• v

* ..

s
A DEFENCE s
OF OUR
N
N
NATURALIZATION LAWS, jjj
WITH
N
N
.1 JFJRIEJY&JL F* WdLRJY1JYG
S
M
S
TO MEMBERS OF THE ^
N
NATIVE AMERICAN PARTY.
jjj
syjc—p£y*t-+L^ N

-''U*—L^-^» ^
BY JOHY N. PUJIROl. ^

PHILADELPHIA. H
S
SECOND EDITION.
^
‘

1845. \
N
N
A. SLEMMER, PRINTER,
N
Norristown,
N

4
 <5 ■.

■* <'t
t

AAJUtAAAAAAAA. A * A A A t. ith-k AA AA.& AAA.

JlJt, it KAXJt

Entered^ according to Act of Congress, by

JOHN N. PUMROY,
District of
in the Clerk’s Office of the District Court of the Eastern
Pennsylvania.
vvvwv * TOYTTTmvmjwvYTinrvYnTirmir*

Si-

*
>A .«*. » « % —
-»s w
‘
Jj
 «

A ^

A DEFENCE

©C out Suttttult^uttou
WITH

A FRIENDLY WARNING

To Members of the JVative American Parly.

One great object of the Native American Party, is to change our

laws of Naturalization. A foreigner can now become naturalized
after i{ residence of five years in our country. The Native Americans
wish the term of residence to be extended to twenty-one years.
Before we attempt to prove the injustice and evil consequences of
such a change, our laws of naturalization, will be
as now
existing,
briefly noted.
By the Constitution of the United States, Congress is vested with
power “to establish a uniform rule of naturalization throughout the
United States.” As Congress has exercised this right, the States are
excluded from all power to on the subject.
legislate
The requisites of Naturalization are prescribed in the Congressional
Acts of 1802, 1813, 1816, 1824 and 1828, and are briefly as follows :
First .—The applicant must be a free white adult.
Secondly .—The country of the applicant must be at peace with
ours.

Thirdly .—His intention to become naturalized, must have been

declared under oath, before some Federal or State Court, or its Clerk,
two years before his admission, unless he has been a resident here
since 1812, or unless he be a minor, having resided here three years
before his majority, with the intention of becoming a citizen.
Fourthly .—He must have resided five years within the country
and one year in the State where tlje application is made, behaving as
f

t
#

* ,
•
 *
«

which must be other testimony than his

a
good citizen, proved by own>

oath.
Fifthly .—He must take an oath to support the Constitution of the-
United States, and abjure all other allegiance.
Sixthly .—If he has borne any title of nobility, he must renounce it.
On these conditions the high privilege of American Citizenship is
offered to our foreign brethren. By this process of naturalization, the
foreigner is entitled to all the rights and privileges of native born
citizens, except that he cannot be elected President of the United States.
All persons not citizens, are aliens, with the exception of Indians
and colored persons. When their country is at peace with ours, they
are called alien ; and whan their country is at war with ours,,
friends
alien enemies.
Aliens can: neither vole, nor hold offices,, nor act as jurors. In;
some of the States they cannot hold real estate : But in Pennsylvania

an alien can hold any quantity of land not exceeding five thousand-
acres. In other respects they enjoy generally, the rights and protec-
tion of citizens. But in case of war, the condition of aliens is at once’
changed. The person and property of alien enemies are at the mercy
of Government, which by the law of Nations, may detain the one and>
confiscate the other.
A war between two sovereign States, is in contemplation of law, a:
war between all the citizens of each. By this law, the property
of aliens may be forfeited and their persons detained as prisoners of
war. Debts due them may also be confiscated. An alien enemy
has no right to sue. This is abhorrent to the better principles of our
nature. The evils which w'ould result from the rigorous enforcement
of so barbarous a doctrine, may be mitigated by the power of Govern-
ment, through the granting of passports, safe conducts, and licenses
to alien enemies, for the protection, of- their persons and property. .

The power in this country in such case, is vested in Congress. The

States, strictly speaking, have no authority to protect the persons and
property of alien enemies, in time of war, nor by the law of nations is
Congress under any obligations to protect them.
It is a maxim in all monarchies, that a subject never can divest
himself of his allegiance. Unless absolved from it by his government,
it goes with him wherever he goes, and makes him a. traitor if he
violate it. This is what Europeans mean, when they declare, that no
man can expatriate himself. This stern and barbarous doctrine of the
common law, our government from its very nature rejects.
It is a doctrine of nature and of God, who is no respecter of persons.,
that men-are entitled to equal civil and political rights. This equality
is enjoyed in a state of nature. The doctrine of equal rights lies at
the very foundation of our republican system of government. It is
in our declaration of independence, and in the Constitution
recognized
of the United States. It is one of the corner stones of our great
temple of.Liberty. Should the new scheme of 21 years’ residence be-
adppted, .the great.majority of emigrants to our land would be prevented-.

»•
« < •

• •
 » 6 .

■from the privilegeof becoming citizens. Considering the chances of

human life, it would be almost a total exclusion from the rights of
A foreigner of a ripe and mature judgment who would
citizenship.
settle among us, could scarcely hope for the boon of citizenship ; orf
should he at last gain it, it could at most be enjoyed only during a few
years of his old age. When we reflect that the average duration of
human life is less than 30 years, we can see that men, who would
emigrate to this country, would have little to hope for in the way of
citizenship. We would thus draw a broad line of distinction between
blow at our funda-
foreigners and natives. We would strike a deadly
mental principles of political equality.
A Native is allowed to enjoy the full rights of citizenship at the age
of twenty-one, as soon as it is presumed that his judgment is sufficiently
matured to exercise the duties of citizenship. An emigrant who has
can become
already reached that age, must wait five years before he
naturalized. Can we, with any reason and propriety require more of
him ? Five years are abundant time for to prepare for citizen-
a man

in which the leading laws

s'hip undey plain republican government,
our

and duties are easily understood. If a man cannot sufficiently prepare

himself in five years, he never can. Some foreigners, indeed, are
better acquainted with our system of government and laws, before
they land on our shores, than men who have always lived in our land,
wise and intelligent as our people generally are.
No man can justly claim any merit to himself from the mere acci-
dent of birth. A man may thank Providence that he was born in
was his lot.
AmeriSa, but surely he deserves no praise because shch
our land
Fie did not select his country ; but the emigrant has selected
for his residence, from a free and deliberate choice. He has heard the
been attracted hither. The former
story of American liberty, and has
is a resident in our accident, the latter by his own free
country by
will.
One grand cause of our against the British
forefathers’ rebellion
Government, was, that taxes imposed on them by Parliament,
were

and they were allowed no representation in that house of legislation.

