sentiments,
souls, and bodies through structured daily routines and disciplinary prac-
tices. This essay also questions the ability of the colonial institutions to
control fully the lives and consciousness of the Native alumni, by pointing
to Andeans who were able to use, for alternative purposes, the very instru-
ments the crown and the church designed for their political and cultural
assimilation to the colonial empire.
The scholarship on colonial religion and the extirpation of idolatry in
the Andes has contributed key contextual elements underlying the creation
of schools for Native people, but studies on the schools themselves and their
psychological methods are rather scant. The historiography on Andean
religious change has provided insightful accounts on Andean religious
beliefs and practices. In addition, the nexus between evangelization, Andean-
Christian interaction, and the multidimensional aspects of the extirpation-
of-idolatry campaigns have received significant attention (among others,
Marzal 1983; MacCormack 1991; Griffiths 1996; Mills 1997; Griffiths
and Cervantes 1999).1 Regarding the impact of Indigenous education,
studies by literary scholars and historians have considered Andeans as
authors, author-translators, and litigants during the extirpation cam-
paigns (Adorno 1986; Durston 2007; Charles 2010). Spanish religious
and legal cultures and Andean thought permeated the writings of lower-
church Andeans (Durston 2007). Focusing on the role of alphabetic writing
in evangelization and its appropriation and adaptation by Indigenous mis-
sionaries, a group of ethnohistorians, linguists, and anthropologists analyzed
the contribution of Guaraní writers to the production of lexicons, gram-
mars, sermons, letters, memoriales, and liturgical literature in Indigenous
languages (Neumann 2015; see also, cited in Neumann 2015, Meliá 1992,
Wilde 2009, and Daher 1999).
Focused specifically on the colegios de caciques, Monique Alaperrine-
Bouyer (2007) offered the most comprehensive social study to date his-
toricizing the schools, focusing on the hurdles of their financial manage-
ment and the ensuing intra-elite tensions and local alliances for and against
the schools. The author surveys the uniform teaching content (literacy and
doctrine) of the Jesuits with only a succinct discussion of music as a subject
Building Indigenous Subjectivity 403
introduced for efficacious evangelization.2 This essay highlights the colo-

nial nature of the Jesuit missional pedagogies by shifting the focus to a critical
discussion of the varied and more subtle Christianization strategies that
targeted the inner lives of Native children. Essential to understanding this
process is the discussion of what Jesuit evangelization programs did or

attempted to do to the selves of young Andeans in the schools of caciques
and elsewhere in extramural educational spaces. Analysis of how the Native
students eventually used the tools they were exposed to in colonial educa-
tional environments is also necessary to avoid the treatment of these ped-
agogical methods as unproblematically effective and essentializing tools in
the building of Native subjectivities.
The Jesuit “Litterae Annuae” (annual reports in Spanish to the order
general in Rome), resting in the Provincia del Perú section of the Archivum
Romanum Societatis Iesu (hereafter ARSI), offer unique sources to the study
of psychic pedagogical tools for the evangelization of Andeans. Although
prone to overstate the success of the Jesuit indoctrination efforts, the Lit-
terae Annuae offer a wealth of mostly untapped information on this subject.
Their narrative material allows for a critical analysis of the manipulation of
children’s feelings and the use of colonial spaces for the religious control of
Native students to be incorporated into the Spanish Catholic empire. This is
a decolonizing approach to the history of Native education and Indigenous
childhood that exposes the intended mobilization of Andean children’s
sphere of affection for the colonial church’s religious enterprise in Peru.
A Colonial Pedagogical Project for Indian Nobles
Soon after the Spanish invasion of the Andes, various missionary orders
endeavored to associate with Andean elites as part of a larger co-optation
attempt for the evangelization effort, intended to incorporate the Indi-
genous population to the empire as orderly Christians. By the 1560s, the
church realized that pre-Hispanic religious practices and imaginaries
remained important to Andeans and that evangelization needed a wholesale
revamping to consolidate their conversion and the elimination of Native
religions. Far from having a unified approach, the Spanish church combined
various extirpation-of-idolatry campaigns with other less forceful conver-
sion strategies, such as advocating persuasion in teaching Christianity. From
the more structured education in the escuelas de caciques (schools for caci-
ques), colegios mayores (religious colleges), and universities, only gradually
accessible to the Native elites, to the less formal religious teachings in rural
doctrinas (parishes) and Indian town schools, the church also endeavored
to achieve religious conversion and the transformation of Andean cul-
tures more persuasively. In the process, Andeans would not only become
404 Alcira Dueñas
themselves transformed, but, in turn, they would further the consolidation

of colonial Christianity and culture among their own Native subordinates.3
The schools for caciques came to fruition after a long history of unen-
forced royal mandates (1512, 1535, 1540, 1563, and 1569). In a 1573 real
cédula (royal decree), King Philip II had commanded the foundation of

seminary schools for Indian nobles in all the cities of Peru. This ruling would
only have added to the long list of unenforced decrees if it had not been
for Cuzco Inka lords themselves, who, aware of the political and social
potential of the existing legislation, petitioned in 1601 for the creation
of schools “for the Ingas principales [Inca authorities] from Cuzco and
other parts of this kingdom, where they may learn the things of our faith
and all policia [urbanity] and Christianity, so that our children and descen-
dants can teach them to their subjects.”4 Andean authorities themselves thus
prompted the colonial state to enforce its own education laws, seeing in
them an opening within the colonial system to better their social position,
while expressing a desire to have their own teachers to educate future
Andean generations.
It was not until July 1618, amid preparations for the extirpation cam-
paign of 1620, that King Philip III founded the first school of caciques in
El Cercado (an enclosed reducción, or “Indian town,” adjacent to Lima).
Officially named El Príncipe (The Prince, in honor of the Viceroy Príncipe
de Esquilache), the school was better known as the Colegio de Caciques El
Cercado.5 Viceroy Esquilache approved the foundation of a second sem-
inary school for Cuzco kurakas’ children named San Francisco de Borja
(better known as San Borja) in 1621. Funded through a combination of
royal endowments and Indigenous community funds, the schools func-
tioned intermittently and with financial difficulties until the expulsion
of the Jesuits in 1767.6 Lesser-known educational establishments also
existed for commoners in rural Indian villages.
The official purpose of the Escuelas de Caciques was clearly defined at
the outset as one of changing customs, religious practices, and identities by
turning the children of kurakas into potential indoctrinators, a kind of
Indian priesthood that would ideally spearhead catechization in Andean
communities. Professor and viceregal adviser Antonio Acuña (1620) sta-
ted that the aim of the Native schools was that “Indians have Christian
caciques of good customs who serve as role models, learn the true religion
and endeavor to extirpate idolatry and other vices and errors” (Eguiguren
1940–51, 1:518).
Viceroy Esquilache entrusted the Jesuits with the pedagogical and
administrative responsibilities of these and other schools. The Jesuit reports
on the schools for caciques established that during the first seven years
students would obtain a thorough foundation in moral theology, the canon,

hagiography, Spanish grammar, reading, writing, literature, art (music and
singing), arithmetic, and the trades. Subsequently, they would enter cole-
gios mayores and take classes in Latin, rhetoric, philosophy, and theology,
and finally they would be ordained as priests.7 The lessons on moral theology

