INTRODUCTION:

The Revolution of 1911 holds a significant place in the history of China, for it was during this

revolution that Manchu dynasty was overthrown. For the first time, a republic was established in

the country. The debates surrounding the revolution of 1911 are hinged upon four key issues: (a)

the nature of the movement- was it anti Manchus or anti imperialists? (b) who were the most

important participants? (c) can the movement be regarded as a prelude to the May 4

th movement?

And lastly (d) was the revolution a success or a failure?

If one has to assess the HISTORIOGRAPHY of this event, broadly speaking, there are three main

schools which have put forward their respective theories with regard to the 1911 revolution. The

first school is the Orthodox school, which views the revolution as a prologue to the future Chinese

revolutions of the 20

th century. The second school, the Neo-Orthodox school consists of the

communist historians or Marxists, who view the 1911 revolution as a bourgeois revolution. They

held that it was a phase in the series of revolutions that were to follow. And the third group of

scholars is that of Western scholars. In their opinion, this revolution was neither a prelude nor a

phase. Rather, it was an inevitable event which led to the collapse of the Manchu dynasty.

POLITICAL BACKGROUND TO THE REVOLUTION:

The end of the 19

th century and the beginning of the 20

th century had witnessed the growth of

Chinese nationalism.

According to Mary C. Wright, the emergent Chinese nationalism had two dimensions- anti-

Manchuism and anti-Imperialism. Anti-Manchu sentiments had existed ever since the inception of
the dynasty. Manchus were looked upon as foreigners by the Han race and their attempts to

strengthen their position by ruling autocratically had made them extremely unpopular. It soon

became clear that the Manchus were not ready to surrender any of their claims to rule over China.

According to I.Y. Hsu, anti-Machu sentiments had been evident in case of the various popular

uprisings that had taken place throughout its history. The most prominent of these were the

Taiping rebellion, the various movements launched by secret societies and the Boxer rebellion. All

these movements wanted an overthrow of the Manchu rule and its replacement by a more

favourable system of governance. Such sentiments percolated down to the 20

th century too.

Wolfgang Franke mentions that the period from the end of 1908 to early 1910 appeared to be

peaceful, but this was only on the surface. The revolutionaries had been secretly working

intensively in order to prepare for a revolution.

Our analysis of the political background to the revolution of 1911 may begin with the ‘Boxer

Protocol’ (1901) that the Manchus had signed with the foreign powers. This was an unequal treaty

that demanded disarmament, taking down of forts, opening of ports, a huge indemnity of 450

million taels of silver, execution of members of the imperial household along with the

extermination of the boxers. China’s sovereignty was being challenged openly now. Wu Yu-Chang

aptly states that as a consequence of these humiliating demands, China was being driven ‘deeper

and deeper into the abyss of a semi-colony’. Scholar............has used the phrase ‘cutting of the

Chinese melon’ in order to describe how foreign powers had carved their own spheres of

influence on the Chinese mainland.

Revolution of 1911 1

Owing to these developments discussed above, anti Manchu and anti imperialist sentiments

continued to grow. It was this rising tide of nationalism that compelled the government to introduce

a series of reforms in 1898. Chesneaux states that it was these very reforms which sounded the

death knell for the Manchus, for they gave rise to new revolutionary currents and succeeded in

intensifying the nationalist sentiments. Having said that, let us see how this argument holds true.
The key areas in which reforms were initiated included- education, the army and administration

and institutional organisation. The old system of competitive examination was abolished. It is

important to note that the new education system was promoting a political consciousness among

the students that would later threaten the existing political system. Educational institutions had

also become centers of political activity and were used as staging grounds for launching all kinds

of demonstrations and protests against the Manchu government led by the students. A ‘New

Army’ was created that was trained to handle new equipment. The traditional system of recruiting

soldiers was also abolished and the Banner system that had provided the military support base to

the Manchus was also abolished.

