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The Clash of Empires and The Rise of Kurdish Separatism
The Clash of Empires and The Rise of Kurdish Separatism
The Clash of Empires and The Rise of Kurdish Separatism
Mehrdad Kia
The Clash of Empires and the Rise of Kurdish
Proto-Nationalism, 1905–1926
Mehrdad Kia
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v
vi PREFACE
vii
viii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
ix
x CHRONOLOGY OF SIMKO’S LIFE
October 1905, Ottoman Turks invade and occupy several rural districts
in western Azerbaijan.
1905, Jafar Agha’s father, Mohammad Agha, appeals to the Ottoman
sultan, Abdulhamid II, to avenge the murder of his son.
1905, Simko and his followers seek Ottoman protection. Tahir Pasha, the
Ottoman governor of Van offers land to Simko near Lake Van.
December 1905, Constitutional Revolution commences in Tehran.
August 5, 1906, Victory of the Constitutional Revolution in Iran.
October 7, 1906, First Majlis is convened.
January 9, 1907, Mozaffar al-Din Shah dies.
January 1907, Mohammad Ali Shah (r. 1907–1909) rules.
February 1907, Simko’s father, Mohammad Agha, travels to Istanbul to
make a personal appeal to the Ottoman sultan, Abdulhamid II, to avenge
the murder of his son by Iranian authorities. He eventually dies in an
Ottoman prison.
Spring 1907, Simko returns to Iran.
August 31, 1907, Russia and Britain sign the Saint Petersburg Conven-
tion partitioning Iran into spheres of influence. Shakak-populated terri-
tory in western Azerbaijan falls under the Russian sphere of influence.
June 23, 1908, Mohammad Ali Shah destroys the first Iranian
parliament.
June 23, 1908, Fighting erupts between pro-shah and constitutionalist
forces in Tabriz.
Spring-Summer 1908, Simko joins Eqbal al-Saltaneh, the governor of
Maku, and attacks constitutionalist forces in the towns of Khoy and
Salmas. Simko is appointed governor of Qotur on the Iran-Ottoman
frontier.
July 3, 1908, A CUP cell in the Ottoman Third Army in Macedonia
openly calls for restoration of the 1876 Ottoman constitution.
July 18, 1908, Turkish troops accompanied by the Shakak chief, Ismail
Agha (not to be mistaken with Simko), occupy Qulonji, near Urumiyeh.
Ismail Agha addresses letters to various villages informing them that they
have been annexed by Ottoman Turkey.
July 23, 1908, Abdulhamid II restores the 1876 constitution and calls
for elections.
1909, D’Arcy concession becomes the Anglo-Persian Oil Company.
April 12–13, 1909, Opponents of CUP mount a counter-revolution in
Istanbul.
CHRONOLOGY OF SIMKO’S LIFE xi
April 27, 1909, Sultan Abdulhamid II is deposed from the throne and
replaced by Mehmed V (r. 1909–1918).
April 29, 1909, Russian troops occupy Tabriz, the provincial capital of
Azerbaijan.
July 13, 1909, Constitutionalist forces from Isfahan and Rasht enter
Tehran.
July 16, 1909, Mohammad Ali Shah takes refuge in the Russian Legation
in Zargandeh (north of Tehran) and abdicates his throne.
July 1909, Ahmad Shah (r. 1909–1925) rules.
November 15, 1909, Second Majlis is inaugurated.
1910, The Second Majlis establishes the Iranian gendarmerie as a rural
police force with assistance from Swedish officers.
Autumn 1910, Ottoman-Kurdish statesman and diplomat, Abdurrezzak
Bey Bedir Khan, arrives in Tiflis, Georgia, where he meets with Russian
military authorities. Shortly after, the Kurdish dignitary tours the Iranian-
Ottoman borderlands and meets with Simko.
October 1910, Mehmed Zeki, the Ottoman kaymakam/qaimmaqam
(deputy commissioner in charge of the administration) of the Mahmudi
district in the Lake Van region, threatens Simko and demands that the
Kurdish chief hand over the district of Qotur to Ottoman authorities.
March 1911, With Russian encouragement and support, the Kurdish
leader, Abdurrezzak Bey Bedir Khan, initiates close collaboration with
Simko.
September 29, 1911, Ottoman war with Italy over Libya.
November 1911, Russia and Britain issue an ultimatum to the Iranian
government demanding the expulsion of Morgan Shuster, the Amer-
ican financial adviser, who had been hired to reform the Iranian financial
system.
December 21–25, 1911, Russian troops attack constitutionalists in
Tabriz.
December 26, 1911, Russian army reinforcements from south Caucasus
attack Tabriz to crush constitutionalist forces.
December 27, 1911, Tabriz under Russian control.
December 31, 1911, (10th of Moharram in the Islamic calendar),
A group of constitutionalist leaders and activists, including the promi-
nent Shi’i religious leader, Seqat al-Islam Tabrizi, are hanged in Tabriz by
Russian occupation forces.
1912, Kurdish leader, Sayyid (Sheikh) Taha II of Nehri, travels to Tiflis,
where he meets Abdurrezzak Bey Bedir Khan.
xii CHRONOLOGY OF SIMKO’S LIFE
1912, Sayyid Taha II and Abdurrezzak Bey Bedir Khan tour Kurdish
tribal areas in the Ottoman-Iranian borderlands. Sometime during this
trip, the two Kurdish dignitaries are joined by Simko.
1912, With support from Russians authorities, Abdurrezzak Bey Bedir
Khan publishes a Kurdish-language newspaper called Rozhi Kurd in
Urumiyeh. When the Russians remove Abdurrezzak Bey from western
Azerbaijan, the task of supervising the publication of Rozhi Kurd falls on
Simko, who continues to publish the newspaper until 1914.
October 8–December 3, 1912, First Balkan War between the members
of the Balkan League-Serbia, Bulgaria, Greece, and Montenegro-and the
Ottoman Empire.
December 1912–January 1913, Ottoman Empire withdraws its forces
from western Azerbaijan.
June 29–August 10, 1913, Second Balkan War: Ottoman Empire is
increasingly dominated by the triumvirate of Enver Pasha, Jemal Pasha,
and Talat Pasha.
1912–1913, Simko, backed and encouraged by Russian authorities in
western Azerbaijan, carries out plundering raids in Ottoman territory.
1914, In return for his services to the Czarist government, Simko is
invited to Tiflis, where the Russian governor-general of the Caucasus,
Vorontsov-Dashkov, decorates him and appoints the Shakak chief as the
governor of Somai in western Azerbaijan.
1914, British government buys a majority share in the newly founded
Anglo-Persian Oil Company.
July 21, 1914, Ahmad Shah’s coronation a week before the outbreak of
the First World War.
July 28, 1914, First World War commences.
November 1, 1914, Iran declares its neutrality in the First World War.
October 29, 1914, Admiral Souchon opens hostilities against Russia’s
Black Sea fleet by sinking a gunboat and a mine-laying vessel. The city of
Sevastopol is also shelled.
November 2, 1914, Russia declares war on the Ottoman Empire.
November 5, 1914, Great Britain declares war on the Ottoman Empire.
November 14, 1914, Ottoman sultan declares Holy War.
December 1914, Ottoman troops backed by Kurdish tribal units from
the Mangur, Mamash, and Dehbokri tribes, defeat the Russian client and
the Shahseven tribal chief, Shoja’a al-Dowleh, near Maragheh in eastern
Azerbaijan.
January 2, 1915, Russian troops evacuate Urumiyeh.
CHRONOLOGY OF SIMKO’S LIFE xiii
Simko escapes the assassination attempt, but his brother, Ali Agha, and
several of his attendants are killed.
June 1919, Two men falsely accused of participating in the bombing plot
against Simko are handed over to Simko who executes them.
August 9, 1919, Anglo-Persian Agreement signed.
November 1919, Simko with strong military and logistical support from
nationalist Turks holds country from Khoy to Urumiyeh completely
terrorized.
November 1919, The British government withdraws its vice-consul from
Urumiyeh.
December 1919, Simko attacks the villages of Lakistan in the district of
Salmas, pillaging and massacring their inhabitants.
January–February 1920, Punitive expedition against Simko under the
command of the Russian officer, Colonel Philipov.
January 17, 1920, According to a British report, Iranian government
forces score a decisive victory over Simko and they seize Dilman in the
Salmas district. Simko is forced to retreat to his stronghold at Chahriq.
February 22, 1920, Colonel Philipov proposes terms of peace to Simko.
March 1920, Simko accepts conditions of peace proposed by Philipov.
April 5–April 8, 1920, Sheikh Mohammad Khiyabani seizes power in
Tabriz.
April 19, 1920, Abd al-Majid Mirza Ain al-Dowleh, the new governor
of Azerbaijan, arrives in Tabriz.
May 18, 1920, Soviet forces land at various points on the Iranian coast
of the Caspian Sea, including the port of Anzali.
June 5, 1920, Soviet Republic of Gilan established.
June 24, 1920, Ain al-Dowleh leaves Tabriz for Tehran. Khiyabani
consolidates his authority over Tabriz.
August 10, 1920, Treaty of Sèvres provides for an independent Armenia
and an autonomous Kurdistan.
August 1920, Simko captures Salmas and appoints one of his confidants,
Teymur Agha, as its governor.
August 1920, Mokhber al-Saltaneh Hedayat is appointed governor of
Azerbaijan.
September 1920, Sayyid Taha II asks for arms and money for an
independent Kurdistan from British authorities in Iraq.
September 13, 1920, Iranian Cossacks seize control of Tabriz and
disperse Khiyabani’s supporters.
xvi CHRONOLOGY OF SIMKO’S LIFE
July 18, 1922, Amanollah Mirza leaves Tabriz for the port of
Sharafkhaneh on the northeastern shore of Lake Urumiyeh where he sets
up his headquarters.
End of July 1922, Simko controls all territory west of Lake Urumiyeh
from the outskirts of Khoy in the north to Baneh in the south.
August 5–21, 1922, Military campaign against Simko.
August 9, 1922, Government forces defeat Simko, who flees to his
stronghold, Chahriq.
August 10, 1922, Government troops march through Dilman the capital
of the Salmas district.
August 14, 1922, Government troops capture Simko’s stronghold at
Chahriq.
August 16, 1922, Government troops enter Urumiyeh.
August 21, 1922, Deputy governors are appointed for Urumiyeh and
Savojbolagh.
August 25, 1922, Iran’s minister of war instructs the governors of
Urumiyeh, Salmas, and Khoy to grant amnesty to all Kurds who would
forsake Simko and submit to the government.
September 1922, Turkish nationalists seize Izmir and drive the Greeks
out of Anatolia.
October 1922, Simko and Sayyid Taha II visit northern Iraq.
November 1, 1922, Turkish Grand National Assembly abolishes the
Ottoman sultanate.
January 8, 1923, Simko arrives in Sulaymaniyah in northern Iraq as a
guest of Sheikh Mahmud Barzanji.
March 1923, Simko returns to Turkey and joins Ozdemir Bey, the
commander of Turkish forces in Rawanduz.
April 22, 1923, Rawanduz is occupied by British forces.
April 1923, Simko retires to Nehri in southeastern Turkey.
June 1923, Simko is reported to be near Qotur, on the Turkish side
of the frontier, working with the local Kurds, who are robbing travellers
along the Van-Qotur Road.
July 24, 1923, Treaty of Lausanne is signed between Turkey and Britain,
France, Italy, Japan, Greece, Romania, and the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats,
and Slovenes (i.e., Yugoslavia) after a seven-month conference.
July 1923, Simko appeals to Soviet officials for support.
October 26, 1923, Reza Khan is appointed prime minister of Iran.
October 29, 1923, Republic of Turkey is established with Mustafa Kemal
as its first president.
CHRONOLOGY OF SIMKO’S LIFE xix
1 Introduction 1
2 Historical Setting: Iran on the Brink of Collapse 23
Qajar Dynasty and European Imperialism 25
Anglo-Russian Rivalry and the Constitutional Revolution 27
Iran During First World War 30
Reza Shah Pahlavi 37
Western Azerbaijan, the Home of Simko and the Shakak Tribe 46
Kurds of Western Azerbaijan 52
3 Shakak Tribe and the Rise of Simko 57
Shakak/Shikak Kurds 58
Rise of Simko 65
Ottoman Turks Invade Western Azerbaijan 70
Simko, Constitutional Revolution & Ottoman Invasion 75
Simko & the Russian Occupation of Azerbaijan 80
Simko & Sayyid Taha II 87
4 Simko, Competing Nationalisms, and the Great War 95
On the Eve of the First World War 96
Simko, Russian Evacuation & Ottoman Invasion 98
Assyrian Refugees Arrive in Western Azerbaijan 105
An Assyrian-Armenian-Kurdish Line of Defense 109
Murder of Mar Shimun 115
Mar Shimun’s Murder Ignites a Civil War 120
xxi
xxii CONTENTS
Bibliography 265
Index 279
List of Maps
xxiii
Map 0.1 Iran and its neighbors
CHAPTER 1
Introduction
1 For Simko’s life and career, see, Hashem Ahmadzadeh and Gareth Stansfield, “The
Political, Cultural, and Military Re-awakening of the Kurdish Nationalist Movement
in Iran,” Middle East Journal, Vol. 64, No. 1 (Winter, 2010), pp. 11–27. Hassan
Arfa, The Kurds: An Historical and Political Study, (London: Oxford University Press,
1966). Hassan Arfa, Under Five Shahs, (New York: William Morrow & Co, 1965).
Mehdi Bamdad, Sharh-e Hal-e Rejal-e Iran Dar Qarn-e 12th, 13th, and 14th Hijri, 6
Volumes, (Tehran: Zavvar Press, 1979). Kaveh Bayat, “Ismail Aqa Semitqu,” in Farhang-e
Namavaran-e Moaser-e Iran, Vol. 1 (Tehran, 2002), pp. 578–580. Kaveh Bayat, Ravabet-e
Iran va Turkiyeh: Az Soqut-e. Dolat-e Osmani ta baramadan-e Neza.m-e Jomhuri (1297–
1302 Shamsi), (Tehran: Pardis-e Danesh, 2015). Ahmad Chupani, Masale-ye Ismail Agha
Semko dar Azerbaijan va Mokrian, (Tehran: Nashr-e Ana, 2015). Donyaha, Daneshnameh-
ye Farsi, https://donyaha.ir/biography/Ismail-Agha-Simko. Michael Gunter, Historical
Dictionary of the Kurds, (Lanham, MD, and Oxford: The Scarecrow Press, Inc.,
2004). Muhammad Rasul Hawar, Simko u bzutnaway natawayatiy Kurd, Hikumeti
Herêmi Kurdistanê, (Silêmanî: Wazarati Roshnbiri, 2005). Hassan Malekzdeh-ye Hirbad,
Sarnevesht-e Heyratangiz, (Tehran: Bina, 1949). Amanollah Jahanbani, Sarbaz-e Irani va
Mafhum-e Ab va Khak: Zendeginameh-ye Khodnevesht-e Sepahbod Amanollah Jahanbani,
Edited by Parviz Jahanbani, (Tehran: Ferdows Press, 2001). Amanollah Jahanbani,
3 Hashem Ahmadzadeh and Gareth Stansfield, “The Political, Cultural, and Military
Re-awakening of the Kurdish Nationalist Movement in Iran,” Middle East Journal, Vol.
64, No. 1 (Winter, 2010), pp. 11–27, p. 13. Simko’s rebellion commenced in late 1918,
when Reza Shah was a junior army officer, and it ended in August 1922 more than three
years before Reza Shah (at the time, Reza Khan Sardar Sepah) seized the throne of Iran.
As a minister of war, who was trying to create a unified and integrated army, Reza Khan
did not have either the power or the authority to introduce “homogenizing Persian-first”
policies even if he wished to. Reza Shah’s cultural policies belong to a period long after
the suppression of Simko’s uprising, and many of them date back to the decade of 1930s
after Simko had already been assassinated by Iranian authorities.
4 Kutschera, Chris, Le Mouvement National Kurde, (Paris: Flammarion, 1979), p. 48.
4 M. KIA
but they fail to reveal the complexity of Simko as a historical figure and
political leader.
Far more intriguing than the English, Kurdish, and Persian narratives
on Simko is a rather innovative attempt by Turkish nationalist historians,
who, in writing about the Kurdish-Assyrian conflict, portrayed Simko and
the Kurdish leader, Sayyid (Sheikh) Taha II, “as warriors who fought for
the Turkish army” against Russian imperialism. In addition, both men
“cooperated” with the Turkish military and even the local “Turcomans”
to put an end to “Assyrian atrocities.”5 This last effort falls under the
category of fictional romance and is, therefore, beyond the scope of this
humble study.
Instead of becoming engrossed in the battle of nationalistic narratives
and issuing a guilty or innocent verdict, this book attempts to high-
light the main contours of Simko’s life and to capture this elusive figure.
My objective in writing this book is to analyze the underlying polit-
ical and historical circumstances that shaped Simko and enabled him to
emerge as the leader of the first major Kurdish separatist movement in
twentieth-century Iran. I believe that the Kurdish chief’s life and career
can provide us with a useful framework to discuss how radical transfor-
mations on the immediate periphery of the Kurdish-populated region
in Iran impelled him to demand an independent state. Simko’s revolt
was directly impacted by the dramatic transformation of the Middle East
from a region dominated by multi-ethnic, multi-linguistic, and multi-
religious empires to a region littered by “nation-states,” some of which
were created by the British and French colonial administrators. To the
north, Czarist Russia collapsed, and out of two revolutions, the first in
March 1917 and the second in November 1917 (the October Revolu-
tion by the old Russian calendar), a new entity called the Union of Soviet
Socialist Republics (USSR) emerged. In the underbelly of Russia, in the
south Caucasus, three new countries, Azerbaijan, Armenia, and Georgia,
also declared their independence in the aftermath of the collapse of the
Russian Empire only to be attacked, occupied, and annexed by the Red
Army and converted into Soviet socialist republics in 1920 and 1921.
To the west in Anatolia, the Ottoman Empire disintegrated, and from its
5 Metin Atmaca, “Fragile Frontiers: Sayyid Taha and the role of Kurdish Religio-Political
Leadership in the Ottoman East During the First World War,” Middle Eastern Studies,
Vol. 54, No. 3 (2018), p. 372.
1 INTRODUCTION 5
ashes a secular and nationalist Turkish republic arose under the leader-
ship of Mustafa Kemal (Atatürk). To the south in Mesopotamia, Britain
and France carved several artificial states from the carcass of the Ottoman
Empire, including a new country called Iraq that contained an unruly
mix of diverse religious and ethno-linguistic communities. By patching
up three dissimilar provinces of the former Ottoman Empire, Mosul,
Baghdad, and Basra, with disparate populations of Shi’i Arabs, Sunni
Arabs, Kurds, Assyrians, Armenians, Jews, Turkmens, etc., who had never
displayed any desire to cohabit the same national space, the British created
a country that was far from being a nation. Finally, to the east in Iran,
the feeble, fragile, and utterly inept Qajar state was first jolted by a mili-
tary coup and eventually overthrown and replaced by a modernizing and
centralizing regime under Reza Shah, the founder of the Pahlavi dynasty
(1925–1979). As age-old empires collapsed and a new political map of the
region emerged, Kurdish leaders in Iraq and Turkey attempted to create
autonomous or independent enclaves or states; Simko Agha’s rebellion in
northwestern Iran was just one example of such efforts.
Much of the scholarly work on Simko has focused on the post-
First World War period, especially the four years between 1918 and
1922, when he staged his revolt and gained control of the territory
corresponding with much of the present-day Iranian province of West
Azerbaijan. Consequently, the formative period in his political develop-
ment between 1905 and 1918, and the last eight years of his life following
his defeat at the hands of the Iranian government in 1922 have been
downplayed or completely ignored. Worse, much of the literature on the
role and impact of Simko after the First World War has emphasized the
military campaigns against the Kurdish chief and his efforts to thwart
them. This approach has generally overlooked the extensive relationships
between Simko and Iranian, Russian, Turkish, and British authorities, as
well as the political and ideological aspects of Simko’s rebellion, especially
the significant influence of prominent Kurdish leaders, such as Sayyid
Taha II of Nehri.
Simko’s tumultuous political career was born out of his rage at the
treachery and violence unleashed against his brother by the Iranian
government. His alienation from Iran was reinforced by the support he
received from the Ottoman Turks and their pan-Islamic propaganda after
1905. As a young khan, Simko witnessed the rapid disintegration of the
Qajar state, the victory of the constitutional revolution in 1906, the
6 M. KIA
What is this I hear that the Armenians are going to have an independent
state in Van, and the Nestorians [Assyrians] are going to hoist the British
flag and declare themselves British subjects? I will never permit it, even if
I have to arm the women.6
There you are, these Christians [Assyrians] are not returning to their homes
in peace. They aspire to become a big nation with us Kurds as their
subjects, so much so that they have an ‘ambassador’ in London, which
is much more than we have.7
6 Wadie Jwaideh, Kurdish National Movement Its Origins and Development, (Syracuse:
Syracuse University Press, 2006), p. 83. The remark was made by Sheikh Ubeydullah to
an Ottoman official and repeated in a report by Vice Counsel Clayton to Major Trotter,
Bashkale, July 11, 1880, Parliamentary Papers (Turkey, 1881), 5:7.
7 Rupert Hay, Two Years in Kurdistan: Experiences of a Political Officer 1918–1920,
(Washington, DC: Westphalia Press, 2016), p. 308.
8 M. KIA
8 For a detailed analysis of the term, “Gūrān,” see, V. Minorsky, “The Gūrān,’ in
Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, Vol. 11, No.
1 (1943), pp. 75–103, (Cambridge University Press on behalf of School of Oriental and
African Studies).
9 William Spottiswoode, “Sketch of the Tribes of Northern Kurdistan,” Transactions
of the Ethnological Society of London, Vol. 2 (1863), pp. 244–248, Published by: Royal
Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, p. 244.
1 INTRODUCTION 9
By the winter 1918, Simko had concluded that the Kurdish tribes
of western Azerbaijan must unify under his leadership and use every
means possible, including open warfare, to prevent the Assyrians and
Armenians from realizing their nationalistic dreams. Alarmed by the possi-
bility of an independent Assyrian state and convinced that the Assyrians
aimed at nothing less than the subjugation of the Kurdish populations
trapped within their borders, Simko treacherously murdered the Assyrian
leader, Mar Shimun. The murder of Mar Shimun ignited a civil war
between the Christian (i.e., Assyrian and Armenian) and their Muslim
(i.e., Kurdish and Azerbaijani Turk) neighbors. Thousands of defense-
less civilians were slaughtered in the ensuing bloodbath, including a
significant number of defenseless Kurds. In spring–summer 1918, after
Ottoman Turks invaded northwestern Iran, the Kurdish chief re-ignited
his relentless and murderous rampage against the Assyrian and Armenian
communities of western Azerbaijan. Simko joined Ottoman troops and
local Iranian officials as they unleashed a campaign of physical expulsion
directed against the Assyrian and Armenian communities of northwestern
Iran.
The fall of Czarist Russia and the subsequent withdrawal of Russian
forces from Iran after the Bolshevik revolution, the defeat and the disin-
tegration of the Ottoman Empire at the conclusion of the Great War in
October 1918, the total collapse of Iranian governmental authority in
western Azerbaijan during and after the end of the Great War, as well as
the defeat of armed Assyrian and Armenian groups in the summer 1918
created a political and military vacuum that Simko tried to fill for nearly
four years. Simko feared the return to western Azerbaijan of Assyrians and
Armenians, who were living as refugees under British protection in Iraq.
He gained access to a large quantity of arms and ammunition abandoned
by the Russian and Ottoman armies, and he recruited several hundred
members of the disbanded Ottoman artillery units for his army. He then
felt confident that he could fill the vacuum left behind by the Russians
and Ottoman Turks and convert western Azerbaijan to a territorial base
for his future Kurdish state.
From December 1918 to August 1922, the Kurdish chief rallied the
support of his tribe, the Shakak, as well as the neighboring Kurdish tribes,
to his cause. With significant support from remnants of Ottoman army
units, and after 1919, with direct assistance from the Turkish nationalist
movement led by Mustafa Kemal, Simko created a formidable army. His
newly organized military force allowed him to impose his authority over
10 M. KIA
10 Edmonds, C. J. Kurds Turks and Arabs, (London: Oxford University Press, 1957),
p. 305.
1 INTRODUCTION 11
In the second chapter of the book, I offer a historical framework for the
rise of Simko and his separatist movement in the context of the disinte-
gration of the Qajar state, especially after the victory of the constitutional
revolution of 1906. My argument in this chapter is that at the dawn
of the twentieth century, Iran contained a mosaic of ethnic, linguistic,
and religious groups and environments. This mosaic had evolved for
centuries through migration, adaptation, and assimilation. Each commu-
nity possessed its own unique social organization and political leadership.
Thus, heterogeneity constituted the most basic characteristic of Iranian
society. The Qajar state, which came to power in 1794, failed to integrate
these disparate and fragmented communities into one unified system.
In this same chapter, I also focus on the defeats the Qajars suffered at
the hands of Russia and Britain. These defeats undermined the legitimacy
and credibility of the central government. The humiliating treaties Iran
was forced to sign with Russia and Britain opened Iranian markets to
cheaply made goods from European countries. The flooding of Iranian
bazaars with European products destroyed the viability of the coun-
try’s native industries, driving a large number of manufacturers into
bankruptcy. The anger and alienation of Iran’s traditional middle class
ultimately ignited a popular movement that forced the Qajar monarch,
Mozaffar al-Din Shah (r. 1896–1907), to grant a constitution in August
1906. Instead of strengthening the position of the central government vis-
à-vis the tribal zones of the country, the new parliament became involved
in a power struggle with the reactionary monarch, Mohammad Ali Shah.
The conflict between the shah and the parliament resulted in the erosion
of state power in the country’s distant provinces. The disappearance of
governmental authority enhanced the power and prestige of tribal chiefs
and provincial magnates. It also encouraged direct military intervention
by Iran’s neighbors, namely the Ottoman Empire, Russia, and Britain.
The First World War and the occupation of the country by foreign armies
only intensified the disintegration of the Iranian state.
I also argue that after Russian and Ottoman forces evacuated Iranian
territory, the weak central government in Tehran could not fill the gap
left by them. The situation in the tribal zones of the country, especially
in Azerbaijan, was chaotic, and the Iranian government was completely
incapable of putting things in order. The inability of the Iranian state to
impose its authority over the distant provinces of the country allowed
tribal chiefs and provincial power centers to organize separatist move-
ments. Sensing the inability of the Iranian government to consolidate
1 INTRODUCTION 13
its authority, Simko organized a strong army and rose in open rebellion.
In the absence of any effective resistance by the state, the Kurdish chief
quickly imposed his authority over significant parts of western Azerbaijan.
In response to the growing disintegration of governmental power and
propelled by the nationalist dream of preserving the territorial integrity
of their country, elements within the Iranian intelligentsia and the mili-
tary staged a coup d’etat in February 1921. The victory of this coup
signaled the rise of Reza Khan, who would be crowned as Reza Shah
Pahlavi in April 1926. Before seizing the throne, Reza Khan ended the
political fragmentation of the country by embarking on a campaign to
suppress powerful provincial magnates and tribal chiefs, including Simko.
The second chapter ends with a brief description of the physical and
human geography of western Azerbaijan, the home of the Shakak tribe
and the birthplace of Simko.
In Chapter 3, I have attempted to present a brief and episodic history
of the Shakak, the most powerful Kurdish tribal group of northwestern
Iran, which had settled in the rural districts of Somai-Baradoost (Bradost),
Chahriq, and Qotur. As a tribe on the Iranian–Ottoman frontier, the
Shakaks were expected to serve as the wardens of the frontier defending
Iranian territory against Ottoman military incursions. In reality, however,
the Shakak frequently switched their loyalty, at times to the Ottoman
sultan. In this chapter, I have attempted to discuss Simko’s political career
after Iranian authorities in Azerbaijan treacherously killed his brother,
Jafar Agha. The death of his brother, followed by the passing of his father
in an Ottoman prison, allowed Simko to emerge as one of the leaders of
the Shakak.
Simko’s rise to the leadership of the Shakak corresponded with the
invasion of several rural districts in western Azerbaijan by Ottoman Turks
in 1905. Russia countered the Ottoman invasion by occupying parts of
northern and eastern Azerbaijan in 1909. Czarist forces extended their
control over Azerbaijan in 1911, eventually forcing the Ottoman Turks
to evacuate their troops from northwestern Iran in 1912. The growing
rivalry between Russia and the Ottoman state over the vital strategic
region split the Kurdish tribes into two warring camps, namely those who
sided with the Ottoman Turks and those who threw their lot behind
Russia. As I describe in this chapter, in 1905 Simko lent his support
to the Ottoman Turks and even moved with a group of his followers
to the territory east of Lake Van. In 1907, however, he returned to
Iran, and, during the semi-civil war between Mohammad Ali Shah and
14 M. KIA
followers fled into the Turkish territory. The majority of the tribal leaders
who had joined Simko surrendered and opened negotiations for a pardon
with the central government.
In Chapter 8, I have tried to reconstruct Simko’s life and activities after
he was defeated by the Iranian government. During the last period of his
life, extending from 1922 to 1930, Simko became a true nomad and a
rebel without a cause. Travelling from Turkey to Iraq, he tried to re-arm
his supporters and re-ignite a tribal uprising inside Iran. He negotiated
with the British authorities in northern Iraq and pleaded for military and
financial support from them, but they turned down his requests. He then
appealed to influential Kurdish chiefs in northern Iraq, especially Sheikh
Mahmud Barzanji, the then ruler of Sulaymaniyah, for assistance, but he
did not receive any. Distraught by a lack of sympathy and support, Simko
left Iraq and allied himself with the Turkish nationalists, who recruited
him in their campaign to capture Mosul. After it became clear that the
Turks were negotiating with the British to resolve their territorial disputes,
and that they planned to apply an iron fist policy to control their own
Kurdish population, Simko returned to Iran. But the Iran to which he
returned was very different from the Iran from which he had fled in 1922.
In place of a feeble and incompetent Qajar state, a new modernizing and
centralizing government had emerged under the leadership of Reza Khan,
soon to become Reza Shah. In sharp contrast to his Qajar predecessor, the
Pahlavi shah had no tolerance for insubordination and rebellious behavior,
especially on the part of tribal chiefs. With hopes of regaining his former
status as the supreme leader of the Shakak fading fast, Simko rolled the
dice and revolted in a loose coalition with several neighboring tribes. This
rebellion was quickly put down with a great deal of support from other
branches of the Shakak. Even his Kurdish allies defected and abandoned
him to his fate. Simko had no alternative but to seek refuge in Iraq. His
presence in northern Iraq was viewed by Baghdad as a security threat.
Thus, after long and protracted negotiations between the governments of
Iraq and Iran, Simko returned to the bosom of a regime that had never
forgotten or forgiven his rebellions. He was enticed to return to Iran
with a promise that he would assume a position of authority as a district
governor of Oshnaviyeh, but this was, from the very beginning a trap, a
deadly trap, which would cost him his life.
Simko was a frontier warlord who utilized the patron-client system to
maintain and expand his power. For two years, extending from 1905 to
1907, he served as the client of the Ottoman Turks who had invaded
1 INTRODUCTION 19
11 Douglas Carr, “Roman Warlords and the Early Medieval World,” p. 2, in H. Christie
and M. Kasten (ed.) Current Approaches to People Places and Things in the Early Medieval
Period; Proceedings of the 12th Annual Early Medieval Archaeology Student Symposium,
(Oxford: British Archaeological Reports), pp. 83–94. See also, Kimberly Marten, “War-
lordism in Comparative Perspective,” International Security, Vol. 31, No. 3 (Winter,
2006/2007), p. 48.
12 Ibid.
13 Ibid.
14 Ibid.
20 M. KIA
Five years later, when he was desperate to save his neck by fleeing
Turkish territory, Simko used a pro-Iran disguise and pleaded to Iranian
authorities to allow him to return to Iran. In a letter to the governor-
general of Azerbaijan, the previously anti-Iranian rebel posed as an Iranian
patriot determined to demonstrate his loyalty and fidelity to the shah and
his motherland, Iran:
My companions and I are Iranians, and our race is also Iranian, but,
because of traitorous paid agents, who are known to everyone, we were
forced to leave our homeland and take residence in a foreign country. I
want to prove that I have never intended to betray, and I have always been
mindful of the independence and dignity of my homeland.16
Far from being a unified nation, Iran entered the twentieth century a
fragmented political entity comprising a mosaic of ethnic, linguistic, and
religious communities. Each region of the country possessed its own
unique characteristics, which distinguished it from others in geography,
climate, ethnic and linguistic composition, social organization, religion,
and local customs. Thus, heterogeneity constituted the most fundamental
characteristic of the country. The Qajar dynasty, which was established
in 1794, lacked the two pillars of a modern state, namely a professional
standing army and an efficient bureaucracy to impose its authority. In
the absence of a strong centralized government, the country was divided
into numerous semi-autonomous regions in which local notables, provin-
cial magnates, and tribal chiefs reigned as despotic potentates with a high
degree of independence within the regions they controlled.
In theory, the shah stood at the top of the power pyramid and ruled
as an absolute monarch. In reality, however, the Qajar monarchs enjoyed
no effective power outside of their capital, Tehran. To finance the state
and its various departments, they had to rely on tribal chiefs, influential
landowners, and provincial power brokers to collect taxes. The age-old
Iranian theory of the divine right of kings enhanced the importance
and centrality of monarchy. According to this theory, the institution of
monarchy had been created by God, and the monarch functioned as
God’s representative on earth. As the representative of God on earth,
the shah was obligated to preserve the peace, security, and stability of the
empire he ruled. Administering justice constituted the most important
duty of a sovereign. The failure to protect his subjects from injustice and
foreign invasion could justify the overthrow of the government. Despite
his absolute power, the shah could not violate the precepts of the Islamic
law or the sharia (Persian: shariat ); the opinion of the Muslim commu-
nity, expressed through the Shi’i ulama, had a strong influence on his
decisions and actions. In the Shi’i Muslim-populated areas of Iran, the
spiritual domain belonged to the Shi⊂i religious hierarchy, who acted
as the sole interpreters and guardians of Islamic heritage and identity.
They preached that God had entrusted his flock (i.e., the people) to the
shah and the ruler was, therefore, responsible for the care and protection
of the Shi⊂i community. In the predominantly Sunni Muslim-populated
regions of the country, especially in the Kurdish-populated areas of north-
western and western Iran, tribal chiefs, who owned villages and vast
landed estates, dominated political and pastoral life, while the sheikhs and
sayyids of various Sufi orders, many of whom were also large landowners,
constituted the cultural elite of the community.
For most of its existence, the Qajar state lacked sufficient means to
impose its authority. In a vast country such as Iran, which did not have
modern roads and railroads, and where regions were separated by rugged
mountains, arid plains, lush forests, and vast deserts, the ruling elite
deployed divide-and-rule tactics to neutralize any challenge to its rule.
As such, when a tribal chief or a provincial magnate revolted against the
authority of the central government, the shah appealed to regional power
centers in close proximity to the rebellious subject to suppress the mutiny.
After all, the drive to undermine the fragile balance of power in a province
posed a direct threat, not only to the power and prestige of the central
government, but also to the authority and autonomy of the surrounding
provincial magnates.
2 HISTORICAL SETTING: IRAN ON THE BRINK OF COLLAPSE 25
1 Farhad Kazemi, “The Military and Politics in Iran: The Uneasy Symbiosis,” in Towards
A Modern Iran: Studies in Thought, Politics and Society, Eli Kedourie and Sylvia G. Haim
(eds.) (London: Frank Cass, 1980), p. 218.
2 Yeselson, Abraham. United States-Persian Diplomatic Relations, 1883–1921, (New
Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1956), p. 16.
26 M. KIA
businesses and fell into the ranks of a newly emerging working class that
was forced to search for jobs in Russia’s industrial centers such as Baku.