were crucial for the training of curas doctrineros (parish priests), confessors,
and curas de almas (missionaries) (Martin 1968: 17, 36; Duviols 1977: 333).
Although the schools for caciques functioned separately from the semi-
naries for Spaniards and creoles, they had a parallel existence in reality.
Sometimes they operated in the same spaces and they frequently shared
the same faculty (Olaechea 1962: 112).
The Native schools were instrumental to the linguistic and religious
change of elite Andean children and became the main sites where the Jesuit
endeavored to mold their minds and devotional behavior. Jesuit educators
placed paramount importance on teaching Castilian, alphabetic writing, and
devotional reading in Spanish to instill “good customs,” Christian beliefs,
and practices in Andean children. The circulation of written and visual
instructional materials in the schools prompted Native students to commu-
nicate in Spanish. Teaching Castilian was also central to the intended change
of customs, as social habits and cultural values become more easily inter-
nalized when transmitted through the new language. Isolation of the Native
students from their communities, language restrictions imposed at a tender
age, and the daily use of Spanish (written and spoken) provided the vehicle for
the students’ “hispanization.” Literacy and evangelization were thus inex-
tricably linked and both were instrumental to forge acculturation and the
integration of Andeans as subjects of a Catholic, Spanish-speaking empire.
While Amerindians were to become literate in Castilian, missionaries
themselves endeavored to learn Quechua, Aymara, and Guaraní languages
in the southern frontier missions. Native students were the ideal source of
language skills for the Jesuits in the schools of caciques, particularly for
facilitating the translation of pastoral materials to Native languages.8 The
Jesuits first attempted the creation of a “seminario de lengua Quechua” in
the colegio El Cercado in 1632, eventually obtaining the necessary funding.
Protracted disputes over the destination of the donations delayed the start of
the seminario until 1692, when the Jesuit quarter in El Cercado was
turned into a colegio de misiones (mission school).9 Little is known about
the functioning of the language seminary, but it is very likely that Andeans
became a helpful resource for the language training of the Jesuits. They
envisioned El Cercado mission school as a language seminary where novices
and missionaries from the Lima Archbishopric and the Trujillo Bishopric
would be immersed in the Quechua and Aymara languages needed for the
conversion plan.10
406 Alcira Dueñas
In the seminary, Jesuit trainees were to learn catechism and prayers in

Quechua and Aymara and to practice such missional skills with the school
Indians and during the Sunday sermons in the street.11 The seminary work
also included the composition and printing of textbooks, catechisms, pray-
ers, sermons, and other pastoral literature in Indigenous languages.12 Pre-

sumably, the schools’ Native speakers of various Indigenous languages not
only helped the Jesuit to practice their language skills, but to rehearse cat-
echizing Amerindians in their own languages. As they became literate in
Spanish, Andean children served as copyists, interpreters, and mission
aids. Thus, cultural colonization in El Cercado aimed at “reducing” Native
languages and speakers to the evangelization program’s language and goals.
The Jesuits also conducted religious teachings in urban marketplaces
and plazas on a regular basis.13 In both urban and rural areas, and away
from the schools, scores of Andeans also became literate from everyday
interaction with Spaniards and other indios ladinos (Christian and Spanish-
speaking Indians) who eventually taught Andeans how to read and write in
a rather informal fashion and relatively out of the social control of cler-
gymen. It was also very common for individual members of the regular
orders to take Native and mestizo students under their wing and teach them
in ways like those in the schools of caciques and colegios mayores.14
Amy Huras (2016: 134) argues that leading extirpators such as the
Lima Archbishop Pedro de Villagómez supported Spanish language schools
for Native boys, known as escuelas para muchachos indios, providing
instruction and instilling “discipline, obedience, and orthodox Catho-
lic devotion.” Unlike the colegios, the escuelas para muchachos indios
operated somewhat impermanently in the Archdiocese of Lima and as
rather “transient — even periodic” educational endeavors conforming to
post-Tridentine repressive goals. Andean boys would learn the basics of
Spanish literacy (speaking, reading, writing), Christian prayers, singing,
and devotional behavior, while the Indian teachers of “idolatry” in the vil-
lages would become target of coercive techniques (Huras 2016: 138, 171–
72). Huras maintains that these escuelas existed as notably diverse “local
community-based collaborations” in provinces such as Huarochirí, Caja-
tambo, Cañete, Chancay, Huánuco, Junín, Ancash, Ica, and Cerro de Pasco.
These escuelas admitted mestizos, Spaniards, and Indian nobles. They
received instruction from priests, Indios ladinos (often fiscales de iglesia,
village overseers of Indian converts), and Spanish and mestizo teachers
(Huras 2016: 190, 213–15).
The colonial efforts to impart education upon noble Amerindians were
not limited to the Escuelas de Caciques. Amerindian students entered the
seminary schools of the religious orders beginning as early as 1548, when
the two sons of Atahualpa joined the Franciscan religious college in Quito
(Eguiguren 1940–51, 1:529).15 Although reserved for just a handful of
Indian elites, the University of San Marcos allowed them to enroll before
they completed their training as curas doctrineros. Probably on a larger
scale, other forms of colonial schooling for Amerindians took place in more

informal spaces in cities, rural doctrinas, and haciendas (Spalding 1984:
326).16 In the cities, the Jesuits also taught Christian doctrine to Indians,
Blacks, Pardos, and Mulattoes in their congregations. Individual indoc-
trinators also worked in urban Indian cofradías (sodalities) and in congre-
gations of Indian soldiers and urban workers in Lima and Cuzco, preaching
to them on Sundays and Mondays.17 Indian congregations usually had their
own chapel where they would hold indoctrination and Catholic rituals amid
exuberant decoration with canvases, altarpieces, and other Baroque reli-
gious paraphernalia placed at close distance to instill piety and devotion.18
In remote areas and more informal spaces, such as Jesuit and Indian-
owned haciendas, chapels and schools for Amerindians were built. Mem-
bers of the religious orders and the secular clergy focused mostly on reli-
gious indoctrination and literacy.19 In Indian villages, Indios de iglesia
(Native church assistants), in their capacity of overseers, cantors, and sac-
ristans, functioned as catechizers of Native children and occasionally taught
them Spanish, reading, and writing. There were also Indigenous doctrineros
(indoctrinators) who provided more informal instruction in Indigenous
families’ homes. The focus and impact of such schooling are difficult to
ascertain. Since it was relatively unsupervised, it is possible that alter-
native interpretations of Christianity could have emerged in such rela-
tively unsupervised contexts.
In most of the urban and rural settings discussed above, instruction
and indoctrination utilized motivational techniques to induce Native stu-
dents’ acceptance of the religious and linguistic teachings. Missionaries
enticed curiosity and appetite by distributing alms and food to Native
children, moving them to come to catechism, confess themselves, and
attend Mass. This manipulation of Indians’ feelings and behavior func-
tioned in a similar fashion in remote mission towns where the Jesuits also
offered tools, candy, shelter, and other objects to bring Andeans to receive
and accept Christianization.
Edification through Body-Mind Control
Cultural change transpired in the schools of caciques and was largely pro-
duced through interventions in the body of the Native students. An exam-
ination of daily routines in such spaces reveals the power relationships that
408 Alcira Dueñas
pervaded the whole project of empire building through religious integration.