should go together,
They believed that taxation and representation
and that taxation without representation, should not be endured.
shall we inflict the
They resisted and became independent. Now,
same wrong on residents of a foreign birth
? Shall we tax them, and
? The spirits of our
yet allow them no voice in our government
venerated dead forbid it.
In the Declaration of Independence, our fathers complained that
Great Britain “obstructed the laws for the naturalization of foreigners.”
King George, the Third, and his Parliament, trampled on the rights
of residents-jn the colonies, by obstructing the naturalization laws.
Does any party take pride in their example?
following
During the administration of Geoige Washington, only two years’
residence was requisite to naturalization. During the administration
of John Adams in 1798, the term of naturalization was extended to
fourteen years. Hostility to foreigners and an abridgement of their
privileges are of federalorigin. Let this fact be deeply impressed on
the minds of democrats. After Jefferson was elected, the term of
residence was reduced from fourteen to five years. The new natural-
ization laws and others of a similar bearing, passed under John Adams,
were called the Alien and Sedition laws, and they brought disgrace

on the very name of Federalism. Few at the present time even of

the Whigs are willing to be called Federals. Shall the old federal
naturalization law, or one more objectionable and odious, (as twenty-
one years’ residence, and not fourteen are wanted,) be revived ? Let
those old laws sleep in the grave of well-deserved obloquy ! The
American people have long ago condemned them.
We are told that foreigners cannot throw off their early attachments;
that their minds receive a bias, and bent, that disqualify them to be-
come good citizens of our republic. No doubt they love fo think of
their early homes, even when their homes were but poorly furnished
with the comforts of life. They have, indeed, some pleasant associa-
tions connected with the scenes of their early life, whatever ills they
may have endured. This is natural toman. But the fact that they
have left their native land and come to ours, is an evidence that our
land has been preferred. It argues too, that they felt oppression in
their own country. There was some strong inducement to draw them
from their native land, their friends and kindred. They believed our
government to be much better than their own, and our country to
afford more' advantages for labor and enterprise. It is worthy of
remark, that a man who has seen and felt the evil effects of a bad
government, knows better how to appreciate the blessings of a good
one. We judge by contrast. A man, too, who has been deprived of
his just rights, knows the value of those rights. Our naturalized
citizens have surely never contended for any thing like an aristocracy
or a monarchy in our country. They have been reproached by the
whigs for generally voting the democratict ticket. This reflects honour
on their judgment, and proves them to be the advocates of equal and

just rights. They believe, and not without reason, that their civil
and religious liberty is safest under a democratic administration. It.
was because the naturalized citizens generally voted with the demo-
cratic party, that John Adams and other federals of old, extended the
term of residence to fourteen years. For the same reason Daniel
Webster and others of his party, now wish for a change in our natu-
ralization laws. The naturalized citizens of English birth, generally
vote with the Whigs.
It should ever be recollected that our liberties have been purchased
with the blood, not only of Natives, but also of Foreigners.
Without the aid of foreigners in our revolutionary struggles, we
would probably have now been the subjects of Great Britain. The very
name of La
Fayette, kindles a glow of rapture and enthusiasm in the
breast of every true American. The sacrifices he made, the deeds he
performed, and the sufferings he endured, that our people might have
 7 .

the mind’s eye a splendid scene

to
liberty and independence, present Americans ! and stand by
of grandeur and sublimity. Go, ye Native
the graves of Montgomery, Pulaski, and DeKalb ! Remember, that
they laid down their lives for your
liberties ! They were foreigners ; •

arise from their

and does not a voice in solemn and awful majesty
? Methinks, that the
tombs and cry for justice to their countrymen
haunt you in your midnight
ghosts of those departed heroes might
dreams, and might frown upon you, and upbraid you, for your foul
of citizenship !
efforts to withhold from their countrymen the rights
were
of the soldiers in our Revolutionary war,
A large propoftion ofFrance and America
men of foreign birth. It was the allied armies
under Lord Corn-
that gained a final victory over the British army
Banner on the rampaits at
waliis, and that planted the Star-Spangled
Yorktown.
birth
In late war with Great Britain, also, many of foreign
our
our flag and our liberal Government.
Not a battle for our
fought for
in which the battleground has not
rights has been fought in our land, shed in our behalf. On
been stained with the blood of foreigners,
a plain and valley in our land,
the bones of men from other
many
and mouldering in the dust,
lands, who fell in our defence, lie bleached distinction
with the bones of native born citizens. There is no
mingled dead warriors in their battle-
on account of their birth-place among
our

lie in silence together ! Then let there be no

ground graves :
They
the living.
-distinction on account of their bij-th-place, among
that noble band who signed our Declaration of Independence
Among
were many of foreign birth.
Considered as a step in the march of
human society, the history of the world presents no one more momen-
tous than that sublime manifesto.
There is nothing in it of a narrow
and selfish character. There are no privileges of mere birth-place
to the view of the
sanctioned in that sacred document. It presents
the universal of the oppressed, sends forth a
whole world wrongs
declares the common rights of
warning voice to all oppressors, and
all mankind, wherever born.
of human
Our government was established on the broad principle
was intended to be “an asylum
for the oppres-
rights. Our country
sed of all nations.” The stranger from afar should here find a welcome
when we open the arms
home. We do nothing more than our duty,
the embrace of people of all nations. We proclaim
of confraternity to

to the world that we regard

all men as equal, endowed with certain
to our proclaimed
unalienable and indefeasible rights. According to the
the stranger that lands upon our shores is entitled
principles, The world may
and as we ourselves enjoy.
same rights privileges
claim a birth-right here !
in the image of the Almighty. As a
Man is a lofty being, formed
Most Though he
mirror he reflects a
ray from the light of the High.
sea of moral perfection, but has
been
no longer sails on the calm bright
bears some vestige of
wrecked on the dark shore of moral evil, he still
ruins! The lineaments
his Creators image. He is majestic even in his
 8 .