Beginning in the 1870s, Russia and Britain embarked on a policy of
obtaining political and commercial concessions from the Qajar state. In
1879, Russia organized the Cossack Division as an elite cavalry force for
the Qajar monarch, Nasser al-Din Shah (r. 1848–1896). Russian enter-
prises also established financial and economic monopolies in Iran. These
included Caspian fisheries and telegraph lines, as well as road and railroad
construction (especially in Azerbaijan), and the Discount and Loan Bank
(Bank-e Esteqrazi-ye Russ ). Through this bank, the Russian government
provided loans to Qajar shahs and members of the Iranian aristocracy,
thus expanding its influence over the country’s ruling elite. Meanwhile,
in 1888, the British gained the right to open the Karun River, the only
navigable river in Iran, to steam navigation and international trade. A year
later, they established the Imperial Bank of Persia (Bank-e Shahanshai-ye
Iran) with a monopoly over issuing currency. In 1890, a British national
was granted a monopoly for the sale and distribution of all tobacco in
Iran, while in 1901, a concession was granted to a British syndicate,
headed by William Knox d’Arcy, to explore for oil and produce petroleum
anywhere in Iran except the country’s northern provinces. Thus, the rapid
decline of the Qajar state and its dependency on Russia and Britain,
which had already commenced in the first half of the nineteenth century,
accelerated during the long reign of Nasser al-Din Shah and the much
shorter reign of his successor, Mozaffar al-Din Shah (r. 1896–1907). As
the British representative in Tehran wrote in 1895:
his want of firmness and courage that has led to the regrettable increase
in the power of priesthood, for whom the Persians have little love, and
his perpetual demands for money can only be met by starving the public
departments.3
Anglo-Russian Rivalry
and the Constitutional Revolution
For much of the nineteenth century, as the country descended into a long
period of turmoil and decline, the rivalry between Russia to the north
and Britain to the south in India continued unabated. By 1903, Russia’s
political and economic position in Iran had attained such domination that
the Russian consul general in Tabriz viewed Azerbaijan “as an offshoot of
the Caucasus and almost a Russian province,”4 while another high Czarist
official could state brazenly that “our task is to make Persia an obedient
and useful but sufficiently strong tool in our hands and to retain for our
own economic interest a large Persian market.”5
The Russo-Japanese War (1904–1905), which ended with the humili-
ating defeat of Russia, followed by the eruption of the Russian revolution
of 1905, undermined, albeit temporarily, the dominant position of Russia
inside Iran. The disappearance of Russia from the Iranian theater embold-
ened the Ottoman Empire, Iran’s neighbor to the west. The Ottomans
invaded and occupied several Kurdish-populated rural districts in western
Azerbaijan in late 1905. They pressured the Kurdish tribes of north-
western Iran to declare their allegiance to the Ottoman sultan as the caliph
or the religious and spiritual head of all Sunni Muslims. The Shakak, a
Sunni Kurdish tribe on the Iranian-Ottoman frontier and their chiefs,
including Ismail Agha, also known as Simko, initially joined the Ottoman
Turks.
The temporary withdrawal of Russia from Iran’s internal affairs, the
economic crisis caused by events in Russia, and the impotence of the Qajar
dynasty in the face of the political and economic challenges confronting
as the first step toward the eventual partition of Iran by the two Euro-
pean powers.6 Western Azerbaijan, the home of Simko and the Shakak
Kurds, fell within the Russian sphere of influence as defined by the Saint
Petersburg Convention.
Meanwhile, the Iranian parliament’s increasingly hostile and uncoop-
erative attitude toward the shah, as well as an assassination attempt on his
life, pushed the reigning monarch, Mohammad Ali Shah (r. 1907–1909),
a highly religious, superstitious, and reactionary man, who already feared
and despised the Majlis, and the press, into the arms of his Russian mili-
tary advisers and ultra conservative members of the ulama. The growing
unity among these anti-democratic forces allowed the shah to utilize the
increasing chaos and anarchy in the provinces, as well as the naked attacks
on his power by the parliament, to rally and mobilize his base in support
of a military coup that destroyed the first Iranian parliament on June 23,
1908.
In reaction to the suppression of the parliament, Tabriz, the provincial
capital of Azerbaijan, rose in rebellion against the authority of the shah.
Constitutionalist forces led by charismatic figures such as Sattar Khan and
Baqer Khan, who hailed from the lower social strata, armed the popula-
tion and seized control of the city. To suppress the rebellion in Tabriz,
Mohammad Ali Shah raised an army and dispatched it to Azerbaijan.
He also called on the tribal chiefs of Azerbaijan to rally to his flag and
to attack constitutionalist forces wherever they found them. Among the
Kurdish leaders who threw their support behind the Qajar monarch was
one of the chiefs of the Shakak, Simko, who targeted constitutionalist
forces in Khoy and Salmas. At the same time, he raided and plundered
Assyrian, Armenian, and Shi’i Azerbaijani villages.
In April 1909, the raging battle between the shah’s supporters and the
constitutionalists in northwestern Iran provided a convenient excuse for
the Russian forces to invade Azerbaijan in the name of opening the roads
to food supplies and restoring law and order in the province. Russian
military presence in Azerbaijan gradually expanded from Tabriz to other
major urban centers of the province, eventually forcing the Ottoman
troops, who had occupied several rural districts in western Azerbaijan
since 1905, to withdraw in late 1912.
6 Toynbee, Arnold J. Survey of International Affairs 1925, Volume I, The Islamic World
Since the Peace Settlement, (London: Oxford University Press, 1927), p. 534.
30 M. KIA
Back in Tehran, the parliament was restored in July 1909, after chiefs
of the Bakhtiyari tribe seized Isfahan and pro-constitution forces captured
Rasht. The two constitutionalist armies from the south and the north
marched to Tehran and forced the reigning Mohammad Ali Shah to abdi-
cate by seeking refuge at the Russian embassy at Zargandeh north of
Tehran. On the evening of 17 July, a day after the Qajar monarch had
abdicated, an extraordinary grand council composed of notables, promi-
nent members of the clergy, and some of the former deputies of the
first Majlis proclaimed Mohammad Ali Shah’s second son, Sultan Ahmad
Mirza, the shah.7 Because the new monarch was only 12 years old, the
constitutionalists appointed the head of the Qajar tribe as the Regent.
Once again, however, the Majlis failed to institutionalize its authority
by establishing a strong and stable government capable of defending
the country and introducing badly needed reforms. In November 1911,
Russia and Britain issued an ultimatum to the Iranian government
demanding the expulsion of Morgan Shuster, the American financial
adviser, who had been hired to reform the Iranian financial system.
Then, on 21 December, Russian troops in Tabriz launched attacks against
constitutionalists in the city. Five days later, Russian army reinforcements
from south Caucasus attacked Tabriz and crushed the constitutionalist
forces in the city. By 27 December, Tabriz was under full Russian military
control. Four days later, on December 31, 1911 (corresponding to 10th
of Moharram in the Islamic calendar when Shi’i Muslims mourn the death
of Hussein, the grandson of Muhammad, the prophet of Islam and their
third imam), a group of constitutionalist leaders and activists, including
the prominent Shi’i religious leader, Seqat al-Islam Tabrizi, were executed
in Tabriz by Russian occupation forces. Under pressure from Czarist
Russia, the second Majlis was closed down and, with the exception of
a short and aborted session in 1914, was not re-opened until 1921.
7 Barclay to Grey, Tehran, February 10, 1910, Persia Annual Report, 1909, Confidential
9642, [8669], No. 19., in Iran Political Diaries. Volume 4, p. 403.
2 HISTORICAL SETTING: IRAN ON THE BRINK OF COLLAPSE 31
hatred” among Iranians, and this feeling was extended to Britain as the
ally of Russia and its “partner in the Anglo-Russian Convention of 1907,”
which had partitioned Iran into spheres of influence.8 The Ottoman
Empire was also feared for its expansionist designs in northwestern and
western Iran, but at the same time, the Ottoman Pan-Islamic propaganda
commanded a certain amount of sympathy among Muslim Iranians.9
The invasion of Iran by foreign forces resulted in famine and starva-
tion throughout the country, especially in its western and northwestern
provinces. During “the last months of 1914, and in 1915 and 1916,”
famine prevailed, and deadly diseases spread. Compounding matters, the
whole area west of Lake Urumiyeh was stripped “bare of supplies and of
flocks by the Russians or the Turks.”10 Widespread famine introduced
diseases in its wake; “hundreds of thousands fell victim to starvation,
typhus, cholera,” and influenza.11 Typhus and influenza “each in turn
brought destruction to the country.”12 In Urumiyeh alone, an epidemic
of typhoid killed four thousand people.13 Most towns and villages located
in western Azerbaijan and Kurdistan were bombarded and laid waste
by the Russians and Ottoman Turks. Nearly all homes were gutted or
destroyed. Whether kept for agricultural use or for breeding purposes,
livestock were killed and consumed. As disease and famine condi-
tions spread throughout the country, the Qajar monarch, Ahmad Shah
(r. 1909–1925), seized it as an opportunity to enrich himself by hoarding
“the country’s entire grain crop” and selling it “to his starving subjects
at colossal prices.”14 While in the capital, Tehran, many of his subjects
8 British Documents on Foreign Affairs: Reports and Papers from the Foreign Office
Confidential Print, Part II, Series B, Turkey, Iran, and the Middle East, 1918–1939,
Volume 15, Supplement to Eastern Affairs Volumes, 1918–1939. Edited by Robin Bidwell,
(University Publications of America, 1989), p. 21.
9 Ibid.
10 Wilson, Arnold T. Loyalties Mesopotamia, Volume II 1917–1920 A Personal and
Historical Record, (London: Oxford University Press, 1936), p. 31.
11 Abraham Yeselson, United States-Persian Diplomatic Relations, 1883–1921, p. 137.
12 Loraine to Curzon, Tehran, July 16, 1923, Persia. Annual Report, 1922, Confidential
(12221), [E 8057/8057/34], No. 314., in Iran Political Diaries 1881–1965. Volume 6,
p. 359.
13 Coan, Frederick G. Yesterdays in Persia and Kurdistan, (Claremont: Saunders Studio
Press, 1939), p. 276.
14 Time Magazine, September 8, 1941, p. 18.
32 M. KIA
died from starvation every day, the shah insisted on receiving special
payments from the government before he could release the grain he was
hoarding. It is not surprising, therefore, that his subjects bestowed upon
the young monarch the title of Ahmad the Grocery Boy or Ahmad Allāf
in Persian.15
Devastation and depopulation hit the Kurdish-populated regions of
Iran especially hard, in particular those on the Ottoman-Iranian frontier,
which were ravaged and ransacked by both Russian and Ottoman troops.
The flocks of Kurdish tribal groups in western and northwestern Iran were
so “depleted by the depredations of the Russians that they had nothing to
barter for food, which was scarce and dear.”16 A once powerful Kurdish
tribe, the Mamash, which at one time “boasted of 2,000 horsemen,”
could “scarcely muster 200 infantry” after the end of the war.17 Because
tribal groups possessed large quantities of arms and horses, they were
frequently treated as a military threat by foreign armies. On many occa-
sions, Russian troops killed “males able to bear arms” and left “women
and children, old men and dogs” to starve “amidst the smoking ruins of
their homes.”18 The destruction of the tribal and rural communities by
opposing foreign forces brought the trade of the country to “a stand-
still.”19 Further, the central government in Tehran was unable “to collect
internal taxes.”20 In the absence of any local or governmental supervision,
the country’s intricate system of irrigation also broke down, causing trees
and vineyards to die. In Urumiyeh, landlords and peasants were reduced
to poverty, and many of them resorted to begging on the streets.21 As
the Iranian memorandum to the Paris Conference stated:
La Perse, bien que pays neutre, a souffert par la guerre des pertes
plus sensibles que certains belligérants. Sa position spéciale de pays
envahi par les armées belligérantes, ses provinces dévastées, sa population
décimée, lui donnent équitablement droit, par analogie, aux réparations
et dédommagemments dus aux pays belligérants……..Les provincesde
Hamadan, Kermanshah, Kurdistan et Azerbaidjan formant les régions les
plus fertiles et les plus riches de La Perse, devinrent alors des champs
de batailles entre les Russes et les Turcs, qui y commirent pillages,
incendies, massacres…et viols. Des villes et des villages furent bombardés;
des forêts et des vergers détruits, pour faciliter les opérations militaires
et fournir du combustible….Une des plus riches villes d’Azerbaidjan
Ourmia [Urumiyeh], a été pillée et incendiée à plusieurs reprises.22 (Persia,
although a neutral country, suffered greater losses from the war than
some belligerents. Her special position as a country invaded by belligerent
armies, her devastated provinces, her decimated population, give it an equi-
table right, by analogy, to reparations and compensation due to belligerent
countries. The provinces of Hamadan, Kermanshah, Kurdistan and Azer-
baijan, forming the most fertile and richest regions of Persia, then became
battlefields between the Russians and the Turks, who committed looting,
burning, massacres…and rapes. Towns and villages were bombed; forts and
orchards destroyed to facilitate military operations and provide fuel…..One
of Azerbaijan’s richest cities, Urumiyeh, was looted and burned several
times)
Thus, a country that had not been a belligerent during the First World
War suffered more from the war than any other non-belligerent country,
its territory having been invaded and occupied by both Axis and Allied
powers.23 As one author wrote during the war, Iran “had been exposed to
violations and sufferings not endured by any other neutral country.”24 In
the earlier stages of the war, the Ottoman Turks, and then the Russians,
had been mainly responsible for converting Iranian territory into a devas-
tated war zone. After the withdrawal of Russian forces in 1917, the British
were left in occupation of parts of Iran, and upon them fell the full force
of Iranian resentment and hatred. By the time Britain and the Ottoman
Empire signed the Armistice of Mudros on October 30, 1918, marking
the end of the First World War in the Middle East, nearly two million
Iranians had perished from starvation and disease.
The end of the First World War and the departure of foreign troops
from Iranian territory left a vacuum that the feeble and inept Qajar state
could not fill. The Qajar monarchy lacked the military and administrative
muscle to impose its authority and to restore law and order to the devas-
tated country. Three distinct military units existed in Iran at the time: the
Russian-officered Cossack Division; the Swedish-officered gendarmerie
under the supervision of the Iranian government; and the British-
organized—and British paid—South Persia Rifles.25 The South Persia
Rifles were controlled by British officers and for the most part confined to
the two provinces of Fars and Kerman, while the Gendarmerie, organized
with the support of Swedish officers, were untrained for anything but
simple police duties.26 The Cossack Brigade was “slightly better drilled,”
but the discipline of its units was at best untrustworthy, and the attitude
of their Russian officers was unpredictable.27 The absence of a unified
standing army caused the spread of banditry, anarchy, chaos, and the
general absence of security and order in the provinces. This made the
government appear weak, impotent, and irrelevant to the life of ordi-
nary people, especially outside the capital. It is not surprising, therefore,
that immediately after the end of the First World War, Iran witnessed the
eruption of several movements challenging the authority of the central
government.
Beginning in 1915 and extending all the way to autumn 1921, in the
Caspian province of Gilan, the nationalist, anti-Russian and anti-British
25 British Documents on Foreign Affairs: Reports and Papers from the Foreign Office
Confidential Print, Part II, Series B, Turkey, Iran, and the Middle East, 1918–1939.
Volume 15, p. 34.
26 Norman to Curzon, Tehran, June 18, 1920, Doc 253, [204984], No. 394., in British
Documents on Foreign Affairs: Reports and Papers from the Foreign Office Confidential
Print, Part II, Series B, Turkey, Iran, and the Middle East, 1918–1939. Volume 16,
p. 182.
27 Ibid.
2 HISTORICAL SETTING: IRAN ON THE BRINK OF COLLAPSE 35
28 For the origins and history of the Soviet Socialist Republic of Gilan, see Cosroe
Chaqueri, The Soviet Socialist Republic of Iran, 1920–1921, (Pittsburgh: University of
Pittsburgh Press, 1995).
36 M. KIA
29 Between April and early October 1921, a third uprising erupted in the north-
eastern province of Khorasan under the leadership of the nationalist gendarmerie officer,
Colonel Mohammad Taqi Khan Pessyan (1892–1921). The challenge to the authority of
the central government in Tehran came after Pessyan’s nemesis, the former governor
of Khorasan, Qavam al-Saltaneh, was appointed prime minister. To suppress Colonel
Pessyan’s uprising, the central government in Tehran appealed to the Kurdish tribes of
northern Khorasan to stage a rebellion. In a confrontation between the pro-government
Kurdish tribal forces and Pessyan’s detachment, the colonel was shot and killed. The
death of Pessyan ended the rebellion and restored the central government’s authority in
northeastern Iran.
30 Loraine to Curzon, Tehran, May 21, 1923, Doc. 231 [E 6353/77/34] No. 221.,
in British Documents On Foreign Affairs: Reports and Papers from the Foreign Office
Confidential Print, Part II, Series B Turkey, Iran, and the Middle East, 1918–1939. Volume
18, p. 340.
31 Ibid.
32 Ibid.
2 HISTORICAL SETTING: IRAN ON THE BRINK OF COLLAPSE 37
33 British Documents on Foreign Affairs: Reports and Papers from the Foreign Office
Confidential Print, Part II, Series B, Turkey, Iran, and the Middle East, 1918–1939.
Volume 15, p. 33.
34 See, Memorandum on the Persian Question, Foreign Office, June 14, 1920, No.
464, [2044900/150/34], in Documents on British Foreign Policy 1919–1939. First Series,
Volume XIII , Edited by Butler, Rohan, J. P. T. Bury, M. E. Lambert, (London: Her
Majesty’s Stationary Office, 1963), p. 518.
38 M. KIA
1919, a week after the agreement had been signed, Ahmad Shah left Iran
for Europe. As his devastated country confronted the aftermath of four
years of war, famine, disease, and foreign occupation, Ahmad Shah having
entered into a bribery scheme with the British government chose to spend
the next ten months vacationing, gambling, and entertaining himself in
Italy, Switzerland, France, and England. The shah eventually reneged
on his promise to the British and withdrew his support for his prime
minister, furious not so much over the agreement, but rather because
Vosuq al-Dowleh had delayed reimbursing him for his exuberant lifestyle
in Europe’s gambling houses.
The Anglo-Persian Agreement of 1919, which had been negotiated
secretly, aroused a storm of indignation and outrage in Iran. Intense anti-
British sentiments erupted across the country when the terms of the
agreement were revealed. Though the agreement had been signed by
the representatives of the two governments, it could not go into effect
without being ratified by a majority of deputies in the Majlis. The Fourth
Majlis, however, had not been elected at the time when the agreement
was signed. Assuming erroneously that the Iranian parliament would ratify
the agreement without any serious opposition, the British government
and the pro-British prime minister, Vosuq al-Dowleh, proceeded with its
implementation. The presumptuous attitude of the British government
and their ally, Vosuq al-Dowleh, backfired, enraging the public and many
among the members of the political class in Tehran. The public mood
was further exacerbated when it was revealed that Vosuq al-Dowleh and
two of his ministers, the minister of foreign affairs, Firuz Mirza Nosrat
al-Dowleh, and the minister of finance, Akbar Mirza Sārem al-Dowleh
(both princes of the Qajar ruling family), had received handsome bribes
from the British for signing the agreement. This added fuel to an already
volatile situation characterized by a resurgent Iranian nationalism.
On May 18, 1920, as the row between the pro-British Vosuq al-
Dowleh and his opponents was reaching a new height, Soviet Red Army
units landed at the port of Anzali on the southern shore of the Caspian
Sea. From Anzali, the Soviet forces marched against Rasht, the provincial
capital of Gilan, forcing the British army units in the city to withdraw.
The message from Moscow to both Tehran and London was very clear:
As long as the British retained their role as the dominant imperial power
in Iran, the Soviet Union reserved the legitimate right to establish itself in
northern Iran through buffer republics between Russia’s fragile southern
belly and the British to the south. If the British intended to take over Iran
2 HISTORICAL SETTING: IRAN ON THE BRINK OF COLLAPSE 39
by bribing the shah, his prime minister, and two of the cabinet ministers,
then the Soviets reserved the right to establish their own revolutionary
client regime in Gilan. With the shah withdrawing his support from his
prime minister, the Soviet army units in occupation of Gilan, and newspa-
pers clamoring over the 1919 agreement and denouncing it as a national
disgrace that posed a direct threat to the independence of the country,
Vosuq al-Dowleh resigned as the prime minister on June 24, 1920, and
immediately left the country.
Though they had lost their closest ally in Tehran, the British expected
the shah, who had received a monthly subsidy from the British govern-
ment, to persist in his support for the Anglo-Persian Agreement. The
shah himself expressed hope to the British ambassador in Tehran that if
he replaced Vosuq al-Dowleh’s cabinet with one equally acceptable to
the British government, his monthly subsidy would be continued.35 The
recommendation from the British ambassador in Tehran was to continue
paying the shah his monthly subsidy because if London wished to keep
the Qajar monarch well-disposed to British policies, then it had to shower
him with money because money was the thing the shah loved the most:
army at the age of fifteen.44 He then joined the Iranian Cossack Brigade,
a military unit that had been organized as an elite cavalry force by the
Russian government for the Qajar monarch, Nasser al-Din Shah, after he
returned from his second trip to Europe in 1879.45 After serving as a
trooper for several years, Reza gradually “rose from the ranks” through
sheer energy and ability, gaining “the approval of the Russian instructors”
of the Cossack Division “for his courage and fearlessness.”46
After the coup of February 1921, Reza used his position as the
commander of the Cossack Brigade, and later as the minister of war,
to create a modern and highly centralized national army based on
universal military service. This army would act as the principal vehicle
for suppression of powerful tribal khans and provincial power centers.
Steady progress in the strength, organization, and efficiency of the new
military force was made in the next two years much of it due to “the
untiring efforts” of Reza Khan, “whose declared policy, ever since he
had come into power,” was to create and maintain an army, “capable,
firstly of ensuring peace and order” within the confines of Iran, and “sec-
ondly, of protecting the country from external aggression.”47 Having
secured much of the country under his control, Reza Khan emerged as
the new prime minister on October 28, 1923. On December 12, 1925,
a constituent assembly abolished the Qajar dynasty and designated Reza
Khan as the new shah of Iran and the founder of the Pahlavi dynasty
(1925–1979).
Reza Shah used the newly created army not only to concentrate all
power in his own hands, but also to hasten the modernization and trans-
formation of Iran from an aggregate of autonomous communities into
a unified and integrated nation-state. Determined to create a modern,
centralized, and secular political system, in 1927 Reza Shah introduced
a judiciary based on the French legal system. A year later, he invited an
American expert, Arthur Millspaugh, to reorganize the country’s public
44 Ibid.
45 E’temad al-Saltaneh, Mohammad Hassan Khan. Tarikh-e Montazam-e Nasseri,
(Tehran: Donya-ye Ketab, 1988), 3 Volumes, Volume 3, p. 1991.
46 Biographies of Leading Personalities in Persia, Persia Confidential [E 693/693/34],
No. 1, February 7, 1930, in Iran Political Diaries 1881–1965. Volume 8, p. 582.
47 Loraine to MacDonald, Tehran, March 4, 1924, Persia, Annual Report, 1923, Confi-
dential (12445), [E 3362/2635/34], No. 128., in Iran Political Diaries 1881–1965.
Volume 6, p. 717.
2 HISTORICAL SETTING: IRAN ON THE BRINK OF COLLAPSE 43
I hope that the young men we send to France and Italy will realize that
civilization is different for every country. I don’t want to turn the Persian
into a bad copy of a European. That is not necessary, for he has mighty
traditions behind him. I want to make out of my countrymen the best
possible Persians. They need not be particularly Western or particularly
Eastern. Each country has a mold of its own, which should be developed
48 Geoffrey Jones, “The Imperial Bank of Iran and Iranian Economic Development,
1890–1952,” Business and Economic History, 1987, Volume 16, pp. 69–80, (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1987), p. 71.
49 See, UNESCO World Heritage Convention, https://whs.unesco.org/en/list/1585.
50 Ibid.
51 Forbes, Rosita, Conflict Angora to Afghanistan, (New York: Frederick A. Stokes
Company, 1933), p. 202.
44 M. KIA
and improved till it turns out a citizen who is not a replica of anyone else,
but an individual sure of himself and proud of his nationality.52
Bonicheh system under which “each village, district, or tribe” was “obli-
gated to furnish a certain quota of recruits proportionate to the amount of
its revenue assessment.”54 The drafting of young men under the military
conscription law aroused the opposition of the Shi’i clergy, the bazaar,
and the country’s tribal chiefs. On August 2, 1935, the government also
banned the usage of all honorific titles such as ayatollah, grand ayatollah,
agha, amir, beyk, ilkhan, and khan. This policy was aimed at eliminating
class distinctions but also intended to further weaken and undermine the
power and prestige of the prominent members of the clergy, as well as the
large landowners and tribal khans.
In the process of secularizing Iranian society, Reza Shah significantly
curbed the power of the Shi’i clergy, unveiled the women of Iran, and
required men to shave their beards and abandon their traditional garb
and headgears in favor of the newly introduced Pahlavi hat. He also
attempted to introduce a new national identity that glorified Iran’s ancient
history as well as the Persian language and culture. The construction of a
new and homogenized national identity minimized, and at times ignored,
differences in language, culture, social organization, local traditions, and
regional identities and loyalties. When the state’s nation-building policies
aroused the reaction of regional power centers, the government resorted
to repression to silence the opposition. Tribal chiefs, who were believed to
pose a threat to Reza Shah’s authority, were jailed and at times executed.
Throughout the Qajar rule (1794–1925), one of the most serious
challenges confronting the Iranian state was the problematic relation-
ship between the center and the periphery. Under weak governments, the
tribal zones of the country functioned independent of the center and were
often ruled by their own powerful tribal chiefs or provincial magnates,
who possessed their own armies and administered justice in accordance
with local customs and traditions. Though there is no scientific compu-
tation of the nomadic and semi-nomadic population, the majority of
sources guesstimate that before the commencement of the First World
Volume 6, p. 718. See also, M. Saunders, Tehran, April 14, 1923, Intelligence Summary
No. 15, Doc. 214 [E 5823/71/34], in British Documents on Foreign Affairs: Reports and
Papers from the Foreign Office Confidential Print, Part II, Series B Turkey, Iran, and the
Middle East, 1918–1939. Volume 18, p. 307.
54 M. Saunders, Intelligence Summary No. 9, Tehran, March 4, 1922, Doc. 178 [E
4077/69/34], in British Documents on Foreign Affairs: Reports and Papers from the
Foreign Office Confidential Print, Part II, Series B Turkey, Iran, and the Middle East,
1918–1939. Volume 18, p. 269.
46 M. KIA
55 Curzon, George N. Persia and the Persian Question, (London: Frank Cass & Co.
Ltd., 1966), 2 Volumes, Volume 2, p. 270.
56 For the names of the Lake Urumiyeh also known as Lake Shahi, see Nader Mirza,
Tarikh va Joghrafiya-ye Dar al-Saltaneh-ye Tabriz, (Tehran, 1972).
2 HISTORICAL SETTING: IRAN ON THE BRINK OF COLLAPSE 47
miles south and twenty miles north of the ancient city of the same name,
were for miles “covered in summer with gardens” that produced “melons
and cucumbers in abundance;” with “orchards laden with apples, pears,
peaches, plums, apricots, quinces, cherries, and mulberries,” while the
“grapes of the vineyards” were “proverbial for their excellence.”57 Agri-
cultural crops, including “wheat, maize, beans, melons, potatoes, carrots,
turnips, beets, capsicum, chilis, ….eggplants, lady’s fingers, castor-oil (for
burning), cotton, madder, salsify, scorzonera, celery, oil-seeds of various
sorts, opium, and tobacco” all flourished around Urumiyeh.58 It is not
surprising, therefore, that the immensely rich plain received the title of
the Paradise of Iran.59
As with many other regions of Iran, western Azerbaijan contained a
mosaic of ethnic, linguistic, and religious communities. The area was
populated by a highly heterogeneous population of Shi’i Azerbaijani
Turks, Sunni Muslim Kurds, Shi’i Turkic Qara Papakhs, Christian Assyr-
ians (Nestorians), and Armenians, as well as a small Jewish community and
even smaller Chaldean and Russian Orthodox enclaves. The majority of
the Azerbaijani Turks, Assyrians, Armenians, and Jews lived in villages and
towns, including Maku, Khoy, Dilman (formerly Shahpur and present-
day Salmas), Savojbolagh (present-day Mahabad), Miandoab, Sulduz
(present-day Naqadeh), and Urumiyeh, as peasant farmers, shopkeepers,
handicraftsmen, traders, and merchants, while the majority of the Kurdish
population lived either as semi-nomadic tribal groups or as peasant culti-
vators in the districts of Sulduz and Oshnaviyeh (Ushnu), as well as
several mountain frontier districts, including Qotur, Chahriq, Somai-
Baradoost, Anzal, Targavar, Margavar, Lahijan, and Dasht. Kurdish-
populated villages were scattered on the slopes of the Zagros Mountain
range that separated western Azerbaijan from eastern Anatolia.
The town of Urumiyeh, the largest urban center of western Azer-
baijan with a population estimated either between 20,000 and 30,000,
or 30,000 and 40,000 in the second half of the nineteenth century,
57 Jackson, A. V. Williams. Persia Past and Present a Book of Travel and Research,
(London: The Macmillan & Co., Ltd., 1906), p. 88.
58 Bird, Isabella. Journeys in Persia and Kurdistan, (The Perfect Library, 1891), 3
Volumes, Volume III, p. 147.
59 Ibid. See also, A. V. Williams Jackson, Persia Past and Present, p. 86.
48 M. KIA
60 Curzon, George N., Persia and the Persian Question, (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 2015), 2 Volumes, Volume 1, p. 536. See also, A. C. Wratislaw, A
Consul in the East, p. 195. See also, Cities and Trade: Consul Abbott on the Economy
and Society of Iran 1847–1866. Edited by Abbas Amanat. (London: Ithaca Press, 1983),
p. 226. See also, Wilson, S. G. Rev., Persian Life and Customs, (New York: Fleming H.
Revell Company, 1900), p. 94.
61 J. I. Eadie, Report of Eadie-Bristow Mission Addressed to Advanced General Head-
quarters, Tiflis, in Doc. 54, in British Documents on Foreign Affairs: Reports and Papers
from the Foreign Office Confidential Print, Part II, Series B, Turkey, Iran, and the Middle
East, 1918–1939, Volume 16, p. 36.
62 Cities and Trade: Consul Abbott on the Economy and Society of Iran 1847–1866,
p. 230.
63 S. G. Wilson, Persian Life and Customs, p. 94.
2 HISTORICAL SETTING: IRAN ON THE BRINK OF COLLAPSE 49
and Barandouz Chai to the south of the town.64 All these rivers flowed
eastward from the Zagros Mountains and emptied into Lake Urumiyeh.
In the second half of the nineteenth century, the British diplomat, K.
E. Abbott wrote that there were 30,000–40,000 Assyrian Christians in the
district of Urumiyeh, and they dwelt in 166 villages.65 Writing in the last
decade of the nineteenth century, the British statesman, George Curzon,
estimated the population of the Assyrian community of the region to be
somewhere between 20,000/25,000 and 44,000.66 The British diplomat,
Albert Charles Wratislaw, however, estimated the population of Assyrians
to be 30,000 on the Iranian side and 100,000 on the Ottoman side.67
The Russian diplomat and scholar, Basile Nikitine, who served as his
country’s consul in Urumiyeh during the First World War stated that
thirty-seven villages in the plain of Urumiyeh were inhabited by Chris-
tians only, and fifty-nine had a mixed population.68 Before the First World
War, “nearly a third of the Assyrians held their land freehold, and a large
number had definite and permanent rights of tenure.”69 The Assyrian
sharecroppers were obligated to pay a rent to the village aghas or land-
lords, who were most often Azerbaijani Turks or Kurdish tribal chiefs.70
As for the Armenian population in Azerbaijan, according to an American
Presbyterian missionary, there were 4,000–5,000 in Tabriz, 10,000 in the
district of Salmas, a small number in Khoy, and between 6,000 and 7,000
71 “Urmia: Statement by the Rev. William A. Shedd, D.D., of the American (Presbyte-
rian Mission Station at Urmia: Communicated by the Board of Foreign Missions of the
Presbyterian Church in the U.S.A,” in Viscount Bryce, The Treatment of Armenians in
the Ottoman Empire 1915–16, (London: G. Doniguian & Sons, 1916), p. 101.
72 Ibid.
73 Wishard, John G. Twenty Years in Persia A Narrative of Life Under the Last Three
Shahs, (London: Fleming H. Revell Company, 1908), p. 125. See also, Hooman Este-
lami, The Americans of Urmia: Iran’s First Americans and Their Mission to the Assyrian
Christians, (New York: Bahar Books, 2021). See also, Michael Zirinsky, “American Pres-
byterian Missionaries at Urmia During the Great War,” Iran Chamber Society. See also,
Michael P. Zirinsky, “Harbingers of Change: Presbyterian Women in Iran, 1883–1949,”
American Presbyterians: Journal of Presbyterian History (1992), pp. 173–186.
74 Ibid.
75 Abraham Yeselson, United States-Persian Diplomatic Relations, 1883–1921, p. 7.
76 Ibid.
77 Ibid., p. 8.
2 HISTORICAL SETTING: IRAN ON THE BRINK OF COLLAPSE 51
cause, and some work” was “done by Germans and Swedes in the villages
of the Urumiah plain.”78
Given the presence of various missionary groups, it is not surprising
that the rate of literacy among the Assyrians of Urumiyeh was much
higher than the non-Assyrian communities, and educated Assyrians staffed
all missionary schools, newspapers, and hospitals under the supervision
of foreign missionaries. The high level of education and political aware-
ness allowed Assyrians, even in the rural areas of western Azerbaijan, to
introduce their own political and professional associations. By September
1911, the inhabitants of the large Assyrian village of Khosrowabad had
created a new organization called “Union Nationale Chaldéenne” or the
Chaldean National Union.79 Although Christian missionaries introduced
modern education, as well as western values, ideas, and institutions to the
Assyrian community, their activities had a polarizing impact on the region.
The privileged position of the Assyrians made them a subject of envy
and resentment by their Muslim neighbors, especially the Kurds, who
remained pastoral, rural, and desperately poor. Furthermore, as a result
of proselytizing by foreign missionaries, the Assyrian community itself was
divided up into several religious communities. In many villages, one could
find Nestorians, Chaldeans, Russian Orthodox, American Presbyterians,
and “protégés of the English mission.”80
Adding to the remarkable diversity of western Azerbaijan’s popula-
tion was the presence of the Turkic Qara Papakhs of Sulduz (Naqadeh)
and Sardasht, who had emigrated to the region from the neighborhood
of Yerevan in southern Caucasus, when the district they inhabited was
ceded to Russia by the Treaty of Turkmenchay signed in 1828.81 At the
time when the Iranian authorities settled the Qara Papakhs in Sulduz
southwest of Lake Urumiyeh, the town and its surrounding communi-
ties were populated by Mamash, Mangur, and Zarza Kurds, as well as
smaller Assyrian and Jewish communities. In return for keeping “four
hundred horsemen at the service,” the Qara Papakhs were “exempted
from all taxes.”82 The central government regarded the Qara Papakhs as
a body the Qajar shah could rely on as a sort of local rural police, as well
as “auxiliaries to his army in times of emergency.”83
82 Ibid.
83 Ibid.
84 William Spottiswoode, “Sketch of the Tribes of Northern Kurdistan,” Transactions of
the Ethnological Society of London, p. 244. See also, Amir Sharaf Khan Bitlisi, Sharafnameh:
Tarikh-e Mofassal-e Kurdistan, (Tehran: Elmi Press, 1964), p. 34.
85 Ibid. See also, V. Minorsky, “Shakak,” in Encyclopaedia of Islam, First Edition (1913–
1936). Edited by Th. Houtsma, T.W. Arnold, R. Basset, R. Hartmann. See also, V.
Minorsky, “The Gūrān,’ in Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, Univer-
sity of London, Vol. 11, No. 1 (1943), pp. 75–103, (Cambridge University Press on
Behalf of School of Oriental and African Studies), p. 77.
86 V. Minorsky, “The Gūrān,’ in Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies,
p. 78.
87 William Spottiswoode, “Sketch of the Tribes of Northern Kurdistan,” p. 244.
2 HISTORICAL SETTING: IRAN ON THE BRINK OF COLLAPSE 53
true nomad.”88 The tribal population lived under the reign of their hered-
itary chiefs or aghas or khans, who were usually quarrelsome; feuds and
inter-tribal wars were common. The tribal chiefs who “combined a ruth-
less medieval authority with a plentiful supply of rifles” were “a scourge
not only to the Christian population and the government, but also to
their own settled tribesmen, who were little better than serfs.”89 The
Kurdish peasant cultivators lived “nearly entirely from wheat cultivation
and cattle farming.”90 They inhabited small villages organized into patri-
archal households. The mountain villages were for the most part small
and isolated from one another and from the plains.91
Warfare and raids defined social groupings, and tribal warriors domi-
nated public life. Individual chiefs and tribes built their reputation on
warfare. The more successful a tribe was in warfare, the more clans it
attracted and the greater its position became. Rival branches within a tribe
dealt with one another brutally. Conflict took the form of feud, and each
act of aggression brought retaliation in kind. The chief of the tribe was a
patriarchal despot whose authority had no limits.92 He could dispose of
the property of anyone as he saw fit.93 Tribal chiefs could also order the
caning, and even the execution, of any of their subjects at their discre-
tion.94 They measured their status by the number of villages they owned,
the horsemen and cattle they controlled, and their marital productivity.
Like the number of cattle, the number of wives showed a man’s social
position. Polygyny was, therefore, common among the chiefs.