The Manchu regime also agreed to the grant constitutional reforms. Elected Assemblies were

created at a national and provincial level. As far as the Manchus were concerned these changes

were not meant to reduce the power or authority of the Manchus in anyway. These reforms were

aimed at promoting greater centralization of the power and influence of the Manchus. This in turn

was perceived as a direct threat to the autonomy that the provincial governors enjoyed. Thus the

Manchus began to be resented by their once loyal allies.

One particular reform of 1911 was the plan of nationalization of the railways by the Manchu

government. This announcement became the immediate cause for the outbreak of the revolution

of 1911. In the spring of 1911, the imperial government had decided to nationalize the remainder

of the railway system of China, including the part that was still in course of construction, which

was in private hands. The money required for this was to be raised by means of a loan from the

Big Four powers (England, France, Germany and USA). This nationalization was met with

opposition especially in the provinces like Hunan and Hupei. The reason for this opposition was

that the central government was taking charge of the construction of the Hankow-Canton and the

Hankow- Chungking-Chentgu lines, which had been started by private companies who had taken

loans from the provinces concerned.

The gentry saw this step as a move by the by the central government to be able to concentrate

more power in its hands so as to be able to extend greater privileges to the foreign powers in

return for the loans taken on 4 may, 1911. The bourgeoisie also saw this as yet another attempt

by the Manchus to give more privileges to the foreign powers and thus, another means through

which the national sentiments of the Chinese had been betrayed. This had led to popular outcry
culminating in the outbreak of revolution on 10 October 1911 in Wuchang, thereby often called the

Wuchang uprising. From Wuchang, the revolution spread to other provinces, resulting in Manchu

abdication on 12 February 1912 and the establishment of a republic with Sun-Yat-Sen as its first

provisional president.

PARTICIPANTS OF THE REVOLUTION OF 1911:

One of the academic debates which centre round the revolution of 1911 is about the role of the

various groups and classes which took part in the revolution. At the same time, scholars have

tried to find out which group played the most prominent role. The new groups that had emerged

during this period were the students and intellectuals; women; new military men; overseas

Chinese and the

Revolution of 1911 2

working class. But at the same time the older social groups like the gentry, the bourgeoisie and

the masses also played an important role in the Revolution of 1911.

• ROLE OF GENTRY AND BOURGEOISIE:

M.C. Bergere has argued that the rise of a new social group in China- the commercial bourgeoisie

was an important phenomenon. The bourgeoisie that had come up mainly in the port towns of

China like Canton, Shanghai etc were the worst affected by the foreign intrusion into China. Their

own interests were often in conflict with that of the foreign interests. The petty bourgeoisie was

also becoming disenchanted with the Manchu rule as the influx of foreign goods had a disastrous

affect on the indigenous industries. Moreover, the inability of the Chinese government to impose

tariffs on the imported goods had led to their free and cheap circulation within the Chinese

markets. Owing to these reasons, nationalist sentiments among the bourgeoisie were

demonstrated strongly throughout this period in the form of strikes and boycott of foreign goods.

Their anti-imperialist sentiments were quickly turned into active hostility against the Manchu state

for its failure to protect the Chinese and their business interests. There was a formation of an

alliance between the gentry and the bourgeoisie. Wolfgang Franke points out that earlier the

gentry had been a unified force which supported the ruling dynasty. But now, discontent with the

Manchus, they allied with the bourgeoisie. Thus, it can be seen that by the 20

th century the
increasing foreign encroachment and the inability of the Manchus to tackle this foreign threat had

given rise to a great deal of opposition and resentment within China.

While analyzing the political role of the Chinese bourgeoisie, Bergere argues that the entire

bourgeoisie class was nationalistic in its opposition to special privileges given to foreign powers

and in its demand for a strong central government capable of providing conditions for the growth

of a national market. Thus, the “bourgeoisie ideology” was coloured by nationalism and

constitutionalism and they came to play an important role in the boycott of foreign goods, the

agitation for parliamentary governments and played a key role in mobilizing a new kind of public

opinion. It is for this reason that some scholars like Edward Rhoads have described the

Revolution to be a bourgeoisie revolution. He has argued that the bourgeoisie was quite

independent and extraordinarily active in the nationalist agitations.