Missionaries invested with godly knowledge kept close watch over and
attempted to manage the bodies of Indians whom they perceived as
“gentiles,” “neophytes,” and ultimately “idolaters.” Even though they
saw Andeans as minors in the spiritual path and therefore incapable of full

membership in the church, the clerical mentors aimed to turn young Andean
elites into “true Christians” who could support the missional effort. The
project involved a rather structured and repetitive design of body-mind dis-
positions all geared toward disciplining Andeans’ bodies by enforcing dress
codes, controlling movement in the schools and public spaces, and reor-
ganizing distributions of Native spaces and time.
Because some Cuzco kurakas were reluctant to send their children to
these establishments, the Jesuits used force to recruit the unwilling (Duviols
1977: 337). Viceregal adviser and educator Antonio Acuña maintained in
1622 that kurakas’ children must be forced into the schools even without
parental consent (Eguiguren 1940–51, 1:518). The Jesuit recruitment
method is clear in the following statement by Spanish observer Agustin de
Agudelo, in the first years of the schools: “It was determined that some
religious [men] from the Company [of Jesus] who knew the [Native] lan-
guage went out to the neighboring Indian towns to extract those [Natives]
who persisted [in their “idolatry”], and put them in reclusion; thus, Your
Excellence resolved to found the school whose doctrine was in charge of the
Fathers of the Company, in El Cercado of this [c]ity” (Eguiguren 1940–51,
1:774; emphasis mine).
Students enrolled between the ages of ten and fourteen and apparently
remained in school for at least seven years. The establishments functioned
as boarding schools where Native students were away from their relatives
and communities for long periods. Andean students were expected to
spearhead the missionizing of their Native constituencies, which is clear in
the passage below where the Jesuits’ extirpating effort also becomes apparent
as they explained that their duties were “to separate them [Native children]
from their parents, so that they do not replicate the bad example their parents
set with the superstition of their old religion. Later, when they return to their
towns, they will teach their subjects what they learned. And it will be of great
avail, because Indios principales command great authority among their
subjects” (Eguiguren 1940–51, 2:523; underlined in original).
In contrast to the disciplinary aspects of this educational project, the
crown presented it as a privilege for Amerindian elites, who would be allowed
to continue studies at the University of San Marcos to further the forma-
tion of Indian missionizers. In the passage below the king also moves the
university to expand this kind of Native schooling:
It would be convenient that also Indians enjoy this prerogative [to

enter the university], as it seems that there are among them some of
very good understanding, who, enlightened with the intelligence of the
sciences would accomplish a great deed in training and moving the
rest of brutes who persist in their blindness and idolatries. . . . [It is

convenient] that the university start to institutionalize schools for
boys from all nations . . . both for the youth to exercise themselves in a
virtuous occupation and to train those who will hold the Indian
parishes so that they learn the languages in which they will have to
preach, confess, and minister whatever is necessary.20
The structure of daily activities in the schools was consistent with the
stated goals of the crown and the church. The schools enforced seclusion
and a rather rigid distribution of the Natives’ time and space to ensure proper
detachment from their cultural and social milieu and a rapid incorporation
into the Spanish culture. Repetition underlay the daily schedule in the colegios
and was consistently applied to religious teachings, public ceremonial dis-
plays, and catechization. The apparently rigid schedule in the schools ensured
that students remained busy and focused on religious and other schooling
practices throughout the day. The scheduled tolling of bells marked the start
time for each activity from five thirty in the morning through nine in the
evening. “Free” time at refectory was to be of silence except when filled with
oral readings of religious books. Routines and reiteration thus intended to
instill new religious ideas and practices by imprinting them on the students’
psyches and souls.21
The power relationships between Jesuit mentors and Indian students
resembled the ideal Habsburg paternalistic relationship between the king
and his subjects in the body politic and reflected the status of Indian stu-
dents as neophytes. From dawn to dusk the scheduled activities took place
under the watch of their clerical mentors. Thus, the Native students’ bodily
disposition, eating habits, housing style, language, and religious culture
were systematically modified.
Managing Indigenous children’s bodies went along with disposing of
their labor to build the infrastructure of evangelization. The construction
and maintenance of the schools’ buildings and chapels (not to mention the
entire buildings of cities and towns) fell directly on Andeans’ shoulders and
financially on their communal funds. While this may not come as a surprise,
a striking element of the use of Indian labor and the glorification of its
pastoral exploitation is worth noting. Such meaning emerges vividly as one
reads the Jesuits’ report on their accomplishments:
It was remarkable to see that with great love they [the Indians] worked
the mud to make the adobes and to carry the stones. They would adapt
410 Alcira Dueñas
their traditional singing and dancing to do their work with more

enthusiasm and care and to show their happiness. And the children too
would build chapels by themselves singing and praising songs to the
Lord. . . . The Indians, even those Ingas principales and caciques in
their pueblos would help carry the stones, making long woven robes

out of their woolen hats and the women out of their cotton woven
belts. They would wrap up the rope around their heads and pull [from
them]. . . . To demonstrate, by example, to their charges and to
encourage them to do the work, they would get barefoot and then
would stamp the mud to make adobes and walls. . . . With this pros-
perity they built our church. It causes great admiration to see this, which
both our brothers and some secular people have witnessed.22
By itself, the quote above speaks loudly about the role of the Jesuit edifica-
tion rhetoric through Indian labor exploitation for pastoral ends. Adapting
Andean singing and dancing and eliciting feelings of happiness, while car-
rying stones pulled from their heads, would apparently achieve not only
spiritual edification but material benefit and cultural change.
The location and distribution of space in the Native schools mirrored
the segregating desires of the state and its efforts to exert social control over
the Amerindians’ intimate realms of life. In 1680, the Jesuit Francisco del
Quadro described thus El Cercado’s location to his general (superior) in
Rome: “At the top of the hill, which is an Indian town, lies El Cercado
school under the protection of Santiago Apostle. It is called El Cercado
for the enclosure that girds the whole body of the Indian population, as if
to separate it from the court.”23 The place and design of the school reflected
the Habsburg pattern of intended confinement in the Indian reducciones. As
was the case with the schools for caciques, the purpose of the reducciones
was both to subject Indians to civitas and to create a space conducive to “liv
[ing] in good order and discipline so that they are not deprived from spiri-
tual and temporal benefice.”24 On the other hand, the organization of the
physical spaces in the schools reflected new forms of interaction between
mentors and students, and among students themselves. The enclosed school
for caciques El Cercado was contiguous to and functioned as an appendix
of both the Jesuit seminary school also named Colegio El Cercado and the
Jesuit Colegio Mayor de San Pablo. In a similar fashion, the San Borja
school for caciques in Cuzco was contiguous to the Jesuit Colegio Mayor
de San Bernardo.25
Spanish youngsters26 occupied classrooms and quarters (“away from
the naturales”) separate from those of the Native youngsters. In 1670, the
Jesuit director explained how the disposition of the space in the boarding
schools facilitated permanent supervision and a panoptical control of the

Amerindians’ bodies by their cleric teachers:
This is so that with the due distance and wooden divisions built in
between them, we prevent the slightest risk of indecency that too much
proximity could provoke. . . . Both the naturales’ [Indians’] and the

Spanish children’s rooms are disposed below a hallway of archways
on pillars in a manner that both the brother master and the rector
may watch very closely over all of them from their own quarters, so
that, with the interaction between them, any kind of misdemeanor is
prevented. . . . After the bell rings for lunch and dinner they come to
the refectory, pupils on one side and Native students on the other.27
The Indian chapel was probably one of the most important places in
the schools. Students spent a significant amount of time there, attending
scheduled masses, praying and singing daily. Elaborate religious paintings
and retablos (altarpieces), lights, floral arrangements, and other visual par-
aphernalia decorated the chapel, creating an atmosphere that elicited in the
Native youth devotion, respect, and imitation of saints.28 Through the
deliberate occupation of public spaces in the colegios, the Jesuit teachers
also manipulated visual literacy for conversion purposes.29
Emotional Rhetoric for Conversion
From the sixteenth century, European Jesuit thinkers understood the impor-
tance of knowledge of human subjectivity and behavior for the Christiani-
zation process (Massimi 2001: 625–26).30 In the Andes and other colonial
contexts, Jesuits strove to integrate Indigenous cultures to European ones.
They understood the power of music, singing, canticles, sermons, and cate-
chetic public performances to stir sentiments and enhanced psychological
states. Jesuits thus sought to shape the inner sphere of Andeans’ religiosity
with this “medicine of the soul,” which they applied in both the schools
and other public spaces propitious for multiplying the conversion effects.
As in many other missionary projects worldwide, music and singing
played a pivotal role as evangelization tools in El Cercado. Andeans were
familiar with musical sensibility and training since Inca times,31 and colo-
nial pastoral literature claimed that Andeans had a singular propensity to
music.32 In sixteenth- and seventeenth-century Europe, a theory of affec-
tions seemed to be widespread in the liturgical field, along with the notion
of “musical rhetoric.” This notion refers to the use of music in religious
contexts to produce faith (to “reduce”) by persuasion and to arouse eleva-
tion, love, edification, and mystical mimesis. Musical rhetoric was, in other
412 Alcira Dueñas
words, “the art of persuading an audience through musical discourse”