-which the Deity traced by his own finger on the

clay of Eden, though
scorched and blackened by the fires of sin, have never been
entirely
effaced. Man is immortal ! and looks from Earth to
*
Heaven, and
stretches from time toeternity ! The whole earth is but his
sojourning
place, and his mind has no country but the universe. Let no restric-
tions be placed on such a being from narrow considerations of his birth-
place. Shall man, whose better part is of more value than our physi-
cal world, be prevented from
enjoying the full rights of a citizen merely
because he first drew the breath of life in a
foreign land? This would
be a
reproach on our nature.
But a few centuries ago our country was untrodden
by civilized
man. The Indian dwelt here alone, and was lord of our wide domain.
Yet when the white men landed on our shores, the
savages of the
forest bade them welcome and allowed them a home. Shall we be
less generous and less hospitable than the wild and uncivilized sons of
the forest ?
The Indians are the Aborigines of our land.
They and their fathers
for unnumbered generations have dwelt in our land. We cannot even
trace their origin
beyond our shores. If then there be any force or
justice in the argument of birth-place, the Indians have claims superior
to us all.
They only are the true hnd genuine natives. All others
are of
foreign descent. It is but as yesterday, when compared with
the history of nations, that we all on this continent were of
foreign birth.
By the great laws of nature, which are only another name for the
laws of God, and which are as
unchangeable as the throne of the
Almighty himself, a foreigner has precisely the same right as a native-
born'to-a home in this country ; and by the same laws of Heaven he
has precisely tlie same
right to the protection of government and all
the
privileges of citizenship.
We are much indebted to foreign lands. From them the Bible has
been brought to our shores. From them a
great portion of our knowl-
edge is derived. Our system of government, with all its superiority,
was in some
degree copied after the British government, though we
rejected the unjust laws and various errors of the British system. Oflr
Common Law has been imported from
England. Many of our works
on the arts and sciences have been
brought from abroad. The art of
Printing, so powerful in elevating man, has been brought from beyond
the Atlantic. It is because we are all of
foreign origin that we are
more civilized and
enlightened than the Indian. Shall we now turn
back to the people of those lands from which we have received so
much,
and say to them, keep
away from us ? Shall we in base ingratitude
forget our father lands? With all their errors, we have received
'much instruction from foreign nations;
indeed, their very errors have
taught us wisdom.
The emigration
offoreigners has increased our national power and
wealth. Many men of fortune have settled It is said that
among us.
the German emigrants alone, last
year, brought to our land eight
million dollars of specie. Every strong and industrious man, without
 0 .

t
copper in his pocket, is a national benefit. As a mere matter of
policy, we
import nothing better than inert. Political economy
can

teaches this. Wise legislators, ancient and modern, in a thinly settled

country, have generally labored to add to the population by encoura-
ging emigration. We have a vast territory and millions upon millions
of uncultivated acres. If all our resources were developed, our country
could support a population of several 'hundred millions. Emigrants,
by increasing the products of our country, and adding to our wealth

!
yi
and power, may not only benefit themselves but us also. To oppressed
and weeping men of other lands, to all who wish to seek our shores,
let us

emigration
say, Come
we
on

must
! We have room for all. To encourage their
offer them equal privileges with ourselves.
We are told that many of the foreigners are ignorant and poor.
Well; let them come hither, and we will try to instruct them and their
children, and to add to their means of living. Ignorance and poverty,
paiticularly in a land of oppression and of an overgrown population,
where labor brings but a few pence per day, are not crimes. Shall
we
deny a man the rights of citizenship in consequence of his ignorance
or poverty ? There is no such a doctrine taught in our Declaration of
Independence. If we exclude foreigners from the rights of citizenship
on account of their
ignorance or poverty, for the same reason we may
deprive many of our natives of the rights of citizenship. But we must
have no aristocracy. The right and supremacy of popular power shall
be maintained. Let not power pass from the many to the few. Let
every one stand forth in the conscious dignity of a man, master of his
will, and under laws which he in common with all others, has aided
in enacting. Let no man be either denied his rights or deprived of
them, in consequence of his misfortunes.
It is generally admitted that a property qualification for the right of
suffrage is anti-republican. And so it truly is; but a birth-place
qualification is still more anti-repufclican. Because, sometimes a man’s
fortune or property may depend on his efforts, and may be a matter
under bis contiol, but the place of his birth is never under his control.
The English government, for several centuries, with a small exient
of territory, allowed foreign manufacturers to be naturalized without
any previous residence. Holland in her best days granted equal po-
litical privileges to natives and foreigners! It mattered not bow short
a time
foreigners had lived within her borders, they were placed on an
equality with natives. Russia in the time of Catharine granted to
foreigners at once all the rights and privileges of her own subjects,
and granted them an exemption from all duties to the crown for 6 years.
France, during the last century, invited strangers from Christian lands
to her borders, and granted them even more
,
privileges than her native
horn citizens. If these monarchies are less liberal now, and throw
serious obstacles to foreigners in the way of naturalization, they have
some excuse in their dense
populations. At any late monarchical
governments are no proper examples for us. We should aim to be
tnore liberal and
gpnerous than they, even if policy and justice dad not
 10 .

require it. If they violate the doctrines of equality, and trample on

the rights of man, it is surely no reason that we should do likewise.
Considering, however, our professed free institutions and our vast
unpeopled wilds of territory, even the monarchist of Europe might
point to us the finger of scorn, should we extend the term of naturali-
zation to twenty-one years. Such an act would be truly disgraceful
to our country. It would brand our professions of equality and jus:
rights to man with falsehood.
Our government now sets an example to the world. We have here .