However, Bergere argues that when the revolution came, the bourgeoisie proved too weak to be

able to play a leading role. Thus, the 1911 revolution cannot be characterized as a bourgeoisie

revolution as is done by some scholars. This according to her was due to the fact that the

Bourgeoisie had not yet developed a distinct class identity. Even Esherick has argued that most of

the Bourgeoisie demonstrations had taken place under gentry leadership and even their

Self-Government society was actually headed by a member of the gentry. Thus, he believed that

the distinction between the gentry and bourgeoisie was not yet definite enough for the latter to

play the leading role.

In contrast to the views held by Bergere, scholars like Ichiko Chuzo, David Buck and Robert Kapp

held that the gentry was motivated only by the desire of self-preservation and not by any higher

ideal of improving China. They argue that their role should not be overemphasized, a point which

even Joseph Esherick makes.

• STUDENTS AND INTELLECTUALS:

This was also the period which saw the growth of intellectual ideas. According to I.Y. Hsu, modern

and western ideas like human rights, democracy, equality, independence, freedom etc were

gaining currency in China. Nationalism, democracy and republicanism had become the motivating

forces for revolutionary change in China.

Revolution of 1911 3
Wolfgang Franke states that the most important element in the revolutionary movement was the

young intellectuals and students. They helped prepare the ground for the revolution. According to

Franz Micheal, it was the students, who had studied in Japan, USA and Europe that the first

modern Chinese intellectuals had emerged. This group realized the weakness of the Manchu

Government and the danger facing the country and the only way out according to them was

revolution.

• PEASANTRY:

Western historians, particularly in the early works on 1911 revolution have tended to undermine

the role played by the peasantry class. The traditional view dismissed the role played by the

peasant class on grounds of it being a passive, conservative and traditional class that was

disinterested in revolution, as it was tied to the land. This view doesn’t’ hold good any longer. The

fact was that the peasantry was deeply stirred by increasing foreign intrusion and also by

increasing missionary activity. In fact the biggest peasant movements in China took place when

foreign impact was the strongest. In 1909 alone for instance there were 113 well-documented

outbursts of rebellion and in 1910 the number rose to 285. According to John Lust, who has

provided the strongest argument for the significance of “movements from below”, during this

period it was this constant agitation that had completely undermined the authority and confidence

of the existing establishment.

Though the causes for the uprisings were essentially traditional in character i.e. floods, famine,

agrarian discontent, unemployment, what was unique about these uprisings was that they were

specifically political in character. Their main purpose was to overthrow the Manchu government

and the imperial system. However, Escherick has argued that while scholars, who have worked on

the role of the peasantry have been able to challenge the elitist interpretation of the revolution

they have gone overboard in describing the direct role that the peasantry may have played.

REASONS FOR EMERGENCE OF SUN-YAT SEN AS THE LEADER OF THE REVOLUTION:

A very important development that was taking place in the period prior to the revolution of 1911

was the rise of one particular figure on the political scene – Dr. Sun Yat Sen. Many scholars

regard him as the father of the Chinese Republic. K.T.S. Sarao has argued that he was not only

the promoter but also the inspirer of the revolution. A number of historians belonging to the

orthodox school highlight the heroic role played by Sun-Yat; they believe that Sun had ushered in
the era of Republicanism into China.

In order to account for the reasons for the rise Sun Yat Sen, one may briefly discuss his early

career. In 1905, Sun Yat left Europe for Japan. Under his leadership, more than 70

representatives of the China Revival Society, the Restoration Society and the Daily Knowledge

society gathered in Tokyo for the founding of a new organization called the China Revolutionary

League. The political programme of the new organization, as proposed by Sun Yat Sen had four

points: repulsion of the Manchus, restoration of China, establishment of a Republic and equal land

ownership.