(Favier 2017). Juan de Saladaña, an escribano (scribe) inspecting the 1678
Beaterío de la Santísima Trinidad in Cuzco, wrote that the music and singing
instruction that noble Indian women received there was designed “so that
with the clarity of their voices they reduce the infidel Indians yet to be

conquered by the faith and Christian religion” (para que . . . con el clarín
de sus voces . . . se reduzgan [sic] los indios infieles que están por conquistar
a la fe y religión cristiana) (Burns 2002: 89; emphasis mine).
As in the Cuzco beaterío, the pervasiveness of religious music and
singing in the school of caciques and in the rural escuelas de niños (chil-
dren’s schools) of the Jesuits emphasizes that, there too, musical rhetoric
was instrumental in the “reduction” of Indigenous Andeans to Catholic and
royal subjects.33 The “litterae annuae” narrative highlights how musical
rhetoric, along with sermons and painting, produced a sensitive effect on
the Indigenous boys and excited their desire for mystical imitation: “All the
days of the world they pray the Christian doctrine and they sing it . . . and
the Indians are so inclined to make paintings on the walls that sometimes
they learn the missional message more effectively with paintings than with
the sermons” (Todos los días del mundo rezan la doctrina cristiana y la
cantan . . . y hacen los indios pinturas en las paredes a las que ellos son muy
inclinados y a veces son más efectivas las pinturas que los sermones para
aprender el mensaje misional).34 The missionaries also conducted spiritual
retreats in the Casa de los Desamparados where “reading is conducted
regularly; then they have a sermon, then prayers and then they cry and
become very emotional. The fervor and the reform of customs observed
demonstrate great edification” (Se lee, luego plática, luego oración, y luego
lloran y se emocionan. El fervor y reforma de costumbres que se reconoce es
de mucha edificación).35
The mobilization of musical sensibilities to promote Native Christian-
ization, however, was not a strategy unique to the Jesuits. In the schools of
Caciques San Andrés (Quito), for example, the Franciscans encouraged
Andeans to produce music with a variety of Andean and European instru-
ments and singing in Native languages and Spanish, a persuasive means to
changing Native customs and identities (Andrango-Walker 2012). But the
Jesuits were masters of musical rhetoric in their misiones, or “mission towns.”
Since the inception of El Cercado reducción (1570), they had founded a
school for children where they not only taught music and singing but also
created a “capilla de cantores” (choir) and an orchestra (Guibovich 2017:
174).36 They staged weekly choral performances accompanied with instru-
mental music in the public spaces of El Cercado, Lima, and Cuzco.37 Native
bodies thus became both instrument of and instrumental to the use of musical
rhetoric for evangelization, as a 1640 “littera annua” makes evident:
In this school the Fathers raise little Indians from the town to become
musicians and they teach all kinds of musical instruments for the divine
cult: the boys become so dexterous, and some of them are so graceful
and talented that they are frequently sent to serve at the cathedral, and
even some Spaniards ask for them to animate their solemn celebrations.

In all of that, the [Jesuit] Fathers receive accolades for the care and the
good work they put into their upbringing.38
Seeking similar emotional effects, the Franciscan missionaries used
liturgical singing in ways that stirred deep sensations in the Native faithful.
Hymns and songs were translated to Quechua and were the staple of reg-
ular religious worship in the Indian doctrinas (parishes). These canticles,
chiefly the “Passion of Christ,” presented liturgical content in ways that
elicited associations to Andean tropes, images, and the power of Inca dei-
ties. Similes like Christ’s blood/irrigation, Christ/Pachacamac, Christ’s
sacrifice/blood sacrifice and others provoked powerful feelings of pity and
prompted adoration of the Crucifix (Durston 2007: 254–61).
Sermons were crucial techniques in the recruitment of suitable feelings
for the dissemination of Christian beliefs. In cities and rural parishes, the
Jesuit catechizers staged impromptu public ministerios de púlpito (pulpit
sermons), admonitions peppered with powerful storytelling and conducted
in plazas and crowded places geared to produce public conversions. In 1678
alone, a Jesuit source claims, they delivered six hundred sermons to Indians,
Blacks, and Spaniards in Lima and five hundred in Cuzco. Attendance at
these sermons ranged between five thousand and six thousand “souls” and
up to eighteen thousand during Lent.39 These sermons relied on endless
repetition and dramatized parables intended to provoke a sustained state of
awe and a desire for mystical imitation.
In Lima and Cuzco, the Jesuit indoctrinators also staged funciones
públicas, or “public performances,” with Native Andean actors reaching
out beyond the walls of San Borja and El Príncipe to Native audiences in the
city. In funciones públicas and weekly staged processions, Native students
were to dress in the green school uniforms, underneath which they could
keep a modest measure of their traditional Inca attire. They would bear the
imperial symbol (the Castile and Leon coat of arms) on the chests of their
uniform, which distinctively marked their new status as subjects of the
Spanish king.
Both during town festivals (carnestolendas) and every Thursday dur-
ing Lent, the Andean children of San Borja would parade bearing the
school’s guión (standard) as they were to march back and forth from San
Borja to the plaza mayor (main square). The Native boys’ bodily gestures
414 Alcira Dueñas
were to express gravity and composure while displaying on their bodies

both Catholic and Inca symbolic objects.40 In El Cercado itself, Native
students would join the town Indians marching together in the Sunday
processions praying to the Virgin, playing diverse musical instruments and
singing religious tunes until the ceremony usually closed with a public act

of repentance (acto de contrición). Tearful expressions of guilt, repentance,
and the outbursts of mystical euphoria that preceded conversion were
detailed in the Jesuit reports.41 Elsewhere in La Plata, the pastoral inspec-
tions also featured actos de contriciónthat elicited passionate responses by
Indians: “After the fervor of the plática (sermon), there was a lot of crying
and emotion and also when they published the missional jubilee” (Después
de la plática fervorosa hubo mucho llanto y emoción y cuando se publicó el
jubileo de misión).42
Funciones públicas engaged with a baroque ceremonial culture present
in the streets of Cuzco and Lima during the seventeenth and eighteenth
centuries. Begun during the campaigns for extirpation of idolatry in the
Lima Dioceses, these funciones enacted the spiritual conquest of Amerin-
dians and the triumph of Catholic indoctrination over Native idolatry, and
formed part and parcel of the schools’ goals and programs of conversion. A
display of the new Christian/Inca identities of the Native elites took place
through the visual language of dressing, religious paraphernalia, and the
display of imperial power symbols and religious performance. The role of
these young kurakas in the funciones públicas resembled that of the sub-
ordinate Inca descendants in the Corpus Christi processions in Cuzco dur-
ing the same years. As in the Corpus Christi, the funciones públicas were an
open demonstration of Christianity’s power over Native religions.43
Public argumentos de la doctrina cristiana (staged debates on Chris-
tian doctrine) constituted a performative component of the Jesuit conver-
sion program taking place in the streets of Cuzco and Lima. Presdesigned
questions were addressed to the children, who likewise answered with
fixed responses. These public displays of pedagogical tools made apparent
the power-knowledge relationship lying at the basis of this colonial edu-
cational project. In examining the Jesuit missional model in Paraguay,
Bartomeu Melià (1992: 113; cited in Neumann 2015: 52) explains that the
catechistic technique of fixed and mandatory questions/answers featured
a hypothetical dialogue, a memorized text through relentless repetition,
because that way “the effects of oral learning were more immediate” (ous
efeitos do aprendizado oralizado eran mais imediatos). The Jesuit mission-
aries in Peru would follow this method, staging argumentos that followed
closely the format of the catechisms used for missionary work. One well-
known catechism compiled by the Jesuit Father Jeronimo de Ripalda
consisted of a series of questions and answers that the San Borja Native
students were to repeat and memorize “so that it remains indelibly imprinted
in their memory” (para que se les imprima indeleble en la memoria).44
Following the performative format of the argumentos, a group of
Indian boys formulated the questions and another group responded. The
Jesuit Provincial Diego de Cárdenas described these argumentos as “a kind