elevated a light to guide the men of other lands in their way to liberty,
and to act as a torch in kindling the funeral piles of despotism and
cruelly all over the world. Already have tyrants trembled on their
thrones in gazing on our free institutions. The martyr of liberty in
other lands, has a gleam of joy, and he smiles even in his dungeon
and his chains,.w'hen he turns his thoughts to our country. Various
Republics have arisen and fallen. Our government is now the last
hope for the liberties of the world. Shall we now forsake the princi-
pies of freedom'and equality ? Shall we shut out our"glorious light
from the nations of the earth ? Shall we prevent our fellow-man from
enjoying the full rights of citizenship, merely on account of the place
of his birth ? Shall oppressed men of other lands find no true asylum
on the Globe? fs it a fault or a crime in any many that he was born
beyond the Atlantic? Our government has prospered nearly three
score and ten years, in a mannerunexampled in the history of nations.
Our policytowards new comers from other lands has been of a just
and proper character. Shall pride, and selfishness, and aristocracy,
at last raise their odious heads triumphant? Shall it at last be told to
on other soils, who sighs and weeps for liberty, that
oppressed man,
he can find no home here unless it be one of inferiority among our
citizens, and no place but that of an alien ? Our country was never
intended by God or by out fathers, merely for the residence of natives
or for any peculiar privileges to them. We say to all foreigners who
wish, Come on. Ye Sons of the Isle of Erin ! whose land was the
home of Burke, Grattan, Curran, Moore, Emmett and Montgomery ;
have been long oppressed,
ye who have ever opposed tyranny ! ye who
but who never despair fought in whole regiments
; ye whose fathers
to the
for our Independenceye who have never bowed willingly
;
shall bid welcome. Ye Germans !
despot! our
country ever you
firm and decided men ! whose land is famous for its science and
learning, and was the birth-place of the Reformation ; who have by
to bloom and
your industry caused wilds and deserts in our country
blossom ; ever shall we receive you joy fully, and in the hour of danger
shall ever
rely with confidence on your stability and determination. 0
Ye French ! social, cheerful, and buoyant, whose LaFayette was our
friend in the time that tried men’s souls! our soil shall ever be free to
you. Ye Russians ! no Autocrat shall here bid you bow before him !
Ye wise and sober Scotch ! the soil where your brave Mercer lies,
offers a kind to you.
greeting Ye Polanders! though your land is
 11 .

now under a despot’s sway, here you may be free from a prison and
r

fetters. Your Pulaski and Kosciusko nobly fought for us. Y e hardy
Swiss of the mountains! of the land of William Tell! oft have^e
struggled for liberty 1 here shall ye find it. To all of other lands, we
offer the righthand of fellowship, and never may the rights of citizens
be withheld from any.
The language of Washington, “Beware of foreign influence,” is
often used bythe Native Americans in defence of their cause. That
advocate of their doctrines. It is a slander
great man was ceitainly no

to his memory, to say, he was. Some French emissaries had been

laboring to persuade our people to join the French in a war against
England. Washington in delivering that sentence wished to guard
us
against “entangling alliances,” and to prevent us from joining in
the quarrels between foreign nations. During his administration only
two years’ residence was requisite to naturalization ; nor did he ever
advise a change. Washington was emphatically the friend of man,
and the friend of foreigners. His soul was large and noble. There
was nothing narrow and contracted in his views. As the eloquent
Irish Philips said “No country can claim him.” Washington remem-
bered LaFayette, his old companion in arms, and other foreigners,
who had stood nobly by his side on the battle field, contending for our
liberties.
Have we any reason to be afraid of foreigners? Must twenty
millions of Americans tremble at ihe arrival of a few thousand foreign-
ers annually ? foreigners, who are generally sober, industrious, and

peaceable people ? bearing no arms to fight against us, hut often

bringing the implements of manufactures and agriculture? foreigners
who have loved our country from afar and seek here quiet homes?
Our native population is overwhelming in numbers, ar.d foreigners
soon melt into it. The emigrants are like a few small rivers running
into the Great Sea of Americanism. They are soon, as it were, lost
in our vast Republican Ocean. It is an insult to the American gov-
ernment to form a party here for the purpose of defending us from

peaceable emigrants. Are we so weak?

There are lew political demagogues among emigrants. Very few
naturalized citizens, comparatively, hold public offices. Indeed there
is nothing like a fair proportion of them in office. Most of the offices
they hold are petty ones, such as the office of Constable.
If we are to apprehend any danger from emigrants, there would be
more reason for apprehension, should we exclude them from the rights
of citizenship, than under our present laws. They would then be mere
aliens and would owe our government no allegiance. If aliens, in
case of war with their nation, they might think themselves bound to

act as alien enemies. An alien is not bound to support and defend

our government. He cannot be guilty of treason, nor can he be pun-
ished as a traitor. In the process of naturalization they are sworn to
thus
support our Constitution and abjure all foreign allegiance. They
become American Citizens. And would we not be safer with them as
 12 .

.American citizens than aliens ? Here let it be observed, that whilst

•allegiance is inherent with the native, without any action on his part,,
rnlbed, whether he will or not, it has been voluntarily assumed by the
naturalized citizen, and has been confirmed with the solemn sanction
ol an oath.

It is not .likely that a change in our naturalization laws would mate-

rially lessen the number of emigrants. The advocates of this measure
would scarcely, like the Chinese, prevent foreigners entirely trom
settling among us. Then as foreigners will come, would there r.ot be
less reason to fear them, by treating them fairly, and binding them on
oath by the strong tie of allegiance, than by denying them their just
rights, and to them, we are natives and better than you, stand
saving
off?
» There is something highly presumptuous, and truly ludicrous and
laughable, in a small portion of American citizens forming a party and
♦assuming the name of The Native American Party'. They say, in
substance, to the world, “We, the Natives, are the only true Americans.
For sixty eight years all our citizens thought themselves Americans;
but that was a mistake. We, a few months ago, rose up, and found
that we were the only true Americans. We were all born in the land.
R is not every man that can be born here. What wisdom and mag.
nanimity we have shown in fixing on America for our birth-place!
Sound aloud our praise for the wonderful feat of being born here.
What great men we are ! Thanks to our mothers before us ! LaFay-
ette would have been a great man, if he only had been born here.
Howard would have been a noble character, if he had only drawn the
first vital breath in America. What a fool lie was for not doing this.
We, at last, have found out what makes a good and genuine American
citizen. It is Nativism. Hurra'! There is nothing like drawing the
first breath from our atmosphere. There is nothing like a Native
American. That is the thing. Well may we have a party with our
flags apd our banners. We are the real Simon Pure. For nearly
three score years and ten, ncrt one of our millions of people, ever
thought of this great matter. We have made a grand discovery I Ask
a man from what atmosphere he first drew his vital breath ; that is"

the question. Come! all Natives I and join us. Your fathers may
have been lories during our wars, and you yourselves may be great
villains, but if you were only born here, that is the tiling. And then
you must join our party ; *we cannot get along without a party,
kemember, Americans must rule America! that is, only men of our
party must be elected to office. We must put down the old parties.
A man is good for nothing who was not boin and suckled here. We
must prevent men offoreign birth from becoming citizens. Even when
•babes, our existence was here, and here we are yet, bound to the spot.
Hurra! The place of birth must make a distinction. We need say
nothing about the Tariff, the Currency, a National Bank, Texas, the
Public Lands, and like affairs of government. We must talk of
nativity, end cast beneath us all born beyond our borders. That
 will be glory enough (or us. (or the nation. AH'
Birth is the thing
the papers that oppose us foreign papers,
are indeed ail that will