He made some very significant contributions to the revolution. Recognising the existence of social

forces capable of bringing about a revolution, he called for the unification of all revolutionary

organizations under one head. He therefore formed the Chinese United League of Tung-Meng Hui

in 1905. The Tung-Meng Hui because of its multi-provincial and multiclass character provided a

unified central organization that resembled a modern political party, which served as a rallying

point for all revolutionary and progressive forces in the country. Thus, according to some scholars

he deserves credit for bringing into the mainstream the revolutionary movement. He succeeded in

bringing secret societies to the forefront. He also played an important role in garnering the support

Revolution of 1911 4

of the overseas Chinese for the cause of the revolution. Ever since he went to Hawaii in 1895 he

continued to woo the overseas Chinese in Hongkong, Japan, USA, Britain etc.

Sun Yat’s ideas had considerable influence on the development of the revolutionary movement.

He formulated the three people’s principles: People’s National Consciousness or Nationalism;

People’s Rights or Democracy and People’s livelihood or Socialism.

However, in recent years a number of questions or doubts have been raised regarding the role

played by Sun in the Revolution of 1911 and to his commitment to the ideas of Republicanism.

For instance, Esherick has argued that the leadership to his party was in the hands of Yang

Qu-Yun, who was more insistent on the principles of republicanism than Sun. Moreover, he also

argues that Tung-Meng Hui was not as effective or unified as it was made out to be. This

viewpoint has been supported by K.S.Liew, who argued that it was more a ‘federal union of the

provinces’ rather than a ‘unitary organization composed of individuals’.

Harold Schiffrin throws light on some weaknesses of Sun Yat Sen. He says that Sun Yat was

remarkably vague and self-contradictory. Mary Wright goes to the extent to say that Sun Yat was

not the leader needed! He had little idea of what a transfer of power would mean. And he was

equally vague on the subject of China’s relation to the West.

WAS THE MOVEMENT A SUCCESS OR FAILURE ?

FAILURE:

❖ Wu Yu-Chang has brought to our attention one particular shortcoming seen in the

Revolution of 1911. He argues that the anti-manchu propaganda did not fully succeed in

raising the national consciousness of the people to the desired level. The important reasons

for the failure of revolution of 1911 were the lack of preparation and errors in leadership with

regard to the fundamental problems of revolutionary theory, revolutionary organization, the

revolutionary armed forces and the revolutionary provisional government. In similar vein, Mary

Wright holds that the most immediate and obvious cause of the failure of the revolution was

the limited vision of the revolutionary leaders and their ability to effectively organize. And this

problem of organization was not seen in the top leadership but also in the localities. ❖

However, as Wright brings to our notice, we must not forget that the reason why no adequate

leadership could emerge was because of lack of time. Moreover the body of revolutionary

tradition and doctrine was also thin. There was no time because it was felt that prolonged

disorder would invite foreign intervention and partition of the country. Thus, the leadership was

handed over to Yan Shih Kai. Yuan Shikai’s formal assumption of the office of Presidency in

Beijing signalled the failure of the revolution. ❖ Wolfgang Franke argues that even though

Sun Yat Sen and his followers succeeded in giving a severe blow to the tottering Confucian

state, they did not really provide any conclusive programme so as to replace the old order.

Herein lies the reason for the failure of the revolution. ❖ Communist historians have

attributed the failure of the revolution of 1911 to the weak nature of the bourgeoisie. Ch’en Tu

Hsiu states that the bourgeoisie was highly divided, lacked a class consciousness and

therefore not successful as a united force.

Revolution of 1911 5

SUCCESS:
❖ Wolfgang Franke points out that earlier the gentry had been a unified force which

supported the ruling dynasty. But now, discontent with the Manchus, they allied with the

bourgeoisie. And unlike earlier times, now the gentry was no longer unified. This was therefore

another factor that contributed to the success of the revolution. ❖ Although the revolution of

1911 failed to wipe out feudalism completely, it did succeed in giving it a fatal blow. It

overthrew the Machu dynasty and herein lies the greatest significance of this revolution. ❖

Mary Wright states that in a way, the revolution of 1911 had laid a base for the second phase

of the Chinese Revolution (1919-27) which began with the May Fourth movement. She

asserts that not only the roots of the post-1919 phases but of the post-1949 phases of the

Chinese Revolution also lie the first decade of the 20

th century. ❖ One of the impacts of the

revolution was that it allowed the centrifugal forces to develop. New centres of power began to

form in the provinces. The revolution led to a lot of internal conflicts. This was one of the main

reasons why Sun Yat resigned the Presidency. He realized he would not be able to hold the

country together.