of conference that they hold among themselves about specific matters they
have been studying very attentively.”45 During Lent, and throughout a
dense yearly calendar of religious observances, the Jesuit teachers staged
these argumentos de la doctrina cristiana in Cuzco’s plaza mayor, where
they featured the Native students reciting the mysteries of the Catholic
faith. Jesuit Father Diego de Altamirano maintained that in these events,
they “argued and repeated” statements not only on religious but on arith-
metical matters, in which they demonstrated they were very capable to
perform all kinds of operations.46
The format of the argumentos de la doctrina cristiana was a revised
version of similar debates customarily held in the Lima Jesuit College of San
Pablo in the seventeenth century. Theology and philosophy were the main
subjects, and the Jesuit mentors would posit three questions in advance for
students to devote time and thought to discussing them in “ordinarias
conferencias” (preparatory debates) that led to “domésticas palestras” (the
debate proper) and then to the conclusion sessions.47 The staged argu-
mentos de la vida cristiana attained a twofold and simultaneous effect: first,
to teach the larger Amerindian community in attendance by example; sec-
ond, to display Spanish cultural superiority in teaching and knowledge,
emphasized by the seeming docility of the young Native elite. In these tidy
performances, Andeans appeared to be regurgitating the Jesuit teachings,
unable to think for themselves. The idea was to use Andeans’ “loquacity”
and “ability” to assimilate doctrine “so that by learning from the children
of caciques, others in turn are instructed.”48 The argumentos de la vida
cristiana also strengthened the legitimacy of the Jesuits as converters in
Cuzco and Lima with their pedagogical skills taking center stage through
neat displays of their pupils’ well-learned lessons. They thus sent a clear
message of social order and obedience to the larger community of Amer-
indians, mestizos, and Spaniards in the city.
In extramural and rather crowded spaces of the city, the Jesuit mentors
would also deliver public sermons on Sundays after playing the accus-
tomed “disputes” of Christian doctrine. In 1690, these took place in the
Cuzco popular market known as “El Baratillo.” In El Cercado, the indoc-
trinators delivered Sunday sermons in Quechua and Aymara to the numerous
visiting Indios ladinos and those who came down from the Andean sierras
416 Alcira Dueñas
(mountains) sojourning in the town while conducting business in Lima.49

The sermons reinforced teaching by example and aimed at mobilizing
guilt, remorse, and fear through the staging of actos de contrición at the
closing of the program.50
Under the tutelage of their religious mentors, the Native students of

San Borja and El Príncipe also engaged in public performances reenacting
the sacred mysteries of Christianity and the lives of an array of saints and
virgins. These theatrical representations aimed at prompting piety and
mystical imitation among the Native audience and the larger city commu-
nity. In one of the most exuberant of all Native public performances, the
Nativity, Andeans lavishly represented angels, baby Jesus, Virgin Mary, and
Saint Joseph with a wealth of costumes, adornment, and Christmas para-
phernalia.51 According to the Jesuit account, the Native performers drew
out praise and awe from the attending members of the Spanish nobility and
the church, who also requested the Natives’ “services” to perform in their
private celebrations. Thus, the young Native bodies came to be regarded as
available resources for the Catholic liturgical events more widely. This was
an opportunity for the Jesuits not only to display the musical talents of their
students, as they performed instrumental and choral music, but also to build
social support for their religious order.
Overall, the colonial educational project for Amerindians extended
beyond the walls of the schools themselves and became a well-known feature
of public ceremonial and daily life in Cuzco and Lima during the seventeenth
and eighteenth centuries. Kuraka children were made to serve as means for
the public indoctrination of the Indian population at large in public perfor-
mances and argumentos de la vida cristiana. On all these occasions, the
teachers spurred calculated feelings of guilt in the Native children to sti-
mulate repentance, collective conversion, and desires to imitate saintly lives.
These techniques thus embodied a ritualization of cultural transformation,
a reminder of the colonization of Native bodies, minds, and souls through
subtle psychic tools.
The Outcomes
The surviving school rosters are insufficient to track down the activities of
all the schools’ alumni. The colonial educational efforts, however, seem to
have produced mixed and often ambiguous results, which nonetheless calls
into question the goals of the schooling programs and their methods for
turning Native elites into spearhead missionaries, good Christians, and
loyal subjects. Literacy and religious teaching proved ambiguous if not
controversial tools of empire building and social control in the context of
Native schools. Although Spanish and Quechua literacy promoted Indian

conversion and cultural change writ large, Native students used literacy
and Christian identity in ways the church found difficult to anticipate. The
pervading fears of Indians’ lawsuits and potential insubordination contin-
uously haunted missionaries and state officials, including the king, and
exposed the “boomerang” effect of literacy and Indian Christianiza-

tion.52 Real or potential misunderstanding and calculated distortion of
Christian dogma by Andeans often fueled clerical anxiety.53
After about forty years of extirpation campaigns, and decades after
Andeans came under the tutelage of the religious orders in the schools of
caciques, ecclesiastics and officials complained that Native religious cere-
monies were frequently conducted by literate Indians who lived among
priests and Spaniards. Even Indian alcaldes (magistrates of Indian towns),
fiscales de iglesia, sacristans, cantors, and artisans were among the most
frequently involved in Native religious practices (Spaulding 1984). Barto-
lomé Álvarez, parish priest in Charcas, considered literate Andeans’ use
of Spanish legal literature to be dangerous. He feared that works such as
the “Siete Partidas,” the notarial manual “Monterroso,” and the Curia
Filípica by Hebia Bolaños provided legal and technical guidelines that
Andeans applied to filing lawsuits against Spaniards. Alvarez also
opposed the teaching of Latin to Andeans by the “teatinos” (the Jesuits)
(Álvarez [1588] 1998: 268–69). Spanish magistrates (corregidores) and
clerics often complained that the schools “were harmful for the instruc-
tion and government of Indians, because they turn very ladino and don’t
learn good customs, nor Christianity, but quite the contrary, they turn very
lazy in their own towns” (Eguiguren 1940–51, 1:93). They requested the
closing of the schools for fear of the unpredictable power of writing in
the hands Indigenous subjects. Indian plaintiffs, cabildo officials, lower
church officials, and caciques seized every possibility to seek justice through
filing complaints and lawsuits in the provincial courts of the Corregidor,
ecclesiastic courts, Reales Audiencias (Supreme Courts), and the courts
in Spain.54
One of the most striking outcomes was the involvement of alumni of
the schools of caciques in Andean rebellions. The messianic leader Juan
Santos Atahualpa who challenged the missionary project of the Francis-
cans in Peru (1742–53) apparently studied in San Borja and in various
Franciscan convents. Santos praised the Jesuits as educators and included
them in his plans of Indigenous self-rule in the Andes.55 In the Cerro de la
Sal area, a group of Christian kurakas educated in the Franciscan missions
of Santa Rosa de Ocopa supported Santos Atahualpa’s rebellion (Izaguirre
1922).56
418 Alcira Dueñas
Official opposition to the schools intensified in the aftermath of the