{ not join our party are little better than foreigners, and foreigners
are far our inferiors. If our parents are of foreign birth we must
i not respect them, for we are better than they. The fifth com-
rnandment of the Divine Decalogue does not suit us. What is

| the use of born

being here, unless we can some peculiar advanta-
gain
gesfrom it? We must make some capital out of our birth-place.
! This thing of equality among men is all humbug. We are native
American citizens. There is nothing nice or distinguishing, in being
mere American citizens,, for even a foreigner can become
one. The
ancient Roman when he was in danger, was accustomed to say “I ara
a Roman citizen.” These words threw around him the shield of that
mighty empire, wherever he was born. But not one of the ancient
Romans ever learned to say, “I am a native Roman citizen.” How
classic these words would have sounded. We have beaten them far.
What a meritorious and commendable thing it is to be born here ; even
fora Jilius nullius.
.
Only Natmism can support the American gov-
ernment. We wonder our fathers never thought of it. Never before
have men, in any age or clime,, had the marvellous- sagacity, and
wisdom, to form a political party., on the meritorious and ever-to be-
exalted principle of birth-place, flow our names will be honored by
posterity ! One thing more : Down with the Catholics !” Such Ian-
the sentiments of the Native American
guage would seem to express
Party.
The Native Americans have been distinguished for their proscription
and denunciation of Roman Catholics. Their rapid increase may be
attributed to their warfare against this sect.. To prevent foreign Cath.
olics from becoming citizens is one great object in their efforts to procure
a
change in our naturalization laws. They do not blush to own this
fact.
Our government allows every man the uninterrupted enjoyment of
his conscience in all matters respecting religion. It would have been
our ines-
a reproach upon the intelligence and justice of the framers of

timable Constitutions, if they had overlooked this essential principle.

It is a right that is interwoven in the very nature of man by his Creator.
To control conscience in matters of religion,is a prerogative that belongs
to God alone. is a matter resting entirely between man and
Religion
his Creator.
It is preposterous, indeed,, to attempt to regulate opinion by the
outward formality and coniormity
power of government. Though
may be controlled by law, the
inward thoughts cannot be reached.
Men are not able of themselves to renounce the freedom ol opinion, nor
would they if they had the power.
The province of law extends not beyond time. Government has no
concern with man, except as a member of civil society. The restrict
tions of law to the interests of civil society, depends on the principle-
that there can be no merit or demerit without the liberty of choice.-
 *
14 .

We cannot be good or bad upon compulsion. It is

only as a free
in matters of religion, that man can deserve
agent, praise or blame.
The Creator himself has given us religious freedom, and we have no
right to interfere with this arrangement.
Clear as these truths are, almost every government in the world,
except our own, has made religion a matter of State. In England a
very large portion of her system of laws, has relation to religious
establishments. We owe the first settlement of this country to her
interference with the consciences of her subjects. The first colonists
came here to
enjoy that religious liberty which was denied them at
home. The principles for which they'suffered so much, are now
incorporated into all our Constitutions.
The Constitution of the United States declares that “Congress shall
make no law respecting the establishment of religion, or
prohibiting
the free exercise thereof.” And again, “No religious test shall ever
be required as a qualification to any office or
public trust under the
United States.”
The Constitution of Pennsylvania declares “that all men have a
natural and indefeasible right to worship Almighty God according to
the dictates of their own consciences ; no man can of
right be compelled
to attend, erect, or support any
place of religious worshio, or to main-
tain any ministry, against his consent. No human authority, can,
in any case whatever, control or interfere with the
rights of conscience,
and no preference shall ever be given by law to any
religious estab~
lishments, or modes of worship. And no person who acknowledges
the being of a God and a future stale of rewards and
punishments,
shall on account of his religious sentiments be disqualified to hold
any
office, or place of tiust or profit, under this Commonwealth.”
The opinions of Christians are too sacred to be submitted to the
control of earthly law givers, and their purposes and plans too spiritual,
to be mingled with the
municipal code. Genuine Christianity requires
nothing from government, but mere protection. Whenever an attempt
is made to force its dictates on man, it has been found to be vain and
in jurious to the best interests of society. Neither reason nor
feeling is
a
legitimate subject of legislation. True religion has been found to
prosper most, when left to its own unaided strength. Every man in
our
country is protected in his religious creed and practice ; not because
government declares him right, but that he may have freedom in this
matter, and that the public peace and order may be preserved.
Our government endeavors to give every man equality before the
law ; to leave his fortunes and his success in life to his own
exertions,
and to leave his religion to himself and his Creator—to leave him as
near as
possible just where his Creator has left him. Our great doctrine
of equal rights, not only follows a man in civil matters, but like a
mighty shield, it is thrown around him also, when he bows at the altars
of the Most High.
In our country, it might have been
supposed, that no popular injss-
tice towards any one sect would be tolerated. Hither, had the sincere
 15 .

votary of our common religion wended his steps, as to a sure and

abiding asylum, from persecution for conscience’ sake. Here was
proclaimed “liberty of conscience for all.” Who would have thought
that the spirit of fury, which sectarianism and bigotry too often exlnb-
ited in far gone years, would here arise, and that harsh injustice and.
violence, would mark the movements of any towards their Christian
brethren? But what has been the history of the last few months in
our midst? Have not Catholics been hunted and driven, as our direst

enemies, and marked out as victims of savage cruelty ? Have not their
lives been destroyed, their temples burnt, and the very graves of their
deceased relatives been despoiled? In the very midst of our city, are
the blackened ruins of what were recently the venerable walls of a
temple of the living God 1 The torch of an incendiary mob has been
there, and the burning flames have stripped those walls of their glory.
They no longer enclose the altar before which the humble worshipper
was wont to kneel in prayer. There once stood the Church ol St.
Augustine, to the erection of which Washington contributed. The
Parsonage and School House adjoining, in which more than three
hundred Protestants found shelter, during the prevalence of the Cholera,
have also been destroyed. It is said that a fiendish shout arose from
the crowd, as the cross, the emblem of man’s redemption, which entop-
ped the dome, fell amid the flames. St. Michael’s Church has also
been consumed, and another church was thrice fired and desecrated.
The Catholic Seminary, and the retreat of benevolent ladies consecra-
ted to the labors of Godlike charity, have also been laid in ashes. Forty
dwellings have been destroyed, and about fifty human lives sacrificed,
and sixty of our fellow-citizens wounded. We have had arson, sac-
rilege, and murder. And we have had rebellion, and stern resistance
to the laws of man, as well as contempt for the laws of his God, his

sanctuaries, and the lives of his rational creatures.