The Kurdish tribes of western Azerbaijan lived on the border between
Iran and the Ottoman Empire. Survival on the borderlands of two
88 Ibid.
89 Iraq Civil Commissioner, Wilson, Arnold Talbot and Gertrude Lowthian Bell. Review
of the Civil Administration of Mesopotamia, (Franklin Classics, 2018), p. 57.
90 M. Berberian and J. S. Tchalenko. “Field Study and Documentation of the 1930
Salmas (Shahpur-Azarbaidjan) Earthquake,” Imperial College, London: Geological Survey
of Iran, 39, 271–342, 1976, p. 154. For the Kurdish tribes of West Azerbaijan,
see Ebrahim Eskandar Niya, Sakhtar-e Sazman-e Eilat va Shive-ye Maeishat-e Ashayer-e
Azarbaijan, (Urumiyeh: Anzali Press, 1987).
91 Ibid.
92 Basile Nikitine. Les Kurdes. Étude Sociologique et Historique, (Paris: Imprimerie
Nationale, Librairie C. Klincksieck, 1956), p. 120.
93 Ibid.
94 Ibid.
54 M. KIA
empires meant that the Kurdish tribal chiefs had to deal with two govern-
ments rather than just one. It also meant that the tribal groups were under
constant pressure to shift their loyalty, especially when conflict erupted
between the two neighboring states. Beginning with the Safavid dynasty
(1501–1736) in the sixteenth century, and especially after the Ottoman
Empire defeated Iran at the Battle of Chaldiran in 1514, Iranian rulers
viewed the Kurdish tribal groups of western Iran as buffering entities
against Ottoman incursions from the west. Kurdish loyalty and coopera-
tion with Iran’s central government was, therefore, necessary to maintain
peace and order on the western frontiers of the country. Though the
Kurdish tribal groups remained essential for the maintenance of border
security, Iranian governments also viewed them as a threat, because they
were armed and enjoyed boundless mobility.
The Ottoman-Iranian frontier was never a true frontier, as many
Kurdish tribes were migratory and spent half of the year on the Ottoman
side of the border and half in Iran. Kurds from either side came up into
the hills for the summer by mutual arrangement among each other. One
could, therefore, find Kurdish tribes from the Ottoman Empire grazing
their flocks on the Iranian side and vice versa.95 Some of the tribes,
which were semi-nomadic, “migrated yearly between the high moun-
tain pastures in summer and their stronghold villages further down in
the valleys in winter.”96
Iranian authorities rarely interfered in the internal affairs of Kurdish
tribal groups under their rule. Until the advent of the Pahlavi state in
1925, the central government exercised minimal authority in Kurdish-
populated regions of western Azerbaijan. In the absence of an interven-
tionist central government, the hereditary chiefs governed their tribes
as local princes. The policy of Iranian governments centered on the
principle of letting the Kurdish chiefs do as they pleased as long as
they did not stage tribal rebellions and paid their taxes (or at the
least a symbolic tribute to the central treasury). The Kurdish tribes of
western Azerbaijan were fond of raiding villages and plundering caravans.
The non-Kurdish peasantry, especially the Christians of the Urumiyeh
plain, were exposed to “great losses of sheep and cattle from Kurdish
1 At least one source stated that Shakaks were believed to have been Christian until
sometime in the nineteenth century. See, for example, Correspondence respecting the
Perso-Ottoman frontier, 1907 [FO 416/31–34 & FO 371/503], Extracts from the
“Times ” of September 24, 1907, “The Turco-Persian Frontier Question,” in The Iran-Iraq
Border 1840–1958, Vol. 4, p. 175.
Shakak/Shikak Kurds
In his comprehensive history of the Kurdish people, the sixteenth-century
Kurdish historian, Amir Sharaf Khan Bitlisi, did not mention the Shakak,
though he wrote about the Shaqaqi tribe whose name has a striking
resemblance to Shakak.2 In Iran, there is little mention of the Shakak
Kurds until the last decade of the eighteenth century. The Shakak
most probably migrated from southeastern Anatolia, first to the plain of
Urumiyeh and subsequently, at an unknown date, to the hilly districts of
Somai-Baradoost, and Chahriq on the Iranian-Ottoman frontier. Some
branches of the Shakak grazed their animals as far south as the rural
district of Targavar, which was also used by branches of the Harki tribe.3
Chahriq, which served for many decades as the stronghold of Shakak’s
paramount chiefs, including Simko, was located in the western part of
the district of Salmas. Sandwiched between Lake Urumiyeh to the east
and the Zagros Mountain range that separated Iran from the Ottoman
Empire to the west, Salmas was described by an American traveller in
the last decade of the nineteenth century as a “well-watered and fruitful
plain.”4 Watered by the Derik and Zola Chai or Zola Rud (Zola River),
also known as Salmas Chai (Salmas River),5 the fertile plain of Salmas
contained eighty villages. Dilman or Dilmaqan (the name of present-day
Salmas until it was destroyed in 1930 by an earthquake) and Kohneh
rocky hill sat an ancient petroglyph that depicted the founder of the Sasa-
nian dynasty Ardeshir I (r. 224–241) and his son and successor Shahpur
I (r. 239–270), presenting rings to two standing men.13
An Iranian official, who was intimately familiar with the tribe, wrote
that the Shakak were divided into two main branches, the Avdoi (i.e.,
Avdovi/Awdoi/Abdoi/Abdui/Abdoi) and the Mamadi (i.e., Mamdoi/
Muhammadi).14 According to one scholar, the “paramount chieftains of
the tribe’s known history belonged to one of the two chiefly lineages…the
Abdovi/Avdoi and the Kardar.”15 Each sub-division of the Shakak was
divided further into smaller branches. For example, a British report
mentioned the Finik/Fanak/Fenak and Delan, as the branches of “the
large Kardar sub-division of the Shakaks.”16 Simko’s branch, the Avdoi,
settled mainly in the rural district of Chahriq and Qotur. Both Chahriq
and Qotur were located in close proximity to the Iranian-Ottoman fron-
tier. Though segments of the Shakak had moved into Iranian territory
from southeastern Anatolia, several branches of the tribe remained in the
Ottoman Empire. In his article on the Kurdish tribes of the Ottoman
Empire published in 1908, Mark Sykes described the Shakak as “a notable
tribe” of 6,000 families, who spent only “three months in tents,” and
could, therefore, “be called sedentary.”17
13 A. V. Williams Jackson, Persia Past and Present, pp. 79–88. See also, S. G. Wilson,
Persian Life and Customs, pp. 89–90. See also, Ehsan Shavarebi, “A Reinterpretation of
the Sasanian Relief at Salmas,” in Iran and the Caucasus, Vol. 18 (2014), pp. 115–133,
Leiden: Brill.
14 Nezam al-Saltaneh Māfi, Hossein Qoli Khan, Khaterat va Asnad, Edited by Ma’a-
sumeh Māfi and Mansureh Etehadiyeh (Nezam Māfi), 2 Vols., (Tehran: Nashr-e Tarikh-e
Iran, 2007), Vol. 2, p. 447. See also, Hassan Arfa, The Kurds: An Historical and Political
Study. (London: Oxford University Press, 1966), p. 48. See also, Barclay to Grey, Gulhak,
July 1, 1911, Persia Confidential, No. 29936, Enclosure 2 in No. 1, Diary of the British
and Russian Delegates from Khoy to Urmia, June 12 to 22, 1911, by H.S. Shipley, in
The Iran-Iraq Border 1840–1958, Vol. 4, p. 497.
15 Martin van Bruinessen, “Shakak,” in Encyclopaedia of Islam, New Edition. Edited by
C.E. Bosworth, E. van Donzel, W.P. Heinrichs, and G. Lecomte, (Leiden: Brill, 1997),
Vol. IX, p. 245.
16 Barclay to Grey, Gulhak, July 1, 1911, Persia Confidential, [29936], Enclosure 2 in
No. 1, Diary of the British and Russian Delegates from Khoy to Urmia, June 12 to 22,
1911, by H.S. Shipley, in The Iran-Iraq Border 1840–1958, Vol. 4, p. 498.
17 Mark Sykes, “The Kurdish Tribes of the Ottoman Empire.” The Journal of the Royal
Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, Vol. 38, July–December, 1908,
p. 461.
3 SHAKAK TRIBE AND THE RISE OF SIMKO 61
In the 1830s, the British author, Sheil, mentioned the Shakak and
observed their “large and variegated turbans,” their “wild, expressive,
manly countenance,” and their military hardware of a spear, a sword,
and “when they can afford the purchase, a pair of long Turkish pistols,”
but the author did not offer any estimate of their population.24 In
1844, the Shakak chief, Yahya Khan, who carried the title of Ilkhan (the
chief of the tribe), offered his sister as a bride to the reigning Qajar
monarch, Mohammad Shah (r. 1834–1848), thus converting himself into
the brother-in-law of the Iranian sovereign. In return, the Qajar king
appointed the Shakak chief the governor of Khoy, Salmas, and Urumiyeh,
the latter incorporating all the frontier districts of northwestern Iran,
including Chahriq.25 The same Yahya Khan served as the governor in
Chahriq when Sayyid Ali Mohammad Shirazi, known as the Bāb (1819–
1850), the founder of the messianic Bābi movement, was imprisoned at
Chahriq in May 1848.26 Even after he retired from his post, Yahya Khan
remained the sole landed proprietor and fief holder (tuyuldar) of the
region, and he and his family continued to reside in Chahriq.27
In the deliberations of the Ottoman-Iranian Delimitation Commis-
sion, which worked from 1849 to 1855 on a comprehensive survey
of all border regions, the Shakak were mentioned as a prominent and
influential tribe.28 These references clearly demonstrate that, like many
other Kurdish tribes, the Shakak regularly crossed the Iran-Ottoman
border, especially during their seasonal migrations or whenever they
felt mistreated by either Iranian or Ottoman authorities. At times, the
Ottoman or Iranian officials encouraged an unruly chief of the tribe to
rebel and defect so that they could claim the tribe’s grazing lands as their
own. Thus, on at least one occasion, the Ottoman authorities encouraged
the Shakak tribal chief of the Somai-Baradoost to forsake his loyalty to
the Iranian government and re-settle his clan on the Ottoman side of the
border. Using this shift in loyalty as the model, the Ottoman authorities
24 Lady Shiel, Glimpses of Life and Manners in Persia, (London: John Murray, 1856),
p. 337.
25 Afshar Sistani, Iraj, Moghadameie bar Shenakht-e Ilha, Chadorneshinan va Tavayef-e
Ashayeri-ye Iran, 2 Vols, (Tehran: Homa Press, 1987), Vol. 1, p. 156.
26 Ibid. See also, Bamdad, Mehdi, Sharh-e Hal-e Rejal-e Iran, Vol. 2, p. 479.
27 Mirza Ja’afar Khan Moshir al-Dowleh, Resale-ye Tahqiqat-e Sarhaddiyeh, p. 166.
28 Ibid., pp. 154, 160, 161, 162, 165.
3 SHAKAK TRIBE AND THE RISE OF SIMKO 63
29 Ibid., p. 165.
30 E’temad al-Saltaneh, Mohammad Hassan Khan, Mearat al-Buldan, 4 Vols, (Tehran:
Tehran University Press, 1982), Vol. 2, p. 1057. See also, Sabri Ates, , The Ottoman-
Iranian Borderlands: Making a Boundary, 1843–1914, (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 2015), p. 180.
31 Ibid., p. 1176.
32 Iraj Afshar Sistani, Moghadameie bar Shenakht-e Ilha, Chadorneshinan va Tavayef-e
Ashayeri-ye Iran, Vol. 1, p. 156.
33 Ibid., p.158.
34 Cities and Trade: Consul Abbott on the Economy and Society of Iran 1847–1866,
p. 231.
35 Ibid.
36 William Spottiswoode, “Sketch of the Tribes of Northern Kurdistan,” p. 245.
64 M. KIA
ten years” many of the Shakak tribesmen had adopted a settled mode
of life, coming in “to buy and sell at the weekly markets held in the
larger villages or towns; and many of them travelled peaceably on trading
expeditions with the Nestorian [Assyrian] and Armenian caravans.”37
This change, according to the author, was partly “owing to the influ-
ence” exerted on the Shakak, “through the Nestorians, by the American
missionaries established at Urumiyeh.”38
In July 1876, when Iranian troops attacked the rural district of
Margavar, their numbers included Shakak horsemen and foot soldiers.39
Four years later in 1880, when the Kurdish leader, Sheik Ubeydullah of
Nehri, attacked Iran from Ottoman territory, the Shakak tribe opposed
the invasion. In 1896, the Shakak “ambushed some 800 Armenian revo-
lutionaries retreating from Van in the Ottoman Empire, while two years
later they were chasing Armenians” on behalf of the Iranian govern-
ment.40
In the last decade of the nineteenth century, the British statesman,
George Curzon, projected the population of the Shakak, a tribe of “noted
robbers” at 1,500 families.41 By 1907, a British report described the
Shakak as a large tribe occupying “many villages on the slopes north
and northeast of Baradoost” and the hilly country of Somai; “a turbulent
lot, more pastoral than agricultural, but wholly brigand,” and “contin-
ually raiding the villages in the north of Urmia plain and Salmas,” as
well as “in the Turkish side in Gawad and Bashkala.”42 According to
the same source, the Shakak were “a rather finer fighting type than most
Kurds…well-armed and generally well horsed, and much feared by the
37 Ibid.
38 Ibid.
39 FO 416/35–38 & FO 881/9130, O’Conor to Grey, Pera, February 22, 1908,
[7165], No. 85, Note communicated by the Ottoman Government to the Persian Embassy
at Constantinople, in The Iran-Iraq Border 1840–1958, Vol. 4, p. 276.
40 Gunter, Michael, Historical Dictionary of the Kurds, (Lanham, Maryland, and
Oxford: 2004), p. 186.
41 George Curzon, Persia and the Persian Question, Vol. 1, p. 555.
42 FO 416/35–38 & FO 881/9130, Dickson to O’Conor, Van, December 14, 1907,
No. 23, Enclosure 2 in No. 174, Report by Vice-Consul Dickson on his recent Journey
through Turco-Persian territory, in The Iran-Iraq Border 1840–1958, Vol. 4, p. 263.
3 SHAKAK TRIBE AND THE RISE OF SIMKO 65
Rise of Simko
Ismail Agha Shakak, also known as Simko, Semko, Simitqu, Semitqu, one
of the chiefs of the Shakak, was born in 1887 in Chahriq, in close prox-
imity to the Iranian-Ottoman frontier. Both his father, Mohammad Agha,
and his grandfather, Ali Agha (also known as Ali Khan), had served as the
chief of the Avdoi branch of the Shakak tribe. During his tenure as the
head of the Avdoi branch, Ali Agha carried out raids in Ottoman territory,
forcing the Turks to demand that the Kurdish chief be removed from the
border region between Iran and the Ottoman Empire. In 1880, when
Sheikh Ubeydullah of Nehri invaded western Azerbaijan from Ottoman
territory, Ali Agha refused to join the invaders. Instead, the Shakak chief
gave a quota of soldiers to the Qajar army, “but it was believed that
43 Ibid.
44 Hassan Arfa, The Kurds: An Historical and Political Study, p. 48. See also, Iraj
Afshar Sistani, Moghadameie bar Shenakht-e Ilha, Vol. 1, p. 159.
66 M. KIA
for one he gave in loyalty, he gave five to the enemy.”45 The Shakak
Kurds also used the distraction caused by Sheikh Ubeydullah’s invasion
to occupy the mountain passes on the Ottoman-Iranian frontier and “to
make roads unsafe.”46
Ali Agha’s activities and the complaints lodged against him by
Ottoman border officials caused the Iranian authorities in Azerbaijan to
dispatch troops against him.47 The Kurdish chief was detained and trans-
ported to Tabriz where he settled in “a small house under a guard, with
permission to go about on foot, but not to mount a horse.”48 When he
met a group of curious and inquisitive Americans in Tabriz, Ali Agha,
who appeared with his wife unveiled, divulged to his guests that he had
been “in a hundred battles, and that the scars on his face were the results
of these contests.”49 He also told the foreign visitors that “he had known
fifteen men who did not deserve as honorable a death as decapitation; so
he had thrown them down, put stones on their heads, and stamped them
to death with his foot.”50
The detention of Ali Agha caused his son, Mohammad Agha, to
raise the flag of rebellion against the Iranian government.51 The Iranian
authorities dispatched an army under the command of a Qajar prince,
Hamid Mirza Nasser al-Dowleh, to suppress Mohammad Agha’s rebel-
lion, but the prince failed to capture the Kurdish chief, who fled into
Ottoman territory with his sons.52 Meanwhile, Ali Agha died in Tabriz.
With Ali Agha out of the picture, his son, Mohammad Agha, re-
established contact with Iranian authorities and requested that he be
permitted to return to Iran. Anxious to restore peace on its border with
the Ottoman Empire, the Iranian government consented to Mohammad
Agha’s repatriation. Once he had returned to Iran, Mohammad Agha
was appointed governor of Chahriq. The honeymoon between the new
Shakak chief and the Iranian government did not last very long. After a
short respite, Mohammad Agha and his sons organized plundering raids
against rural communities of Khoy, Salmas, and the frontier region.53 In
response, the government set a trap and invited the Kurdish chief and
one of his sons, Jafar Agha, to a meeting where they were to be detained.
Mohammad Agha and his son, however, escaped the trap, killing four
government agents in the process.54
In spring 1905, Iran’s reigning monarch, Mozaffar al-Din Shah,
embarked on his third and last trip to Europe. Mohammad Ali Mirza,
the crown prince and the governor of Azerbaijan, was summoned to
Tehran to serve as the Regent in the absence of his father. As a tempo-
rary substitute, Mohammad Ali Mirza appointed the veteran statesman,
Hossein Qoli Khan Nezam al-Saltaneh Māfi, as the interim governor-
general of Azerbaijan.55 According to an Iranian historian, while the
crown prince was in Tehran, the Shakak chieftain, Jafar Agha, continued
to cause trouble for the central government.56 The Kurdish warlord
carried out swift raids from his stronghold at Chahriq, raiding and plun-
dering villages on the plains of Khoy, Salmas, and Urumiyeh. The attacks
on these rural communities were opposed by peasant farmers and land-
lords alike. Among those who complained vociferously about Jafar Agha’s
raids were chiefs of the rival Mamadi/Mamdoi branch of the Shakak,
who owned extensive real estate, including villages, in western Azerbaijan.
This did not mean, however, that Jafar Agha and his attacks were unpop-
ular among all segments of Kurdish society. To the contrary, the Kurdish
chief enjoyed immense popularity among the poorer sections of Kurdish
society, who viewed him as a hero at least in part because he distributed
a portion of his loot among the poor.57 Basil Nikitine, who served as
Russia’s consul in Urumiyeh during the First World War, wrote, “sou-
vent, après avoir dépouillé un richard, il distribuait une partie du butin
53 Ibid.
54 Ibid.
55 A. C. Wratislaw, A Consul in the East, p. 206. See also, Ahmad Kasravi, Tarikh-e
Mashruteh-ye Iran, (Tehran: Amir Kabir Press, 1978), p. 143.
56 Ahmad Kasravi, Tarikh-e Mashruteh-ye Iran, p. 143. See also,
Safaei, Ebrahim, Rahbaran-e Mashruteh, 2 Vols, (Tehran: Javidan Press, 1968), Vol.
2, p. 37.
57 Martin van Bruinessen. “Kurdish Tribes and the State of Iran: The Case of Simko’s
Revolt,” in Richard Tapper, The Conflict of Tribe and State in Iran and Afghanistan,
(London: Croom Helm, 1983), p. 380.
68 M. KIA
aux miséreux” (often after robbing a rich man he distributed part of the
booty to the poor).58
In response to Jafar Agha’s raids, the Qajar government “resorted to
the old tried and tested method” of neutralizing a rebellious tribal khan
by appointing him governor of a “border district.”59 Thus, the authori-
ties in Tabriz named Jafar Agha Sarhad Dar (Warden of the Frontier) for
Chahriq and the adjoining districts.60 As a representative of the govern-
ment on a frontier district, the authorities hoped that the Kurdish chief
would cease his raiding campaigns against the rural communities he had
to govern. The new position kept the Kurdish chief quiet, but only
temporarily. He soon resumed his old practice of plundering defense-
less villages on the plains of Salmas and Khoy. Clearly, the government
strategy of neutralizing Jafar Agha by bribing him with a new position
and title had proved to be a failure. The governor-general, however,
refused to give up and pulled another trick from his hat. This time,
Nezam al-Saltaneh resorted to an old diplomatic ruse. Claiming that he
intended to discuss the border disputes between Iran and the Ottoman
Empire and reconcile any discord that existed between the Shakak and the
Iranian government, the governor invited Jafar Agha to Tabriz under safe
conduct. To reassure the Kurdish chief of his safety, Nezam al-Saltaneh
swore on a copy of the Quran that if Jafar Agha “came, he should leave
Tabriz in safety and honor.”61
Reassured by the promise of safe conduct, Jafar Agha, who was by then
recognized as the chief of the Avdoi of the northern section of Shakak
at Chahriq, travelled to Tabriz in late spring 1905, accompanied by an
entourage of seven Shakak tribesmen, including his maternal uncle.62
While the Kurdish chief was being entertained by local officials in Tabriz,
58 Basile Nikitine. Les Kurdes. Étude Sociologique et Historique, p. 79. See also, Martin
van Bruinessen, “Kurdish Tribes and the State of Iran: The Case of Simko’s Revolt,”
p. 380.
59 Ibid.
60 Barclay to Grey, Gulhak, Tehran, December 19, 1911, [1954], No. 248, Enclosure 2
in No. 101, Joint Report by Messrs. Shipley and Minorsky, British and Russian Delegates,
on the State of Affairs on the Turco-Persian Frontier, June 8–September 16, 1911, in The
Iran-Iraq Border 1840–1958, Vol. 4, p. 549.
61 W.A. Wigram, The Cradle of Mankind: Life in Eastern Kurdistan. (London: A & C
Black Ltd., 1922), p. 216.
62 Ahmad Kasravi, Tarikh-e Mashruteh-ye Iran, p. 143.
3 SHAKAK TRIBE AND THE RISE OF SIMKO 69
could out of the three corpses, having them dragged in triumph through
the streets and then hung them by the heels, like carcasses in a butcher’s
shop, from a first-floor balcony overlooking a public square.”70 The local
paper in Tabriz praised the cowardly murder of Jafar Agha, and the crim-
inal behavior of Iranian authorities, as a triumph of the government’s wise
policies.71 For his part, Simko was quoted by one author as saying that
after the murder of his brother, he would never trust an Iranian, or “look
on one as a gentleman again.”72
gate of the city he was called back for a last word. The Kurdish chief returned to Tabriz
and entered the governor’s reception room where he was shot dead from “behind a
grating.” See, W.A. Wigram, The Cradle of Mankind: Life in Eastern Kurdistan, p. 216.
70 A.C. Wratislaw, A Consul in the East, p. 208. See also, Ahmad Kasravi, Tarikh-e
Mashruteh-ye Iran, p. 145.
71 Basile Nikitine, Les Kurdes. Étude Sociologique et Historique, p. 80.
72 W.A. Wigram, Our Smallest Ally: A Brief Account of the Assyrian Nation in the Great
War, (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1920), p. 36.
73 Correspondence respecting the Perso-Ottoman frontier, 1906, [FO 371/149 and
FO 416/26–29], O’Conor to Grey, Constantinople, May 2, 1906, [15460], No. 302,
Enclosure in No. 110, in The Iran-Iraq Border 1840–1958, Vol. 4, pp. 38–39. See also,
Grey to Findlay, May 19, 1910, Confidential [14951], No. 35, Enclosure in No. 1, in
The Iran-Iraq Border 1840–1958, Vol. 4, p. 421.
74 Ibid. See also, Correspondence respecting the Perso-Ottoman frontier, 1906, [FO
371/149 and FO 416/26–29], Duff to Grey, Tehran, April 24, 1906, [16424], No. 113,
in The Iran-Iraq Border 1840–1958, Volume 4, p. 41.
3 SHAKAK TRIBE AND THE RISE OF SIMKO 71
83 Ibid.
84 Ahmad Kasravi, Tarikh-e Mashruteh-ye Iran, p. 425.
85 FO 416/35–38 & FO 881/9130, Correspondence respecting the Perso-Ottoman
frontier, 1908, O’Conor to Grey, Constantinople, February 5, 1908, Enclosure 1 in No.
174, Report by Vice Consul Dickson on his recent Journey through Turco-Persian territory,
Van, December 14, 1907, No. 28, in The Iran-Iraq Border 1840–1958, Vol. 4, p. 267.
86 Ibid.
87 W. A. Wigram, Our Smallest Ally, p. 36.
88 Ahmad Kasravi, Tarikh-e Mashruteh-ye Iran, p. 145.
74 M. KIA
89 Ibid.
90 Reynolds, Michael A. Shattering Empires: The Clash and Collapse of the Ottoman
and Russian Empires 1908–1918, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011), No.
97, p. 69.
91 FO 416/35–38 & FO 881/9130, Correspondence respecting the Perso-Ottoman
frontier, 1908, O’Conor to Grey, Constantinople, February 5, 1908, Enclosure 1 in No.
174, Report by Vice Consul Dickson on his recent Journey through Turco-Persian territory,
Van, December 14, 1907, No. 28, in The Iran-Iraq Border 1840–1958, Vol. 4, p. 267.
92 Ibid.
93 Ibid. See also, Lowther to Grey, Constantinople, March 23, 1909, [11849], No.
296, in The Iran-Iraq Border 1840–1958, Vol. 4, p. 354.
3 SHAKAK TRIBE AND THE RISE OF SIMKO 75
Simko, Constitutional
Revolution & Ottoman Invasion
Simko’s return to Iran corresponded with the dawn of a new era in Iranian
history, as well as the country’s relationship with Russia, Britain, and the
Ottoman Empire. The constitutional revolution, which had commenced
in December of 1905, ended on August 5, 1906, after the reigning Qajar
monarch, Mozaffar al-Din Shah, granted a constitution and ordered the
establishment of a national consultative assembly. Despite initial jubilation
surrounding the creation of a parliament, the relationship between the
Majlis and the royal court deteriorated quickly after the death of the ailing
shah on January 8, 1907, and the ascendency of his son, Mohammad Ali
Shah, as the new ruler of Iran. The knee-jerk declarations at the time
by some western-educated notables and intellectuals that the granting
of a constitution marked the beginning of a new era replacing monar-
chical absolutism with a new political system based on law and democratic
principles proved to be a lazy fantasy; these bombastic pronouncements
reflected a complete lack of appreciation for the durability of authoritari-
anism as a persistent and unrelenting phenomenon in Iran’s long and rich
history.
The growing conflict between Mohammad Ali Shah and the Majlis
erupted into a semi-civil war after the Cossack Brigade under the
command of the Russian officer, Colonel Liakhov, attacked and destroyed
the parliament on June 23, 1908. In the days following the bombard-
ment of the Majlis, the provincial capital of Azerbaijan, Tabriz, emerged as
the bastion of Iranian nationalism and constitutionalism. Pro-constitution
forces in Tabriz, Khoy, and Salmas, backed by revolutionaries from
southern Caucasus, mobilized their supporters, while the shah called on
his supporters among the Turkic and Kurdish tribes of the province to
rally to his flag and crush the constitutionalists in Tabriz and other urban
centers of the province. In response, the governor of Maku, Eqbal al-
Saltaneh, rose in support of the shah and appealed to the Kurdish tribes
of western Azerbaijan and eastern Anatolia to attack the pro-constitution
forces in the districts of Khoy and Salmas. One of the chiefs to join
the Khan of Maku was Simko who, together with several other Kurdish
chiefs, raised an army of three thousand men. After a three-day battle
and “a great slaughter,” the Kurdish army, led by Simko and Eqbal
al-Saltaneh’s nephew, inflicted a humiliating defeat on constitutionalist
76 M. KIA
forces near Khoy in January 1909.94 The military victory was followed by
a sustained campaign of looting villages and killing the rural population.95
By the time the violent confrontation ended, most villages in the area had
fallen into “a pitiable condition,” either “oppressed by the revolutionaries
of Khoy and Dilman [capital of the district of Salmas],” or “pillaged and
massacred by the reactionaries of the Khan of Maku and his lieutenant,
Simko Agha.”96 After his clash with constitutionalist forces, Simko was
appointed governor of the district of Qotur on the Iranian-Ottoman fron-
tier.97 By collaborating with the Khan of Maku, Simko also gained a free
hand in attacking and plundering rural communities between Dilman and
Khoy.
The civil war between Iranian constitutionalists and the pro-shah tribal
chiefs such as Simko provided the newly established Young Turk govern-
ment in Istanbul with an opportunity to rejuvenate the Turkish “forward
policy” and dispatch an expeditionary force to Khoy, while another
Ottoman detachment occupied three villages in the Salmas district.98
After seizing power in July 1908, the Young Turk regime had with-
drawn some of its troops from Iranian territory, though a number of
Ottoman military detachments remained in occupation of several rural
districts in western Azerbaijan. Once they had consolidated their position
in Istanbul in 1909, the Young Turks reverted back to a more aggressive
policy vis-à-vis Iran.
During their incursions into Iranian territory, the Ottomans relied
on support from Kurdish tribes of western Azerbaijan, including the
Shakak. This open support allowed the Turks to occupy several frontier
districts west of Lake Urumiyeh, including Simko’s birthplace, Chahriq,
in July 1908.99 On 18 July, some 120 Turkish troops occupied Qulonji
(Kulunji), twenty miles north of Urumiyeh.100 On this particular occa-
sion, the invading Ottoman troops were accompanied by fifty armed
Kurds led by a Shakak chief named Ismail Agha who “addressed letters
to various villages informing them that they had been annexed by
Turkey.”101 The letters by the Shakak chief, who should not be mistaken
for Simko, legitimized the right of the Turkish invaders to collect taxes
from the native population in western Azerbaijan.102 Ottoman troops in
the company of the Shakak chief also collected taxes in Chahriq.103
In sharp contrast to the Shakak chiefs of Somai and Chahriq, who
collaborated with Ottoman authorities, Simko refused to join the invading
Turks. The Iranian authorities had, in their despair, entrusted the mainte-
nance of order from Maku to the borders of Urumiyeh district, to Eqbal
al-Saltaneh.104 The Khan of Maku in turn mobilized the support of Simko
and neighboring Kurdish chiefs by allowing them a free hand to pillage
rural communities in the districts of Khoy, Salmas, and Urumiyeh. Backed
by Eqbal al-Saltaneh, Simko went one step further and confronted the
Shakak chiefs who had joined the Ottomans.
The efforts by the Khan of Maku and Simko to maintain Iranian
authority over western Azerbaijan did not deter the Young Turks from
fortifying their claims over Iranian territory by all means possible,
including Kurdish tribal raids, military occupation on the pretext of
protecting Ottoman subjects, intimidation intended to drive the rural
communities of western Azerbaijan into soliciting Ottoman nationality,
99 Barclay to Grey, Tehran, February 10, 1910, Persia. Annual Report, 1909, [8669],
No. 19, in Iran Political Diaries 1881–1965, Vol. 4, p. 433.
100 Ibid.
101 Ibid.
102 Ibid.
103 Sabri Ates, The Ottoman-Iranian Borderlands: Making a Boundary, 1843–1914,
,
p. 245.
104 FO 416/35–38 & FO 881/9130, Marling to Grey, Gulhak, June 15, 1908,
[23119], No. 144, Enclosure 1 in No. 51, Wratislaw to Marling, Urmi, May 17, 1908,
No. 8, in The Iran-Iraq Border 1840–1958, Vol. 4, p. 322.
78 M. KIA
105 Grey to Findlay, Persia Confidential [14951], No. 35, in The Iran-Iraq Border
1840–1958, Vol. 4, p. 422.
106 Correspondence respecting the Perso-Ottoman frontier, 1910 [FO 371/948–949],
Lowther to Grey, May 25, 1910, Persia Confidential [19085], No. 341, Enclosure in No.
1, Morgan to Louther, Van, May 9, 1910, No. 11, The Iran-Iraq Border 1840–1958, Vol.
4, p. 425.
107 Ibid.
108 Correspondence respecting the Perso-Ottoman frontier, 1911, [FO 371/1178–
1179 & FO 416/51], Barclay to Grey, Gulhak, December 19, 1911, [1954], No. 248,
Annex 1 to Joint Report by Shipley and Minorsky, Translation of the Report of the
Governor-General of the Urmia to the Persian Foreign Office, October 15, 1910, No.
313., in The Iran-Iraq Border 1840–1958, Vol. 4, p. 559.
109 Ibid., pp. 559–560.
110 Ibid., p. 559.
3 SHAKAK TRIBE AND THE RISE OF SIMKO 79
111 Mirza Ja’afar Khan Moshir al-Dowleh, Resale-ye Tahqiqat-e Sarhaddiyeh, p. 178.
112 Ibid.
113 Adamiyat, Fereydoun, Amir Kabir va Iran, (Tehran: Kharazmi Press, 1982), p. 598.
See also, Congress of Berlin, Les Protocoles du Congrès de Berlin Avec le Traité Prélim-
inaire de San-Stefano, (St Albans: Wentworth Press, 2019). See also, W. N. Medlicott,
The Congress of Berlin and After: A Diplomatic History of the Near Eastern Settlement,
(London: Methuen & Co, January, 1938). On the illegal occupation of Qotur or Qatur
by Ottoman forces, see Barclay to Grey, Tehran, December 19, 1911, [1954], No. 248,
in The Iran-Iraq Border 1840–1958, Vol. 4, p. 546.
114 Correspondence respecting the Perso-Ottoman frontier, 1911, [FO 371/1178–
1179 & FO 416/51], Barclay to Grey, Gulhak, December 19, 1911, [1954], Annex
1 to Joint Report by Shipley and Minorsky, Translation of the Report of the Governor-
General of the Urmia to the Persian Foreign Office, October 15, 1910, No. 313., in The
Iran-Iraq Border 1840–1958, Vol. 4, p. 559.
115 Ibid.
116 Ibid.
80 M. KIA
and “evil-doers,” but also threatened that if the chief of the Avdoi
Shakaks, Simko, were not handed over to Ottoman authorities by Iran,
the Ottoman kaymakam of Chahriq would direct the Shakak chief, Omar
Agha, to seize Dilman the capital of the district of Salmas.117 This note
clearly indicated that Simko’s birthplace, Chahriq, had been annexed and
ruled directly by the Turks, who were playing one Shakak chief against
another.
117 Barclay to Grey, Tehran, December 1, 1911, [Confidential 50544], No. 236, Diary
(No. 7) of the Itinerary of the British and Russian Delegates from Urmia to Tabreez through
Anzal and Salmas, September 9–16, 1911, in The Iran-Iraq Border 1840–1958, Vol. 4,
p. 534.
3 SHAKAK TRIBE AND THE RISE OF SIMKO 81
118 Townley to Grey, Tehran, October 29, 1912, Persia Confidential, [48927], No.
226, in Iran Political Diaries 1881–1965, Vol. 5, p. 453. See also, Townley to Grey,
Tehran, March 18, 1913, Persia Annual Report, [15876], No. 66, in Iran Political Diaries
1881–1965, Vol. 5, p. 482.
119 Townley to Grey, Tehran, February 18, 1913, Persia Annual Report 1913, [15876],
No. 55, in Iran Political Diaries 1881–1965, Vol. 5, p. 482.
120 Townley to Grey, Tehran, November 27, 1912, No. 240, Persia Confidential
[53557], No. 240, in Iran Political Diaries 1881–1965. Vol. 5, p. 456.
121 Schofield, Richard (ed.)., The Iran-Iraq Border 1840–1958, Vol. 5, p. xxvi.
122 Townley to Grey, Tehran, March 18, 1913. Persia Annual Report, 1912, Confiden-
tial (10,210) [15876] No. 66, in Iran Political Diaries, Vol. 5, p. 482.
123 Ibid.
124 Ibid.
125 Schofield, Richard (ed.)., The Iran-Iraq Border 1840–1958, Volume 5, p. xxvi. See
also, Louther to Grey, Constantinople, November 28, 1912, Persia Confidential [51232],
No. 1004, in The Iran-Iraq Border 1840–1958, Vol. 5, p. 509.
82 M. KIA
126 Ibid.
127 John Tchalenko, Images From the Endgame, p. 92.
128 Townley to Grey, Tehran, March 18, 1913. Persia Annual Report, 1912, Confiden-
tial (10,210) [15876] No. 66, in Iran Political Diaries, Vol. 5, p. 482.
129 Townley to Grey, Tehran, February 18, 1914, Persia Annual Report, 1913, [10393],
No. 55, Iran Political Diaries 1881–1965. Vol. 5, p. 571.