CONCLUSION:

In short, from different perspectives, we may get different impressions of the 1911 revolution. In its

broadest sense, we may say that the revolution started as a movement sponsored by small

groups of intellectuals, but finally developed into a large scale political and social process. Zhang

Kaiyun aptly summarises the nature of the movement when he says that the revolution of 1911

was a three pronged attack against imperialism, feudalism and an autocratic monarchy.

LINK (and comparison) BETWEEN THE MAY FOURTH AND THE 1911 REVOLUTION:

To commence with, Hu Sheng reiterated the point made by Mao Zedong. Sheng argues that

before 1919, the Chinese did not make a firm stand against the imperialists and even sought

‘help’ form them. But the May Fourth movement witnessed an uncompromising stance against

imperialism and feudalism. Woflgang Franke states that the situation in 1919 was both politically

as well as economically different from that in 1911. The War had led to the Europeans being

pre-occupied with affairs back home and this gave the Chinese economy the much needed

breathing space. China now developed its industrial sector. Industrial cities like Shanghai, Tientsin
and Hankow attracted large number of peasants; and this led to the emergence of a new class of

workers. These workers had become free from the traditional family ties and were open to new

ideas, Marxism being one of them.

The political programme of the new organization-China Revolutionary League, as proposed by

Sun Yat Sen had four points: repulsion of the Manchus, restoration of China, establishment of a

Republic and equal land ownership. It did not say anything about the overthrow of the imperialists.

In fact, the league even dreamed of winning the support of the imperialists by adhering to the

Unequal Treaties and promising to pay the indemnities as stipulated. However, if we compare this

with the situation during the May fourth movement, we notice that unlike the revolutionary period

of 1911, the anti-imperialist stance was very strong. thus, the strong anti-imperialist sentiments

which were somewhat missing in 1911 were brought to the forefront in 1919.

May Fourth movement as a precursor of the Chinese Communist Revolution:

The May Fourth movement had led to several important developments. One such development

was the growth of the working class, which emerged as an important group that could combat the

imperial forces. More importantly, socialist ideas began to take roots in China as a result of this

Revolution of 1911 6

movement. The Marxist-Leninist ideas penetrated into China. It is in this context that the May

Fourth movement has been rightly called the precursor to the Chinese Communist Revolution.

The New Culture movement too witnessed the spread of Marxism. The May Fourth movement

laid down a sound foundation base for the Chinese Communist Party to emerge. The progressive

minded intellectuals were the first ones to accept the Marxist-Leninist ideology. Thus, May Fourth

paved the way for the founding of the CCP.

INTRODUCTION

The pressing question facing China after the Japanese war was what it could do to

achieve national salvation in the face of accelerating foreign imperialism and

dynastic decline. Two major political movements developed, each representing a

different approach to the problem. One was the progressive reform of 1898, led

by K'ang-Yu-wei, from which evolved the Ch'ing reform and constitutional

movements of the 1900s.

The other was a revolutionary movement led by Western-trained Dr. Sun Yat-sen,

who advocated the complete overthrow of the Manchu dynasty. However, as

Ch'ing endeavors proved insincere and discriminatory against the Chinese, the

revolutionaries gained increasing support from the younger intellectuals, the

secret societies, and the overseas Chinese communities. The momentum of their

movement grew steadily until it finally swept the age-old imperial institution out

of existence and replaced it with a republic-an epochal change in the long Chinese

history.

BACKGROUND

The long list of unequal treaties from the Treaty of Nanking in 1842 to the Boxer

Protocol of 1901, the loss of the tributary states in the 1880s and the 1890S and

the lack of vigor in domestic administration testify to the utter Ch'ing inability to

defend China's honor in the "modern world.