It requires not the philosophy of a Newton or a Boyle to trace the
origin of these riots and outrages. The causes can easily be traced to
operations of hostility, carried on by a certain portion of Protestants,
against their Catholic brethren. These operations were commenced
many years ago. One of their first bitter fruits, was the burning of the
Convent of the Ursuline Nuns, in Charleston, Mass. Much has been
done during the last few years to beget a feeling of animosity towards
the “Papists,” to create towards them the most unfavorable impressions,
and to place them under the horrid influence of popular odium. The
sacred desk too often rang with terms of reproach and bitter asperity.
Associations,well organized for the express purpose, labored incessantly
against the Catholics. “No compromise with Rome,” and “No peace
to her degraded subjects,” became the watchwords. Charity, which is
to survive the faith and hope of the believer, seemed to have been forgot-
ten. The Press joined in the tirade and lent its powerful assistance.
The wiser and better portion of Protestants stood aloof from the contest.
The writer is intimately acquainted with a venerable Presbyterian
Clergyman, who plead and prayed against the violent proceedings of
 16.

His Protestant brethren towards the Catholics. This clergyman hag-

said “that he hoped, hereafter, to sit down in Heaven with many
Catholics.” He has wisdom from on high, and much charity : and :
may Heaven bless the good old man! In the name of a God of justice
and of mercy, is it right, is it fair, to array Protestants of various sects,
against the Catholics, and hold them up to contempt and hatred, whose
crying fault is, that they worship God according to their convictions cf
duty ? No doubt, the Catholic sincerely and honestly entertains his
religious opinions. His religion,, too, is as sacred and dear to him, as
the Protestant religion is to its professor.
This warfare against the Catholics caused the minds-of the depraved
to become bitterly inflamed against the people of that sect. This was
a natural consequence.
During the prevalence of the late mobs in our
city, the cry was constantly heard, “Down with the Catholics !” The
great moving cause of the incendiaries, murderers, and traitors, was
enmity to the Catholics. The Natives were the great actors in the
scenes. Of course, not all of the party approve of such deeds. Go it,.
Natives ! was the common shout.
It has been alleged,, that the Catholics wished to exclude the Bible
from our Public Schools. This is disproved by abundant testimony.
In the late annual report of the Controllers of the Public Schools, it is
stated, that “no-attempt has ever been made by any one in this Board,
nor have the Controllers ever been asked by any sect, person, or
persons, to exclude the Bible from the Public Schools.” The address
of the Catholic Laity, and of the Catholic Bishop, most positively
assert the same thing. The teachers in Kensington deny that any
efforts were made to exclude the Bible from their schools. The evi-
dence, too, elicited in the trial of Dailey also goes to prove that no
efforts were made to exclude the Bible from the Schools. This charge
against the Catholics was published, time after time, and it aided much
in exciting and irritating the populace against the Catholics. Many
believed the report. Even the Grand Jury, in their Presentment of
the last May Term, stated that these efforts to exclude the Bible “in
some measure gave rise to the formation of a new party.” We wish
to cast no unjust censure on that body ; they may have been honest
in making the statement, but they were certainly in error. The
Grand Jury have proclaimed the sectarian character of the new party,,
and their Presentment, in reality, throws more reproach on the Natives
than on the Catholics.
The following extracts from public documents, will show, into-
what error the public mind has been led on the subject.
The following resolutions were adopted by our Board of Controllers,
December 9th, 1834.
“
Resolved , That as all sects contribute in the payment of taxes to
the support of Public Schools, the introduction of any religious or
sectarian forms as part of the discipline of the schools, must have a
tendency to impair the rights of some—and that whilst this board is
smv.mGed.of the. impossibility, of adopting a system of religious instruct
 17.

lion that should meet the approbation of all religious societies, they
are equally satisfied no injury need result to the pupils from confining
the instruction in our schools to the ordinary branches of elementary
education, inasmuch as ample facilities for religious improvement are
presented for the choice of parents or guardians, in Sabbath Schools
and other establishments for that purpose, which are organized and
supported by various religious communions.
“
Resolved That this board
, cannot but consider the introduction or

use religious exercises, books, or lessons in the Public Schools,

ot any
which have not been adopted by the board, as contrary to law, and
the use of any such religious exercises, books or lessons, is hereby
directed to be discontinued.”
The foregoing resolutions are of a just and proper character, and
accord with the spirit of our Constitutions. Here, too, it mar be ob-
served that our school law provides that “the religious predilections of
the parents shall be respected.”
The regulations of our board of controllers, respecting the rights of
conscience, were violated in certain instances, and they called forth a
respectful representation, from Bishop Kenrick, of the Catholic Church.
The following extracts are from the Bishop’s communication in a letter
to the Board, dated November 14th, 1842.