130 Somakian, Manoug. Empires in Conflict: Armenia and the Great Powers, 1895–1920,
(London: I.B. Tauris, 1995), p. 52. See also, Michael A. Reynolds, Shattering Empires:
The Clash and Collapse of the Ottoman and Russian Empires 1908–1918, p. 63.
3 SHAKAK TRIBE AND THE RISE OF SIMKO 83
131 For Abdurrezzak Bey Bedir Khan’s life, see Bedirhan, Abdurrezzak, Otobiyografya,
translated by Hasan Cuni, (Istanbul: Perî Yayinlari, 2000). See also, Barbara Henning,
Narratives of the History of the Ottoman-Kurdish Bedirhani Family in Imperial and Post-
Imperial Contexts: Continuities and Changes, (Bamberg: University of Bamberg Press,
2018).
132 Barbara Henning, Narratives of the History of the Ottoman-Kurdish Bedirhani
Family in Imperial and Post-Imperial Contexts: Continuities and Changes, p. 304.
84 M. KIA
keep Simko as far away from the Ottoman border as possible.145 As late as
July 1914, however, Simko retained his position as Russia’s most trusted
Kurdish tribal ally in northwestern Iran.
The Russian-backed operations carried out by Simko and Abdurrezzak
Bey Bedir Khan were not confined to carrying out raids and polit-
ical propaganda in Ottoman territory. Beginning in 1912, with support
from Russian authorities, Abdurrezzak Bey published a Kurdish-language
newspaper in Urumiyeh.146 When the Russians removed Abdurrezzak
Bey from western Azerbaijan, the task of supervising the publication of
the newspaper fell on Simko, who continued to publish it until 1914.147
In return for his services to the Czarist government, Simko was invited
to Tiflis, Georgia, where the Russian governor-general of the Caucasus,
Vorontsov-Dashkov, decorated him and appointed the Shakak chief the
governor of the rural district of Somai in western Azerbaijan.148 In
response to the news of the appointment, the Ottoman government
protested Vorontsov-Dashkov’s decoration of Simko, complaining about
the Kurdish chief’s destructive attacks against Ottoman villages.149 The
Ottoman protests “were to no avail” because, as the Russian consul in
Van remarked, Simko “is someone that we need and we should support
him, since his hatred toward the Turks is without limit. And that bene-
fits us.”150 One Russian official ascribed Simko’s “hatred of the Turks”
to the fact that the Kurdish chief’s father, “who had lived” in Istanbul
145 Michael A. Reynolds, Shattering Empires: The Clash and Collapse of the Ottoman
and Russian Empires 1908–1918, p. 65.
146 Martin Van Bruinessen, “Kurdish Tribes and Simko’s Revolt,” in Richard Tapper
(ed.), The Conflict of Tribe and State in Iran and Afghanistan (London: St. Martin’s Press,
1983), p. 384. See also, Farideh Koohi-Kamali, The Political Development of the Kurds in
Iran: Pastoral Nationalism, (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003), p. 78. See also, ‘Rozhi
Kurd Newspaper 1913–1914’, Zhin Archive Centre, Sulaimani, as quoted in Chnor Jaafar
Ahmad, “The Dilemma of Kurdish Nationalism As A Result of International Treaties
and Foreign Occupations Between the Years 1850 to 1930.” University of Glasgow MA
Thesis, April 2019, p. 111.
147 Ibid.
148 Michael A. Reynolds, Shattering Empires: The Clash and Collapse of the Ottoman
and Russian Empires 1908–1918, p. 69.
149 Ibid.
150 Ibid.
3 SHAKAK TRIBE AND THE RISE OF SIMKO 87
and had known Abdurrezzak Bey Bedir Khan, had “died in an Ottoman
prison.”151
The appointment of Simko as the district governor of Somai demon-
strated that the Czarist state treated Azerbaijan as a Russian province.
Indeed, using the 1907 Anglo-Russian Convention as its legal tool, Russia
converted all northern provinces of Iran, for all intents and purposes,
into a large Russian province, with governors of Azerbaijan, Gilan,
Qazvin, and Maku, as well as local tribal chiefs, such as Simko, acting
as Czarist agents and officials who received and carried out orders from
the Russian consul generals.152 Meanwhile, despite their public recogni-
tion of Simko’s services to His Majesty the Czar, some Russian authorities
privately expressed their skepticism that the Shakak Kurds offered any
real military value in case of a war. The Russians concluded that Simko’s
“exploits were little more than poorly disguised banditry” that boiled
down “to cattle rustling.”153
154 The Persian sources indicate that Iranian authorities had arbitrarily seized some of
the revenue from the land the sheikh had inherited from his father in Azerbaijan, thus
antagonizing and alienating the Kurdish leader.
155 Correspondence respecting the Perso-Ottoman frontier, 1907 [FO 416/31–34 &
FO 371/503], Extracts from the “Times ” of September 24, 1907, “The Turco-Persian
Frontier Question,” in The Iran-Iraq Border 1840–1958, Vol. 4, p. 175.
3 SHAKAK TRIBE AND THE RISE OF SIMKO 89
Kurds of Margavar and Baradoost, who were neighbors to Simko and his
Shakaks.160
The alliance between the Sayyid and Simko was sealed with the
marriage of the Shakak chief to Sayyid Taha II’s sister. Taking Sayyid Taha
II’s sister as his wife bolstered Simko’s legitimacy among the Kurdish
tribes of Iran and the Ottoman Empire. It also extended his influence
across the border into the Hakkari region of Ottoman Kurdistan. In
return, Sayyid Taha II, who had no military force of his own, could
use Simko’s army to expand his influence and implement the dream
of creating an independent Kurdish state. The partnership between the
Kurdish chief and the suave Sayyid would serve as the foundation for a
campaign to establish an independent Kurdistan after the conclusion of
the Great War in 1918.
Sayyid Taha II enjoyed a close relationship with both the Ottoman and
Russian governments. After the Young Turk regime invaded and occupied
several rural districts in western Azerbaijan in 1909, the business-savvy
Sayyid showed up in Urumiyeh to purchase or lease lands and villages
belonging to the local landowners in the areas occupied by the Turks.161
The Kurdish leader subsequently travelled to Russia, where he developed
fluency in Russian and established a close alliance with Czarist authori-
ties.162 There was at one time an idea that Sayyid Taha “might be used
as the figurehead of a nominally independent Kurdistan under Russian
auspices,”163 although Russia’s first choice for leadership of a future
Kurdish state was Abdurrezzak Bey Bedir Khan.164
In 1912, Sayyid Taha travelled to Tiflis, where he met Abdurrezzak
Bey. Together, the two Kurdish leaders set out on a tour “among the
Kurdish tribes in the Ottoman-Iranian borderlands, heading towards
160 Correspondence respecting the Perso-Ottoman frontier, 1907 [FO 416/31–34 &
FO 371/503], Extracts from the “Times ” of September 24, 1907, “The Turco-Persian
Frontier Question,” in The Iran-Iraq Border 1840–1958, Vol. 4, p. 175.
161 Barclay to Grey, Tehran, December 19, 1911, [1954], No. 248, Enclosure 2 in
No. 101, Joint Report by Shipley and Minorsky, in The Iran-Iraq Border 1840–1958, Vol.
4, p. 555, and Annex 1 to Joint Report, p. 560.
162 Rupert Hay, Two Years in Kurdistan: Experiences of a Political Officer 1918–1920,
p. 307.
163 Iraq Civil Commissioner, Wilson, Arnold Talbot and Gertrude Lowthian Bell.
Review of the Civil Administration of Mesopotamia, p. 69.
164 Michael A. Reynolds, Shattering Empires: The Clash and Collapse of the Ottoman
and Russian Empires 1908–1918, p. 59.
3 SHAKAK TRIBE AND THE RISE OF SIMKO 91
In discussing Simko’s activities during the Great War, at least one scholar
has asserted that the Kurdish chief “stood aloof from the real fighting,
trying to keep all doors open, while expanding his control of the fron-
tier districts.”1 This assessment dilutes the significance of one of the most
eventful and formative periods in Simko’s political life and disregards the
devastating impact of the Kurdish chief’s activities on the urban and rural
communities of northwestern Iran. Simko used the four years of the war
profitably. In the beginning of the war, he acted as an ally of Russia.
When the Russian forces evacuated Iranian territory in early January
1915, Simko joined the Ottoman Turks, only to switch back to an alliance
with Russia when she returned and pushed the Turks out of western
Azerbaijan. He remained a client and ally of Russia until Russian troops
evacuated the Iranian territory after the victory of the 1917 Bolshevik
revolution. In March 1918, Simko murdered the Assyrian leader, Mar
Shimun. This murder ignited a civil war between the Christians (i.e.,
Assyrians and Armenians) and the Muslims (i.e., Kurds and Azerbaijani
Turks) of western Azerbaijan. Far from standing aloof, Simko used this
conflict to slaughter the Assyrian refugees who had settled in the district
of Khoy. In summer 1918, Simko once again joined the Ottoman Turks
1 Ibid., p. 384.
as they invaded northwestern Iran and chased the Assyrian and Arme-
nian Christians from their ancient homeland. Thus, during the war, the
Kurdish chief remained highly active. He switched his alliances according
to the balance of military power in the region, and in the process consol-
idated his position as the most powerful Kurdish tribal chief in western
Azerbaijan.
When Russian forces withdrew from Azerbaijan and after the Ottoman
Turks occupied Urumiyeh and Tabriz in January 1915, the Kurdish chief
switched his loyalty and joined the invading Turks. Once Russian forces
returned a short time later and re-established their military dominance
in Azerbaijan, they banished Simko to Tiflis. The Kurdish chief tried
desperately to patch up his broken patron-client relationship with Russian
authorities. After a short exile in Georgia, Simko returned to Iran as a
reformed servant of his majesty, the Czar.
The arrival of thousands of Assyrian and Armenian refugees from the
Ottoman Empire and the formation of Assyrian and Armenian armed
bands in western Azerbaijan radically transformed the balance of power in
favor of the Christian communities of the region. With significant backing
from Czarist authorities, Assyrians, under the leadership of Mar Shimun,
embarked on a campaign to lay the foundation of an autonomous
enclave in northwestern Iran under Russian protection. The departure
of Russian troops from Iran in 1917 orphaned the Assyrian and Arme-
nian communities and exposed them to attacks from the Ottoman Turks
and pro-Ottoman Kurdish tribal chiefs.
After Russian troops withdrew from Iran, Simko collaborated with
British military and intelligence officers, who tried to form an anti-
Ottoman coalition that incorporated armed Assyrian and Armenian
bands, as well as the Shakak Kurds. Though he expressed his commit-
ment to join the British, Assyrians, and Armenians in a united front
against the Ottoman Turks, Simko stabbed his potential allies in the back
when he assassinated the Assyrian leader, Mar Shimun, in March 1918.
When Ottoman Turks invaded Iran in summer 1918, Simko joined the
invaders and participated in attacks against the fleeing Assyrian and Arme-
nian refugees, who were trying to reach the British line of defense at
Hamadan in western Iran. By late October 1918, when the First World
War ended in the Middle East, Simko had emerged as the only survivor of
a bloody conflict that had resulted into the destruction of the Assyrian and
Armenian communities of northwestern Iran. The actions of the Kurdish
chief were motivated not only by self-preservation, but also by a deep
sense of fear and hatred for the Armenian and Assyrian Christians. Simko
believed that the Assyrian community, in particular, was planning to estab-
lish an independent or autonomous enclave in western Azerbaijan with
assistance from western powers. Simko feared that the establishment of
such an Assyrian entity would result in the Kurds living as a persecuted
minority. This would have left the Kurds a vulnerable minority in an area
98 M. KIA
governed by Assyrians. The name of the game was survival at any cost,
and if survival meant switching sides in accordance with the change in the
tide of the war and selling one’s services to the highest and most powerful
bidder, so be it. The game of survival was, however, played with an eye
on the rising nationalistic activities of the two communities the Kurdish
chief feared and resented the most, the Assyrians and the Armenians.
6 Michael A. Reynolds, Shattering Empires: The Clash and Collapse of the Ottoman and
Russian Empires 1908–1918, p. 118.
7 Ibid.
4 SIMKO, COMPETING NATIONALISMS, AND THE GREAT WAR 99
8 Townley to Grey, Tehran, January 16, 1915, Persia Confidential, [17798], No. 112.,
in Iran Political Diaries 1881–1965. Volume 5, p. 662.
9 Michael A. Reynolds, Shattering Empires: The Clash and Collapse of the Ottoman and
Russian Empires 1908–1918, p. 118.
10 Ibid.
11 See Mesut Uyar, “Ottoman Strategy and War Aims During the First World War,” in
Herausgegeben von Holger Afflerbach (ed.), Purpose of the First World War: War Aims
and Military Strategies, (De Gruyter Oldenbourg; Digital Original Edition, 2015), p. 174.
100 M. KIA
12 New York Times, Dilman, Persia, April 24, (via Petrograd to London, April 26),
1915.
13 Ibid.
14 Ibid.
15 “First Exodus from Urmia, January 1915: Report Dated 1st March, 1915, from the
Reverend Robert M. Labaree of the American Mission Station at Tabriz to the Hon. F.
Willoughey Smith, U.S. Consul at Tiflis,” in Viscount Bryce., The Treatment of Armenians
in the Ottoman Empire 1915–16, p. 105.
16 Ibid.
17 Naayem, Joseph. Shall This Nation Die? (New York: Chaldean Rescue, 1921),
p. 269.
18 Ibid.
4 SIMKO, COMPETING NATIONALISMS, AND THE GREAT WAR 101
and Stripes or the Tricolor would protect them from the invading Turks
and their Kurdish allies. According to one source who worked at the time
in Urumiyeh, “when the troubles began, the total Christian population,
including a thousand refugee families of mountaineers, was about thirty-
three thousand,” but “after exodus to Russia approximately twenty-five
thousand remained.”19
On 4 January, an Ottoman army entered Urumiyeh. The town
remained under Turkish rule until May 15, 1915.20 Meanwhile, on 5
January, the Russian forces began to evacuate Tabriz. A day later on
6 January, the Russian consul general left the city and “withdrew to
Russia.”21 Two days later, on 8 January, an Ottoman army entered
Tabriz. The sudden Russian withdrawal and the arrival of Ottoman forces
inspired Russia’s “erstwhile ally” Simko to switch his loyalty and join the
“ranks of the Ottoman force.”22 The Kurdish chief viewed the Russian
military withdrawal from Urumiyeh and Tabriz as a sign of weakness.
Further, it provided him with an opportunity to attack and plunder
Assyrian and Armenian communities of the region after several years of
restraining himself due to his alliance with Russian authorities in western
Azerbaijan. With blessing and support from his newly adopted patrons,
the Ottoman Turks, Simko took the field and embarked on a devastating
campaign to sack towns and villages west of Lake Urumiyeh.23
During the Turkish occupation of western Azerbaijan, Ottoman and
Kurdish troops, including Simko’s Shakak fighters, committed horrific
outrages against the local population, especially the Assyrian commu-
nities. Christian populated villages were looted and burned down,
19 Shedd, Mary Lewis. The Measure of A Man: The Life of William Ambrose Shedd
Missionary to Persia, (New York: George H. Doran Company, 1922), p. 152.
20 Viscount Bryce., The Treatment of Armenians in the Ottoman Empire 1915–16, p. 99.
21 Townley to Grey, Tehran, January 16, 1915, Persia Confidential, [17798], No. 12.,
in Iran Political Diaries 1881–1965. Volume 5, p. 662. See also, Marling to Grey, Tehran,
December 5, 1915, Persia Confidential, [19857], No. 157., Iran Political Diaries 1881–
1965. Volume 5, p. 723.
22 Michael A. Reynolds, Shattering Empires: The Clash and Collapse of the Ottoman and
Russian Empires 1908–1918, p. 126.
23 Allen, William Edward David & Paul Muratoff., Caucasian Battlefields: A History of
the Wars on the Turco-Caucasian Border 1828–1921, (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 1999), p. 296.
102 M. KIA
24 Ahmad, Kamal Madhar. Kurdistan During the First World War, Translated by Ali
Maher Ibrahim, (London: Saqi Books, 1994), p. 97.
25 Mary Lewis Shedd, The Measure of A Man: The Life of William Ambrose Shedd
Missionary to Persia, p. 152.
26 Ibid.
27 Ibid., p. 192.
28 Ibid., p. 191.
29 Joseph Naayem, Shall This Nation Die? p. 272.
4 SIMKO, COMPETING NATIONALISMS, AND THE GREAT WAR 103
30 Alaauddin Sijjadi. Kurdish Revolutions, Kurds and the Iraqi Republic (in Kurdish),
Baghdad 1959, pp. 251–254, as quoted in Kamal Madhar Ahmad, Kurdistan During the
First World War, p. 156.
31 W. A. Wigram, The Cradle of Mankind: Life in Eastern Kurdistan, p. 370.
32 Ibid.
33 Eagleton, William J., The Kurdish Republic of 1946, (London: Oxford University
Press, 1963), p. 9.
34 Kinnane, Derk. The Kurds and Kurdistan, (London: Oxford University Press, 1970),
p. 46.
104 M. KIA
Simko’s tribal force was no match for the much larger and far better-
equipped Russian army. On 6 March, a Russian army backed by Armenian
and Assyrian units drove the Ottoman Turks and their Kurdish allies out
of Dilman.35 Simko had no alternative but to retreat to his stronghold
along the Iranian-Ottoman frontier.36
Shortly after Russian troops occupied Dilman, reports of the destruc-
tion of numerous Christian villages in Dilman and Urumiyeh, whose
inhabitants had been massacred by Kurds, began to reach Tabriz and
Tehran.37 The same reports also indicated that some ten thousand
Assyrian Christians had fled Turkish territory for Iran.38 Russian armies
pushing farther south from Dilman, forced the Turks to evacuate
Urumiyeh on 15 May. Nine days later, on Sunday, 24 May, the advanced
guard of the Russian army entered the town and by the end of the
next day, 15 May, Urumiyeh was under full Russian occupation.39 In
November 1915, Russian forces advanced from Urumiyeh to Savojbo-
lagh, where they raped and massacred a large segment of the town’s
Kurdish population.40 During the First World War, Savojbolagh changed
hands between the Russians and Ottoman Turks eight times, gaining
notoriety as the Iranian town most victimized and vandalized by foreign
troops.41
During their occupation of Urumiyeh and Salmas, Russian military
authorities imposed an informal truce on the warring Kurds and Assyr-
ians. Under Russian protection, the Assyrian communities west of Lake
42 Surma D’Bait Mar Shimun. Assyrian Church Customs and the Murder of Mar Shimun,
(London: The Faith Press, 1920), pp. 77–78.
43 Ibid., p. 78.
106 M. KIA
Once the Ottoman Empire entered the war in November 1914, all
semblance of law and order vanished in the Hakkari region of south-
eastern Anatolia. Angered by repeated attacks waged by pro-Ottoman
Kurdish tribes against Assyrian mountain communities, alarmed by the
systematic massacre of Armenians of eastern Anatolia, and emboldened by
the initial successes of the Russian armies against Ottoman forces in the
winter of 1915, the Assyrians began to contemplate a revolt against the
Ottoman state.44 With Kurdish raids against Assyrian populated districts
increasing, and the city of Van falling into the hands of Russian forces in
spring 1915, Mar Shimun concluded that the Assyrian community had
no alternative but to throw in its lot with the Triple Entente against
the Ottoman state.45 Thus, on 10 May, the Assyrian leader called his
people to arms.46 He sent a formal declaration of war to the governor
of Van, informing the Turkish official that the six Assyrian districts of
“Tiari, Tkhoma, Jilu, Baz, Ishtazin,” and “Dizan felt obliged to sever
their political relations with the Ottoman government.”47
Instead of fulfilling her pledge, Russia failed to provide Mar Shimun
and his followers with any military assistance. The failure of Russia
to arm its Assyrian allies allowed Ottoman forces backed by irregular
Kurdish units to intensify their attacks on Assyrian positions. For nearly
six months, Assyrians defended their villages against relentless assaults
by Turks and their Kurdish allies. In October 1915, when they found
themselves hard pressed and running out of ammunition, the Assyrian
fighters abandoned their villages en masse and fled eastward, coming
down to northwestern Iran and joining their co-religionists on the plains
of Urumiyeh and Salmas. By then, the Assyrians had lost thousands
of men, women, and children to fighting, illness, and famine.48 The
Russians, who were in control of the region, dispersed the newly arrived
Assyrians in various Christian and Muslim villages in the districts of Khoy,
44 Silverfarb, Daniel. Britain’s Informal Empire in the Middle East, (New York: Oxford
University Press, 1986), p. 33.
45 W.A. Wigram, Our Smallest Ally: A Brief Account of the Assyrian Nation in the Great
War, p. 15.
46 Ibid.
47 Surma D’Bait Mar Shimun. Assyrian Church Customs and the Murder of Mar Shimun,
p. 84.
48 Ibid., p. 89.
4 SIMKO, COMPETING NATIONALISMS, AND THE GREAT WAR 107
49 Ibid.
50 Hassan Arfa, The Kurds: An Historical and Political Study, p. 50. See also William
A. Shedd’s Forward to Mary Schauffler Platt (ed.), The War Journal of a Missionary in
Persia. (New York: The Board of Foreign Missions of the Presbyterian Church, 1915).
51 W.A. Wigram, Our Smallest Ally: A Brief Account of the Assyrian Nation in the Great
War, p. 33.
52 W. A. Wigram, The Cradle of Mankind: Life in Eastern Kurdistan, p. 376.
53 Austin, H. H., The Baqubah Refugee Camp, (London: The Faith Press, 1920), p. 23.
See also, H. H. Austin, Introductory Letter to W.A. Wigram, in Our Smallest Ally: A
Brief Account of the Assyrian Nation in the Great War, p. ii.
54 Ibid. See also, H. H. Austin, Introductory Letter to W.A. Wigram, in Our Smallest
Ally: A Brief Account of the Assyrian Nation in the Great War, p. ii.
55 Surma D’Bait Mar Shimun, Assyrian Church Customs and the Murder of Mar Shimun,
p. 89.
56 W.A. Wigram, Our Smallest Ally: A Brief Account of the Assyrian Nation in the Great
War, p. 35.
108 M. KIA
Mar Shimun also enjoyed the moral and humanitarian support “of the
American missionaries, who had been there for many decades endeavoring
to convert the Nestorian Christians to Protestantism.”57
The arrival of the Assyrians of the Hakkari region of southeastern
Anatolia and their close alliance with Czarist Russia aroused the trepi-
dation of the Kurdish tribal chiefs of northwestern Iran, especially Simko.
The Shakak chief viewed the influx of thousands of armed Jilu Assyrians
as an invasion of his territory by an alien Christian community. Kurdish
leaders such as Simko were convinced that the Assyrians aspired to create
their own autonomous or independent state under the protection of
western powers. Under this Assyrian state, the Kurds could be turned
into second-class subjects.58
With the expulsion of Turkish forces and the re-imposition of Russian
rule over the entire territory of western Azerbaijan, Simko had no alterna-
tive but to swallow his hatred for the Assyrians and Armenians and submit
to Russian authorities. The re-occupation of the region by Russian troops
forced Simko to stop his attacks against the Assyrians and once again
switch his loyalty from the Young Turks to the Russian Czar. To appease
the Russian authorities and to demonstrate his fidelity to the Russian state,
at least on one occasion, he detained an anti-Russian Iranian Azerbaijani
fighter, Bakhshali Khan, who was staying with him as a guest.59 Simko
ultimately handed Bakhshali Khan to the Russians, who executed the ill-
fated Azerbaijani in Khoy.60 In return for his betrayal of Bakhshali Khan,
the Kurdish chief requested a pardon for his collaboration with Ottoman
Turks.61 Because Simko had joined the Ottoman Turks in their fight
against Russian forces, and since the Kurdish chief had played a central
role in murdering “1,000 innocent persons,” mostly Assyrians, in Salmas,
during the Ottoman occupation, the Russians arrested him and banished
him to Georgia.62
Recognizing that a large segment of Ottoman troops operating in
Iran consisted of Kurdish irregular units, and to counter the pan-Islamic
propaganda disseminated by the Turks, the Russian authorities quickly
modified their anti-Kurdish stance and re-established close working rela-
tionships with Kurdish tribal chiefs on the Iranian-Ottoman frontier. In
pursuit of this policy, the Russian government released Simko, “with
whom they began to cooperate for the sake of their ‘higher’ aims, which
dictated giving him the meagre monthly allowance of 5,000 gold rubles
after he was set free.”63 Thus, Simko was converted yet again into a hired
client of an imperial power, this time, Czarist Russia, with a fixed monthly
salary. Though deeply hostile to the newly arrived Assyrian refugees from
southeastern Anatolia, Simko maintained a neutral attitude toward them
after his return to Chahriq, knowing full well that he could not afford to
jeopardize his relationship with Russian authorities.
62 Kamal Madhar Ahmad, Kurdistan During the First World War, p. 97. See also, Maria
T. O’Shea. Trapped Between the Map and Reality Geography and Perceptions of Kurdistan,
(London: Routledge, 2004), p. 100.
63 Ibid., p. 98.
64 Iran Political Diaries 1881–1965. Volume 5, p. 797.
110 M. KIA
65 Ibid.
66 The material is available in Minorsky’s private correspondence with the Russian
Ministry of Foreign Affairs. See, Denis V. Volkov, Russia’s Turn to Persia: Orientalism in
Diplomacy and Intelligence, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2018), p. 112.
67 Ahmad Kasravi, Tarikh-e Hijdah Sale-ye Azarbaijan, p. 706.
68 Sykes, Percy. A History of Persia, 2 Volumes, (London: Macmillan & Co Ltd, 1958),
Volume II, p. 486.
69 Imperial War Museum, Operations in Persia, 1914–1919, p. 255.
70 Ibid.
4 SIMKO, COMPETING NATIONALISMS, AND THE GREAT WAR 111
two lake basins.”75 This Kurdish Agha was none other than Simko, the
paramount chief of the Shakak, who maintained a cordial relationship with
British officials and intelligence officers. Of all Kurdish chiefs in the region
lying west of Lake Urumiyeh and east of Lake Van, Simko seemed to be
the most formidable.
The Armenian commander in Van expressed his opposition to an
alliance with Simko because “he had the deepest suspicion of the Kurd’s
good faith, but he was overruled” by General Shore.76 The British
dispatched an Intelligence Service officer, Captain George Gracey, to
Simko’s stronghold at Chahriq to negotiate with the Kurdish chief.77
Gracey, who was at the time attached to the British Military Mission
at Tiflis, had arrived “in the autumn of 1917” to “mobilize Armenians,
Assyrians, and Kurds, to defend part of the front between the Black Sea
and Baghdad,” and “form an army which would stop the advance of the
Turks from Mosul” in northern Iraq.78 Initially, Gracey’s intention was to
form this army from among the existing Assyrian armed bands and to this
end he “held several meetings with the Assyrians; the last of these being in
the house of the Mar Shimun, the spiritual leader of the Assyrians.”79 The
meeting “was attended by Russian, French, and U.S. consular officers.”80
According to a report of the meeting:
75 W.A. Wigram, Our Smallest Ally: A Brief Account of the Assyrian Nation in the Great
War, pp. 35–36.
76 Ibid., pp. 36–37.
77 Ibid., p. 37. See also, John Fisher, “Man on the Spot: Captain George Gracey and
the British Policy towards the Assyrians, 1917–45.” Middle Eastern Studies, Vol. 44, No.
2, 215–235. According to John Fisher, Gracey was a former missionary who had worked
in Urfa in southeastern Anatolia, developing fluency in Turkish and Armenian, as well
as limited fluency in Kurdish and Russian. He had also served with the British Military
Mission at Tiflis as a Special Intelligence Officer. In 1918, he had been dispatched on a
special mission to combat Ottoman propaganda among Kurdish tribes, which may have
brought him into contact with Simko. He had then worked for the Foreign Office as
British Commissioner at Erivan.
78 John Fisher, “Man on the Spot: Captain George Gracey and the British Policy
towards the Assyrians,” p. 219.
79 Ibid.
80 Ibid.
4 SIMKO, COMPETING NATIONALISMS, AND THE GREAT WAR 113
fighting force and to protect the Salmas, Urumia [sic] and Solduz front
until the arrival of the Allied army. Second that the Allies take it upon
themselves to furnish money, munitions, officers and an adequate force.81
81 Ibid.
82 Ibid.
83 Norman Solhkhah (ed.), The Assyrian Martyr Mar Benjamin Shimun Patriarch of
the Church of the East, (Chicago: The Assyrian Genocide Studies, 2008), p. 10.
84 John Fisher, “Man on the Spot: Captain George Gracey and the British Policy
towards the Assyrians,” p. 230.
85 W.A. Wigram, Our Smallest Ally: A Brief Account of the Assyrian Nation in the Great
War, p. 37.
86 Hassan Arfa, The Kurds: An Historical and Political Study, p. 53.
114 M. KIA
swearing on the Quran “to fight for English, Kurds and Armenians in
fellowship with Mar Shimun,” whom he referred to as the “honorary
head of Kurdistan.”87
On learning about the British scheme, Mar Shimun agreed to join
the anti-Ottoman front, though he confessed to Gracey that he shared
the Armenian leader’s suspicion and doubts regarding Simko’s honesty.88
In response, the British officer reportedly told Mar Shimun: “Well, you
probably would do well not to trust him too far; but if you and the Arme-
nians work together, then you have him [Simko] between the jaws of your
pincers, and he can do little harm.”89 As the events that followed would
demonstrate, the grave doubts expressed by Mar Shimun were more than
justified. Simko, “who had been given a most exaggerated idea of his
own importance by a rather ill-timed visit of some French officers after
the agreement had been made by Gracey,”90 could not have cared less
about loyalty and honoring promises when he considered the security and
integrity of his own tribe to be in jeopardy. Indeed, the British assess-
ment of Simko’s intensions was either extremely naive or intentionally
misleading.
Having secured the agreement of the Armenians of Van and the
Assyrians of western Azerbaijan to join Simko in a united front, a Franco-
British military mission transported to Urumiyeh part of the war material
the allies had stockpiled in Tiflis, Georgia, for the use of the Russian
army.91 British intelligence officers also organized a meeting between
the potential allies. Though all parties agreed to cooperate toward the
creation of a united front to defend western Azerbaijan against the
Ottoman Turks, the British scheme did not materialize, partially because
it relied on the participation of Russian commanders and trainers. The
Russian army had disintegrated, and there was no longer a sufficient
number of Russian officers willing to collaborate with the British plan
and provide training and leadership for a joint Assyrian-Armenian-Kurdish
force.
87 W.A. Wigram, Our Smallest Ally: A Brief Account of the Assyrian Nation in the Great
War, p. 37.
88 Ibid.
89 Ibid.
90 Ibid.
91 Hassan Arfa, The Kurds: An Historical and Political Study, p. 52.
4 SIMKO, COMPETING NATIONALISMS, AND THE GREAT WAR 115
92 Surma D’Bait Mar Shimun. Assyrian Church Customs and the Murder of Mar Shimun,
p. 96.
93 Ibid., pp. 96–97.
116 M. KIA
Kohneh Shahr and Urumiyeh.98 Simko came out to meet the patriarch,
receiving him with all honor, and conducted him into the house, where
they drank tea together.99 During the meeting, Simko displayed utmost
respect to Mar Shimun as the “religious head of Kurdistan.”100 At least
one author stated that, during their meeting, Mar Shimun appealed to
Simko to join him in creating an independent state in western Azerbaijan.
The Assyrian leader reportedly told the Kurdish chief, “This land, which
is called Kurdistan today has been our homeland, but the difference in
religion has separated us….We should unify and seize the control of this
land and live together. We have organized an army, but we do not have
a sufficient number of cavalries. Because you have many mounted men
if you join us, we will go and seize Tabriz.”101 According to the same
source, Simko agreed to lend his support to the project. Mar Shimun’s
sister, Lady Surma, however, contradicted this account, and stated that
Mar Shimun spoke with the utmost frankness to Simko about peace,
saying, “I assure you in all honesty, that we have not the least intention
of doing any harm in Persia, or of carving out a place for ourselves in it.
We only wish to defend ourselves from the attacks of the Turks, Simko
then replied asserting his complete agreement with this idea.”102
At the conclusion of the meeting, Mar Shimun kissed Simko “as a
mark of affection,”103 while Simko, “courteous host to the last conducted
his guest to his carriage,” kissed Mar Shimun’s hand “and turned back
into the house.”104 According to one source, as the Assyrian leader was
about to step into his carriage, Simko fired a shot into his back. The
shot that struck Mar Shimun in the back served as a signal to Simko’s
followers hiding on adjacent roof tops to open fire on the Assyrian lead-
er’s entourage, murdering most of them. Mar Shimun, who had been
wounded by the first bullet, was shot a second time and killed by Ali
113 See, Norman Solhkhah, The Assyrian Martyr Mar Benjamin Shimun Patriarch of
the Church of the East, pp. 9–10.
114 Mary Lewis Shedd, The Measure of A Man, p. 238. Surma D’Bait Mar Shimun,
Assyrian Church Customs and the Murder of Mar Shimun, p. 99.
115 Ibid.
116 Mary Lewis [Mrs. W.A.] Shedd Papers, 1918, Columbia University Libraries
Archival Collections.
117 W.A. Wigram, The Cradle of Mankind, p. 380.
120 M. KIA
contradicted the claim that Simko acted on behalf of the Iranian govern-
ment and stated that “there were rumors that Simko had taken a Turkish
bribe” to carry out his assassination of Mar Shimun.118
Neither Shedd nor Mar Shimun’s sister, Lady Surma, produced any
evidence for their assertions. Nor do we have any documents from
western diplomats or officers that suggest any culpability on the part
of either the Iranian or Ottoman officials in the murder plot. Nonethe-
less, the existence of a plot hatched by either local Iranian authorities or
Ottoman officials is not out of the question. By early 1918, a consensus
had emerged among Iranian officials and Kurdish chiefs such as Simko
that the presence of armed Christian communities in western Azerbaijan,
especially the Assyrians and their leader, Mar Shimun, constituted a lethal
threat to the territorial integrity of Iran as well as to the power and
influence of Kurdish tribal chiefs. With Assyrians seizing the most impor-
tant urban centers of the region, namely, Urumiyeh and Dilman, the
Ottoman Turks also viewed the Assyrian presence in northwestern Iran as
a formidable challenge to their war efforts in the east. Regardless of which
government may have encouraged or bribed Simko, it is clear that the
Kurdish chief would not have assassinated the Assyrian leader if the elim-
ination of Mar Shimun did not serve his own objectives. Simko viewed
the Assyrians as a direct threat to the supremacy of Kurdish tribal elites in
western Azerbaijan and a serious obstacle to the realization of his political
ambitions and greater strategic goals.
127 D. K. Fieldhouse (ed.), Kurds, Arabs and Britons The Memoir of Wallace Lyon in
Iraq, p. 81.
128 Ahmad Kasravi, Tarikh-e Hijdah Sale-ye Azerbaijan, p. 741. See also, John Elder,
History of the Iran Mission, (Literature Committee of the Church Council of Iran, 1960),
p. 68.
129 Surma D’Bait Mar Shimun, Assyrian Church Customs and the Murder of Mar
Shimun, p. 100.
130 Hassan Arfa, Under Five Shahs, p. 136.
131 Ibid.
4 SIMKO, COMPETING NATIONALISMS, AND THE GREAT WAR 123
1 Hurewitz, J.C. Diplomacy in the Near and Middle East, 2 Volumes, (Princeton: D.
Van Nostrand Company, Inc., 1956), Volume 2, p. 28.
2 Degras, Jane (ed.). Soviet Documents on Foreign Policy, Volume I , 1917–1924,
(London: Oxford University Press, 1951), p. 162.
3 Ibid., p. 54.
5 FALL OF EMPIRES AND SIMKO’S REVOLT 127
4 Metin Atmaca, “Sharif Pasha’s ‘Memorandum on the Claims of the Kurd People’ to
the Conference of Peace in Paris on February 6, 1919,” in Sebastian Maisel (ed.), The
Kurds: An Encyclopedia of Life, Culture, and Society, (Santa Barbara: ABC-CLIO, 2018),
pp. 328–329.
5 Zürcher, Erik., Turkey: A Modern History, (London: I. B. Tauris, 2001), p. 147.
6 McCarthy, Justin, The Ottoman Turks, (London & New York: Longman, 1997),
p. 377.
7 Mango, Andrew, Atatürk: The Biography of the Founder of Modern Turkey, (New York:
Abrams Press, 2002), pp. 218–221.
128 M. KIA
Anatolia and the Greek forces in western Anatolia. The victory over the
Armenians in November–December 1920 and the Greeks in September
1921 and again in August–September 1922 forced foreign occupying
armies to evacuate Anatolia. Having witnessed the decisive defeat of her
forces in summer 1922 and the recapture of Izmir on 9 September by
the nationalist Turks, the Greek government had no other alternative but
to sue for peace. The warring sides signed the Armistice of Mudanya on
October 11, 1922. On 1 November, the Grand National Assembly in
Ankara abolished the Ottoman sultanate.8
Meanwhile in Iran, the end of the Great War and the disappearance
of the Russian and Ottoman empires allowed the central government in
Tehran to re-establish its authority over various provinces of the country.