Andean insurrections in Cuzco and La Paz (1780–83) and during the wars
of independence. The charismatic leader of the upheaval in the Cuzco area,
José Gabriel Condorcanqui Túpac Amaru II, and some of his most loyal
supporters came from the classrooms of San Borja and attended classes of

Arts and Theology at the University of San Marcos in Lima. His brothers
and young supporters were classmates at the schools of caciques in Cuzco
before the rebellion (Eguiguren 1940–51, 1:41, 874). An alumnus of the
Jesuit San Bernardo college in Cuzco, the mallku (kuraka) Juan Colque
Guarachi, headed a conspiracy to kill Spaniards during the massive 1781
Túpac Katari rebellion in La Paz (Saignes 1985: 438). A powerful kuraka
from Chincheros (Cuzco area) and lieutenant general of the national armies,
Mateo Pumacahua fought in the 1814 Peruvian campaign of independence,
years after he had graduated from San Borja (Eguiguren 1940–51, 2:16).
Pumacahua had vehemently fought against the insurrectional forces of Tupac
Amaru II in 1781 and was instrumental in their defeat. As a reward, he
received a royal appointment with a handsome salary (Garrett 2005: 305).57
Other educated Andeans used their legal, religious, and experiential
knowledge as colonial subjects to question the colonial order through writ-
ings that revealed the social distress in the Andes.58 Andeans schooled in
colegios mayores, the schools for caciques, or mission schools, or under
the individual mentorship of clergymen, produced a body of writings and
legal actions which furthered the long-lasting tradition of Andean dis-
courses of justice in the colonial Andes.59
To be sure, the educational project for Amerindians produced more
than rebels, critics, and relentless litigants. Other Andeans occupied posi-
tions in the church itself. El Cercado School for Caciques “produced many
Indians famous in the pulpit and in the forum” (Figuera 1965: 384). Fran-
cisco Patiño, for example, became a Jesuit priest and was instrumental in the
foundation of the cofradía of Indian oficiales [city workers] in Cuzco circa
1690.60 Other Indigenous students completed studies at the University of
San Marcos, like Ignacio Díaz, who became a doctor in sacred theology and
performed as rector and priest of the Lima cathedral as well as secretary to
Archbishop Diego Morcillo in 1775. In another instance, the Andean noble
Don Cristobal de Aparicio was ordained and became the local priest of
the town of La Barranca. He taught Latin and moral philosophy and became
the private tutor of La Barranca diocese. Andean Licentiate Don Joseph de
Avalos graduated at the age of eighteen from the Pontifical University of San
Ildefonso in Lima with degrees in philosophy, theology, Latin, rhetoric, and
canon law (Llano Zapata 1904: 4–5).61 Literate Andeans also became
teachers in the rural schools and privately taught individual students the
basics of literacy.62 Finally, Andeans produced an intriguing body of pas-

toral writings and correspondence of significant cultural and linguistic
value in both Spanish and Quechua.63
Further south, in the Guaraní missions of Paraguay, the Jesuit mis-
sionaries had largely used the missional techniques discussed above. The

Jesuit Francisco Jarque reported in 1687 to have received a compilation
of Pláticas y Sermones (speeches and sermons) composed in Guaraní by a
cacique from Loreto (Jarque 1687: 361; cited in Neumann 2015: 32). The
Guaraní also produced substantial translations of devotional texts such
as Nicolás Yapuguay’s Sermones y ejemplos en lengua guaraní (Neumann
2015: 38).64
Conclusion
The Jesuits advanced pedagogical and disciplinary strategies for the Chris-
tianization of Andeans, attempting to colonize their subjectivity. Through
carefully designed techniques that mobilized Native children’s desires,
affection, and inclinations, the Jesuits used various schooling spaces to
produce a harvest of Christianized Native subjects for the Spanish empire.
By engaging Indian students in the practice of music, singing, painting,
public performance and listening to sermons, the missionaries manipu-
lated sentiments of awe, piety, guilt, commiseration, and love to generate
repentance, public conversion, and acceptance of Christian morality.
Colonizing the students’ Native language was a chief means to inculcate
European values into Andeans’ minds and lifestyles and would also serve
the broader religious purpose of the Spanish empire.
The Jesuits shaped Cuzco and Lima socially and culturally through
their psychological techniques. Broadcasting successful Native learning and
their pious and docile behavior made missional performances into features
of public life. The Jesuits’ iterations of public sermons, funciones públicas,
actos de contrición, argumentos de la doctrina cristiana, and ceremonial life
with their orchestrated movements of Andean children’s bodies turned city
streets and plazas into spaces of cultural transformation. They displayed
publicly the colonial efforts to control the Indian bodies, minds, and souls and
elicited imitation of religious behavior from other Andeans in the audience.
But the Spanish institutions proved unable to fully control the use of
religious knowledge and Spanish literacy by the Native students in the post-
school years. Even though some educated Andeans supported the goals of
the church, others turned the acquired skills of the mind into intellectual
abilities to question, alter, and oppose the order of things this educational
program was meant to support. Thus, the mobilization of the children’s
420 Alcira Dueñas
feelings and sensibilities by religious mentors proved ambiguous, double-

edged tools of social control, which eventually took on a life of their own.
The Habsburg educational policy, however, faded toward the eigh-
teenth century as the new Bourbon secularization and reform efforts sought
to diminish the power of the church. The expulsion of the Jesuits in 1767

and the colonial assault on Andean elites after the Tupac Amaru Rebellion
constituted major blows to the schools for caciques. At the sunset of the
colonial era, the Bourbons increasingly understood Native education as a
more modern and pragmatic undertaking centered on labor training. They
sought to constitute Amerindians into more “economic” subjects useful to
the larger project of rationalizing the colonial enterprise by increasing the
crown revenues. Unsurprisingly, the schools for Andeans lost financial state
support, and eventually turned into a system of colqueronas, a voluntary
arrangement by which rich Indians would pay the salary of the school master
in exchange for exemption from mita service (Penry 2019: 133).65
In the aftermath of the Andean insurrections, the Bourbons strove to
regain cultural and social control of Amerindians. In his Breves apuntes
para la descripción del partido de Huaraz, the creole “subdelegado” Felipe
Antonio Alvarado explained to the Bourbon king that it was the condition
of “ignorance” that kept Indians in poverty. Therefore, a strong effort to
improve Native education was in order. This linked Amerindians’ own
socioeconomic improvement to the crown’s interests. The core of Alvarado’s
proposal consisted of the creation of “schools in Castilian,” as opposed to
religious schools, which he defined as “a catechism mostly misunderstood
and generally mispronounced.” He strongly believed that the “light” of
education would only lead to wealth and well-being (Macera 1966: 237–
38).66 By the early nineteenth century the weakness of the royal educational
project for Andeans was evident.67 Authorities spoke about training in the
more “useful” activities of agriculture, cattle ranching, and craftwork, but
very few such establishments seem to have been created.
Notes
My gratitude goes to Ohio State University for financing my research stay in Rome.
I thank the two anonymous reviewers of this essay for their useful suggestions. A
special thanks goes to Herman Barreto, Mark Lentz, Mónica Díaz, and Lucy
Murphy for their critical readings and suggestions on early versions of this essay.
1 Broader reflections on cultural change under Spanish rule focused on the cross-
cultural nature of Andean colonial Christianity, with some historians addres-
sing the politics of the campaigns and examining the evangelization model the
church established during the campaigns. See, among others, Duviols 1977;
Garais 1989; Estenssoro Fusch 2003.
2 Alaperrine-Bouyer (2007) also contributed a useful survey of the schools’