“Among the regulations of the Public Schools, one is, I am informed,

that the teachers shall read, and cause to be read, the Bible, by which
is understood the version published by command of King James. To
this regulation we are forced to object, inasmuch as Catholic children
are thus led to view as authoritative, a version which is rejected by the
Church. It is not exnected that 1 should stale in detail the reasons of
this rejection. 1 shall only say, that we are persuaded that several
books of Divine Scripture are wanted in that version, and that the
meaning of the original text is not faithfully expressed. It is r.ot
incumbent on us to prove either position, since we do not ask you to
adopt the Catholic version for general use; but we feel warranted in
claiming that our conscientious scruples to recognize or use the other,
be respected. In Baltimore, the Directors of the Public Schools, have
thought it their duty to provide Catholic children with the Catholic
version. Is it too much for us to expect the same measure of justice ?”
“The consciences of Catholics are also embarrassed by the mode of
opening and closing the school exercises, which I understand, is by
the singing of some hymn, or by prayer.” In conclusion he says: “I
appeal, gentlemen, with confidence, to your justice, that the regulations
of the schools may be modified, so as to give to Catholic pupils and
teachers equal rights without wounding tender consciences.”
On a consideration of this letter, the Controllers adopted the follow-
ing resolutions :—
'■’■Resolved, That no children be required to attend or unite in the
reading of the Bible in the Public Schools, whose parents are consci-
entiously opposed thereto.
Resolved That those children whose parents conscientiously
“
,
 18 .

prefer and desire any particular version of the Bible, without note or
comment, be furnished with the same.”
There was no attempt here manifested by the Catholics, to exclude
the sacred scriptures from the Schools.
The second resolution, of the two last quoted, is a virtual nullity,
since the Catholics have published no version of the scriptures that
has not some notes or comment.

Further to present the views of the Catholics on this subject, and

to disabuse the public mind of erroneous impressions, the following
extracts of a letter recently written by Bishop Kenricit, and published
in some of our city papers, are submitted.
“Catholics have not asked that the Bible be excluded from the
Public Schools. They have merely desired for their children the
liberty of using the Cathoiic version, in case the reading of the Bible
be prescribed by the Controllers or Directors of the Public Schools.
They only desire to enjoy the benefit of the Constitution of the Slate
of Pennsylvania.’
Surely there is nothing in these requests of the Catholics that should
excite our people, to riot, arson, and murder. The Catholics consider
our version of the Bible incorrect. It is a case of conscience with
them. They do not wish to have their children taught out of a
version of the Scriptures against which they have conscientious scru-

pies. Shall we force them to use our version ? Would it not be

acting in direct opposition to the spirit of our laws, to compel the
Catholics, against their convictions of right, to have their children in-
structed out ot our version ? The Catholic is a tax-payer, and contri-
butesto our Public Schools. The School system is established by the
law's of the Commonwealth. This is a plain common-sense affair.
Let the Protestant ask himself, if he were a tax-payei in a State where
the Catholics had the majority, and if he had to contribute to a Public
School, whether he would submit to have his children taught out of a
Douav Bible? “Do unto others as you would have them do unto
you,” is a precept of one whom we are bound to obey. It is a precept,
that is found in the Protestant version of the Scriptures, as well as in
the Catholic. Our laws most certainly prescribe no modes of religious
instruction. We are under a solemn obligation from the allegiance
xve owe to our Constitution, to afford liberty of conscience to all.

Protestants in our State have the majority, but it does not follow
that Catholics must be in a state of subordination. The Catholic
does not enjoy his privileges by toleration. He has a right to demand
them. Toleration should be a word unknown among us- He may
be in a weak minority, but he has rights, that cannot be infringed
without violating our laws, and insulting the Most High. Shall the
majority trample on the rights of the minority ? It is the minority
that requires the aid of the civil government, and that looks up for the
covering of the shield of authority. The Catholics have surely never
made any efforts to compel Protestants to embrace their religion, nor
is there an instance on record in the history of our nation, in which

\
 19.

Catholics have interfered with the Protestant’s liberty of conscience in

the slightest degree.
It has been maintained that Catholics are unqualified to become
citizens of a Republican Government. YVe often hear from the new
party, that they are “unfit for freedom,” and “enemies to our free
institutions.” These assertions are not founded on truth.
The brave founders of the Swiss Republics were Catholics. The
Catholics also established the various Republics of Florence and Pisa,
and Milan and Genoa, and others.
Lord Baltimore, a Catholic, was the first asserter of the liberty of
conscience, in the New World. He founded a Colony in 1032, the
charter of which proclaimed, that in Maryland, there should be civil
and religious liberty. He was the first one that announced in the
wilds of America, that to God alone was man responsible for his
religious' faith.
Where were the Catholics of our land in the time of our Revolution-
ary struggle 1 They were contending, with all their energies, for our
Independence. History does not tell us of a single Catholic Tory.
In our Hall of Independence, the great birth-place of liberty, were
found the illustrious Carroll and other Catholics, pledging their for-
tunes, their lives, and their sacred honor, to secure our rights. There
was not a Catholic recreant to his
duty ; there was not one traitor
among them.
The Catholics are generally a loyal people. There are many in-
stances on record in history, where the Catholics have proved true
to their Government, even in defiance of the thunders of the Pope.
One only will be noticed. When the Pontiff, Pius V, issued a Bull
against Queen Elizabeth of England, the Catholics of England,
though they were a proscribed people, disobeyed it. They gave, in
the language of Hume, the. Historian, “the noblest and.sublimest proof
of genuine patriotism and of unflinching fidelity to their country.”
Should a foreign nation attack us, we know well, that the Catholic
Irish, who are now so much vilified, would stand up to a man, firmly
and bravely in our defence. If need should be, we are well assured,
that their blood would flow freely for our rights. As in our Revolu-
tionary and last Wars, not a lory, or a traitor, would be found among
them.
Let no more odious and irritating terms of reproach be cast upon
our Catholic brethren, however much they may differ from us in doc-

trinal faith. No Catholic will ever become a Protestant by slander

and misrepresentation. Enough of violence and bitterness has been
dealt out against that ancient Sect of Christians. What tremendous
evils have they already produced 1 Plumanity weeps over the terrific
and terrible events, which mistaken zeal has already caused. True
religion veils her face in shame and deep sorrow. We have had
scenes over which angels might weep and devils
rejoice. Let it be
remembered, that the same causes will produce the same effects. The
causes must be removed, else will they
operate, as they have. If