This effort, however, confronted significant obstacles. Without a standing
army and an efficient bureaucracy, the politically weak, administratively
incompetent, and financially bankrupt Qajar state could not restore law
and order in the country. Local movements filled the vacuum created
8 J. C. Hurewitz, Diplomacy in the Near and Middle East, Volume 2, pp. 119–20.
5 FALL OF EMPIRES AND SIMKO’S REVOLT 129
the Kurds was echoed almost two decades later by the Russian army’s
leading ethnographer, who wrote that the Kurds had “neither a clear
national self-consciousness nor a sense of patriotism in the Kurdish-
national sense.”12 In November 1912, a Russian diplomat, Alexander
Iyas, who spoke Kurmanji fluently, wrote to the Russian ministry of
foreign affairs that as far as the possibility of the unification of the Kurdish
population was concerned, “it must be borne in mind that so far it has
shown neither the remotest sign of tribal unity, nor even a shred of
nascent national consciousness.”13 According to the Russian official, not
only were the Kurdish tribes “continually at odds with one another, but
distinct clans within one and the same tribe” were “frequently at one
another’s throats.”14 Additionally, there was “no individual among the
leaders of the local tribes” who enjoyed “sufficient authority to act as a
centre around which the leaders of the other tribes might unify.”15 Finally,
the “local religious leaders, too” carried “no weight owing to the almost
total religious indifference of the Kurds.”16
The absence of a cohesive national identity among the Kurds of north-
western Iran may be explained by the fact that tribalism, and the form of
politics it nurtured, hindered the convergence of tribal communities into a
nation-state system founded upon a sense of national unity. The fragmen-
tation within the Kurdish political establishment can also be understood
in the context of the relationship between the tribe and the state in Iran.
Throughout the Qajar period, Kurdish tribal chiefs acted as indepen-
dent rulers without any supervision or interference from Tehran. Their
subservience to the Qajar shah was at best nominal. Many paid little or
no taxes and they were “kept under no sort of control.”17 Thus, at times,
Kurdish tribal chiefs feared the expansionist designs of a neighboring
tribe much more than the actions of Iran’s central government, which
12 Michael A. Reynolds, Shattering Empires: The Clash and Collapse of the Ottoman and
Russian Empires 1908–1918, p. 66.
13 From Alexander Iyas to the First Department of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 19
November 1912 [December 2, 1912]. Secret. Quoted in John Tchalenko, Images From
the Endgame, p. 95.
14 Ibid.
15 Ibid., pp. 95–96.
16 Ibid., p. 96.
17 Rupert Hay, Two Years in Kurdistan: Experiences of a Political Officer 1918–1920,
p. 228.
5 FALL OF EMPIRES AND SIMKO’S REVOLT 131
lacked any real muscle to impose its authority over the country’s distant
provinces. It is not surprising, therefore, that Iran’s Kurdish tribal leaders
generally preferred to maintain their own autonomy by paying token and
perfunctory homage to a distant and incompetent Qajar state instead of
accepting the absolute sovereignty of one despotic Kurdish chief over the
rest.
p. 326. See also, Metin Atmaca, “The Road to Sèvres: Kurdish Elites and Question of
Self-Determination After the First World War.”
24 Özoglu, Hakan., Kurdish Notables and the Ottoman State: Evolving Identities,
Competing Loyalties, and Shifting Boundaries, (Albany: State University of New York
Press, 2004), p. 39.
25 Mohammad Amin Riyahi, Tarikh-e Khoy, pp. 493–494.
26 J. I. Eadie, Report of Eadie-Bristow Mission addressed to Advance General Headquar-
ters, Tiflis, Doc 54, in British Documents on Foreign Affairs: Reports and Papers from the
Foreign Office Confidential Print, Part II, Series B, Turkey, Iran, and the Middle East,
1918–1939, Volume 16, p. 36.
27 Ibid.
28 Hassan Arfa, The Kurds: An Historical and Political Study, pp. 56–57.
134 M. KIA
caused by Simko’s raids against the rural and urban population. Instead,
the Kurdish chief interpreted it as a sign of weakness and intensified his
attacks, concentrating his most destructive assaults on Lakistan, a collec-
tion of nine rural communities west of Lake Urumiyeh and east of Salmas.
Recognizing the gravity of the situation and the futility of negotiations,
Sardar Fateh abandoned Urumiyeh and returned to Tabriz. The depar-
ture of the governor only bolstered Simko’s position and made him even
more confident of his power and authority.
To quash Simko in a quick and devastating fashion, the deputy
governor of Azerbaijan, Mokaram al-Molk, resorted to a drastic measure.
A plan was hatched to assassinate Simko by sending him a parcel bomb
disguised as a box of sweetmeats.29 Sometime in May 1919, the parcel
was assembled by an Armenian expert and forwarded first to Khoy, where
Simko’s mother-in-law resided, and thence to Simko in Chahriq. When
the parcel arrived, Simko’s son brought it to his father, declaring that his
grandmother had sent him a gift of sweetmeats. Suspicious of an assas-
sination plot, Simko threw the parcel to his brother, Ali Agha, while
embracing his son and lying motionless on the ground. Thus, when the
bomb went off, Simko and his son escaped the assassination attempt
unharmed, but the explosion killed Simko’s brother and a number of his
followers.30 In retelling the story of the assassination attempt to a British
official in northern Iraq, Simko explained that one of his ill-wishers, on
this occasion, an Iranian official, had sent him a bomb wrapped in a parcel
and that he “barely had time to throw it” at his brother “when it went
off.”31
The abortive attempt to assassinate Simko provided the Kurdish chief
with a convenient justification to increase the number of his forces and
refuse to pay his taxes to the authorities in Tabriz.32 Declaring that he
had been invested with the authority to rule the region, Simko dispatched
29 Ahmad Kasravi, Tarikh-e Hijdah Sale-ye Azerbaijan, p. 832. See also, Hassan Arfa,
The Kurds: An Historical and Political Study, p. 57.
30 Ibid.
31 Iraq Civil Commissioner, Wilson, Arnold Talbot and Gertrude Lowthian Bell, Review
of the Civil Administration of Mesopotamia, p. 70.
32 Ernest Bristow, Tabriz, December 31, 1920, Report of Azerbaijan during 1920, Doc.
483 [E 3497/3497/34] in British Documents on Foreign Affairs: Reports and Papers from
the Foreign Office Confidential Print, Part II, Series B, Turkey, Iran, and the Middle East,
1918–1939, Volume 16, p. 349.
5 FALL OF EMPIRES AND SIMKO’S REVOLT 135
his men to collect taxes from travelling merchants and non-Kurdish rural
communities located between Salmas and Khoy.33 The news of Simko’s
uprising caused panic among the residents of Khoy, who sent telegrams to
Tabriz and Tehran pleading for military intervention to repel the threat
posed by the Kurdish chief.34 In late May, Simko intensified his raids,
plundering twelve villages near Salmas.35 In the absence of any govern-
ment force capable of defending the area, the local population armed
itself and fought back, forcing Simko’s men to retreat. At the end of
May, however, Simko’s men returned and attacked the rural communi-
ties immediately south of Khoy.36 Once again, the residents of Khoy and
surrounding villages rushed to confront Simko’s army. Only two days
after the firefight outside Khoy, one of Simko’s most trusted men, Teymur
Agha, sent a message to Khoy’s defenders and demanded that the indi-
viduals responsible for the assassination attempt on Simko be handed to
him.37 Simko himself also used the plot on his life as a pretext to demand
that the Iranian authorities detain and dispatch the perpetrators to his
fortress at Chahriq.
The spineless deputy governor-general, Mokarram al-Molk, refused to
admit to his own role in the plot. Instead, he and the newly appointed
governor, Mohammad Vali Khan Sepahdar (Sepahdar-e A’azam), a large
landowner in the Caspian provinces and as such far more interested in the
solution of the Jangal movement,38 blamed the attempt to kill Simko on
three individuals who did not have anything to do with the plot but were
disliked by both the new governor and Simko. One of the accused, the
constitutionalist Qajar prince, Jahangir Mirza, was a man of letters and
a popular educator, who had opened several schools in Khoy. Ironically,
one of these schools, named Cyrus, had been seized and used by Simko
as his residence and headquarters when he escaped the wrath of Assyrians
after the murder of their leader, Mar Shimun, in March 1918.39 Jahangir
33 Ibid. See also, Mohammad Amin Riyahi, Tarikh-e Khoy, pp. 494.
34 Mohammad Amin Riyahi, Tarikh-e Khoy, pp. 494.
35 Ibid.
36 Ibid.
37 Ibid., pp. 494–495.
38 Cox to Curzon, February 3, 1919, Tehran Intelligence Summary No 19, in Iran
Political Diaries, Volume 5, p. 813.
39 Mohammad Amin Riyahi, Tarikh-e Khoy, p. 496.
136 M. KIA
Mirza tried to evict the Kurdish chief from his school, but failed. The
prince’s efforts, however, aroused the wrath of Simko, who never forgot
or forgave the humiliating experience.
The three men accused of participating in the bombing plot were
arrested and subsequently transported in mid-June by an escort of
thirteen Qarajadaghi tribesmen to Simko’s headquarters at Chahriq.40
Though one of the men managed to escape, the other two, including
Jahangir Mirza, were handed to Simko at Chahriq. The Kurdish chief
had the prisoners, as well as the members of their escort, detained and
tortured before cutting off their limbs and throwing their bodies “from
the high rock on which his castle was built.”41 The thirteen Qarajadaghi
guards were killed because the man who had murdered Simko’s brother,
Jafar Agha, in Tabriz in 1905, was a tribal chief from the Qarajadagh/
Qardagh (Arasbaran), a region south of the Aras River in the present-day
East Azerbaijan province of Iran.42 Despite these cold-blooded murders,
the governor of Azerbaijan, Sepahdar-e A’azam, insisted on his policy of
appeasing Simko by showering him with more favors and gifts. Thus, he
bestowed upon the rebellious Kurdish chief the honorific title of Sardar
Nosrat (Victorious Commander).43
As already mentioned, in late May, Simko had used the attempt on
his life as an excuse to contact the British authorities in northern Iraq.
In expressing his grievances against the Iranian authorities, he wrote
about the attempt on his life and how he had escaped death. The lack
of sympathetic response from the British in Iraq, his need for military
support, and his fear of reprisals “on account of his treatment of Chris-
tians,” convinced Simko to throw himself into the arms of the Turkish
nationalists in eastern Anatolia, who had embarked on a campaign to
remove foreign occupation forces from Asia Minor and establish a Turkish
republic.44 In June 1919, shortly after he had been rebuffed by the British
40 Ibid., p. 498. See also, Ahmad Kasravi, Tarikh-e Hijdah Sale-ye Azerbaijan, p. 835.
Qarajadagh or Qaradagh or Arasbaran was a region in east Azerbaijan north of Ahar and
south of the Aras River.
41 Ibid. See also, Ahmad Kasravi, Tarikh-e Hijdah Sale-ye Azerbaijan, p. 836.
42 Ahmad Kasravi, Tarikh-e Hijdah Sale-ye Azerbaijan, p. 836. See also, Hassan Arfa,
The Kurds: An Historical and Political Study, p. 57.
43 Mohammad Amin Riyahi, Tarikh-e Khoy, p. 499.
44 Iraq Civil Commissioner, Wilson, Arnold Talbot and Gertrude Lowthian Bell, Review
of the Civil Administration of Mesopotamia, p. 70.
5 FALL OF EMPIRES AND SIMKO’S REVOLT 137
45 Ahmad Kasravi, Tarikh-e Hijdah Sale-ye Azerbaijan, p. 839. For a detailed description
of the events in Urumiyeh, see, Rahmatollah Towfiq, Tarikhcheh-ye Urumiyeh Yaddashthaei
az Salha-ye Jang Avval-e Jahani va Ashub-e Ba’ad az An, (Tehran: Pardis-e Danesh,
2010).
46 Cox to Curzon, Tehran, November 21, 1919, Doc. 129 [154739], (No. 747), in
British Documents on Foreign Affairs: Reports and Papers from the Foreign Office Confi-
dential Print, Part II, Series B, Turkey, Iran, and the Middle East, 1918–1939, Volume
16, p. 89.
47 Mohammad Amin Riyahi, Tarikh-e Khoy, p. 501. See also, Ahmad Kasravi, Tarikh-e
Hijdah Sale-ye Azerbaijan, p. 851–852. See also, Ali Azari, Qiyam-e Sheikh Mohammad
Khiyabani Dar Tabriz, (Tehran: Safi Alishah Press, 1984), pp. 228–229, p. 236.
138 M. KIA
48 Ibid. See also, Ahmad Kasravi, Tarikh-e Hijdah Sale-ye Azerbaijan, p. 852.
49 Ali Azari, Qiyam-e Sheikh Mohammad Khiyabani Dar Tabriz, p. 237.
50 Ernest Bristow, Tabriz, December 31, 1920, Report of Azerbaijan during 1920, Doc.
483 [E 3497/3497/34] in British Documents on Foreign Affairs: Reports and Papers
from the Foreign Office Confidential Print, Part II, Series B, Turkey, Iran, and the Middle
East, 1918–1939, Volume 16, p. 349. See also, Ahmad Kasravi, Tarikh-e Hijdah Sale-ye
Azerbaijan, p. 853. Hassan Arfa, The Kurds: An Historical and Political Study, p. 57.
51 John Hoskyn, Persia Confidential [190387], Tehran Situation Report, for period
ending January 23, 1920, in Iran Political Diaries 1881–1965, Volume 5, p. 831. See
also, Mohammad Amin Riyahi, Tarikh-e Khoy, p. 503.
52 Ibid.
53 Ibid.
5 FALL OF EMPIRES AND SIMKO’S REVOLT 139
54 Iranian sources provide a variety of dates for Philipov’s victory over Simko. For
example, see, Ahmad Kasravi, Tarikh-e Hijdah Sale-ye Azerbaijan, p. 853. Kasravi stated
that Philipov scored his victory over Simko at Dilman on February 25, 1920. See also,
Mohammad Amin Riyahi, Tarikh-e Khoy, p. 503. Riyahi wrote that Philipov defeated
Simko on January 26, 1920.
55 Cox to Curzon, Tehran, March 7, 1920, [191973], No. 38, Enclosure in No. 1.,
Iran Political Diaries 1881–1965, Volume 5, p. 838. See also, Ernest Bristow, Tabriz,
December 31, 1920, Report of Azerbaijan during 1920, Doc. 483 [E 3497/3497/34]
in British Documents on Foreign Affairs: Reports and Papers from the Foreign Office Confi-
dential Print, Part II, Series B, Turkey, Iran, and the Middle East, 1918–1939, Volume
16, p. 349. See also, Amanollah Jahanbani, Sarbaz-e Irani va Mafhum-e Ab va Khak,
p. 174. See also, Ahmad Kasravi, Tarikh-e Hijdah Sale-ye Azerbaijan, p. 853. Mohammad
Amin Riyahi, Tarikh-e Khoy, p. 503.
56 Mohammad Amin Riyahi, Tarikh-e Khoy, p. 503.
57 Ibid. See also, Cox to Curzon, Tehran, March 7, 1920, [191973], No. 38, Enclosure
in No. 1., in Iran Political Diaries 1881–1965, Volume 5, p. 838.
58 Cox to Curzon, Tehran, March 7, 1920, [191973], No. 38, Enclosure in No. 1.,
in Iran Political Diaries 1881–1965, Volume 5, p. 838.
59 Mohammad Amin Riyahi, Tarikh-e Khoy, p. 504.
60 Ibid.
140 M. KIA
block the roads from Salmas to Khoy and Urumiyeh.61 Despite Simko’s
best efforts, however, Philipov continued his advance against the Kurdish
chief’s stronghold and eventually laid siege to Chahriq.62 Simko had no
other alternative but to accept defeat. Instead of allowing Philipov to
complete his victory by demanding an unconditional surrender, the newly
appointed governor of Azerbaijan, Abdol Majid Mirza Ain al-Dowleh,
ordered the Russian commander to open negotiations with Simko.63
After long and protracted negotiations, it was announced on 22
February that “Colonel Philipov had proposed terms to Simko,” which
the Kurdish chief accepted in early March.64 By then Simko had recog-
nized that his survival depended on reaching an agreement with Philipov
in which: (1) Simko promised to return the goods he and his men had
plundered from the civilian population in Lakistan; (2) Simko agreed to
pay reparations for the expenses the central government had accrued in
its campaign against him; (3) Simko agreed to cease and desist from any
further attacks against Salmas and Urumiyeh; (4) Simko promised to hand
over all his arms and munitions to government authorities; and (5) the
Kurdish chief obligated himself to dispatch his brother, Ahmad Agha, as
a hostage to Tabriz, where he would reside with officers of the Cossack
Brigade. In return for his agreement to these conditions, the government
allowed Simko to remain in Chahriq.65 The expensive expedition against
Simko cost the Iranian government 500,000 toman.66
There were rumors at the time that both the new governor and
Philipov had received a significant bribe from Simko, and certain foreign
61 Ibid.
62 Ibid.
63 Ahmad Kasravi, Tarikh-e Hijdah Sale-ye Azerbaijan, p. 854.
64 Ernest Bristow, Tabriz, December 31, 1920, Report of Azerbaijan during 1920, Doc.
483 [E 3497/3497/34] in British Documents on Foreign Affairs: Reports and Papers from
the Foreign Office Confidential Print, Part II, Series B, Turkey, Iran, and the Middle East,
1918–1939, Volume 16, p. 349. Mohammad Amin Riyahi, Tarikh-e Khoy, p. 504.
65 Ahmad Kasravi, Tarikh-e Hijdah Sale-ye Azerbaijan, p. 855. See also, Mohammad
Amin Riyahi, Tarikh-e Khoy, p. 504. See also, Ali Azari, Qiyam-e Sheikh Mohammad
Khiyabani Dar Tabriz, p. 243.
66 Ernest Bristow, Tabriz, December 31, 1920, Report of Azerbaijan during 1920, Doc.
483 [E 3497/3497/34] in British Documents on Foreign Affairs: Reports and Papers from
the Foreign Office Confidential Print, Part II, Series B, Turkey, Iran, and the Middle East,
1918–1939, Volume 16, p. 349.
5 FALL OF EMPIRES AND SIMKO’S REVOLT 141
Khiyabani’s Revolt
Shortly after Philipov had returned to Tehran, a political earthquake
shook the fragile balance of power in Azerbaijan and allowed Simko to
resume his rebellion. In April 1920, a group of democrats led by Sheikh
Mohammad Khiyabani, a business proprietor, a preacher, and a former
deputy to the second Majlis (1909–1911), seized the reins of power in
Tabriz, the provincial capital.69 The son of a wealthy merchant family
from the district of Khameneh near Tabriz, Khiyabani had been trained
as a preacher and prayer leader. During the constitutional revolution, he
joined the ranks of the revolutionaries and fought in defense of his city
when the shah’s army laid siege to Tabriz in 1908. After the abdica-
tion of Mohammad Ali Shah on July 16, 1909, and restoration of the
constitution later that year, Khiyabani was elected to the second Iranian
parliament, which was inaugurated on November 15, 1909. During his
tenure as a deputy to the parliament, Khiyabani emerged as one of leaders
of the Democrat Party, the largest political block in the second Majlis.
Though connected to the social democrats in the Caucasus, and there-
fore, leftist in their political orientation, the Iranian democrats were highly
nationalistic, as well as respectful of Islam though ardently opposed to the
involvement of the Shi’i clergy in the political life of the country. After the
second Majlis was closed down under pressure from the Russian govern-
ment in 1911, Khiyabani left Tehran and sought refuge in the Caucasus.
When he finally returned to Tabriz, he opened a shop in the city’s main
bazaar and followed a quiet life.
After the victory of the Bolshevik revolution in 1917 and the with-
drawal of Russian troops, the Democrat Party in Tabriz re-surfaced and
quickly seized control of some of the main organs of power in the city.
When the Ottoman Turks occupied Tabriz in June 1918, however, they
suppressed the Democrat Party. Because of its strong pro-Iranian nation-
alist orientation and its opposition to pan-Islamism and pan-Turkism as
promoted and propagated by Ottoman authorities, the Turks banished
the leaders of the Democrat Party from Tabriz.
After the end of the Great War and the withdrawal of Ottoman forces
from Iranian territory, Khiyabani returned to Tabriz and revived the
Democrat Party together with his close confidants and supporters. The
battle for leadership, however, split the party into two contending factions
with Khiyabani leading the so-called Tajaddod (Modernity) faction. The
charismatic leader used the anger over the August 1919 Anglo-Persian
Agreement, as well as the growing dissatisfaction with the interventionist
policies of the Iranian government to increase his popularity and extend
his influence over the city. Beginning on April 6, 1920, in a series of
confrontations, Khiyabani’s supporters overwhelmed government author-
ities in the city, some of whom were forced to leave Tabriz. By 8 April,
Khiyabani had seized the reins of power in the provincial capital. In
distinguishing his home province from the Republic of Azerbaijan that
had been created in southern Caucasus, Khiyabani changed the name of
the province from Azerbaijan to Azadistan (Land of Liberty) and issued
stamps for his newly established mini state.70
According to those who supported the Azerbaijani leader, Khiyabani
was an Iranian nationalist who despised the corrupt and pro-British polit-
ical establishment in Tehran and advocated the creation of a democratic
system of government for the country. In his speeches and articles, he
reportedly denounced the Anglo-Persian Agreement signed in August
1919. As did other Iranian nationalists, Khiyabani believed that the 1919
agreement converted Iran into a British protectorate. The Azerbaijani
70 Ali Azari, Qiyam-e Sheikh Mohammad Khiyabani Dar Tabriz, p. 299. See also,
Ahmad Kasravi, Tarikh-e Hijdah Sale-ye Azerbaijan, p. 873.
5 FALL OF EMPIRES AND SIMKO’S REVOLT 143
74 Ibid., p. 887.
5 FALL OF EMPIRES AND SIMKO’S REVOLT 145
75 C.S. Edwards, Kazvin Division Report for August 1920, Doc. 368 [C 14,882/
14882/34] in British Documents on Foreign Affairs: Reports and Papers from the Foreign
Office Confidential Print, Part II, Series B, Turkey, Iran, and the Middle East, 1918–1939,
Volume 16, p. 270.
76 Ernest Bristow, Tabriz, December 31, 1920, Report of Azerbaijan during 1920, Doc.
483 [E 3497/3497/34] in British Documents on Foreign Affairs: Reports and Papers from
the Foreign Office Confidential Print, Part II, Series B, Turkey, Iran, and the Middle East,
1918–1939, Volume 16, p. 349.
77 Iraq Civil Commissioner, Wilson, Arnold Talbot and Gertrude Lowthian Bell, Review
of the Civil Administration of Mesopotamia, p. 69.
146 M. KIA
was “exciting lively apprehensions among the Kurds” and Iranian author-
ities.78 It is not surprising, therefore, that Simko, supported by Sayyid
Taha II, hurriedly collected his forces in preparation of a confrontation
with returning Assyrian Christians.79 The military assistance provided to
Simko by nationalist Turks empowered the Kurdish chief, not only to
prevent the return of Assyrians to western Azerbaijan, but also to fight
the Armenians, should they attempt to advance toward the district of
Van in eastern Anatolia.80 As with the Hamidiye cavalry units in the
late nineteenth and early twentieth century, Simko’s tribal army was used
by Turkish nationalists to patrol the Iranian-Turkish frontier, while, at
the same time, preventing any Armenian or Assyrian armed band from
establishing itself in western Azerbaijan at the rear of the Kemalist forces.
When the nationalist Turks defeated Armenia in November–December
1920, and the Assyrian refugees in Iraq, led by their commander, Agha
Petros, failed to proceed over the Iran-Iraq border, Simko once again
re-directed his attention against Khoy. The Kurdish chief threatened to
capture the predominantly Shi’i Azerbaijani town unless the inhabitants
drove out the relative of the Khan of Maku, who served as the governor
of the town, a persona non-grata to Simko and his supporters.81 By late
autumn 1920, the arms and ammunition supplied by Turkish nationalists
had allowed the Kurdish chief to emerge as the dominant power in the
districts of Khoy, Urumiyeh, and Salmas.82
83 Ibid.
84 Norman to Curzon, Tehran, January 17, 1921, [39912004/34], No. 21, Enclosure
in No. 1., Monthly Summary for November 1920, in Iran Political Diaries 1881–1965,
Volume 5, p. 855.
85 Norman to Curzon, Tehran, November 24, 1920, [E 2004/2004/34], No. 168,
Enclosure in No. 1., in Iran Political Diaries 1881–1965, Volume 5, p. 850.
86 Iraq Civil Commissioner, Wilson, Arnold Talbot and Gertrude Lowthian Bell, Review
of the Civil Administration of Mesopotamia, p. 69.
87 Ibid.
148 M. KIA
1918, Sayyid Taha II intended “to obtain British support, i.e. arms and
money for an independent Kurdistan.”88
The timing for Sayyid Taha II’s visit was not accidental. Inside Iran, the
Azerbaijani democrat, Khiyabani, had effectively destroyed the authority
of the central government in Tabriz, creating a new political entity that
enjoyed independence from Tehran. In Gilan, Mirza Kuchak Khan had
declared the establishment of the Soviet Republic of Gilan with direct
support from the Soviet Union. Furthermore, on August 10, 1920,
Britain, France, Italy, and Japan had signed the Treaty of Sèvres with the
representatives of the Ottoman government. The treaty effectively abol-
ished the Ottoman Empire and carved up its territory into new political
entities. Articles 63–64 of the treaty provided for a two-step approach to
the establishment of an independent Kurdish state. First, an autonomous
Kurdish state was to be created “east of the Euphrates, south of the
southern boundary of Armenia and north of the frontier of Turkey with
Syria and Mesopotamia.”89 Within a year, Kurds could appeal to the
League of Nations to seek full independence. If the League decided in
their favor, the treaty stated that Turkey would “renounce all rights and
title over these areas.”90 Sayyid Taha II believed that the rise of Khiya-
bani in Tabriz and the establishment of a Soviet Republic in Gilan signaled
the beginning of the disintegration of the Iranian state. He further inter-
preted the Treaty of Sèvres as a new commitment by European powers,
especially Great Britain, to create a Kurdish state.
The British authorities in Iraq intended to use Sayyid Taha II to
consolidate their authority in northern Iraq and neutralize the threat
posed by Turkish nationalists to Rawanduz and Dasht-e Harir.91 Arnold
Wilson, the British civil commissioner in Baghdad, offered Sayyid
Taha II the governorship of the Shamdinan (in southeastern Anatolia),
Rawanduz, and Dasht-e Harir districts (in northern Iraq) “in return for an
allowance.”92 The Sayyid made four stipulations before he could accept
the offer: “first, that a general amnesty be proclaimed; second, that the
country be organized in autonomous groups and that no attempt be made
to set up a single chief in Kurdistan; third, that the Kurds not be placed
under Armenian or Nestorian [Assyrian] domination; and fourth, that
the British government provide material assistance.”93 British authorities
accepted these conditions, but Sayyid Taha II was beholden to Simko and
dependent militarily on the Shakak chief.
Though they were well aware of Simko’s influence and military capa-
bilities, the British authorities in Iraq did not provide him with any direct
assistance. They viewed the Kurdish chief as an adventurer and oppor-
tunist who sold his services to the highest bidder. He had, after all,
collaborated at one point or another with the Qajar state, Young Turks,
Czarist Russia, Kemalist Turks, and even the Bolsheviks. He was also the
murderer of the Assyrian Patriarch, Mar Shimun, and, as such, could
not be accepted as an ally of a European power that claimed to act as
the protector of the Assyrian community in Iraq. More importantly, the
British were well aware that the success of Simko’s project could result in
the dismemberment of the Iranian state.
The defense and security of India were the paramount preoccupa-
tions of the British government, and the British, therefore, viewed Iran,
Afghanistan, and the waters of the Persian Gulf as the borderlands that
had to be protected from both political instability and the expansionist
policies of the Soviet Union. Though imbued with some of the most
condescending, pompous, and openly racist views regarding Iranians,
the British colonial administrators could not ignore certain inherited
maxims.94 The most important of these maxims were: (1) that the unity
and territorial integrity of Iran as a buffer state between the Soviet Union
and British India was essential to the defense and security of India; (2)
that the requirements of Indian security and defense also necessitated
the exclusion of any other great power from the Persian Gulf region;
(3) that British prestige in South Asia and the Middle East rendered it
impossible for Britain to relax its traditional efforts to maintain a domi-
nant position in Iran; and (4) that the oil fields of southwestern Iran
93 Ibid.
94 See for example the following statement: “The gift of reason has not been granted
to the Persians, and the intuition on which they rely is feckless and often rudimentary.”
Nicolson to Chamberlain, Gulhek, September 30, 1926, [E 5994/92/34], No. 486, in
Documents on British Foreign Policy 1919–1939, Series IA, Volume II, p. 813.
150 M. KIA
End of Khiyabani
Until late autumn of 1921, the central government in Tehran concen-
trated its meager military resources not in Azerbaijan, but in the Caspian
province of Gilan, where the leader of the Jangal movement, Mirza
Kuchak Khan, had established the Soviet Republic of Gilan with support
95 Ibid.
96 Kaveh Bayat, “Iran and the ‘Kurdish Question,’” Middle East Report 247 (Summer
2008).
97 Rupert Hay, Two Years in Kurdistan: Experiences of a Political Officer 1918-1920,
p. 44.
98 C. J. Edmonds, “A Kurdish Newspaper: Rozh-i Kurdistan,” in Journal of the Central
Asian Society, 12:1, 83–90, p. 84.
5 FALL OF EMPIRES AND SIMKO’S REVOLT 151
from the Soviet Red Army. Because of the presence of Soviet forces
and the close proximity of Gilan to Tehran, the Iranian central govern-
ment was focused almost exclusively on suppressing the Jangal movement.
Both the British forces stationed in Qazvin, almost ninety-four miles or
152 kilometers west of Tehran, as well as the Russian commanders of
the Cossack Brigade, who had remained in Iran after the victory of the
Bolshevik revolution, believed that Mirza Kuchak Khan enjoyed sufficient
military force with support from Moscow to march to Tehran and seize
the capital. With much of its fighting force concentrated on countering
Mirza Kuchak Khan, the government could only spare small detach-
ments of Cossacks and gendarmes for the security and protection of other
provinces, including Azerbaijan. The prevailing attitude in Tehran was
that the situation in Azerbaijan with regard to both Khiyabani in Tabriz
and Simko on the Turkish-Iranian frontier had better be left alone until
the threat posed by Bolshevik forces in Gilan had been dealt with.
Though slow in its response to the unfolding crisis in Azerbaijan,
Tehran remained anxious to re-impose at least its nominal authority over
the province. Thus, in August 1920, the prime minister, Mirza Hassan
Khan Moshir al-Dowleh, dispatched the veteran politician, Mokhber al-
Saltaneh Hedayat, to Tabriz as the new governor of Azerbaijan. The
new governor arrived in Tabriz accompanied by a small group of officers
and personal attendants. These included Major Hassan Malekzadeh, who
would be appointed the commander of gendarmerie forces at Savojbolagh
(Mahabad).99 The new governor also dispatched an army officer, Zafar
al-Dowleh (later Brigadier General Hassan Moqaddam), with a detach-
ment to Tasuj north of Lake Urumiyeh. Mokhber al-Saltaneh’s mission
was clear: he had to restore the central government’s authority in Tabriz,
where Khiyabani had established himself as the unchallenged ruler. Once
he had consolidated his position in Tabriz, the new governor planned to
quell tribal uprisings in the province, especially the attacks by Shahseven
tribes in eastern Azerbaijan and Simko’s rebellion in western Azerbaijan.
Declaring himself as the sole legitimate ruler in Tabriz, Khiyabani
governed the city with a small force, but he could not extend his authority
beyond the confines of the city or collect any taxes; the Shahseven tribes
openly flouted him, and they repeatedly defeated the military expedi-
tions he sent against them.100 The lack of funds and his failure to
suppress the powerful tribal chiefs of the province, significantly under-
mined Khiyabani’s prestige and power. When Mokhber al-Saltaneh arrived
in Tabriz, he requested a face-to-face meeting with Khiyabani. Suspicious
of Mokhber al-Saltaneh’s true intentions, Khiyabani, who had occupied
the governor’s mansion at Āli Qāpu, refused to meet.101 Instead, he
dispatched some of his closest confidants to meet with the new governor
and encourage him to return to Tehran, because Khiyabani and his
supporters had already developed a plan for the growth and progress
of Azerbaijan.102 The pro-Khiyabani forces also refused to vacate the
various government offices, which they had occupied since the departure
of the previous governor in June.103 At this critical juncture, Khiya-
bani made a fatal mistake by dispatching his most loyal military units
to suppress a tribal rebellion in Qarajadagh northeast of Tabriz.104 The
absence of pro-Khiyabani forces allowed Mokhber al-Saltaneh to mobilize
pro-government forces and unleash them against the rebel democrat.
In his memoirs, Mokhber al-Saltaneh claimed that he had tried to
reach a negotiated settlement with the democrats but that Khiyabani’s
supporters insisted that the governor resign his post and return to
Tehran.105 The British intelligence reports indicated that after he had
failed to convince Khiyabani to meet with him in person; the new
governor made an arrangement with the Cossack units stationed in Tabriz
to seize all government buildings and installations.106 On 12 September,
the new governor left the city and visited the barracks of the Cossack
division on the outskirts of Tabriz. Confident of his power, Khiyabani
ignored the governor’s activities and dispatched the loyal gendarmerie
units to re-open one of the roads outside the city, which had been blocked
by Shahseven tribesmen. With the gendarmes leaving Tabriz, Khiyabani
lacked sufficient military force even to defend himself.
The following day, on 13 September, the inevitable clash between
Khiyabani and the new governor backed by Cossack units and irreg-
ular tribal levies, erupted into a full-scale confrontation.107 Mokhber
al-Saltaneh ordered pro-government forces to seize control of the city
and detain Khiyabani. After four hours of fighting, the Cossacks routed
the supporters of Khiyabani and imposed their control over the provin-
cial capital.108 The next day, on 14 September, Khiyabani was shot and
killed in the cellar of a neighbor’s house where he was hiding.109 Several
decades later, Mokhber al-Saltaneh claimed that Khiyabani had committed
suicide after exchange of fire with the Cossacks who had discovered his
hide-out, which had been pointed out to them by a young girl.110
Khiyabani’s supporters vanished, and “the Democrats as a party disap-
peared for the moment, but they never forgave Mokhber al-Saltaneh,”
and they sat in waiting for an opportunity to exact their revenge against a
107 Tehran Monthly Summary, September 1920, Doc. 369 [C 13012/82/34] in British
Documents On Foreign Affairs: Reports and Papers From the Foreign Office Confidential
Print, Part II, Series B Turkey, Iran, and the Middle East, 1918–1939, Volume 16, p. 272.
108 Ibid. See also, Ahmad Kasravi, Tarikh-e Hijdah Sale-ye Azerbaijan, p. 892. Ali Azari,
Qiyam-e Sheikh Mohammad Khiyabani Dar Tabriz, p. 490, p. 494.
109 Mokhber al-Saltaneh Hedayat, Khaterat va Khatarat, p. 318. See also, Norman to
Curzon, Tehran, October 13, 1920, [C 13012/82/34], No. 143, Enclosure in No. 1.
in Iran Political Diaries 1881–1965, Volume 5, p. 844. The British intelligence report
claimed that Khiyabani was killed after “offering resistance to the Cossacks” who had
“attempted to arrest him.” This statement clearly indicates that the source of this report
was Mokhber al-Saltaneh who intended to put the blame for Khiyabani’s death on the
Azerbaijani leader rather than himself.
110 Mokhber al-Saltaneh Hedayat, Khaterat va Khatarat, p. 318.
154 M. KIA
governor they blamed for the death of their leader.111 Some of Khiya-
bani’s supporters who fled Tabriz established contact with Simko and
encouraged the Kurdish chief, who had already restarted his rebellion
against the government, to intensify his attacks. The avenging democrats
dispatched a certain Aghazadeh as their envoy to Simko to negotiate an
alliance with the Kurdish leader. Once the two parties had reached an
understanding, Simko appointed Aghazadeh as his governor of Urumiyeh
in early winter 1921. With the support and blessing of Simko, the wily
democrat negotiated the surrender of the largest town in western Azer-
baijan to the Kurdish chief. Thus, Simko’s position by the beginning
of 1921 had improved significantly. He was in control of the districts
of Salmas and Urumiyeh, and he enjoyed the support of the Tabriz
democrats. Though principally focused on quelling the Jangal movement
in the Caspian province of Gilan, the central government in Tehran was
becoming increasingly alarmed about the spread of Simko’s rebellion in
northwestern Iran.