The ideas of democracy, independence, human rights, equality, and freedom

swept through the minds of young Chinese. Nationalism, democracy, and

republicanism now became the motivating forces for revolutionary change in

China. The monarchical institution of China, in the view of Dr. Sun, was

responsible' for the succession of imperial dynasties. It was necessary to replace

the monarchy with a republic-a federal republic.

The first school (Taiwan), emphasizing the revolutionary heroism of a few leaders,

in effect proposes that China advanced through the efforts of specially far-sighted

and capable men and women. The second school is Marxist (PRC), suggesting that

a modern revolution would move inevitably through a bourgeois phase leading

finally to the victory of the proletariat. The third school (Western) sees 1911 less
as the product of deliberate, creative action, and more the result of the decay and

final collapse of an old, malfunctioning system.

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China saw the rise of new social forces during this period. For example, in

treaty ports, we see the beginning of a petty bourgeois class consisting of

merchants and brokers. During the first decade of the 20th century, young

men were encouraged to take up a military career. Many students "thrown

the pen to raise the sword" to serve the nation better. Growing discontent

among merchants, soldiers and students was accompanied by growing

agrarian discontent.

THREE SCHOOLS OF THOUGHT

THE FIRST SCHOOL (TAIwAN) - This school emphasizing the revolutionary

heroism of a few leaders, in effect proposes that China advanced through the

efforts of specially far-sighted and capable men and women. The first

interpretation of the 1911 Revolution derives largely from the men who made the

revolution.

In this version the year 1895, so important for gentry activists like Kang Youwei,

was also the year Sun Yat-sen organized his first uprising to overthrow the Qing.

THE SECOND SCHOOL IS MARxIST (PRC) – This school suggesting that a

modern revolution would move inevitably through a bourgeois phase leading

finally to the victory of the proletariat. Chinese-Marxist view, the 1911 Revolution

represented a “bourgeois” phase of rebellion against a backward and “feudal”

monarchical despotism.

Modern China was beginning to create more powerful classes of factory-owners,

bankers, mid-level merchants, and shopkeepers, as well as professionals like

teachers, journalists, engineers, and doctors, all of whom might be called

bourgeoisie and petty bourgeoisie.The Marxist formula used to sum up this

situation described China as a “semi-feudal, semi-colonial” society.

Chinese historians labeled both the reformism of Kang Youwei and the

revolutionary ideas of Sun Yat-sen as bourgeois in one way or another.

Constitutional government, parliaments, national schooling, abolition of internal

transit taxes, and construction of railways, telegraphs, shipping lines, and other

projects were of use to business interests.

In the Marxist view, 1911’s greatest weakness was its failure to attack feudal

forces in the countryside. Social Darwinism naturally made sense to the

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bourgeoisie. Traditional gentry, with their twin loyalties to Confucianism and

locality.

Laissez-faire may not have been nationalistic in theory, but in practice the

paradigm of contending nation-states fitted into this social Darwinian world. As

only the fittest survived in business, only the fittest states and peoples ultimately

survived in the world.

Marxist historians are right to point to areas of conflict between the government

and local elites. A mix of secret society, bandit, gentry, and revolutionary leaders

added to the confusion. The Qing had just begun to restore order when the

Wuchang uprising broke out.

THE THIRD SCHOOL (wESTERN) – This school sees 1911 less as the product of

deliberate, creative action, and more the result of the decay and final collapse of

an old, malfunctioning system. This school is less teleological, or at least less

optimistic; the revolution appears not to be a step toward making China stronger

so much as part of an ongoing collapse. The revolution resulted in the further

militarization of Chinese society.

Mary Backus Rankin, “Commercialization encouraged the fusion of merchants and

gentry into a vigorous, numerically expanding elite whose power rested on

varying combinations of landownership, trade, usury, and degree holding. The

“railway rights recovery” movement. Public moneys paid for the new schools, but

their fees were too high for ordinary folk.