routines, a few alumnae’s activities, and the decline of the schools. For other
surveys of Native schooling, see Escobari de Querejazu 2012, chap. 3, 286–
89; Amy Huras (2016) offers another critical analysis to be discussed below.
Numerous other studies have approached only fragmentary aspects of these
schools, frequently as part of broader surveys of colonial education and aspects

of culture. Among others, see Bayle 1934; Valcárcel 1968; Macera 1966; Vargas
(1795) 1940; O’Phelan Godoy 1995; and Olaechea 1973.
3 For critical renditions of the extirpation-of-idolatry campaigns and evan-
gelization more broadly, see, among others, Griffiths 1996; Mills 1997; Garais
1989; Estenssoro Fusch 2003.
4 Archivo General de Indias, Seville (hereafter AGI), Patronato, fol. 171.
5 The long-delayed foundation of the colegios is discussed amply in Alaparrine-
Bouyer 2007.
6 Less information exists about other schools of caciques subsequently founded in
Potosí and Chuquisaca (Charcas) around 1630 and academies for the same
purpose established in La Paz, Santacruz de la Sierra, La Plata, and Cocha-
bamba (Eguiguren 1940–51, 1:456, 529; Wood 1986: 85).
7 ARSI, Perú 18b, 1702, fols. 244–44v. These reports, however, offer evidence of
only very few Indigenous students that had been ordained as priests.
8 For the work of Andeans in the translation of pastoral literature into Cuzqueño
Quechua and the critical meaning of translation as a tool for Christianization
and cultural transformation, see Durston 2007.
9 ARSI, Fondo Gesuitico 1385, 1 Cercado, 1632–1695, fols. 1, 8–16v, 30–33v,
36–41v, 48–51v.
10 ARSI, Perú 3, Acta e Postulata, 1637–1758, fol. 10; Perú 4, Catalogui Triennales
Provincia Peruanae, 1625–54, fol. 499.
11 ARSI, Perú 3, fol. 10v.
12 ARSI, Congregación 21, 1692, fol. 87.
13 ARSI, “Litterae Annuae de la Provincia del Perú,” 1678–1679–1680, fol. 13v,
14.
14 Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala was probably one of the best-known Andeans
educated in this fashion by a mestizo religious man, Martin de Ayala, appar-
ently his half-brother (Adorno 2002: 146).
15 Mission schools by the Franciscans and Jesuits existed also in more remote
areas.
16 A royal decree from 1685 ordered that schools be established in Indian villages
where students were to learn the Spanish language; according to inspection
reports from 1648, rural parishes in Indian towns were to have a school. Parish
priests faced fines if their parishes’ schools were not functioning at the moment
of episcopal inspections.
17 ARSI, Perú 5, Catalogo Terum (hereafter Cat.), noviembre 3, 1664, fol. 60, 60v;
ARSI, Perú 17, fol. 130, 153.
18 ARSI, Perú 17, 1678–80.
19 Aside from targeting Native conversion, the Jesuit claimed to have preached
sermons to about two hundred slaves in the rural settings of their hacienda
Vilcaguara in Cuzco (ARSI, Perú 17, “Litterae Annuae” 1678–1751, fol. 155;
Perú 18v, tomo XI, 1651–1704, fol. 246).
20 AGI Lima 337; emphasis mine.
422 Alcira Dueñas
21 For example: “Every day of the week we conduct the sacred doctrine to the
[I]ndians. On Saturdays we deliver speeches with a thorough explanation of the
ten commandments, litanies, and hail to our holy Virgin. Every Sunday morning
and afternoon we deliver speeches in their Indian languages; after the morning
speech they have their spiritual discussion in another chapel. We ensure that they
receive communion daily or at least once a month. They attend daily mass, and,

in the afternoons, they pray together the rosary and litanies. Every Friday of the
year they sing their own mass to the holy Christ very solemnly and a speech
follows” (ARSI, Perú 17, fol. 74, 129v, 162).
22 ARSI, Perú 24, fol. 12v; emphasis mine. Other Litterae Annuae offer detailed
descriptions of how the Indian cofradías served as vehicles that articulated the
circulation of Indigenous labor force for the construction of churches and the
Jesuit school buildings (ARSI, Perú 24, mayo 16, 2005; Historia de la Provincia
de la Cia. de Jesus [2a. parte], fol. 12v–13).
23 ARSI, Perú 17, 1680, fol. 2; emphasis mine. In fact, the Indian town was located
about 1.6 miles away from the viceregal palace and the Real Audiencia.
24 John Carter Brown Library, Brown University, Providence, Rhode Island,
Recopilación de Leyes de los reynos de las Indias, mandadas a imprimir y
publicar por la magestad católica del Rey Don Carlos II, Madrid 1791, vol.
2, book 6, title 3, law 1.
25 ARSI, Perú 17, “Litterae Annuae” 1678–1751, “Letter from 1681 by Father
Francisco del Quadro,” fols. 2–3.
26 Despite the royal mandates to the contrary, the Jesuits admitted several pupilos
(Spanish boys) in the Colegios de Caciques, essentially because these students’
parents paid extra tuition. See also Escobari de Querejazu 2012: 285.
27 ARSI, Perú 17, circa 1770, fol. 161v; emphasis mine.
28 ARSI, Perú 17, “Litterae Annuae” 1678–1750, fol. 129.
29 ARSI, Perú 17, fol. 162–62v. For visual literacy, see Rappaport and Cummins
2012. For a sophisticated interpretation of Andean mural painting beyond vis-
ual literacy, see Cohen 2016.
30 Marina Massimi also argues that common missional practices such as “spiritual
direction” and “examination of conscience” stood at the very origins of modern
psychotherapy. This Jesuit “psychology,” according to Massimi, was embedded
in a long and more practical Greek tradition known as “medicine of the soul.”
31 De la Vega ([1609] 1991: 112–13) recorded that the role of the Amautas in Inca
times was to teach music and poetry.
32 Archivo Arzobispal de Lima (AAL), Visitas Pastorales Leg. 9:42, fol. 4v. Cited
in Huras 2016: 236–38. Apparently, Andeans took upon themselves the orga-
nization of music lessons, choirs, and even played as choirmasters in the in rural
parishes and in the escuelas de muchachos.
33 Daily Mass accompanied with music and singing by the Indians preceded early
morning sessions of catechism in the parish of the pueblo de indios (ARSI, Perú
17, Lima, 24 de abril 1621).
34 ARSI, Perú 24, Historia de la Provincia de la Cia. de Jesus (2a. parte), fol. 11v;
emphasis mine.
35 ARSI, Perú 16, Litterae Annuae, fol. 196v–97; emphasis mine.
36 To the compass of the organ, the pupils would sing daily in the escuelas de niños
attended by one Jesuit brother and coadjutor (ARSI, Perú 17, Lima, 24 de abril,
1621. fol. 155).
37 ARSI Perú 17, fol. 162–62v.
38 ARSI, Perú 17, fol. 74; emphasis mine. Original Spanish: “En esta escuela crían
los padres indiecitos del pueblo para músicos y se les enseñan todo género de
instrumentos para el culto divino: salen tan diestros y hay muchos tan agra-
ciados que suelen servir en la catedral y por recreo los piden los españoles
para las fiestas solemnes y en todas se alaba la buena crianza y cuidado de la
compañía.”
39 ARSI, Perú 17, “Litterae Annuae” 1678–1751, fol. 5. This peculiar genre of