The threat posed by Simko in western Azerbaijan and the Shahseven
tribes in the eastern part of the province not only challenged and under-
mined the power and prestige of the central government, but it also
provided justification for the Bolsheviks and the nationalist Turks to inter-
fere in the internal affairs of the country. In early January 1921, a British
report estimated the strength of the Bolshevik troops in Astara in the
province of Gilan on the border with eastern Azerbaijan and southern
Caucasus at 500 men.112 This force, however, increased until 4,000 men
were concentrated with the object of invading the Ardabil district in
eastern Azerbaijan, using the punishment of unruly Shahseven tribes as
the justification.113 Meanwhile, the nationalist Turks were trying to take
111 Report on the Gendarmarie Revolt in Tabriz, February 1922, Doc. 253 [E 4753/
6/34] in British Documents On Foreign Affairs: Reports and Papers From the Foreign
Office Confidential Print, Part II, Series B Turkey, Iran, and the Middle East, 1918–1939,
Volume 17, p. 322.
112 Tehran, Monthly Summary for January 1921, Doc. 515 [E 6158/2004/34], in
British Documents On Foreign Affairs: Reports and Papers From the Foreign Office Confi-
dential Print, Part II, Series B Turkey, Iran, and the Middle East, 1918–1939, Volume
16, p. 386.
113 Ibid.
5 FALL OF EMPIRES AND SIMKO’S REVOLT 155
114 Ibid.
115 Ibid. See also, Tehran, Monthly Summary for November 1920, Doc. 487 [E 3991/
2004/34], in British Documents On Foreign Affairs: Reports and Papers From the Foreign
Office Confidential Print, Part II, Series B Turkey, Iran, and the Middle East, 1918–1939,
Volume 16, p. 356.
CHAPTER 6
Sayyid Taha II’s talents were not confined to political propaganda and
intelligence gathering for British authorities in Iraq. He was also a charis-
matic military leader with an exceptional aptitude for leading men on the
battlefield. On February 18, 1921, a Kurdish force under the command of
Sayyid Taha II captured the port of Haydarabad south of Lake Urumiyeh
and quickly pushed toward Sulduz, thus expanding the territory under
Simko’s rule.6 One of the strategic objectives of Sayyid Taha II and
Simko was to establish direct contact with the Kurdish tribes of Kurdistan
and Kermanshah and eventually to link up with the Lur tribal groups
of western Iran. A Kurdish movement, led by Sayyid Taha II acting as
its spiritual head and Simko as its military commander, could poten-
tially convince many Kurdish tribal chiefs to abandon their tribal rivalries
and throw their support behind the idea of establishing an independent
Kurdistan.
As Simko and Sayyid Taha II’s campaign to establish an independent
Kurdish state gained momentum, a political earthquake shook the foun-
dation of Iran’s power structure in Tehran. In the early hours of February
21, 1921, detachments of the Iranian Cossack brigade forces, under the
command of Colonel Reza Khan, seized Tehran and put it under martial
law. Shortly after the Cossacks occupied the capital, the former journalist
turned politician, Sayyid Ziya al-Din Tabatabai, was appointed prime
minister. The new prime minister ordered the imprisonment of a large
number of politicians, many of whom remained in detention for the next
three months. The commander of the Cossack division that had marched
to the capital, Reza Khan, was elevated to the command of the Cossack
Brigade, receiving the title of Sardar Sepah (Commander of the Army).
In April, Sayyid Ziya reshuffled his cabinet and appointed Reza Khan as
the minister of war.
The February 1921 coup d’état in Tehran did not have an immediate
impact on Simko’s activities. Enjoying direct support from the Turkish
nationalists in eastern Anatolia, the Bolsheviks in the Caucasus, and the
remnants of the Democrat Party previously based in Tabriz, Simko seized
Urumiyeh, and began to threaten Khoy in January–February 1921.7 With
assistance from the chiefs of Dehbokri and Mamash tribes, Simko also
8 Norman to Curzon, Tehran, March 14, 1921, [E 6158/2004/34], No. 34., in Iran
Political Diaries 1881–1965. Volume 6, p. 5.
9 Norman to Curzon, Tehran, March 31, 1921, [E 6160/2004/34], No. 39., in Iran
Political Diaries 1881–1965. Volume 6, p. 9.
10 Norman to Curzon, Tehran, August 25, 1921, [E 11692/2004/34], No. 163.,
Intelligence Summary No. 16., in Iran Political Diaries 1881–1965. Volume 6, p. 64.
11 Monthly Summary for January 1921, Doc. 515 [E 6158/2004/34], British Docu-
ments on Foreign Affairs: Reports and Papers from the Foreign Office Confidential Print,
Part II, Series B Turkey, Iran, and the Middle East, 1918–1939. Volume 16, p. 386.
12 Norman to Curzon, Tehran, June 17, 1921, [E 9979/2004/34], Intelligence
Summary No. 6., in Iran Political Diaries 1881–1965. Volume 6, p. 29.
6 SIMKO’S WARS AND THE RISE OF REZA SHAH 161
Battle of Tasuj
Simko’s growing power and his appeal to the British caused anxiety and
fear in Tabriz. The governor of Azerbaijan, Mokhber al-Saltaneh, was
convinced that Simko was nothing but a stooge of the British colonial
administrators in Iraq who were determined to keep Iran unstable and
chaotic by fomenting tribal rebellions. Initially, the governor tried to
reach an amicable settlement with Simko through Turkish officers with
close connection to the Kurdish chief, including one who had spent
several months with him.17 These mediations, however, failed to produce
any concrete results, partially because the governor demanded that Simko
return the guns he had received from the Turkish nationalists.18
With negotiations at a standstill, Mokhber al-Saltaneh opted for the
military option. He mobilized the small and poorly armed Cossack and
gendarmerie units, as well as irregular tribal units, under his control.
Though he had no expertise or training in military matters, Mokhber
al-Saltaneh was determined to crush the Kurdish revolt by relying exclu-
sively on his own ill-conceived and grossly flawed plans. As one Iranian
army officer who participated in the campaign against Simko wrote many
13 Susan Meiselas, Kurdistan in the Shadow of History, (New York: Random House,
1997), p. 101.
14 Ibid.
15 Ibid.
16 Ibid.
17 Monthly Summary for February 1921, Doc. 516 [E 6160/2004/34], British Docu-
ments on Foreign Affairs: Reports and Papers from the Foreign Office Confidential Print,
Part II, Series B Turkey, Iran, and the Middle East, 1918–1939. Volume 16, p. 390.
18 Ibid.
162 M. KIA
years later, the governor “had read a German book about the conduct of
war and imagined himself able to conduct military operations against the
tribes.”19 It is not surprising that all of Mokhber al-Saltaneh’s military
operations proved disastrous, because he divided government forces into
several detachments and scattered them in a large area extending from
the district of Maku in the north to Savojbolagh in the south. According
to a British intelligence report, “there was no co-ordination” among
government troops, and “each detachment was ignorant of the move-
ments of the others.”20 There was also “no definite plan of campaign,
and the troops in the sphere of operations” were exceedingly small, and
“ill-supplied with the ammunition of which large stores were available at
Tabriz.”21 Therefore, as long as Mokhber al-Saltaneh was in charge of
military operations in Azerbaijan, Simko and his much larger and better-
armed Kurdish force managed to defend the territory under their control,
while at the same time inflicting humiliating defeats against government
forces dispatched against them.
Mokhber al-Saltaneh commenced his campaign against Simko by
sending a force of about 800 Cossacks and gendarmes under the
command of Zafar al-Dowleh to attack the Kurdish chief from the
north.22 At the same time, a gendarmerie detachment under the
command of Major Hassan Malekzadeh was ordered to sail on the ship
Admiral from the port of Sharafkhaneh on the northeastern shore of
Lake Urumiyeh to the port of Danalu on the southeastern shore of
the lake and eventually establish itself at Savojbolagh south of Lake
Urumiyeh.23 By dividing his forces into two small armies, and by
dispatching a single battalion to Savojbolagh without cavalry cover and
all their rifles and 60 horses.”30 The humiliated army also lost 300 camels,
three cannons, and a large quantity of arms. Zafar al-Dowleh saved his life
by seeking refuge on the ship Admiral.31 The defeat was total.
Astonishingly enough, the bungling Mokhber al-Saltaneh sent a tele-
gram to Major Malekzadeh in Savojbolagh that could only demoralize
the ill-prepared and poorly armed gendarmerie unit and its commander:
“Major Malekzadeh, Zafar al-Dowleh demonstrated a total lack of expe-
rience. You need to think of yourself.”32 To fill the vacuum created by
Zafar al-Dowleh’s defeated army, the central government dispatched a
detachment of 1,500 gendarmes composed of three infantry units, two
cavalry detachments and a machine gun squadron to Tabriz. These units
arrived in August 1921. The gendarmerie detachment was to proceed to
Savojbolagh where its Swedish commander, Colonel Lundberg, planned
to “undertake operations against Simko in conjunction with the govern-
ment troops already there.”33 On 25 August, the British consul at Tabriz
informed the British military attaché in Tehran that Simko was alarmed
by the arrival of the gendarmes and prevailed on the inhabitants of
Urumiyeh to send a messenger to the governor-general of Azerbaijan
at Tabriz, “asking that the troops may be dispersed and that the matter
may be settled by peaceful negotiations.”34 Lundberg, however, showed
no inclination to either negotiate or commence active operations against
Simko.35 He claimed that he needed time “for training and further recon-
naissance” and complained that he did not have sufficient funds to pay
36 Ibid.
37 Report on Azerbaijan for 1921, Doc 246 [E 4717/6/34], in British Documents on
Foreign Affairs: Reports and Papers from the Foreign Office Confidential Print, Part II,
Series B Turkey, Iran, and the Middle East, 1918–1939. Volume 17, p. 299.
38 Ibid.
39 Ibid. See also, M. Saunders, Intelligence Summary No. 24, Tehran, October 16,
1921, Doc 132 in British Documents on Foreign Affairs: Reports and Papers from the
Foreign Office Confidential Print, Part II, Series B Turkey, Iran, and the Middle East,
1918–1939. Volume 17, p. 169. See also the account of an eyewitness living in Savojbolagh
at the time of Simko’s attack in Augusta Gudhart, “The Blood of Martyrs,” Atlantic
Monthly, Vol. CXXX (July–December 1922).
40 Amanollah Jahanbani, Sarbaz-e Irani va Mafhum-e Ab va Khak, p. 185.
166 M. KIA
48 Persia Annual Report 1922. Loraine to Curzon, Tehran, July 16, 1924, [E 8057/
8057/34], No. 314., in Iran Political Diaries 1881–1965. Volume 6, p. 409.
49 M. Saunders, Intelligence Summary No. 24, Tehran, October 16, 1921, Doc 132 in
British Documents on Foreign Affairs: Reports and Papers from the Foreign Office Confi-
dential Print, Part II, Series B Turkey, Iran, and the Middle East, 1918–1939. Volume
17, p. 169.
50 Report on Azerbaijan for 1921, Doc 248 [E 4717/6/34], in British Documents on
Foreign Affairs: Reports and Papers from the Foreign Office Confidential Print, Part II,
Series B Turkey, Iran, and the Middle East, 1918–1939. Volume 17, p. 299.
51 Sirwan Khosrozadeh, “Avamel-e Moasser dar Piruzi-ye Qoshun-e Mottahad al-Shekl
dar Jang-e Shakar Yāzi,” p. 60.
52 Ibid., pp. 60–61.
53 See Malekzadeh-ye Hirbad, Hassan., Sarnevesht-e Heyratangiz, (Tehran: Bina, 1949).
See also, Mokhber al-Saltaneh Hedayat, Gozaresh-e Iran, (Tehran: Noghreh Press, 1985),
p. 375. See also, M. Saunders, Intelligence Summary No. 26, Tehran, October 20, 1921,
Doc 150 [E 293/285/34], in British Documents on Foreign Affairs: Reports and Papers
from the Foreign Office Confidential Print, Part II, Series B Turkey, Iran, and the Middle
East, 1918–1939. Volume 17, p. 182.
54 Amanollah Jahanbani, Sarbaz-e Irani va Mafhum-e Ab va Khak, p. 188. See also,
Ahmad Kasravi, Tarikh-e Hijdah Sale-ye Azerbaijan, p. 895.
168 M. KIA
One source stated that after capturing Savojbolagh, Simko added the
words, “Partisan of the Independence of Kurdistan” to his signature.63
Another source wrote, that after defeating the gendarmerie detachment,
Simko moved his headquarters to Savojbolagh, where he published Inde-
pendent Kurdistan, “a newspaper intended to serve as a mouthpiece for
Kurdish aspirations.”64 This claim was repeated, albeit with a different
emphasis, by another writer, who asserted that Simko founded a news-
paper called Roji Kurd, which was published in Sorani, the Kurdish
language of Savojbolagh, though Simko and the Shakak were Kurmanji
speakers.65 And yet another source stated that Simko “chose Savojbolagh
(later Mahabad) as the capital of his independent Kurdistan, though he
himself did not reside there.”66 The British intelligence reports, however,
stated that after plundering Savojbolagh, Simko immediately “returned
to his home at Chahriq,” west of Lake Urumiyeh, “taking with him the
bulk of the loot, including several machine guns and 700 horses, leaving
Savojbolagh in charge of the local Kurds under one of his lieutenants.”67
These British accounts are substantiated by an eyewitness, who wrote that
Simko’s army abandoned Savojbolagh after “carrying off what plunder
they had gathered,” with only a small Kurdish unit “left in the city as a
rear guard and to look after the wounded.”68 This statement was vali-
dated further by an Iranian officer captured by Simko’s men, who wrote
that after looting the town’s bazaar and stripping its private residences
of household goods, Simko left Savojbolagh for Urumiyeh and Chahriq
on the same day he had sacked it.69 For weeks after the capture of Savo-
jbolagh by Simko’s army no information about the state of things in the
town reached the outside world, because the telegraph wires had been
cut.70
Though Simko may have designated Savojbolagh as his capital, there is
ample evidence that he quickly lost control over the town, which changed
hands several times before it was fully recovered by government forces ten
months later in August 1922. As early as 20 October, M. Saunders, the
British Military Attaché in Tehran wrote that Savojbolagh was held not by
Simko’s men, but by local Kurds who were “willing to come to terms with
the Government” provided they were “granted an amnesty.”71 Another
British intelligence report stated that government forces had reoccupied
Savojbolagh “about the 10th of December” 1921.72
The government, however, quickly lost control over the town. In
early March, the British intelligence reports stated that Simko had re-
captured Savojbolagh once again. However, inter-tribal friction quickly
erupted between Simko and the Kurds of Savojbolagh, and local tribal
chiefs forced Simko’s men out of the town.73 The reports mentioned
above clearly demonstrate that Simko never held Savojbolagh for any
length of time, and he could not have, therefore, used the town as his
capital. Additionally, the political geography of his rebellion required
the Kurdish chief to concentrate his forces in Chahriq and Salmas. He
could not over-extend himself southward toward Savojbolagh, despite
the town’s strategic importance. Such a move would have prevented him
from defending his own tribal base. Moreover, if he intended to desig-
nate Savojbolagh as his new capital, Simko would not have destroyed the
70 M. Saunders, Intelligence Summary No. 25, Tehran, October 23, 1921, Doc. 146
[E 285/285/34], in British Documents on Foreign Affairs: Reports and Papers from the
Foreign Office Confidential Print, Part II, Series B Turkey, Iran, and the Middle East,
1918–1939. Volume 17, p. 179.
71 M. Saunders, Intelligence Summary No. 26, Tehran, October 20, 1921, Doc. 150
[E 293/285/34], in British Documents on Foreign Affairs: Reports and Papers from the
Foreign Office Confidential Print, Part II, Series B Turkey, Iran, and the Middle East,
1918–1939. Volume 17, p. 182.
72 M. Saunders, Intelligence Summary No. 32, Tehran, December 11, 1921, Doc. 195
[E 1953/285/34], in British Documents on Foreign Affairs: Reports and Papers from the
Foreign Office Confidential Print, Part II, Series B Turkey, Iran, and the Middle East,
1918–1939. Volume 17, p. 230.
73 M. Saunders, Intelligence Summary No. 9, Tehran, March 5, 1922, Doc. 250 [E
4737/285/34], in British Documents on Foreign Affairs: Reports and Papers from the
Foreign Office Confidential Print, Part II, Series B Turkey, Iran, and the Middle East,
1918–1939. Volume 17, p. 315.
6 SIMKO’S WARS AND THE RISE OF REZA SHAH 171
town, looting, raping, and slaughtering so many of its residents, the over-
whelming majority of whom were fellow Kurds. Similarly, if Savojbolagh
were to serve as his capital, Simko and his followers would not have piled
up hundreds of dead bodies in the center of the town, leaving them to be
eaten by dogs. A would-be capital needed much more than a newspaper.
At the very least, a ruler was required to provide law and order, as well as
peace, security, and the basic sanitary conditions in order for his subjects
to return to normal life.
The victory over the gendarmes in Savojbolagh enhanced Simko’s
prestige. According to one source, after the fall of Savojbolagh, the
Kurdish tribes of the region, “including the Mamash, Mangur, Dehbokri,
Piran, Gowrik, Feyzollahbegi, Poshtdari, Baneh, and Qaderkhani, joined
Simko and threatened Miandoab and Maragheh.”74 A British intelligence
summary also reported that at least one Kurdish tribe (i.e., Haydaranlu),
as far north as Maku in close proximity to Iran’s borders with Turkey and
the Soviet Union, had promised to help Simko.75 Despite the solidarity
expressed by several Kurdish tribal chiefs, the British consul in Tabriz did
not believe that many Kurdish tribes would accept Simko as their leader.76
74 Hassan Arfa, The Kurds: An Historical and Political Study, pp. 58–59.
75 M. Saunders, Intelligence Summary No. 27 , Tehran, November 6, 1921, Doc. 153
[E 445/285/34], in British Documents on Foreign Affairs: Reports and Papers from the
Foreign Office Confidential Print, Part II, Series B Turkey, Iran, and the Middle East,
1918–1939. Volume 17, p. 188.
76 M. Saunders, Intelligence Summary No. 26, Tehran, October 20, 1921, Doc. 150
[E 293/285/34], in British Documents on Foreign Affairs: Reports and Papers from the
Foreign Office Confidential Print, Part II, Series B Turkey, Iran, and the Middle East,
1918–1939. Volume 17, p. 182.
172 M. KIA
it out. The gendarmes lost forty troopers and left nine prisoners behind.87
Though Simko had shown no major activity after the capture of Savojbo-
lagh in October, his movement was spreading southwards.88 A certain
Bahador al-Saltaneh, the recently appointed Iranian governor of Saqqez
threw in his lot with Simko.89 A force of gendarmes sent from Sanandaj
(Senneh) by the governor of Kurdistan to retake the town was repulsed
and forced to withdraw twenty-four miles south of Saqqez to await rein-
forcements.90 Though the gendarmes eventually reoccupied Saqqez, the
minister of war, Reza Khan, recognized the growing popularity of Simko
and ordered Khalu Qorban, the former ally of the Jangal leader, Mirza
Kuchak Khan, to march his detachment from Gilan to Azerbaijan to rein-
force the government troops there.91 The war minister also dispatched
“the first echelon (500 strong) of men” of the Iranian Cossack Division
to Tabriz on 14 November.92 His plan was to concentrate a force of
five thousand Iranian Cossacks in Tabriz before attacking and destroying
Simko’s army.93 Meanwhile, in Tabriz, both the governor, Mokhber al-
Saltaneh, and the ambitious tribal chief, Amir Arshad, were anxious to
score a quick victory against Simko without waiting for the arrival of the
new detachments sent from Tehran.
On December 19, 1921, a force, comprising 2,000 irregular tribesmen,
“some 500 horsemen of the Yurtchi tribe of the Shahsavens,” and about
“400 Armenians” under the overall command of Amir Arshad, began
to advance from Sharafkhaneh toward Dilman, the district capital of
101 M. Saunders, Intelligence Summary No. 35, Tehran, December 31, Doc. 217, in
British Documents on Foreign Affairs: Reports and Papers from the Foreign Office Confi-
dential Print, Part II, Series B Turkey, Iran, and the Middle East, 1918–1939. Volume
17, p. 264.
102 Mokhber al-Saltaneh Hedayat, Khaterat va Khatarat, p. 326.
103 Ibid. See also, Mokhber al-Saltaneh Hedayat, Gozaresh-e Iran, p. 377.
104 Loraine to Curzon, Tehran, January 3, 1922, [E 3904/285/34], No. 8., in Iran
Political Diaries 1881–1965. Volume 6, p. 129.
105 Othman Ali, “The Career of Ozdemir: A Turkish Bid for Northern Iraq, 1921–
1923,” Middle Eastern Studies, Vol. 53, No. 6 (2017), p. 969.
6 SIMKO’S WARS AND THE RISE OF REZA SHAH 177
clear: “if you refuse to lend your support to my campaign for an indepen-
dent Kurdish state, I would cause serious headache for you by assisting
your enemy, the nationalist Turks.” Thus, the end of the year 1921
found Simko “in a stronger position than ever.”106 Impressive victories
at Savojbolagh in October and at Tasuj in December enhanced Simko’s
prestige and converted his uprising into a popular movement with signif-
icant support from Kurdish tribal groups in northwestern Iran and across
the border in eastern Anatolia.
The collapse of Mirza Kuchak Khan’s rebellion in late autumn 1921
allowed Reza Khan to shift his focus from northern Iran to western
Azerbaijan and Simko’s rebellion. When he met with the British mili-
tary attaché in early December, the minister of war stated that “his next
campaign will be against the renegade Kurd, Simko, in Azerbaijan.”107
Until December 1921, the central government in Tehran was not in a
position to assemble a formidable force in Azerbaijan and concentrate
on Simko’s rebellion. The governmental authorities in Tehran and Tabriz
recognized that Simko’s revolt was no longer an isolated local rebellion.
There was a real possibility that, if allowed to expand, Simko’s victories
could ignite anti-government uprisings among “the hitherto loyal Kurdish
tribes as far south as Kermanshah.”108
The defeats at the hands of Simko convinced Reza Khan that the
central government could not suppress Simko and other provincial power
centers as long as the Iranian armed forces remained divided into the
Cossack Division, the Gendarmerie, and the South Persia Rifles, and
lacked a unified command structure. Iran’s minister of war was deter-
mined to form a fully integrated national army “commanded and officered
by Iranians only, without the assistance of foreign officers.”109 From the
moment he had reached Tehran in command of the Cossack Brigade,
Reza Khan had pursued the idea of a uniform national force.
106 Report on Azerbaijan for 1921, Doc 246 [E 4717/6/34], in British Documents on
Foreign Affairs: Reports and Papers from the Foreign Office Confidential Print, Part II,
Series B Turkey, Iran, and the Middle East, 1918–1939. Volume 17, p. 300.
107 Cyrus Ghani, Iran and the Rise of Reza Shah: From Qajar Collapse to Pahlavi Rule,
(London: I.B. Tauris, 2000), p. 242.
108 Persia Annual Report, 1922. Loraine to Curzon, Tehran, July 16, 1923, [E 8057/
8057/34], No. 314., Iran Political Diaries 1881–1965. Volume 6, p. 409.
109 Norman to Curzon, Tehran, August 25, 1921 [E 11692/2004/34], No. 163.,
Intelligence Summary No. 16., in Iran Political Diaries 1881–1965. Volume 6, p. 66.
178 M. KIA
110 J. C. Hurewitz, Diplomacy in the Near and Middle East, Volume 2, pp. 90–94.
111 Norman to Curzon, March 16, 1921, No. 697, [E 3370/633/34], in Documents
on British Foreign Policy 1919–1939. First Series, Volume XIII , p. 741. The Military
Commission had completed its first report in April 1920. This report consisted of seven
chapters with the first five dealing with examination of existing conditions. Chapter six
detailed proposed organization and chapter seven recommended concrete actions to be
taken in order to implement scheme. Among these, were the establishment of a cadet
school and the creation of an air force. See, Cox to Curzon, Tehran, April 9, 1920,
No. 403, in Documents on British Foreign Policy 1919–1939. First Series, Volume XIII ,
pp. 464–465.
112 Cox to Curzon, March 13, 1920, No. 387, [185352/202/34], Documents on
British Foreign Policy 1919–1939. First Series, Volume XIII , p. 450.
113 Malek al-Shoara Bahar, Tarikh-e Mokhtasar-e Ahzab-e Siyasi dar Iran, 2 Volumes,
(Tehran: Zavvar Press, 2008), Volume 1, p. 171.
6 SIMKO’S WARS AND THE RISE OF REZA SHAH 179
117 Hassan Arfa. Under Five Shahs, p. 126. See also, Bridgeman to Curzon, Tehran,
December 6, 1921, Doc. 109, [E 13454/4335/34], No. 670., in British Documents on
Foreign Affairs: Reports and Papers from the Foreign Office Confidential Print, Part II,
Series B Turkey, Iran, and the Middle East, 1918–1939. Volume 17, p. 150.
118 Hassan Arfa, Under Five Shahs, pp. 126–127. See also, Loraine to Curzon, Tehran,
July 16, 1923, Persia, Annual Report, 1922, Confidential (12221), [E 8057/8057/34],
No. 314., in Iran Political Diaries 1881–1965. Volume 6, p. 408. See also, Loraine to
MacDonald, Tehran, March 4, 1924, Persia Annual Report, 1923, Confidential (12445),
[E 3362/2635/34], No. 128., in Iran Political Diaries 1881–1965. Volume 6, p. 717.
119 Loraine to Curzon, Tehran, July 16, 1923, Persia, Annual Report, 1922, Confiden-
tial (12221), [E 8057/8057/34], No. 314., in Iran Political Diaries 1881–1965. Volume
6, p. 408.
120 Hassan Arfa. Under Five Shahs, p. 127.
121 Bridgeman to Curzon, Tehran, December 16, 1921, [E 1953/285/34], No. 326.,
Intelligence Summary No. 32., in Iran Political Diaries 1881–1965. Volume 6, p. 122.
122 Ibid. See also, Donald Wilber, Riza Shah Pahlavi: The Resurrection and Reconstruc-
tion of Iran 1878–1944, (Costa Mesa: Mazda Press, 2016), pp. 60–61.
6 SIMKO’S WARS AND THE RISE OF REZA SHAH 181
123 George Lenczowski (ed.), Iran Under the Pahlavis (Stanford: Hoover Institution
Press, Stanford University, 1978), p. 20. See also, Donald Wilber, Riza Shah Pahlavi: The
Resurrection and Reconstruction of Iran 1878–1944, p. 61.
124 Loraine to MacDonald, Tehran, March 4, 1924, Persia Annual Report, 1923, Confi-
dential (12445), [E 3362/2635/34], No. 128., in Iran Political Diaries 1881–1965.
Volume 6, p. 717.
125 A. C. Millspaugh, The American Task in Persia, p. 148.
126 Ibid.
127 Loraine to Curzon, Tehran, November 26, 1923, [E 257/255/34], No. 549., in
Iran Political Diaries 1881–1965. Volume 6, p. 631.
128 Ibid. See also, Loraine to MacDonald, Tehran, March 4, 1924, Persia Annual
Report, 1923, Confidential (12445), [E 3362/2635/34], No. 128., in Iran Political
Diaries 1881–1965. Volume 6, p. 718.
129 Loraine to MacDonald, Tehran, March 4, 1924, Persia Annual Report, 1923, Confi-
dential (12445), [E 3362/2635/34], No. 128., in Iran Political Diaries 1881–1965.
Volume 6, p. 718.
182 M. KIA
139 For Momtaz al-Dowleh’s life and career, see, Confidential Biographical Notices of
Persian Statesmen and Notables, August 1905, compiled by George Churchill, Acting
Oriental Secretary, His Britannic Majesty’s Legation, Tehran, in Iran Political Diaries
1881–1965. Volume 2, p. 608. See also, Mirza Mehdi Khan Momtahan al-Dowleh Shaqaqi
and Mirza Hashim Khan., Rejal-e Vezarat-e Kharejeh dar Asr-e Nasseri va Mozaffari, Iraj
Afshar (ed.), Ganjineh-ye Asnad-e Tarikh-e Iran, No. 3, (Tehran: Asatir Press, 1986),
pp. 139–140. See also, Mehdi Bamdad, Sharh-e Hal-e Rejal-e Iran. Volume 1, p. 141.
Ebrahim Safaei, Rahbaran-e Mashruteh, 2 Volumes, (Tehran: Javidan Press, 1968), Volume
1, pp. 613–622. See also, British Intelligence: Who’s Who in Persia (Volume II), p. 263.
140 Mirza Mehdi Khan Momtahan al-Dowleh Shaqaqi and Mirza Hashim Khan. Rejal-e
Vezarat-e Kharejeh dar Asr-e Nasseri va Mozaffari, p. 139.
141 Ibid. See also, British Intelligence: Who’s Who in Persia (Volume II), p. 263.
142 Confidential Biographical Notices of Persian Statesmen and Notables, August 1905,
in Iran Political Diaries 1881–1965. Volume 2, p. 608.
143 Ibid. See also, British Intelligence: Who’s Who in Persia (Volume II), p. 263.
6 SIMKO’S WARS AND THE RISE OF REZA SHAH 185
144 Ibid.
145 Mehdi Bamdad, Sharh-e Hal-e Rejal-e Iran, Volume 1, p. 141.
146 Browne, Edward G. The Persian Revolution 1905–1909, (Washington, DC: Mage
Publishers Inc, 2006), p. 199. See also, British Intelligence: Who’s Who in Persia (Volume
II), p. 263.
147 Mehdi Bamdad, Sharh-e Hal-e Rejal-e Iran, Volume 1, p. 141.
148 Mirza Mehdi Khan Momtahan al-Dowleh Shaqaqi and Mirza Hashim Khan, Rejal-e
Vezarat-e Kharejeh dar Asr-e Nasseri va Mozaffari, p. 140.
149 Cox to Curzon, Tehran, September 10, 1919, Doc. 92 [127632], No. 618., in
British Documents on Foreign Affairs: Reports and Papers from the Foreign Office Confi-
dential Print, Part II, Series B, Turkey, Iran, and the Middle East, 1918–1939. Volume
16, p. 56.
150 Norman to Curzon, Tehran, March 1, 1921, Doc. 505 [E 4926/2/34], No. 31.,
in British Documents on Foreign Affairs: Reports and Papers from the Foreign Office Confi-
dential Print, Part II, Series B, Turkey, Iran, and the Middle East, 1918–1939. Volume
16, p. 377.
186 M. KIA
151 Norman to Curzon, Tehran, June 5, 1921, Doc. 519 [E 6678/2/34], No. 326.,
in British Documents on Foreign Affairs: Reports and Papers from the Foreign Office Confi-
dential Print, Part II, Series B, Turkey, Iran, and the Middle East, 1918–1939. Volume
16, p. 394.
152 Ali Kalirad, “Monasebat-e Siyasi-ye Iran va Turkiyeh (1297–1304 Solar/1919–
1925),” Fasl Nameh-ye Tarikh-e Ravabat-e Khareji, Years 13 & 14, Numbers 52 &
53-Autumn AND Winter 1391, pp. 121–138, p. 129.
153 Ibid., p. 130.
154 Ibid.
6 SIMKO’S WARS AND THE RISE OF REZA SHAH 187
that the government of Iran and the Iranian nation played a significant
role in the balance of power in the Middle East region:
I am well aware of this fact that for centuries Iran has pursued the real-
ization of a patriotic and holy dream. The Iranian nation is a truly heroic
nation.155
155 Ibid.
156 M. Saunders, July 15, 1922, Intelligence Summary No. 28, July 15, 1922, Doc.
45 [E 8649/285/34], in British Documents on Foreign Affairs: Reports and Papers from
the Foreign Office Confidential Print, Part II, Series B Turkey, Iran, and the Middle East,
1918–1939. Volume 18, p. 65.
157 Sirwan Khosrozadeh, “Avamel-e Moasser dar Piruzi-ye Qoshun-e Mottahad al-Shekl
dar Jang-e Shakar Yāzi,” p. 67.
188 M. KIA
158 Loraine to Curzon, Tehran, January 3, 1922, [E 3904/285/34], No. 8., in Iran
Political Diaries 1881–1965. Volume 6, p. 129.
159 Ibid.
160 Wadie Jwaideh, Kurdish National Movement Its Origins and Development, p. 141.
161 Ibid.
162 Hassan Arfa, The Kurds: An Historical and Political Study, pp. 114–115.
163 Amanollah Jahanbani, Sarbaz-e Irani va Mafhum-e Ab va Khak, p. 239.
CHAPTER 7
Simko’s Downfall
In late January 1922, as units of the Iranian army under the command
of General Sheybani conducted reconnaissance in southern Azerbaijan,
the campaign to suppress Simko suddenly unraveled after gendarmerie
officers at Sharafkhaneh on the northeastern shore of Lake Urumiyeh
staged a revolt. Throughout the month of January, rumors had circulated
in Tabriz of “increasing dissatisfaction among the gendarmes in Azer-
baijan owing to their pay being many months in arrears, and also to the
order….promulgated by the Minister of War that the gendarmerie were
to be no longer under the Minister of the Interior but were to be merged
into one force….consisting of Cossacks, gendarmes and other nondescript
elements.”1 The discontent of the gendarmes seems to have originated
with the lateness of their pay and was subsequently exacerbated by the
order that they be integrated with the Cossacks.
1 Report on the Gendarmerie Revolt in Tabriz, February 1922, Doc. 253 [E 4753/
6/34] in British Documents On Foreign Affairs: Reports and Papers From the Foreign
Office Confidential Print, Part II, Series B Turkey, Iran, and the Middle East, 1918–1939,
Volume 17, p. 321.
Lahuti’s Rebellion
On January 30, 1922, approximately 700 gendarmerie officers and
troopers stationed in Sharafkhaneh, mutinied, abandoned their position,
and marched first to Sufian and thence to Tabriz. By 1 February, the
mutinous gendarmes commanded by Major Abolqassem Khan Lahuti
(1887–1957) were in control of the provincial capital. The rebels quickly
seized Āli Qāpu, where the governor resided; the Arg, where the govern-
ment stored grain; and the telegraph office, which served as the city’s
communication center.2 Only the small detachment of 200 Cossacks left
behind in the city refused to surrender. Realizing that they were power-
less to stop the gendarmes, the Cossacks exchanged a few shots and
then retired to their barracks on the western edge of the town.3 With
government forces in disarray, the Democrats, or the former supporters of
Khiyabani, who had never forgiven Mokhber al-Saltaneh for the murder
of their leader in September 1920, re-surfaced and joined the rebel-
lious gendarmes, “installing themselves as heads of various government
departments,” including the police.4 They also telegraphed Tehran and
demanded the removal of the governor, who was put under house arrest.5
The time to settle old scores had arrived. A British report claimed that a
group of 270 Bolsheviks, mostly members of Iran’s Communist Party
(Hezb-e Adalat /Justice Party), had also joined Lahuti and fought on his
side.6 Although Lahuti and some of his fellow officers may have been
inspired by the Bolsheviks, the majority of the troopers had joined the
mutiny not to stage a socialist revolution, but to demand fair treatment on
par with the Cossacks, as well as the payment of their overdue salaries. For
the next seven days, Lahuti and his supporters ruled Tabriz, the provincial
capital of Azerbaijan.
Born into a poor working-class family in Kermanshah in western Iran
on October 12, 1887, Lahuti was influenced by Iran’s constitutional
revolution of 1906 and the battles fought against the Qajar monarch,
2 Ibid., p. 322. See also, Mohammad Amin Riyahi, Tarikh-e Khoy, p. 510.
3 Ibid.
4 Ibid.
5 Mokhber al-Saltaneh Hedayat, Khaterat va Khatarat, p. 332.
6 Loraine to Curzon, Tehran, February 12, 1922, [E 4707/285/34], No. 71., in Iran
Political Diaries 1881–1965. Volume 6, p. 153.