In the view of this third school of 1911 historiography, local elites feared popular

violence. The third school’s emphasis on fundamental social factors minimizes the

implied teleology of the events cribbedbed.

In the words of Joseph Esherick, “Nineteen eleven was a victory for the

increasingly Westernized urban reformist elite.

ROLE OF CLASSES

The Landlord Class : The landlord class forms the main social base for

imperialist rule in China; it is a class which uses the feudal system to exploit and

oppress the peasants, obstructs China's political, economic and cultural

development and plays no progressive role whatsoever.

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The Bourgeoisie : There is a distinction between the comprador big bourgeoisie

and the national bourgeoisie. The comprador big bourgeoisie is a class which

directly serves the capitalists of the imperialist countries and is nurtured by them;

countless ties link it closely with the feudal forces in the countryside. Therefore, it

is a target of the Chinese revolution and never in the history of the revolution has

it been a motive force.

The national bourgeoisie is a class with a dual character.

On the one hand, it is oppressed by imperialism and fettered by feudalism and

consequently is in contradiction with both of them. But on the other hand, it lacks

the courage to oppose imperialism and feudalism thoroughly because it is

economically and politically flabby and still has economic ties with imperialism

and feudalism.

The national bourgeoisie in China, which is mainly the middle bourgeoisie, has
never really held political power but has been restricted by the reactionary

policies of the big landlord class and big bourgeoisie which are in power.

Therefore, it is absolutely necessary to have a prudent policy towards the national

bourgeoisie.

The Different Sections of the Petty Bourgeoisie Other than the Peasantry: The

petty bourgeoisie, other than the peasantry, consists of the vast numbers of

intellectuals, small tradesmen, handicraftsmen and professional people. Hence

these sections of the petty bourgeoisie constitute one of the motive forces of the

revolution and are a reliable ally of the proletariat.

First, the intellectuals and student youth: They do not constitute a separate class

or stratum. In present-day China most of them may be placed in the petty-

bourgeois category. students are oppressed by imperialism, feudalism and the big

bourgeoisie, and live in fear of unemployment or of having to discontinue their

studies. Therefore, they tend to be quite revolutionary. They are more or less

equipped with bourgeois scientific knowledge, have a keen political sense and

often play a vanguard role or serve as a link with the masses in the present stage

of the revolution. In China, it was among the intellectuals and young students that

Marxist-Leninist ideology was first widely disseminated and accepted.

Second, the small tradesmen: Generally they run small shops and employ few or

no assistants. They live under the threat of bankruptcy as a result of exploitation

by imperialism, the big bourgeoisie and the usurers.

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Third, the handicraftsmen: They are very numerous. They possess their own

means of production and hire no workers, or only one or two apprentices or

helpers.
Fourth, professional people: They include doctors and men of other professions.

They do not exploit other people, or do so only to a slight degree.

The Proletariat:

First, the Chinese proletariat is more resolute and thoroughgoing in revolutionary

struggle than any other class because it is subjected to a threefold oppression

(imperialist, bourgeois and feudal) which is marked by a severity and cruelty.

Secondly, from the moment it appeared on the revolutionary scene, the Chinese

proletariat came under the leadership of its own revolutionary party -- the

Communist Party of China -- and became the most politically conscious class in

Chinese society.

Thirdly, because the Chinese proletariat by origin is largely made up of

bankrupted peasants, it has natural ties with the peasant masses which facilitates

its forming a close alliance with them.

CAUSES

Economic factors were at the root of many local rebellions in China. As the

population grew rapidly, this population growth increased the pressure on

the already limited agricultural resources. The Manchu rulers did not make

any effort to increase production.

The Yellow River dominated the vast plain that is the macro-region of

northern China. China was repeatedly affected by floods and droughts. And

the relief work could not be done properly and people died of hunger.

Economic depressions were caused due to recurring natural calamities

such as floods and famines. Natural disasters had weakened the Chinese

people. Due to population pressure, lack of food production and other

misery, people started moving to new countries in search of livelihood. And

from there they brought ideas of equality, democracy and so on to China.