#
 20 .

the bitter abuse of Catholics be continued, more scenes in the dark

and horrid drama will be presented.
We have a right to discuss the doctrines of the Catholic Church,
and to point out its errors ; but a becoming spirit is required. Heated
and furious zeal in treating the subject should be avoided.
prejudice
They only excite the evil and vindictive passions of men. We hear
too much jargon about “the man of sin,” “Anti-Christ and Babyion,”
and “the abominations of the Church of Rome.” The peace of our
country, and the welfare of society, call upon us, in the eloquent tones
of charity and humanity, to refrain from all bitter aspersion towards
our Catholic brethren. We may kindle a spirit that will drench our
land in the blood ol thousands.
Persecution by no means weakens the. Catholic Church, but rather
strengthens it. We naturally sympathise with the injured and the
vionged. When the Catholics are persecuted, they are not only the
defenders of their faith, but they become also the champions of human
rights. History proves that persecution invariably hastens the pro-
gress of a sect. The writer asserts,
on
good authority, that never in
our country, in the same time, did the Catholics gain more proselytes

than they have during the last year. Persecution, with the Catholics’
noble endurance, is the cause. God himself, who gives to the Catho-
lie every breath he draws, bears oaliently with him : and well may
the Protestant, particularly when he remembers his own errors. Any
religion is better than no religion. We should not forget that it was
a
foreign Catholic that discovered America and first erected the stan-
dard of the cross upon our continent.
The crusade against the Catholics has been the chief cause of the
rise and rapid progress of the Native American party. There are
some, however, who wish a change in our naturalization laws for
other reasons, than the exclusion of foreign Catholics from citizenship.
But let all be told, that our naturalization laws shall not be changed.
This is a great question of human right. An effort is made, to
refuse their rights, to a portion of our fellow beings living under our
government. The sacred Bible is brought into the unholy contest.
It has been paraded or. the banners of a political party, for a well
known object. In zeal for its cause, its fundamental principles have
been lost sight of. It has been irreverently brought forth, as a dese-
crated instrument of power over the perverted minds of men. The
that the
cry of “the Bible” has been raised as the rallying word,
universal reverence for it might beget a cheering response from
thousands. This is truly, boldly “stealing the livery of Heaven to
serve the devil in.” rihall that sacred volume, that breathes peace
and good will to men, be employed to excite bad feelings, and enmity,
towards our Catholic brethren 1 Is it done to produce the scoff of
unbelievers and the laugh of devils ? Shall a political party extend
its power by such unhallowed means 7
When the Orators and Editors of the Native American party speak
of religious liberty, it is difficult to tell what they mean, unless it be
 21 .
I

liberty to instruct the Catholic children as wish,

they or liberty to
burn down Catholic Churches without restraint.
the new
party undoubtedly aims, to make sectarian religion an

ingredient in our
political institutions. The following extract from the
‘Sun,’ the leading organ in our city, will prove this.
“
There must be
a
conformity between civil and religious institutions, between creeds
and laws, or the object of civilization in good
government would
be destroyed by the effects of a false religion." Heaven guard us
from such a “ conformity in our country !
”
Wherever such a con-
formity has existed, the land has been stained with the blood of her
best citizens. Religion must ever weep over the cruel and bloody
scenes, that have ever resulted from such a conformity. It was to
escape this connection between Government and Sectarianism, that
our fathers fled to this continent. Even here, too, Churchmen have
been exiled, and Baptists and Quakers
hung from such a conformity.
The religion of Him, “whose
kingdom is not of this world,” prospers
most when
kept distinct from the civil power. If one sect is to be
persecuted to-day, another may be to-morrow. Only on the prin-
ciples of religious freedom, has any sect permanent security. Ah !
“ ”
this conformity is not religious liberty !
Never before, in the history of our
Republic, has a party which
boasted of two hundred thousand members, made such an open,
direct, and hostile attack on the fundamental principles of our civil and
religious rights. They should be closely watched. It is an easy matter
for a people to part with their rights, but when
they are once gone, it
is difficult to recover them. It is an easy matter to lie supinely and
allow ourselves to be bound with the chains of
tyranny, but when
those chains are once fastened upon us, it
requires a mighty effort to
burst them asunder. It becomes us to be on our guard.
If the glorious fabric of our Republican Government should fall, the
last hope for the mental and physical freedom of man would perish.
Liberty would clothe herself in sackcloth and ashes, and would weep
over the
grave of her brightest and fairest hopes. Despotism in other
lands, would bind more firmly her chains upon her victims. The
martyr to liberty, in sacrificing his life on other shores, would endure
a bitterer
anguish in his last moments, when he could no longer turn
his dying glance on America, with a
hope for man’s liberties. At
such an event as our fall, the enemies of free institutions all over the
earth, would rejoice in loud and terrific strains of fiendish joy. Horror
and cruelty would throw their dark and awful
pall over the world.
Every patriot, and every true Christian, will guard against such an
occurrence.

The great majority of

intelligent, reflecting, and deliberate Chris-
tians,it is trusted, will not join with the new
party in their warfare
against emigrants, the Catholics, and human rights. The Democratic
party surely will support its great principles, and oppose the new
A large portion of the
measure.
Whigs, it is hoped, will turn a deaf
ear to the calls of the Native Americans. The God of Nations, who
 oo

regards all men as his children, and who looks upon them with an
equal eye, should be invoked, to stop the progress of this new party
in their efforts, to withhold from his intelligent creatures, the rights with
which he himself has endowed them.
The star of empire has long been moving Westward. Let it not be
checked in its bright and lustrous wav. Let the tide of emigration
roll on, till freemen plant their banners on the shores of the Pacific !
And may the shout of equal rights, and religious liberty, be heard
from the broad Atlantic to the Pacific, arising in grandeur from mighty
millions pf happy American Citizens.
Heaven’s holy truth for man’s social happiness, will arise, it is
hoped, above the passions and prejudices, by which reason is blinded,
and error for a time prevails. We must have no particular privileges;
no distinctions on account of and freedom of conscience
birth-place,
for all. The blessings of Government like the dews of Heaven,
should be dispensed to all men, alike to the high and the low, the rich
and the poor, the native and the stranger.
Let our Star spangled banner float proudly over all men within our
wherever born, and whatever be their religious faith. The
borders,
stranger from afar must ever find a welcome here, and be treated as
natives of our soil. We conclude with the divine command given by
the ancient and inspired law-giver of theJews: “The stranger that
dwellefh with you, shall be unto you as one born among you, and
thou sluilt lore him as thyself1”

NOTE.'—It will be perceived that the writer has argued against an extern-
sion of the term of probation. If Congress should pass any acts merely for
the purpose of guarding the present laws from frauds in their administration,
without extending the term beyond five years, no objection to such acts need
be offered. The frauds, however, committed under the present laws, have
been but tew. "YVe object not to a strict administration with the term of five
years’residence; but let not the laws be so changed as to extend the period
beyond five years. This is the great point.