7 SIMKO’S DOWNFALL 191
Mohammad Ali Shah, who had bombarded and destroyed the parlia-
ment in June 1908. After Mohammad Ali Shah was forced to abdicate
in July 1909, Lahuti settled in Tehran and joined the police force. In
1911, he joined the newly established Iranian gendarmerie, which had
been created by Swedish officers in 1910 as a rural police force respon-
sible for maintaining security of the country’s main roads. In 1912–1913,
Lahuti served as an officer in the gendarmerie unit stationed in Qom, and
he performed with distinction during military operations against armed
brigands and Bakhtiyari tribesmen.7 He soon rose to the rank of the
commander of his unit. As the leader of the gendarmerie detachment in
Qom, Lahuti became involved in prolonged disputes with members of the
local clergy and the merchant class, who filed complaints against him with
the central government. One source claimed that he was court-martialed
for misappropriating government funds.8 The same source claimed that,
after he was warned against returning to the capital, Lahuti fled to western
Iran where he sought the protection of Ali Akbar Khan, the chief of
the Kurdish Sanjabi tribe, who, at the time, was embroiled in his own
conflict with the Ottoman Turks.9 One Iranian scholar stated that during
the First World War, Lahuti published a newspaper in Kermanshah called
Bisotun.10 A British source, however, claimed that in 1915, at the insti-
gation of Germans, Lahuti and a group of fellow gendarmes had joined
the Ottoman Turks and participated in campaigns against Russian forces
in western Iran.11 Another British source stated that Lahuti had joined
the Ottoman forces after Kurdish tribes of western Iran made peace with
the Turks, but he had written the British privately expressing his readi-
ness to help the Allies. The same source also claimed that having gone
to Kermanshah in March 1916, Lahuti had accompanied the British to
Hamadan, where he received a letter of support from a British officer
recommending him for employment. With the letter in hand, Lahuti went
to Tehran in August 1917, where he was recommended by the British
7 Loraine to Curzon, Tehran, February 19, 1922, [E 3815/285/34], No. 85., in Iran
Political Diaries 1881–1965. Volume 6, p. 150.
8 Ibid.
9 British Intelligence: Who’s Who in Persia (Volume II), p. 186.
10 Bayat, Kaveh. Kudeta-ye Lahuti, Tabriz, Bahman 1300, (Tehran: Pardis Danesh,
1997), pp. 30–31.
11 Loraine to Curzon, Tehran, February 19, 1922, [E 3815/285/34], No. 85., in
Iran Political Diaries 1881–1965. Volume 6, p. 150.
192 M. KIA
officer in charge of the South Persia Rifles. However, because there was
no vacancy for him, Lahuti started an anti-British and an anti-Russian
newspaper.12
After the end of the First World War, Lahuti joined the Iranian exile
community in Istanbul, where he worked at a variety of odd jobs. He
also published a newspaper and opened a bookstore with support from
the Iranian expatriate community, including the deposed Qajar monarch,
Mohammad Ali Mirza.13 He also composed and published a collection of
poetry called Iran Nameh (Book of Iran) modeled after Ferdowsi’s Shah-
nameh (Book of Kings), which described the lives and careers of the kings
of pre-Islamic Iran.14 Returning to Iran in October 1921, Lahuti visited
Savojbolagh, the center of operations for a gendarmerie division under
the command of Major Hassan Malekzadeh. Lahuti knew Malekzadeh as
a fellow officer, and the two men apparently enjoyed a close friendship.
The day after the arrival of Lahuti, Simko attacked Savojbolagh, but
Lahuti managed to escape the town, which was sacked by the Kurdish
chief. When he finally reached Tabriz, Lahuti appealed to the governor
of Azerbaijan, Mokhber al-Saltaneh, for a pardon and requested to be
reinstated in the gendarmerie detachments stationed in the province.
In desperate need of trained officers, Mokhber al-Saltaneh agreed, and
Lahuti joined the Iranian gendarmerie units headed by the Swedish
commander, Colonel Lundberg, whom he knew from his previous tenure
in the force.15 Lahuti was assigned to the gendarmerie detachment
dispatched to Sharafkhaneh, where it was to stay until the arrival of
reinforcements sent from Tehran for the purpose of suppressing Simko.
Shortly after Lahuti’s arrival in Sharafkhaneh, Reza Khan, the minister of
war, ordered the re-organization of the Iranian armed forces, with the
Iranian gendarmerie and the Cossack Brigade merging into one mili-
tary institution. The merger of the two entities caused a great deal
of anxiety and opposition among a significant number of gendarmerie
troopers who were already angry at the government for not paying their
salaries on time. On 30 January, when the gendarmerie officers stationed
16 Report on the Gendarmarie Revolt in Tabriz, February 1922, Doc. 253 [E 4753/
6/34] in British Documents On Foreign Affairs: Reports and Papers From the Foreign
Office Confidential Print, Part II, Series B Turkey, Iran, and the Middle East, 1918–1939,
Volume 17, p. 322.
17 Ibid.
18 Ibid.
19 Loraine to Curzon, Tehran, February 12, 1922, [E 4707/285/34], No. 8., in Iran
Political Diaries 1881–1965. Volume 6, p. 153. See also, Report on the Gendarmarie
Revolt in Tabriz, February 1922, Doc. 253 [E 4753/6/34] in British Documents On
Foreign Affairs: Reports and Papers From the Foreign Office Confidential Print, Part II,
Series B Turkey, Iran, and the Middle East, 1918–1939, Volume 17, p. 323.
194 M. KIA
20 For the number of individuals who fled with Lahuti to the Soviet Union, see,
Mokhber al-Saltaneh Hedayat, Gozaresh-e Iran, p. 382. See also, Loraine to Curzon,
Tehran, February 12, 1922, [E 4707/285/34], No. 71., in Iran Political Diaries 1881–
1965, Volume 6, p. 153. See also, Report on the Gendarmarie Revolt in Tabriz, February
1922, Doc. 253 [E 4753/6/34] in British Documents On Foreign Affairs: Reports and
Papers From the Foreign Office Confidential Print, Part II, Series B Turkey, Iran, and the
Middle East, 1918–1939, Volume 17, p. 323. See also, Kaveh Bayat, Kudeta-ye Lahuti,
Tabriz, Bahman 1300, pp. 31–32.
21 Mokhber al-Saltaneh Hedayat. Gozaresh-e Iran, p. 382. According to Abdollah
Mostowfi, the supporters of Lahuti, who were detained by Iranian authorities, were
pardoned by Reza Khan, the minister of war, after the influential Shi’i cleric, Sayyid
Hassan Modarres, interceded on their behalf. The released troopers and officers were
later recruited by the country’s police force and the Iranian gendarmerie. See Mostowfi,
Abdollah., Sharh-e Zendegani-ye Man Ya Tarikh-e Ejtemaei-ye Doreh-ye Qajar, 3 Volumes,
(Tehran: Zavvar Press, 1992), p. 373.
22 Loraine to Curzon, Tehran, March 15, 1922, [E 4737/285/34], No. 146., in Iran
Political Diaries 1881–1965. Volume 6, p. 169.
23 Ibid.
7 SIMKO’S DOWNFALL 195
24 Loraine to Curzon, Tehran, March 27, 1922, [E 4751/285/34], No. 175., in Iran
Political Diaries 1881–1965, Volume 6, p. 175.
25 Loraine to Curzon, Tehran, March 30, 1922, [E 4754/285/34], No. 180., in Iran
Political Diaries 1881–1965, Volume 6, p. 178.
26 Ibid.
27 Amanollah Jahanbani, Az Tezar ta Shah: Zendeginameh va Khaterat-e Sepahbod
Amanollah Jahanbani, Edited by Mahmoud Toloui, (Tehran: Elm Publisher, 2019),
p. 147.
28 Cowan to Loraine, Kermanshah, March 16, 1922, Doc. 300, Enclosure in Doc. 299,
No. 5., in British Documents On Foreign Affairs: Reports and Papers From the Foreign
Office Confidential Print, Part II, Series B Turkey, Iran, and the Middle East, 1918–1939,
Volume 17, p. 375.
29 Ibid.
30 Ibid.
196 M. KIA
Tabriz: Cavalry 850; Infantry 650; Guns 8; Machine guns 10; Lewis
guns 13.
Sharafkhaneh: Infantry 3,000; Guns 4; Machine guns 17.
Miandoab: Cavalry 1,200; Infantry 800; Guns 4; Machine guns 10.
Khoy: Infantry 500; Cavalry 50; Irregulars 300.32
31 Loraine to Curzon, Tehran, April 18, 1922, [E 5238/285/34], No. 222., in Iran
Political Diaries 1881–1965, Volume 6, p. 186.
32 Ibid.
33 Loraine to Curzon, Tehran, April 30, 1922, [E 5897/285/34], No. 244., in Iran
Political Diaries 1881–1965, Volume 6, p. 194.
7 SIMKO’S DOWNFALL 197
34 Ibid.
35 M. Saunders, Intelligence Summary No. 13, Tehran, March 31, 1923, Doc. 203 [E
4911/69/34], in British Documents On Foreign Affairs: Reports and Papers From the
Foreign Office Confidential Print, Part II, Series B Turkey, Iran, and the Middle East,
1918–1939, Volume 18, p. 294. See also, M. Saunders, Intelligence Summary No. 22,
Tehran, June 2, 1923, Doc. 262, in British Documents On Foreign Affairs: Reports and
Papers From the Foreign Office Confidential Print, Part II, Series B Turkey, Iran, and the
Middle East, 1918–1939, Volume 18, p. 373.
36 Gilak, Mohammad Ali. Tarikh-e Enqelab-e Jangal, (Rasht: Gilakan Press, 1992),
p. 55.
37 M. Saunders, Intelligence Summary No. 33, Tehran, December 18, 1922, in British
Documents On Foreign Affairs: Reports and Papers From the Foreign Office Confidential
Print, Part II, Series B Turkey, Iran, and the Middle East, 1918–1939, Volume 17, p. 244.
198 M. KIA
his positions.49 The government and Simko also agreed to exchange pris-
oners of war and allow freedom of trade. The peace agreement with Simko
allowed the central government to dispatch a new and much larger army
to Azerbaijan in order to restore order in northwestern Iran.50
Simko’s victories against government forces generated international
reverberations, and the world media, through hyperbolic dispatches
published in Turkish newspapers, took notice of the unfolding crisis in
northwestern Iran. One of these embellished reports dispatched by the
Associated Press on July 9, 1922, and published in the New York Times on
10 July, stated that, after defeating the Iranian army, “the bandit Simko”
had “proclaimed a Kurdish Republic, assuming the Presidency himself.”51
The report also stated that Simko, who “commanded 35,000 men” and
received assistance from the Turkish leader, Mustafa Kemal, was marching
to Tabriz, the capital of Azerbaijan.52 According to the same dispatch,
the new Kurdish republic was to incorporate the towns of Kermanshah,
Salmas, and Urumiyeh.53
The news of humiliating military setbacks in Azerbaijan forced the
Iranian government to offer interviews to the international press and
deny that Iran’s armed forces had been defeated by Simko. In its July
19, 1922, issue, the Washington Post reported that the Iranian ambas-
sador to the United States, Mirza Hossein Khan Alai (later Hossein Ala),
had denied the news that “the Persian bandit,” Simko had proclaimed
a Kurdish republic and had assumed its presidency after defeating the
Iranian army.54 What the Iranian diplomat could not refute, however, was
the fact that, by the end of July 1922, Simko controlled all of the terri-
tory west of Lake Urumiyeh from Khoy in the north to Saqqez and Baneh
in the south.55 Indeed, “the inactivity and total absence of the offensive
spirit” shown by government forces, operating against Simko for nearly
49 Oriente Moderno, Anno 2, Nr. 2 (15 July 1922), Istituto per l’Oriente C. A. Nallino,
p. 115.
50 Ibid.
51 The New York Times, July 10, 1922.
52 Ibid.
53 Ibid.
54 Washington Post, July 19, 1922.
55 Loraine to Balfour, Tehran, July 3, 1922, [E 8437/6/34], No., 419., in British
Documents on Foreign Affairs: Reports and Papers From the Foreign Office Confidential
Print, Part II, Series B Turkey, Iran, and the Middle East, 1918–1939, Volume 18, p. 39.
7 SIMKO’S DOWNFALL 201
six months, handed Simko the initiative and improved the morale of his
troops.56 Added to this, the defeat of government forces by Simko north
and south of Lake Urumiyeh gained the Kurdish chief more territory
and further allies, and lowered the morale and discipline of the govern-
ment forces.57 By late spring 1922, Simko’s territorial gains had assumed
alarming proportions, and he was now viewed by Tehran as the principal
threat to the territorial integrity of the Iranian state, a reality recognized
by Iran’s minister of war, Reza Khan.58 Tehran was especially alarmed by
reports that Simko was intensifying his propaganda among the Kurdish
tribes of western Iran, in one case, promising governorship of Sanandaj
to a Kurdish chief, Mahmud Khan Kanisanan of Marivan, if he took the
town.59
The defeat suffered by government forces in May 1922, dealt a serious
blow to Reza Khan’s original plan regarding the restoration of govern-
mental authority over western Azerbaijan. Tehran newspapers accused
British officials of fanning the flames of a Kurdish rebellion in general
and instigating a revolt among the Kurdish tribes of western Iran led by
Simko. An article published in the newspaper, Haqiqat (Truth), claimed
that the British consul in Kermanshah, joined by a certain Major Green-
house, had visited the tribes of Kurdistan as well as the representatives
of Simko in an effort to organize a tribal revolt based on an alliance
between the Kurdish tribes of western Iran and Simko.60 In a meeting
with the British military attaché in Tehran, the minister of war, Reza
Khan, stated that the disaster at Savojbolagh “was due to the fact that
Khalu Qorban and the men under him were practically irregular troops
and they showed no fight at all.”61 He also added that the defeat would
allow Simko to “gain further adherents from tribesmen” who, until then
had been “sitting on the fence.”62
In consequence of Khalu Qorban’s defeat, the minister of war
dispatched 5,000 reinforcements to Tabriz.63 Of these, 2,000 were to
march via Qazvin and Zanjan to Tabriz, while 1,000 men were ordered
to push from Hamadan toward Sā’in Qalaeh, via Bijar in the province of
Kurdistan, against Simko’s right flank.64 With promises from the Turks
that they would not render any assistance to the Kurdish chief and a
commitment from Ankara that, should Simko cross the frontier into
Turkey, they would arrest him and hand him back to Iranian authorities,
Reza Khan made up his mind to attack and crush Simko.
and munitions” he had received from Turkish sources; and (3) submit
to the Iranian government and “hand over all arms and munitions in his
possession” to the Iranian authorities.78 By summer 1922, British diplo-
matic and intelligence sources reported that the Turkish nationalists were
no longer lending any support to Simko and his followers. According
to the British ambassador in Tehran, the fact that Simko was in favor
of an “independent Kurdistan, with possibly himself at the head of the
State,” mitigated against “the prospect of assistance being rendered him”
by the Ankara government.79 Nevertheless, the Kurdish leader continued
to enjoy the support of “a considerable number of Turkish officers and
men amongst his following,” whom the ambassador believed “to be
adventurers serving him without instructions from their government.”80
Sensing that he was being sandwiched by Turkish nationalist forces
from the west and an Iranian army “rejuvenated by the reforms of Reza
Khan” from the east,81 Simko hurriedly dispatched three Kurdish mullahs
as his representatives to Iraq to seek “assistance or intervention” from
British authorities.82 On 9 July, Simko’s envoys left Urumiyeh for Mosul
in northern Iraq.83 The Kurdish chief also sent an urgent summons to
Sayyid Taha II, who was on his way to a meeting with British offi-
cials in Iraq.84 One British official even claimed that Simko had sent a
representative to Baku to obtain Russian Bolshevik assistance, though the
British consul in Tabriz could not confirm the accuracy of the report.85
Though they had supported Kurdish nationalist aspirations in northern
Iraq, the British had no interest in becoming entangled in a campaign to
Defeat of Simko
Preparations for the military campaign against Simko were completed by 5
August, when government forces began to advance toward Salmas.93 On
the same day, British intelligence sources reported that “the government
advance guards” had “established contact with Simko’s outlying posts,”
and had driven them back.94 The attack on Simko’s positions commenced
with an assault on his right flank. The battleship Admiral shelled the port
of Golmankhaneh on the western shore of Lake Urumiyeh.95 A multi-
pronged assault from water and land was intended to intimidate Simko’s
forces and convince the Kurdish chief that he was fighting a superior force
in a hopeless battle.
On 5 August, columns of troops began to converge slowly on
Salmas.96 Three days later, the actual advance into the district of Salmas
commenced with a column under Bassir Divan (future General Fazlollah
Zahedi) leading the push toward Dilman, the capital of Salmas.97 The
battle was joined after Simko struck with the bulk of his troops northeast
of Dilman, attacking one of the government units, the Arak Regiment also
called Foj-e Ahmadi, named after the unit’s commanding officer, Yavar
Ahmad Khan.98 The main body of government forces immediately moved
1918–1939, Volume 18, p. 125. See also, Loraine to Balfour, Tehran, September 29,
1922, [E 12,259/285/34], No. 597., in Iran Political Diaries 1881–1965. Volume 6,
p. 276.
99 Ibid.
100 Ibid.
101 M. Saunders, Report on the Operations in Azerbaijan Against Ismail Agha (Simko),
undertaken by the Persian Government from August 5 to 28, 1922, Doc. 77, in British
Documents On Foreign Affairs: Reports and Papers From the Foreign Office Confidential
Print, Part II, Series B Turkey, Iran, and the Middle East, 1918–1939, Volume 18, p. 102.
102 Ibid.
103 Ibid.
104 Hassan Arfa, The Kurds: An Historical and Political Study, p. 62.
105 Hassan Arfa, Under Five Shahs, p. 136.
106 Amanollah Jahanbani, Sarbaz-e Irani va Mafhum-e Ab va Khak, p. 275.
107 Ibid., p. 276.
7 SIMKO’S DOWNFALL 209
116 Ibid.
117 Ibid.
118 M. Saunders, Intelligence Summary No. 43, Tehran, October 29, Doc. 110 [E
14,483/285/34], in British Documents On Foreign Affairs: Reports and Papers From the
Foreign Office Confidential Print, Part II, Series B Turkey, Iran, and the Middle East,
1918–1939, Volume 18, p. 159.
119 Ibid.
120 M. Saunders, Report on the Operations in Azerbaijan Against Ismail Agha (Simko),
undertaken by the Persian Government from August 5 to 28, 1922, Doc. 77, in British
Documents On Foreign Affairs: Reports and Papers From the Foreign Office Confidential
Print, Part II, Series B Turkey, Iran, and the Middle East, 1918–1939, Volume 18, p. 102.
121 M. Saunders, Intelligence Summary No. 41, Tehran, October 15, Doc. 102 [E
13,955/285/34], in British Documents On Foreign Affairs: Reports and Papers From the
Foreign Office Confidential Print, Part II, Series B Turkey, Iran, and the Middle East,
1918–1939, Volume 18, p. 144.
122 M. Saunders, Intelligence Summary No. 43, Tehran, October 29, Doc. 110 [E
14,483/285/34], in British Documents On Foreign Affairs: Reports and Papers From the
Foreign Office Confidential Print, Part II, Series B Turkey, Iran, and the Middle East,
1918–1939, Volume 18, p. 159.
123 Ibid.
7 SIMKO’S DOWNFALL 211
124 M. Saunders, Intelligence Summary No. 10, Tehran, March 11, 1923, Doc. 186
[E 4081/69/34], in British Documents On Foreign Affairs: Reports and Papers From the
Foreign Office Confidential Print, Part II, Series B Turkey, Iran, and the Middle East,
1918–1939, Volume 18, p. 275.
125 Loraine to Curzon, Tehran, September 29, 1923, Persia Confidential [E 10,594/
69/34], No. 437., in Iran Political Diaries, Volume 6, p. 605.
126 Ibid.
127 Loraine to MacDonald, Tehran, March 4, 1924, Persia Annual Report, 1923, Confi-
dential (12,445), [E 3362/2635/34], No. 128., in Iran Political Diaries 1881–1965.
Volume 6, p. 731.
128 Ibid.
129 Ibid.
130 M. Saunders, Report on the Operations in Azerbaijan against Ismail Agha (Simko)
undertaken by the Persian Government from August 5 to 28, 1922, Doc. 77, in British
Documents On Foreign Affairs: Reports and Papers From the Foreign Office Confidential
Print, Part II, Series B Turkey, Iran, and the Middle East, 1918–1939, Volume 18, p. 102.
212 M. KIA
the deck of his battleship after it was attacked by the British forces which
had invaded Iran.131
Finally, the fourth officer, Hassan Arfa, who had fought Simko on
several occasions before and during the August 1922 victory, rose to the
rank of general and the chief of the General Staff (1944–1946) before
he was appointed Iran’s ambassador to Turkey (1958–1961) and Iran’s
ambassador to Pakistan (1961–1962). Arfa wrote two important books
on the history of twentieth-century Iran, Under the Five Shahs, and The
Kurds: An historical and political study.
of Simko’s wives and one of his sons were killed, but Simko managed
to escape the ambush. According to the same source, the Kurdish chief
offered General Jahanbani a bribe of 10,000 Turkish lira in return for
lenient and compassionate terms of surrender, but the Iranian commander
replied that he could accept no arrangements except an unconditional and
immediate surrender.137
The news of Simko’s defeat spread quickly. On 16 August, the
Times of London reported that the Iranian government’s offensive against
Simko had been carried out successfully “thanks to the ability of Sirdar-i
Sipah, Minister of War.”138 The same source reported that after a major
battle, the Iranian government troops had taken the rebel fortress in
Chahriq, seizing “many prisoners and rifles” and forcing Simko to flee
into Turkey.139 With the disintegration of Simko’s army, his tribal allies
opened negotiations for a pardon with the central government. In early
September 1922, Abdullah Beyk (Beg), a cousin of Simko, sent a message
to the Iranian commander saying that if he was “pardoned he would
surrender” with 400 of his Shakak tribesmen.140 Then late in September,
Sayyid Taha II and sixty of his men travelled to Urumiyeh “to discuss the
terms of peace” with the commander of the Iranian troops.141 Following
Sayyid Taha II, the powerful Shakak chiefs, Omar Khan, “the chief of the
Kardar subdivision of the Shakak,” also surrendered.142 By mid-October,
one British report claimed that Urumiyeh was “full of Kurds who walk
about the streets fully armed and unmolested by the garrison.”143
In addition to Sayyid Taha II and Omar Khan, numerous Kurdish tribal
chiefs surrendered. These included Nuri Beyk and his brother, Assad Beyk
of Targavar; Haji Agha, chief of the Harki Mandan from Mavana [also
in Targavar]; Taher Beyk, Kamal Beyk and Tabur Aghasi, chiefs of the
Begzade in Targavar; Karim Khan Harki, chief of the Sidan Harki tribe
137 Ibid.
138 The Times of London, August 17, 1922 as quoted in Oriente Moderno, Anno 2, Nr.
4 (15 September 1922), Istituto per l’Oriente C. A. Nallino, p. 243.
139 Ibid.
140 Loraine to Curzon, Tehran, September 13, 1922, [E 12,245/285/34], No. 571.,
in Iran Political Diaries 1881–1965. Volume 6, p. 268.
141 Loraine to Curzon, Tehran, October 18, 1922, [E 13,955/285/34], No. 267., in
Iran Political Diaries 1881–1965. Volume 6, p. 291.
142 Ibid.
143 Ibid.
7 SIMKO’S DOWNFALL 215
144 Ibid.
145 Ibid.
146 Loraine to Curzon, Tehran, September 29, 1922, [12259/285/34], No. 597., in
Iran Political Diaries, Volume 6, p. 275.
147 M. Saunders, October 22, 1922, Intelligence Summary No. 42, Doc. 105 [E
13,961/285/34], in British Documents On Foreign Affairs: Reports and Papers From
the Foreign Office Confidential Print, Part II, Series B Turkey, Iran, and the Middle East,
1918–1939, Volume 18, p. 152.
148 Loraine to Curzon, Tehran, September 29, 1922, [12259/285/34], No. 597., in
Iran Political Diaries, Volume 6, p. 275.
149 Loraine to Curzon, Tehran, November 3, 1922, [E 14,483/285/34], No. 651.,
in Iran Political Diaries 1881–1965. Volume 6, p. 304.
150 Loraine to Curzon, Tehran, October 18, 1922, [E 13,955/285/34], No. 627., in
Iran Political Diaries 1881–1965. Volume 6, p. 292.
216 M. KIA
151 Ibid.
152 Ibid.
153 M. Saunders, Report on the Operations in Azerbaijan against Ismail Agha (Simko)
undertaken by the Persian Government from August 5 to 28, 1922, Doc. 77, in British
Documents On Foreign Affairs: Reports and Papers From the Foreign Office Confidential
Print, Part II, Series B Turkey, Iran, and the Middle East, 1918–1939, Volume 18, p. 103.
See also, Office of the British Military Attaché, Tehran, 3rd September 1922, No. C38/
69., in Iran Political Diaries 1881–1965. Volume 6, p. 263.
154 Office of the British Military Attaché, Tehran, 3rd September 1922, No. C38/69.,
in Iran Political Diaries 1881–1965. Volume 6, p. 263.
155 Ibid.
7 SIMKO’S DOWNFALL 217
At this time when the forces in Azerbaijan have won a complete victory,
eradicated the rebels, captured the town of Salmas, taken the fortress of
Chahriq and cleansed all the western areas of Azerbaijan from the threat of
foreign elements, I extend my appreciation to general Amanollah Mirza,
the commander of the army, for his rapid, decisive action, and also express
my full satisfaction to all the brave officers and men who took part in the
fighting.159
156 M. Saunders, Report on the Operations in Azerbaijan against Ismail Agha (Simko)
undertaken by the Persian Government from August 5 to 28, 1922, Doc. 77, in British
Documents On Foreign Affairs: Reports and Papers From the Foreign Office Confidential
Print, Part II, Series B Turkey, Iran, and the Middle East, 1918–1939, Volume 18, p. 104.
157 Ibid.
158 Ibid.
159 Donald Wilber, Riza Shah Pahlavi: The Resurrection and Reconstruction of Iran
1878–1944, p. 66.
218 M. KIA
160 The seven tribal chiefs were Amir Ashayer of Khalkhal, his brother, Abish Khan,
Amir Firuz, Sardar Ashja’, Hajji Alaei, Noruz Khan Amir Tuman, and Ashja’ Solltan. See,
M. Saunders, Tehran, June 2, 1923, Intelligence Summary No. 22, Doc. 262, in British
Documents On Foreign Affairs: Reports and Papers From the Foreign Office Confidential
Print, Part II, Series B Turkey, Iran, and the Middle East, 1918–1939, Volume 18, p. 373.
161 Loraine to Curzon, Tehran, January 20, 1924, [E 2417/255/34], No. 40., in Iran
Political Diaries 1881–1965. Volume 7, p. 6.
162 Ibid.
163 Loraine to Curzon, Tehran, January 15, 1924, [E 1948/255/34], No. 31., in Iran
Political Diaries 1881–1965. Volume 7, p. 4.
164 M. Saunders, Tehran, May 5, 1923, Intelligence Summary No. 18, Appendix C,
Doc. 227 [E 6618/69/34], in British Documents On Foreign Affairs: Reports and Papers
From the Foreign Office Confidential Print, Part II, Series B Turkey, Iran, and the Middle
East, 1918–1939, Volume 18, p. 336.
165 Ibid., Appendix (D), Leading Article in the Tehran Newspaper “Mihan,” dated May
1, 1923, p. 337.
CHAPTER 8
With his headquarters in government hands, Simko fled across the border
into Turkey, but he was betrayed by the Turks, his former backers, who
captured one of his sons “and all his property and killed his favorite
wife.”1 Desperate to save his life and secure British support for his
cause, the Kurdish chief escaped Turkish territory and arrived in northern
Iraq in October 1922.2 Simko travelled to Iraq “in the hope of find-
ing” the British willing and ready “to champion the cause of Kurdish
freedom” against the Turkish and Iranian governments.3 Simko’s brother-
in-law and close confidant, Sayyid Taha II, who arrived independently
a day or two later, however, seems to have understood from the very
outset that the British were unwilling to lend any support to a separatist
Kurdish movement in Iran. They were, however, more than happy to
entertain the appointment of the charismatic Sayyid as the local ruler of
the districts of “Rawanduz, Asra, and Amadiya.”4 It is not surprising,
therefore, that Sayyid Taha II left Simko and flew down to Baghdad to
5 Ibid.
6 Joseph C. Grew, “The Peace Conference of Lausanne, 1922–1923,” Proceedings of
the American Philosophical Society, Vol. 98, No. 1 (February 15, 1954), pp. 1–10, p. 2.
7 Ibid., pp. 2–3.
8 Saad Eskander, “Southern Kurdistan Under Britain’s Mesopotamian Mandate: From
Separation to Incorporation, 1920–23,” Middle Eastern Studies, Vol. 37, No. 2, pp. 153–
180, http://doi.org/10.1080/714004389, p. 172.
9 C. J. Edmonds, Kurds Turks and Arabs, p. 307.
8 IN SEARCH OF A NEW PATRON: SIMKO SANDWICHED … 221
serge, Russian top-boots, and the high cylindrical felt hats of the Shikak
completely hidden by the turban of silk handkerchiefs wound tightly
around; the jackets were double-breasted with stand-up collars and full
skirts of cavalry type, the breeches might have been cut in Savile Row.”10
Simko himself was described as a “well-knit, leanish man of middle
height”; his features seeming “very European, the brown tooth-brush
moustache would have graced any British officer, and the regularity of his
shining white teeth was discovered by a winning, almost shy, smile.”11
In sharp contrast to Edmonds, another British officer, Wallace Lyon,
who did not speak Persian and was merely an observer of the meeting,
described Simko as the “greatest brigand of our time” and a leader who
could have emerged as a legitimate nationalist figure had he abandoned
his love for looting and plundering.12 According to Lyon, the “suave”
Sayyid Taha accepted the invitation extended by the British to travel to
Baghdad without any fear or hesitation, whereas “the fidgety” Simko,
after travelling for a short time toward Erbil, suddenly changed his mind
and returned to the border region between Iraq and Turkey.13 Lyon
surmised that Simko was most probably aware that there were armed
“Assyrian Levies” stationed at Erbil’s aerodrome and that they could easily
shoot and kill the man they blamed for the murder of their leader, Mar
Shimun.14
In his meeting with British officials in northern Iraq, Simko expressed
“no particular feeling of resentment” toward the Iranians, “he had given
as good as he had received—but he wanted to get even with the Turks,
who had made a pretense of backing him and had then turned upon
him.”15 When the British informed him that they had no intention of
supporting him with arms and money, Simko expressed his astonish-
ment with their policy of avoiding any confrontation with Iran given that
the Iranian government was cooperating with the Turkish nationalists to
undermine the British position in northern Iraq.
10 Ibid.
11 Ibid.
12 D. K. Fieldhouse (ed.), Kurds, Arabs and Britons the Memoir of Wallace Lyon in
Iraq, pp. 111–112.
13 Ibid., p. 112.
14 Ibid.
15 C. J. Edmonds, Kurds Turks and Arabs, p. 307.
222 M. KIA
16 D. K. Fieldhouse, Kurds, Arabs and Britons: The Memoir of Wallace Lyon in Iraq,
p. 111.
17 M. S. Lazarev, Kurdistan i Kurdski vopros (1923–1945) (Vostochnaia literatura,
2005), p. 40.
18 Ibid.
19 Ibid.
20 Confidential [E 8114/3/93], No. 301, Personalities in Iraq 1947 , Busk to Bevin,
September 3, 1947, p. 17.
21 C. J. Edmonds, “A Kurdish Newspaper: Rozh-i Kurdistan,” p. 84.
8 IN SEARCH OF A NEW PATRON: SIMKO SANDWICHED … 223
British nor Sheikh Mahmud had any interest in lending their support to
his cause, Simko proposed his surrender to the Iranian government in
January 1923, but Tehran found the terms he had demanded unaccept-
able.29 By the end of January, a British intelligence report stated that,
while Sayyid Taha II “had gone to Mosul,” the British “had not allowed
Simko to go there.”30 The same report also claimed that Simko was near
Erbil and endeavoring through a Kurdish chief named Sheikh Raghib,
to come to terms with the Turks.31 The conditions demanded by the
Turks, however, were rejected by Simko, who by then was in “pitiable
conditions, without followers or money.”32
35 Ibid.
36 Ibid.
37 Ibid.
38 Confidential: Personalities Mosul, Arbil , Kirkuk, Sulaimani and Frontiers, p. 92.
39 M. Saunders, Intelligence Summary No. 26, Tehran, Doc. 267 [E 8431/69/34] in
British Documents on Foreign Affairs: Reports and Papers from the Foreign Office Confi-
dential Print, Part II, Series B Turkey, Iran, and the Middle East, 1918–1939. Volume
18, p. 385.
40 “Report by His Britannic Majesty’s Government on the Administration of Iraq for
the Period April 1923–December 1924,” p. 17.
41 J. C. Hurewitz, Diplomacy in the Near and Middle East. Volume 2, pp. 119–127.
226 M. KIA
the British for their cause. Neither could they rely on the Turks for any
assistance against the British in northern Iraq.
Recognizing that he could no longer use the conflict between the
British in Iraq and the Turkish nationalists in Anatolia to his advantage,
and painfully aware that neither the Turks nor the British had any inten-
tion of providing him with either military or financial assistance, Simko
turned his eyes to the north and appealed to the Soviet Union for support.
During his meetings with Sheikh Mahmud in Sulaymaniyah, Simko had
indicated that in the absence of any military support from the Turks,
who were negotiating with the British for a treaty of peace and under-
standing, the Kurds may have no choice but to enlist the support of
the Soviets. Now, with the news of a rapprochement between the British
and the Turks, Simko saw no realistic alternative but to appeal to the
Soviet officials for assistance. Declaring himself a zealous supporter of the
communist state, Simko wrote to the Soviet consul general in Urumiyeh
that: “We place all our hopes on you. When you provide us with the
necessary assistance and assistance in the name of philanthropy, we are
ready to carry out all your orders.”42 Simko also appealed to his Soviet
contact to act as intermediary between himself and the Iranian govern-
ment. If the Soviets could secure his personal safety, return his lost estates
to him, and restore his leadership over the entire Shakak tribe, he would
follow the wishes of Moscow “in everything.”43
By early December 1923, a British intelligence report stated that Simko
was in a village in eastern Turkey only twelve miles west of Qotur on
the Turkish-Iranian frontier, expecting the return of his son from Ankara
where the Turks had taken him.44 A week later, Simko, accompanied by
“a small band of followers,” raided the Iranian territory, “robbing goods
and sheep from villages in Salmas area.”45 Simko’s raids forced the Iranian
military authorities to strengthen the country’s frontier guards and try to
46 Ibid.
47 Loraine to Curzon, Tehran, December 18, 1923, [E 883/255/34], No. 598., in
Iran Political Diaries 1881–1965. Volume 6, p. 641.
48 Loraine to Curzon, Tehran, December 22, 1923, [E 884/255/34], No. 606., in
Iran Political Diaries 1881–1965. Volume 6, p. 643.
49 Ibid.
50 Monson to MacDonald, Tehran, March 6, 1924, [E 3511/255/34], No. 129., in
Iran Political Diaries 1881–1965. Volume 7, p. 21.
51 Monson to MacDonald, Tehran, March 26, 1924, [E 3945/255/34], No. 165., in
Iran Political Diaries 1881–1965. Volume 7, p. 30.
52 M. S. Lazarev, Kurdistan i Kurdski vopros, p. 84. See also, David McDowall, A
Modern History of the Kurds, p. 224.
53 Ibid.
228 M. KIA
54 Ibid.
55 Ibid.
56 Ovey to MacDonald, Tehran, June 2, 1924, [E 5856/255/34], No. 272., in Iran
Political Diaries 1881–1965. Volume 7, p. 65.
57 Ovey to MacDonald, Tehran, May 7, 1924, [E 5650/255/34], No. 258., in Iran
Political Diaries 1881–1965. Volume 7, p. 58.
58 Ibid.
59 Ovey to MacDonald, Tehran, July 29, 1924, [E 7228/255/34], No. 356., in Iran
Political Diaries 1881–1965. Volume 7, p. 89.
8 IN SEARCH OF A NEW PATRON: SIMKO SANDWICHED … 229
Simko seated with honour among Turkish officers.”65 Believing that this
was “an attempt to increase Simko’s prestige” and popularity among
the Kurds of western Azerbaijan, the Iranian government “ordered the
confiscation of all copies.”66
As his men continued to carry out raids in the vicinity of Qotur and
Salmas, Simko re-opened negotiations with Iranian authorities in Azer-
baijan. As early as June 1924, there were indications that Simko was nego-
tiating his surrender with the governor of Urumiyeh.67 On December
20, 1924, the British intelligence sources reported that negotiations were
proceeding between Simko and the Iranian military authorities in Tabriz
for his surrender.68 The same source reported that there were strong
rumors that a meeting had already taken place between Simko and the
general officer commanding the Iranian army division at or near Salmas
and that Simko was already at Kohneh Shahr in Salmas district awaiting
the orders of the central government in Tehran.69
By early 1924, the Turkish officials had started accusing Simko of
being a British agent. In a conversation with the Soviet Plenipotentiary
in Turkey, Yakov Surits, the Turkish minister of foreign affairs, Shukru
Kaya, stated that the “activation of Simko who had crossed from Turkish
to Iranian territory, was the work of the British.”70 According to the
Turkish minister, the British were “preparing a big action in Kurdistan
with the aim of encircling Sheikh Mahmud, who posed a great threat to
Turkey as well.”71 In January 1925, Simko’s negotiations with Iranian
authorities in Azerbaijan hit a snag. The Kurdish chief informed Iranian
officials that the Turks were not allowing his family to leave Turkey, and
that he was consequently unable to return to Iran.72
I and my companions are Iranian, and our race is also Iranian, but, because
of traitorous agents and those in charge who are well known to everyone,
we were forced to leave our homeland and take residence in a foreign
country. I want to prove that I have never intended to betray, and I have
always been mindful of the independence and pride of my homeland.75
77 Ibid.
78 Loraine to Chamberlain, Tehran, July 3, 1925, [E 4280/82/34], No. 361., in Iran
Political Diaries 1881–1965. Volume 7, p. 303.