spiritual statistics emerged in Jesuit reports to their general in Rome out of the
need to render positive outcomes of their mission work. Expectedly, these
reports rendered the voices of the Andean students mute.
40 ARSI, Perú 17, 162v; Perú 21, Historia, Cuzco, 24 noviembre 1690.
41 ARSI, Perú 18b, 1703, fol. 255v.
42 Archivo Arquidiocesano de Sucre, 27 May 1690, Doctrina Quillacollo (Potosí);
emphasis mine.
43 I am here building upon Carolyn Dean’s (1999) argument that the Corpus
Christi enacted the triumph of Christianity over heresy and that the ritual drew
heavily on the signs of Inca subordination while it enacted colonization.
46 ARSI, “Litterae Annuae,” octubre 1700, fol. 220; ARSI, Perú 17, fol. 162v.
47 ARSI, Perú 17, 1678–1679–1680, fol. 3v.
48 ARSI, Perú 21, Historia, Cuzco, noviembre 24, 1690, fol. 21; ARSI, Perú 17, fol.
162v.
49 ARSI, Perú 17, 1690, fol. 154.
50 ARSI, Perú 21, fol. 21. Public sermons were also held on Mondays in the cathe-
dral’s corner called “El Jamón.” On Tuesdays in the plaza mayor the preachers
delivered sermons to the Black water carriers, and on Fridays in the fish market,
the big plaza, and the city prison.
51 ARSI, Perú 17, fol. 74, 129v, 130.
52 See multiple instances of such a “boomerang effect” in Charles 2010; Dueñas
2010; Neumann 2015; Guibovich 2017. Although a temporary measure, a
1683 royal decree prohibited the teaching of Latin, rhetoric, and logic to
Native students for fear that they could arrive at heretic conclusions (Duviols
1977: 335).
53 Alan Durston (2007: 283–88) offers a documented discussion of intriguing
instances of Andeans’ misuse of Christian doctrine in remote locations where
clerics had little or no control on Native assistants and Indian liturgical events.
54 A large body of scholarship has addressed the Indigenous use of the courts of
justice focusing on negotiation of rule, their legal strategies, notions of justice,
social networks, and cultural and legal mediation, among other key issues. A
small sample of this scholarship includes, Premo 2005; Graubart 2007; Dueñas
2010, 2017, 2018; and Stern 1982.
55 Juan Santos Atahualpa led a massive multiethnic insurrection in the Cerro de la
Sal area, in the central Sierra in Northeast Peru, 1742–53. The rebellion
destroyed the mission towns and banished the Franciscan missionaries from
the area for more than twenty years (Varesse 2002).
56 The group included Santabangari, the Quisopongo kuraka in the Central
Sierra; Siabar, the Cunibo Nation kuraka and leader of a 1737 insurrection;
Mateo de Assia, a Christian cacique from Metraro and lieutenant of Juan
Santos; and Perote, an Indian captain of the Cunibo Nation.
424 Alcira Dueñas
57 Pumacahua was an entrepreneur well known in the Cuzco area for his wealth
and lavish demonstrations of loyalty to the king.
58 See works on Andean intellectuals in Dueñas 2010; Charles 2010; and Ramos
and Yannakakis 2015.
59 For a detailed presentation of these Native writers and their works beyond the
well-known Andean chroniclers of the early seventeenth century, see Dueñas

2010.
60 ARSI, Perú 17, circa 1690, fol. 130.
61 In the late colonial period, a larger number of Indigenous students and mestizos
also became confessors and parish priests, such as Licentiates Antipara, Aven-
daño, Azogue, Chirinos, Tacuri, and Ronceros. A 1780 student of El Cercado
school named Felipe Camilo Túpac Yupanqui, cacique from San Jerónimo
(Jauja), continued arts studies in the Dominican Santo Tomas school and per-
haps too in the more prestigious convictorio de San Carlos in Lima. In 1792 he
applied, unsuccessfully, for a fellowship to pursue studies in Spain in the royal
Colegio para nobles americanos (Granada), which never saw the light of day
(Alaperrine-Bouyer 2007: 282–90).
62 Archivo Arzobispal de Sucre, San Luis de Sacaca (La Plata), 1680. In rural
and urban areas Andeans themselves taught music lessons to other Native
youngsters.
63 Durston (2007) based his work on a substantial amount of Andean church
assistants’ translations of pastoral writing to the Quechua vernacular from
Cuzco. The best-known example of Quechua writing, otherwise, is the five
letters by the cacique of the Cotahuasi reducción (Condesuyos), Don Cristóbal
Castillo. He wrote them in 1616 to persuade his disobedient charges of
returning to the new reducción. Led by the Native notary Juan Diego García,
they had abandoned that reducción in pursuit of creating their own reduc-
ción in Pampamarca, where they would pay their tribute independently from
Castillo. The embattled Christian cacique pressed his charges to obey his
authority and fulfill their duties as tributaries and Christians, upholding con-
fession and summoning them to abandon their borracheras (drinking) and
rebelliousness. Castillo drew his Christian rhetoric from the linguistic tradition
established in the Third Provincial Council of Lima (Itier 2005: 51, 56–73).
64 Eduardo Neumann has recently identified written records by the Guaraní
produced in response to both the Treaty of Madrid and the economic man-
agement of the mission towns in the 1700s.
65 Two lower-level posts were to be created to provide ink and paper for the Native
students.
66 In New Spain, Charles III attempted to fully alphabetize Amerindians by
founding sixty-one provincial “schools of Castilian” in 1756. The Bourbon lit-
eracy campaigns consisted of abolishing Native languages and promoting the
“civil” life of Indians in conjunction with Spaniards. Amerindians were taught
catechism, reading, and writing in Spanish (Gruzinski 1991: 262–66).
67 An official survey conducted between 1809 and 1817 registered only one school
in the Partido de Aymares (Cuzco), and a few private ones in Jauja run by eccle-
siastics. There were no schools in Tarma, Andajes, Ocros, Chiquian, or Huaylas.
However, informants reiterated requests that schools for Indians and mestizos
be established (Macera 1966: 224–39).
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Building Indigenous Subjectivity:

Jesuit Pedagogies of Emotion

Alcira Dueñas, The Ohio State University at Newark

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Ethnohistory 69:4 (October 2022) doi 10.1215/00141801-9881215

imperial formation that pertains to the bodily and emotional aspects of

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introduced for efﬁcacious evangelization.2 This essay highlights the colo-

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A Colonial Pedagogical Project for Indian Nobles

themselves transformed, but, in turn, they would further the consolidation

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students would obtain a thorough foundation in moral theology, the canon,

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In the seminary, Jesuit trainees were to learn catechism and prayers in

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Ediﬁcation through Body-Mind Control

pervaded the whole project of empire building through religious integration.

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It would be convenient that also Indians enjoy this prerogative [to

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their traditional singing and dancing to do their work with more

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schools facilitated permanent supervision and a panoptical control of the

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Emotional Rhetoric for Conversion

words, “the art of persuading an audience through musical discourse”

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were to express gravity and composure while displaying on their bodies

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(mountains) sojourning in the town while conducting business in Lima.49

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Native schools. Although Spanish and Quechua literacy promoted Indian

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Ofﬁcial opposition to the schools intensiﬁed in the aftermath of the

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basics of literacy.62 Finally, Andeans produced an intriguing body of pas-

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feelings and sensibilities by religious mentors proved ambiguous, double-

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2 Alaperrine-Bouyer (2007) also contributed a useful survey of the schools’

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Estenssoro Fusch, Juan Carlos. 2003. Del paganismo a la santidad: La incorpora-

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Massimi, Marina. 2001. “A psicologia dos Jesuítas: Uma contribuição à história

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