The Chinese were deeply influenced by Western ideas of equality, liberty

and fraternity, republicanism and democracy. To some extent, these ideas

also gave rise to revolution.

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However, it is important to note that the real basis of the Chinese

revolutionary movement was rooted in Confucian teaching. According to

Confucianism the Chinese emperor ruled under the ‘mandate of heaven’. In

return for his autocratic power the emperor was expected to maintain

peace and order and promote prosperity of the people. Under these

circumstances it was believed that the emperor has lost the ‘mandate of

heaven’ and the people have the right to rebel against him and replace him

by another ruler.

Newspapers are considered the harbingers of change. Newspaper printing

in China began in the late 19th century. It played a major role in the

development of revolutionary sentiments, it awakened people from their

slumber and they resorted to revolution as the only solution to their

backwardness.

The final crisis that brought the Revolution of 1911 was the dispute over

control of China's railways. Many Chinese considered foreign control of the

railway network as one of the major threats to Chinese independence. The

nationalization of the provincial railroads decreed in May 1911 touched a

sensitive nerve in Sichuan and several central provinces. It was this move

that set off the explosion resulting in the Revolution of 1911. Nationalization

meant the intrusion of Western capital into a business matter that should

have been purely Chinese and provincial. People of various classes in

Sichuan were united by a nationalist movement that was anti-Western in

intent, anti-Manchu in fact, opposed to absolutism, and was already

revolutionary.

On October 10, 1911 an accidental explosion at Hankow in the house of a

Russian revealed the activities of the revolutionaries. Fearing repression,

the revolutionaries broke out into open rebellion.

wORK OF SUN YAT SEN

The movement for a revolution and republic had begun fifteen years before

the events in 1911. Dr. Sun Yat-sen, became the chief architect of the

Revolution of 1911. After failing to impress the then all-powerful viceroy, Li

Hung Chang, in a plan for reform, had started to conspire against the

dynasty and made an unsuccessful attempt to capture political power in the

city of Canton in 1895. Dr. Sun was forced to flee China. Dr. Sun Yat-sen

moved between Hong Kong, Japan, and America. He spent his time and

used his influence for raising funds and winning recruits for a revolution.

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Most of the financial support for the revolutionaries came from the overseas

Chinese, especially from successful businessmen. They were generous in

their contributions to a revolutionary movement, which they regarded as

essentially a nationalist and modernizing movement

In 1905, Dr. Sun organized a secret revolutionary society at Tokyo called

the Tung Meng Hui (National Alliance). Its chief aim was to propagate

revolutionary ideas among the numerous Chinese students who had come

to Japan to gain modern education. Sun’s “Three People’s Principles” of

nationalism, republicanism, and land nationalization (later “people’s

livelihood) spelled out a revolutionary program. Between 1906 and 1911,

the followers of Dr. Sun Yat Sen failed in ten armed uprisings against the

Manchu dynasty.

CONSEqUENCES OF CHINA REvOLUTION

The Qing management also announced the beginning of preparation of the

constitution. Yet at this time, a royal government also took up a ruling

position resulting in the imbalance in power proportion that belongs in the

cabinet. The contrary spirit also has been considered in the constitution.

However, all the local members of parliament also had been elected early.
Through this revolution, the Chinese government can get economic

strategies and development planning, rebuild the social and economic

structures and also change their dynamic structure, enabling a new modern

technological zone which was a great addition for China.

CONCLUSION

In October 1911 the Chinese Revolution was founded and a group of

Chinese revolutionaries that belonged from the Southern part of China led

a revolt successfully opposed to the Qing Dynasty. They established the

Republic of China in the place of the old government and for this, the

imperial system also ended from the Southern part of China. Moreover, in

1949, the Communist Revolution, which is present in the mainland of

China, the war of Liberation, also has been shown and the conflict between

the CCP and Mao Zedong has been found in that time. Through this

revolution, the Chinese government can get economic strategies,

development planning, rebuild the society, and the new governments had

improved economic structures and technological structure.