79 Ibid.
80 Loraine to Chamberlain, Tehran, July 31, 1925, [E 4879/82/34], No. 416., in
Iran Political Diaries 1881–1965. Volume 7, p. 311.
81 Interview with Sannar Mamedi living in Sweden, October 1993, as quoted in Susan
Meiselas, Kurdistan in the Shadow of History, p. 116.
82 Ibid.
83 Ibid.
84 Ibid.
85 Hossein Makki, Tarikh-e Bist Sale-ye Iran, Volume 4, pp. 470–471. Makki’s account
of Simko’s life and career suffers from a number of mistakes and inaccuracies.
234 M. KIA
86 Ibid., p. 471.
87 Loraine to Chamberlain, Tehran, July 3, 1925, [E 4280/82/34], No. 361., in Iran
Political Diaries 1881–1965. Volume 7, p. 303.
8 IN SEARCH OF A NEW PATRON: SIMKO SANDWICHED … 235
The concrete events that triggered Simko’s revolt are murky. We know
that the Kurdish chief had received a message from the commander of the
northwestern division that he had to immediately disband his small army
or else expect severe repercussions for his disobedience. Simko rejected
the ultimatum, and, when summoned to a meeting with the local army
commander stationed in Salmas, arrived at the gathering “with an escort
of several hundred cavalry,” and refused “to dismiss them when told to
do so.”88 Simko’s defiant attitude toward the central government and its
military authorities, impressed Kurdish tribal chiefs of western Azerbaijan,
who began to display signs of restlessness, manifested in particular by
their refusal to pay their taxes.89 Though Simko continued to disobey the
orders issued by government authorities in Azerbaijan, and although the
British intelligence sources both in Iraq and Iran were reporting that the
Kurdish chief intended to stage a tribal rebellion, the Iranian government
did not take any action against him.
Simko’s troubles were not confined to his tense and volatile relation-
ship with representatives of the Iranian government in Azerbaijan. The
arrival of Simko in western Azerbaijan had also ignited an intense conflict
over the leadership of the Kurdish tribes of the region between Simko and
the Shakak chief, Omar Khan. The cause of “the quarrel between the two
was Omar Khan’s refusal to acknowledge Simko as his chief.”90 During
Simko’s absence in eastern Anatolia and Iraq, Iranian authorities had
treated Omar Khan “as the paramount Kurdish chief in Azerbaijan.”91
Naturally, Omar Khan resented being outshined and stripped of that
position “by the returned rebel.”92 When fighting erupted between the
followers of the two Kurdish chiefs, the military authorities tried “to
patch up a peace” with an understanding that if peaceful resolution
proved impossible, they would support Omar Khan.93 One of the reasons
for their support was that shortly after his arrival in Iran, Simko had
returned to his favorite vocation, namely plundering villages to feed his
followers, who according to the Shakak chief, were “on the verge of star-
vation.”94 Though the local military authorities in Azerbaijan favored
supporting Omar Khan, the minister of war, General Abdollah Khan
Amir-Tahmasebi, threw his support behind Simko because, as the former
commander of the northwestern division, he was personally respon-
sible for securing the Kurdish chief’s return.95 Thus, when Omar Khan
collected a significant number of his followers with the intention of
attacking Simko, instructions were sent from Tehran that Omar Khan
had “to be summoned to Tabriz.”96 When Omar Khan refused to comply
with instructions from the government, he was attacked by Simko, who
received support from “a contingent of government troops.”97 The attack
by Simko and the local army units forced Omar Khan to flee and seek
refuge with the Harki tribe, “who handed him over to Simko on promise
of pardon.”98 Simko, in turn, delivered Omar Khan to the military
authorities, who imprisoned him in Tabriz.99
The incarceration of Omar Khan, who had been loyal to the Iranian
government since the suppression of Simko in August 1922, caused
“considerable apprehension in Azerbaijan” regarding the government’s
policy toward Simko.100 More eyebrows were raised when the ministry of
war removed the military commander of the Salmas district because the
Iranian colonel had advocated “the limitation of Simko’s liberty.”101 Even
more shocking was the report that the new shah had sent a “khalat ” (robe
of honor) to Simko, and that the Kurdish chief was “collecting money
from the Kurds, nominally to send a return present” to Reza Shah.102
These interactions between the government and Simko were locally inter-
preted as an indication that the government was afraid of the Kurdish
chief.103
The central government had several reasons for its cautious, and at
times supportive, approach toward Simko. First, after his return to Iran,
Simko had repeatedly expressed his loyalty, not only to the Iranian
government, but especially to the person of Reza Khan. For example,
in a meeting with a chief of the police in western Azerbaijan, Simko
“disclaimed all connection with the Turks” and proclaimed his devotion
to Iran’s prime minister “Reza Khan Pahlavi.”104 On a few occasions,
he even went one step further and provided military support to the
Iranian army in its operations against fellow Kurdish chiefs. As long as he
expressed his loyalty to Reza Khan and joined the Iranian forces in their
military campaigns against unruly Kurdish tribes, the Iranian authorities
were willing to turn a blind eye to his activities, including his raids against
“Kurdish villages, which had neglected to show him proper degree of
subservience.”105 Second, for much of the year 1925, the Iranian army
was busy suppressing revolts by Turkmen tribes in northern Khorasan
and Lur tribal groups in western Iran. The central government lacked
sufficient military power to focus on Simko and his supporters. Addition-
ally, plans for transfer of power from the Qajar monarchy to the new
Pahlavi dynasty were well underway by the summer 1925. Reza Khan did
not wish to mar the festivities surrounding his ascendency to the throne
of Iran by a risky military campaign in the northwestern corner of the
country. Any campaign against Simko could be construed as a reminder
that, though he had defeated the Kurdish chief, Reza Khan had failed to
pacify him fully. Finally, the delay in a campaign to punish Simko may
be partially explained by the fact that the Iranian government was in the
process of concluding its negotiations for a peace treaty with the Turkish
government in Ankara. The conclusion of an agreement between the two
102 Ibid.
103 Ibid.
104 Loraine to Chamberlain, Tehran, November 19, 1925, [E 7535/82/34], No. 608.,
in Iran Political Diaries 1881–1965. Volume 7, p. 340.
105 Ibid.
238 M. KIA
Mirza known by his title, Salar al-Dowleh, had a long and uninspiring
record of abortive and ruinous revolts against the central government,
first in 1907, and again in 1911.110 In 1907, during the reign of his
brother, Mohammad Ali Shah, the Qajar prince “claimed the throne,
came out in open revolt, and was finally defeated and captured after a
pitched battle lasting three days” at Nahavand in western Iran.111 In July
1911, when his deposed brother returned to Iran to reclaim his throne,
Salar al-Dowleh staged his second revolt with backing from the chiefs of
the Kurdish Kalhor tribe of Kermanshah. After the deposed shah’s army
was defeated near Tehran, Salar al-Dowleh persisted in his campaign.
Seizing the provinces of Kermanshah and Kurdistan, the young prince
proclaimed himself the shah and minted coins with his name inscribed as
“al-Sultan Abolfath Shah Qajar.”112 In late September 1911, the rebel
prince advanced eastward toward the capital, reaching Saveh, roughly
seventy-six miles or 122 kilometers southwest of Tehran, where he was
defeated by a government force.113 The prince, did not, however, give up.
In May 1912, he raised an army and marched from Kermanshah toward
Tehran, but he was defeated, yet once again. One of the Iranian army
officers, who participated in the campaign against Salar al-Dowleh at the
time, was Reza Khan or the future Reza Shah. Among the casualties of
the war against the Qajar prince was the Armenian chief of Tehran’s police
force, Yeprem Khan (Efrem Khan).
In 1925, after a thirteen-year respite, Salar al-Dowleh returned to
western Iran through Iraq determined to stage yet another rebellion
against Iran’s central government. Though he may have entertained a
dream of restoring the Qajar monarchy, the ultimate objective of the fire-
brand prince was more immediate and personal. When banished in 1912
for his rebellions, Salar al-Dowleh had received a handsome pension from
the Iranian government in return for a promise that he would cease and
desist from staging another revolt against the government. As an extrav-
agant person living in Switzerland, however, the prince was unable to
110 For the life and career of Salar al-Dowleh, see, Who’s Who in Persia (Volume II),
pp. 350–351. See also, Mehdi Bamdad, Sharh-e Hal-e Rejal-e Iran, Volume 1, pp. 48–
50. See also, Willem Floor, Salar al-Dowleh: A Delusional Prince & Wannabe Shah,
(Washington, DC: Mage Publishers, 2018).
111 Edward G. Browne, The Persian Revolution 1905–1909, p. 141.
112 Mehdi Bamdad, Sharh-e Hal-e Rejal-e Iran, Volume 1, p. 50.
113 Ahmad Kasravi, Tarikh-e Hijdah Sale-ye Azerbaijan, pp. 188–194.
240 M. KIA
114 Persia Annual Report. 1925, Loraine to Chamberlain, Tehran, April 8, 1926, Confi-
dential (13017), [E 2635/2635/34], No. 186., in Iran Political Diaries. Volume 7,
pp. 399–400.
115 Ibid., p, 400.
116 Ibid.
117 Ibid.
8 IN SEARCH OF A NEW PATRON: SIMKO SANDWICHED … 241
118 Willem Floor, Salar al-Dowleh: A Delusional Prince & Wannabe Shah, p. 140.
119 Persia Annual Report. 1926, Confidential (13186), [E 870/870/34], No. 41.,
Clive to Chamberlain, Tehran, January 26, 1927, in Iran Political Diaries 1881–1965,
Volume 7, p. 597. For Jafar Sultan, see, British Intelligence: Who’s Who in Persia (Volume
II), First Edition, p. 165.
120 Ibid.
121 M. S. Lazarev, Kurdistan i Kurdski vopros, p. 86.
122 Ibid.
123 Ibid.
242 M. KIA
124 Persia Annual Report, 1926, Confidential (13186), [E 870/870/34], No. 41.,
Clive to Chamberlain, Tehran, January 26, 1927, in Iran Political Diaries 1881–1965.
Volume 7, p. 597.
125 Ibid.
126 Great Britain, Colonial Office, Report by His Britannic Majesty’s Government to
the Council of the League of Nations on the Administration of Iraq For the Year 1927,
p. 61.
127 Ibid.
128 Ibid.
129 Persia Annual Report, 1926, Confidential (13186), [E 870/870/34], No. 41.,
Clive to Chamberlain, Tehran, January 26, 1927, in Iran Political Diaries 1881–1965.
Volume 7, p. 597.
8 IN SEARCH OF A NEW PATRON: SIMKO SANDWICHED … 243
End of Simko
On October 22, 1926, the Iranian “military authorities in Tabriz
announced that after three days’ fighting, from the 17th to the 19th
October government troops had completely defeated Simko’s forces”
and that the Kurdish chief himself “was a fugitive across the border.”143
According to a British report, however, the truth was that “when it was
seen that Simko was receiving no help from any quarter,” his adherents
turned against him and they had joined his tribal rival Omar Khan.144
Regardless of which version one accepts, there is no denying that, with
the disappearance of Simko, the situation in western Azerbaijan rapidly
calmed down.145
138 Ibid.
139 Ibid.
140 Ibid.
141 Ibid.
142 Ibid.
143 Nicolson to Chamberlain, Tehran, November 4, 1926, [E 6476/95/34], No. 542.,
in Iran Political Diaries. Volume 7, p. 516.
144 Ibid.
145 Ibid.
8 IN SEARCH OF A NEW PATRON: SIMKO SANDWICHED … 245
At the time, it was generally believed that after his defeat, Simko
would take refuge with Sayyid Taha II at Rawanduz, in northeastern
Iraq.146 Sandwiched between Turkey and Iran, Simko together “with
about a hundred followers” fled to Iraq via Turkish territory, and “crossed
the border south of Nehri into the Rawanduz district” in late October
1926.147 By then, Iranian authorities had occupied the villages he owned
in Somai, in western Azerbaijan.148
The revolts of Salar al-Dowleh and Simko created an atmosphere of
“suspicious irritation” in Tehran.149 These suspicions embittered the new
monarch, Reza Shah, who was convinced that both the Qajar prince
and the Kurdish rebel were “deliberately being assisted by the British
authorities in Iraq as part of a policy of Kurdish autonomy under British
protection.”150 The Iranian government “applied for Simko’s extradi-
tion,” but Baghdad did not consent, because “the extradition of political
offenders” was not “permitted under the Extradition Law of Iraq.”151
At the close of 1926, the question of the fate of Simko was still under
discussion.152 In an attempt to hasten a decision, the Iraqi authorities
agreed to allow an Iranian government official to meet Simko in Iraq to
communicate to him Tehran’s terms for his pardon.153 Though the Iraqi
government and the British authorities in the country continued to claim
that they wished to remove Simko from Iraq, Tehran and Baghdad failed
to reach an agreement on the fate of the Kurdish chief. In a report to
the Council of the League of Nations on the Administration of Iraq, the
146 Ibid.
147 Great Britain, Colonial Office, “Report by His Britannic Majesty’s Government to
the Council of the League of Nations on the Administration of Iraq For the Year 1926”,
p. 27.
148 Clive to Chamberlain, Tehran, November 20, 1926, [E 6828/95/34], No. 559.,
in Iran Political Diaries 1881–1965. Volume 7, p. 518.
149 Persia Annual Report. 1926, Clive to Chamberlain, Tehran, January 26, 1927,
Confidential (13186), [E 870/870/34], No. 41., in The Iran-Iraq Border 1840–1958.
Volume 6, p. 655.
150 Ibid.
151 Great Britain, Colonial Office, “Report by His Britannic Majesty’s Government to
the Council of the League of Nations on the Administration of Iraq For the Year 1926”,
p. 27.
152 Ibid.
153 Ibid.
246 M. KIA
British authorities stated that, at the beginning of 1927, they hoped that
the Iranian government “would adopt a suggestion which had been made
in Tehran that they should send a special representative to meet Simko
on the border and discuss terms with him and that such a meeting might
lead to his return” to Iran.154 These hopes were, however, “disappointed
and no such meeting took place.”155 The Iranian government “offered
to pardon Simko if he would agree to live peacefully on lands which they
would give him outside the Kurdish districts,” but, as Simko “insisted on
being permitted to return to his old tribal area, this offer produced no
results.”156 He consequently remained in the Rawanduz district of Iraq
where, according to the same report, he continued to be “a menace to
good order on both sides of the frontier.”157
In May 1928, Simko departed Iraq for Turkey. A British report stated
that “the embarrassment, which had been caused to Perso-Iraq relations
by Simko taking refuge in Iraqi territory in October 1926, was removed
by his voluntary departure from Iraq into Turkey.”158 The Kurdish chief,
however, returned to Iraq “a little over a year later.”159 Late in July
1929, Simko crossed the Turkey-Iraq border with about fifty followers
and established himself in a village a few miles south of the frontier
in the Rawanduz district.160 Anxious to avoid any embarrassment or
conflict with the governments of Turkey and Iran, the Iraqi authorities
informed Simko that “his presence in Iraq could only be permitted if he
154 Great Britain, Colonial Office, Report by His Britannic Majesty’s Government to
the Council of the League of Nations on the Administration of Iraq For the Year 1928,
pp. 61–62.
155 Ibid., p. 62.
156 Ibid.
157 Ibid.
158 Great Britain, Colonial Office, “Report by His Majesty’s Government in the United
Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland to the Council of the League of Nations
on the Administration of Iraq for the Year 1928,” (Colonial No. 44/1929) (London:
Printed and Published by His Majesty’s Stationary Office, 1929), p. 40. See also, Wadie
Jwaideh, Kurdish National Movement Its Origins and Development, p. 143.
159 Great Britain, Colonial Office, “Report by His Majesty’s Government in the United
Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland to the Council of the League of Nations
on the Administration of Iraq for the Year 1929,” (Colonial No. 55), p. 44.
160 Ibid.
8 IN SEARCH OF A NEW PATRON: SIMKO SANDWICHED … 247
161 Ibid.
162 Ibid.
163 Ibid.
164 A. M. Hamilton. Road Through Kurdistan: Travels in Northern Iraq, (London:
Faber and Faber Limited, 1937), p. 111.
165 Persia, Annual Report, 1930. Confidential [E 3067/3067/34], No. 276, May 22,
1931, in Iran Political Diaries 1881–1965. Volume 8, p. 645.
166 A. M. Hamilton, Road Through Kurdistan, p. 111.
167 Ibid.
168 Persia, Annual Report, 1930. Confidential (13929), [E 3067/3067/34], No. 276.,
Clive to Henderson, Tehran, May 22, 1931, in Iran Political Diaries 1881–1965. Volume
8, p. 645.
169 A. M. Hamilton, Road Through Kurdistan, p. 111.
248 M. KIA
170 Ibid.
171 Ibid. See also, Persia, Annual Report, 1930, Clive to Henderson, Tehran, May
22, 1931, Confidential (13929), [E 3067/3067/34], No. 276, May 22, 1931, in Iran
Political Diaries 1881–1965. Volume 8, p. 645. See also, D. K. Fieldhouse, Kurds, Arabs
and Britons the Memoir of Wallace Lyon in Iraq, p. 112.
172 Ibid.
173 The Times of London, July 22, 1930 as quoted in Oriente Moderno, Anno 10, Nr.
8 (August 1930), Istituto per l’Oriente C. A. Nallino, p. 380.
8 IN SEARCH OF A NEW PATRON: SIMKO SANDWICHED … 249
columns and killed with many of his followers.174 The Iranian govern-
ment had gotten its revenge on a Kurdish leader it viewed as a lethal
threat, and the international press gloated. On July 22, 1930, the Times
of London printed a report filed on 21 July, in Tehran, announcing “the
defeat and death of the notorious Shakak Kurdish brigand chief, Simko,”
who had “caused great trouble in Persian Kurdistan in 1922,” and after
that had “marauded in the Turkish and Iraqi sections of Kurdistan.”175
As expected, the treacherous murder of Simko turned him into a martyr
for the Kurdish cause.
174 Le Messager de Téhéran, July 23, 1930 as quoted in Oriente Moderno, Anno 10,
Nr. 8 (August 1930), Istituto per l’Oriente C. A. Nallino, p. 380.
175 The Times of London, p. 13, July 22, 1930.
CHAPTER 9
Conclusion
A popular joke in the former Soviet Union declared that “the future
is certain; it is only the past that is unpredictable.” This joke reminds
one of George Orwell’s famous statement that “who controls the past,
controls the future,” and “who controls the present controls the past.”1
The old Russian joke as well as Orwell’s statement points to attempts
by totalitarian states to manipulate and control the historical narrative
and employ it for their own political objectives. History is a delicate
and fragile creature and can easily be manipulated, used, and abused by
governments, political movements, politicians, and ideologues. The battle
over the narrative can at times become as important as the actual conflict
over power. As with many other personages in Iranian history, the story
of Simko has also been subjected to this game of political football.
Those who believed that Simko posed a direct threat to the national
unity and territorial integrity of the Iranian state denounced the Kurdish
chief as a violent and brutal brigand, a robber and a murderer, who
caused immeasurable destruction, chaos, and human suffering in north-
western Iran. Highlighting Simko’s violence and brutality before, during,
and after the First World War allowed these authors to ignore the under-
lying causes of Simko’s revolt. Thus, they failed to transcend the gory
details and answer the fundamental question; why did Simko revolt in the
first place and what were the reasons for a Kurdish tribal chief to resort
to a proto-nationalist discourse in order to justify his rebellion against the
authority of Iran’s central government.
To the direct opposite, those who advocated some form of autonomy
or independence for the Kurds appropriated Simko as a national hero
who stood up to the injustices perpetrated by Iran’s central government.
In their attempt to manufacture a national icon out of a frontier warlord,
these writers reduced the complex and multi-faceted causes for Simko’s
rebellion to a reaction by the Kurdish chief against the Persianist policies
of Reza Shah the founder of the Pahlavi dynasty. Such an analysis faces
several problems. First, Simko’s revolt commenced in late 1918 when
an ethnically and linguistically non-Persian Turkic dynasty, namely the
Qajars, ruled Iran. Second, when Simko staged his rebellion, Reza Khan,
a non-Persian Mazandarani, was a junior officer in Iran’s Cossack divi-
sion without any real power or authority. There was no inkling of any
pro-Persian policy propagated by the weak and inept Qajar state, which
could not defend its own capital, let alone devise cultural policies for the
Kurds of northwestern Iran. Third, at the time that Simko’s revolt was
spreading in northwestern Iran, Reza Khan did not have the authority or
the power to impose any Persianization policies. The best outcome the
central government could hope for at the time was to disarm powerful
tribal groups and impose its nominal authority over the tribal zones of
the country. Though later in his reign as Reza Shah Pahlavi, he advo-
cated the supremacy of Persian language as a means of creating a unified
nation-state, in 1922, there was no trace of such policies.
Instead of using Simko as a means of promoting an ideological agenda,
I have tried to present an in-depth account of the Kurdish chief’s
ideas and political career without constructing a narrative that would
either dehumanize or glorify him. Without discounting his violent and
destructive attacks against urban and rural communities, I have tried to
understand why Simko staged his revolt, what forces were at work in his
immediate periphery to create the pre-conditions for a massive rebellion,
and why he initially succeeded but eventually failed.
In this book, I have discussed Simko’s life and political career in the
context of historic events that transformed Iran and its immediate neigh-
bors to the north and the west in the first three decades of the twentieth
century. Within this framework, I have divided Simko’s life into several
distinct periods. The first period extends from 1905, when he emerged as
the head of the Avdoi branch of the Shakak tribe, to 1914, when the First
9 CONCLUSION 253
World War commenced. For Simko, the year 1905 proved to be a turning
point. Iranian authorities in Tabriz treacherously murdered his brother,
Jafar Agha, and shortly thereafter, in 1907, his father died in an Ottoman
prison in Istanbul. During this period, Simko became increasingly sand-
wiched between the Ottoman Turks, who invaded western Azerbaijan in
1905 and the Russians who occupied large portions of the province after
1909.
Enraged by the betrayal of Iranian authorities, Simko initially sought
the patronage and protection of the Ottoman Turks, who had invaded
western Azerbaijan in October 1905. He and a group of his followers
fled to eastern Anatolia, where they settled near Van. Simko’s alliance
with the Turks did not last very long, however, and he returned to Iran
in 1907. In the months immediately after his return to Iran, Simko acted
as the lieutenant and protégé of Eqbal al-Saltaneh, the Khan of Maku. In
the battle between the pro-shah and pro-constitution forces that erupted
after Mohammad Ali Shah attacked and destroyed the Iranian parlia-
ment on June 23, 1908, Simko joined the Khan of Maku, who called
on the tribes of western Azerbaijan to throw their support behind their
sovereign. Simko and a group of Kurdish chiefs responded positively to
Eqbal al-Saltaneh’s call. They raised a large army and slaughtered the pro-
constitution forces in Salmas and Khoy. In return for his loyalty to the
shah and his participation in the suppression of constitutionalists, Simko
was appointed governor of Qotur, a rural district on the border between
the Ottoman Empire and Iran.
After Russia invaded and occupied Azerbaijan in 1909, Simko grad-
ually emerged as a stalwart client of Czarist authorities and went as far
as to stage raids and organize tribal rebellions against Ottoman Turks,
which he did with Russian backing. In return for his services to Russia, the
governor-general of the Caucasus decorated Simko and appointed him the
governor of the frontier district of Somai in western Azerbaijan. Through
his Russian contacts, Simko also established a close working relationship
with prominent pro-Russia Kurdish leaders, including Abdurrezzak Bey
Bedir Khan and Sayyid Taha II. It was through his contacts and inter-
actions with highly educated, well-travelled, and politically experienced
Kurdish leaders from the Ottoman Empire that Simko became acquainted
with Kurdish nationalist ideas.
The second period of Simko’s life overlapped with the tumultuous
years of the First World War. It began in late 1914 and ended in late
1918. This period intensified the Kurdish chief’s nationalistic sentiments,
254 M. KIA
military tactics, and his irregular forces were naturally at a great disadvan-
tage when opposed by a properly equipped and organized force.”2 The
tribesmen fighting under Simko’s flag were not paid other than in plunder
from the enemies they defeated and the towns and villages they sacked.
It is not surprising, therefore, that the loyalty of Kurdish tribal chiefs of
western Azerbaijan remained fragile and transient. Simko’s fate was sealed
once the Iranian state managed to organize a standing army under the
leadership of its minister of war, Reza Khan, and after Tehran and Ankara
resolved their disputes through direct negotiations. When Simko suffered
a devastating military defeat at the hands of Iranian government forces
in August 1922, his tribal coalition collapsed, and his rebellion fizzled.
Simko’s defeat was followed by a mass defection by the very tribal chiefs
who had rallied to his cause.
During the last period of his life, extending from his defeat at the
hands of the Iranian army in August 1922 to his assassination by Iranian
authorities in July 1930, Simko tried to revive his power and stage another
rebellion against the Iranian government, but he failed. In October 1922,
the Kurdish chief travelled to northern Iraq and appealed to the British
authorities for support. When the British rejected his request for assis-
tance, Simko sought Sheikh Mahmud Barzanji’s backing, but his pleas
did not produce any positive results. Having failed in his efforts in
northern Iraq, Simko returned to Turkey and joined the Turkish national-
ists. He also returned to his favorite vocation of raiding merchant caravans
and plundering rural communities on the Iranian-Turkish frontier. After
the Turks suppressed Sheikh Said’s rebellion in the spring 1925, Simko
returned to Iran in 1925. In 1926, the Kurdish chief revolted against the
authority of the Iranian state, but he was quickly defeated by his prin-
cipal rival within the Shakak tribe. After 1926, Simko became a homeless
nomad travelling between Iraq and Turkey, while the Iranian and Iraqi
governments negotiated about his fate. In July 1930, he finally returned
to Iran only to be killed in an ambush organized by Iranian authorities.
Throughout his career, Simko utilized an imperial framework or a
patron-client relationship to ensure his political survival. He served the
2 M. Saunders, Intelligence Summary No. 38, Tehran, September 24, 1922, Doc. 86
[E 12,259/285/34], in British Documents on Foreign Affairs: Reports and Papers From
the Foreign Office Confidential Print, Part II, Series B Turkey, Iran, and the Middle East,
1918–1939, Volume 18, p. 125.
9 CONCLUSION 257
Ottoman Turks as a client between 1905 and 1907, and again intermit-
tently during the First World War, as the situation demanded. He also
enjoyed Russian patronage and protection for several years before and for
a short time during the First World War. The only period during which
Simko acted as a semi-independent leader was the four years immediately
following the conclusion of the Great War; the Russian and Ottoman
empires had collapsed, and the British, despite their enormous power
and influence in Iran and the greater Middle East, were unwilling to
become involved in the conflict between the Iranian state and Kurdish
tribes of northwestern Iran. Even then, Simko relied heavily on support
from Turkish nationalists, who provided him with considerable military
and logistical support.
The patron-client system did not allow Simko to develop a political
agenda independent of his patrons. For example, before the commence-
ment of the First World War, the Kurdish chief joined Abdurrezzak Bey
Bedir Khan and Sayyid Taha II in promoting Kurdish nationalism. Their
“nationalistic” activities, were not, however, aimed at creating a viable and
independent state for the Kurdish communities of the region. Instead,
their principal objective was to undermine the authority of the Ottoman
government in eastern Anatolia, while at the same time building Russia’s
influence inside the Kurdish-populated regions of Iran and the Ottoman
Empire. As clients of the Czarist state, neither Simko nor the other two
Kurdish leaders enjoyed the freedom to devise an independent nationalist
agenda.
Was Simko a Kurdish nationalist? Or more correctly, could Simko be a
nationalist given the tribal society in which he operated and his propen-
sity for selling his services to the highest and most powerful regional
bidder? The Kurdish communities in northwestern Iran were predomi-
nantly rural and tribal. The majority of the Kurdish population lived either
as semi-nomads or peasant cultivators. The region lacked a middle class
with sufficient economic power to exert its political influence. There was
also no urban intelligentsia or an urban-based educated strata engaged
in articulating modern ideas and objectives for a political movement.
Nationalistic sentiments were, therefore, confined to an extremely small
group of tribal chiefs and local notables, who enjoyed a tenuous rela-
tionship with Kurdish intellectuals and political leaders in the Ottoman
Empire, the birthplace of Kurdish nationalism.
The early impulses of Simko’s nationalism were inspired by Kurdish
nationalist leaders across the border in the Ottoman Empire, including
258 M. KIA
Abdurrezzak Bey Bedir Khan and Sayyid Taha II, who acted as inter-
locutors and the means of transmission for the introduction of Kurdish
nationalism in northwestern Iran. This embryonic form of nationalism
became increasingly more relevant as Kurdish anxiety and insecurity in
western Azerbaijan was aroused in reaction to the ascendency of nation-
alistic organizations and armed groups among Assyrian and Armenian
communities in northwestern Iran. Initially, Simko did not fear a distant
Iranian government, which was practically non-existent at the time. The
Kurdish chief’s primary concern was the emergence of an Assyrian or an
Armenian state that could dominate the Kurdish tribes of western Azer-
baijan with direct assistance from Russia and other European powers. In
other words, Simko’s nationalism was shaped by a deep sense of anxiety
about the possibility that his tribe, as well as neighboring Kurdish tribal
groups, would be reduced to a subservient minority community under
Assyrian rule.
Simko was a tribal chief in search of an independent state. Despite his
call for the creation of a Kurdish state, Simko and his army lacked the
most rudimentary elements of a coherent nationalist movement. Nation-
alist movements were often represented by an educated intelligentsia
(i.e., scholars, teachers, journalists, poets, and writers), which critiqued
the traditional culture of the society and proposed new ideas, policies,
and political objectives. This factor was clearly missing in Simko’s case.
The geographical setting of Simko’s revolt was mountainous and tribal.
Cities and towns were targets of attacks rather than the social base of
the revolt. It is not surprising, therefore, that Simko’s revolt suffers from
a paucity of articles and books written by Kurdish intellectuals in its
support. Raiding and plundering rather than writing and publishing were
the favorite pursuits and pastimes of the leaders. This was not a nation-
alist movement that fit the traditional theoretical model. And yet, Simko’s
revolt contained strong elements of a proto-nationalist movement. The
Kurdish chief’s uprising was separatist in nature. Caught on the border-
lands of age-old empires, it possessed little affinity for either Iran or
Turkey. Instead of viewing the British or the Russians as the evil colo-
nizers, as was the case in the Iranian nationalist discourse, Simko viewed
the Iranian state as the oppressor of his people, and he sought to defeat
it with support from either the Turks, the British, or the Russians.
There is no evidence to suggest that Simko’s opposition to the Iranian
state was based on some form of cultural nationalism, but there is ample
evidence to argue that he viewed the centralizing policies of the Iranian
9 CONCLUSION 259
on the unique story of Simko and his revolt. The reason for this hesi-
tation is very clear. The Kurdish tribal leadership in northwestern Iran
operated in a political environment fundamentally different from Kurdish
tribal chiefs in the Ottoman Empire. In Qajar Iran, the Kurdish chiefs
enjoyed far greater autonomy than their brethren across the border. As
a result of centralizing policies implemented by the Ottoman Empire
throughout the nineteenth century, the Kurdish tribal groups of eastern
Anatolia had become far more integrated into the state’s power struc-
ture, and many functioned as the direct arm of the state, supporting the
Ottoman government in its campaign to suppress Armenian nationalists.
Iran witnessed a reverse process, because the power of the Qajar state
was in a rapid decline throughout the same period, especially in the tribal
zones of the country. Lacking the military and bureaucratic institutions
that the Ottomans possessed, the Qajar state, which was in reality a loose
confederation of tribal groups and landowning families, maintained the
fragile balance of power by adopting a policy of minimal intervention.
Instead of acting as an extension of the central government, Kurdish
tribal groups such as Simko’s Shakak operated as autonomous entities that
maintained their own power structure and conducted their own foreign
policy with neighboring states, namely, the Ottoman Empire and Russia.
The Ottoman state was not only more centralized and bureaucratic,
but it was also more ideological than its counterpart to the east. The
Ottoman sultan functioned not only as the temporal but also as the reli-
gious and spiritual head, or the caliph, of his Sunni Muslim subjects,
including the majority of the Kurdish population in eastern Anatolia.
In the last two decades of the nineteenth century, the Ottoman appeal
to Pan-Islamism enjoyed the support of many Kurdish tribal chiefs and
notables in eastern Anatolia. Even after the defeat and collapse of the
Ottoman Empire at the end of the First World War, many Kurdish
leaders continued to display a willingness to support the efforts of Mustafa
Kemal and his fellow officers in removing foreign occupation troops from
Anatolia as long as the leader of the movement remained a Gazi who
fought the infidels in the name of Islam and the sultan-caliph.
In sharp contrast to the Ottoman sultan, the Qajar shahs lacked the
religious legitimacy to rule their subjects. This may explain why they
relied heavily on the support of the Shi’i religious hierarchy to maintain
their control. The situation for the Qajar state worsened in the Sunni-
populated regions of the country, especially in the Kurdish-populated
areas where a Shi’i monarch did not enjoy any automatic legitimacy or
264 M. KIA
support. The only means for the state to win over the Kurdish tribes of
Iran was through bribes and threats. The state often bought the loyalty
of Kurdish chiefs by bestowing honorific titles and increasing the amount
of land and taxes a tribal leader controlled. When the Ottoman Empire
and Russia invaded northwestern Iran in 1905 and 1909, the authority
of the Qajar dynasty vanished, and after the end of the First World War
and the increasing militarization of the country’s tribal zones, it became
impossible for the Iranian state to secure her authority even with bribes
and threats.
Finally, as a result of institutional reforms, including the introduction
of a modern educational system, a Kurdish intelligentsia emerged under
late Ottoman rule. Highly educated and well-travelled, the members of
this intelligentsia served at various levels of the Ottoman state bureau-
cracy, including its palace and foreign policy establishment. The rise of
Kurdish nationalism was partially linked to the rise of this intelligentsia,
which was exposed to a variety of modern European ideas and ideolog-
ical schools. The members of the Kurdish intelligentsia also witnessed the
eruption of nationalist movements, first among the Christian subjects of
the sultan in southeastern Europe and later among the Armenian and
Arab subjects of the empire. If the Armenians and Arabs of the empire
could demand their own nation-states why couldn’t the Kurds, an ancient
people with their own unique identity? This intellectual ferment was
absent among the Kurdish communities in Iran, which were dominated
by tribal chiefs whose political horizons did not transcend political survival
as well as petty tribal jealousies and rivalries. Though rooted in his expe-
rience with the Qajar state, as well as in his deep anxieties and insecurities
regarding the activities of Assyrian and Armenian nationalists, Simko’s
unique proto-nationalism was an extension of Kurdish nationalistic ideas
that had already been cultivated in the Ottoman Empire. Without his
interactions with prominent Kurdish notables and intellectuals from the
Ottoman state, Simko’s revolt would have remained another isolated
tribal rebellion by a frontier warlord who lacked any formative ideology
or overarching political objectives.
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M. Kia, The Clash of Empires and the Rise of Kurdish Proto-Nationalism,
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280 INDEX
J M
Jafar Agha Shakak, 67, 69 Mahabad, 47, 151, 165, 169
Jahanbani, Amanollah Mirza, 1, 17, Majlis, 28–30, 35, 37, 44, 75, 141,
111, 139, 151, 162–169, 175, 142, 150, 178, 181, 185
180, 181, 188, 195, 202, Maku, 6, 19, 47, 74–77, 87, 92, 93,
206–210, 213, 214 96, 99, 129, 146, 155, 157, 162,
171, 209, 216–218, 229, 233,
253
K Malekzadeh, Hassan, 151, 162,
Kamal Beyk, 214 164–167, 192
Kardar, 60, 214 Mamash tribe, 159
Karim Khan Harki, 214 Mangur tribe, 70, 99, 171
Kazem Qushchi, 206 Maragheh, 17, 99, 167, 199, 204,
Kazim Karabekir, 157 211, 228
Kemal, Mustafa, 5, 9, 10, 46, 127, Margavar, 47, 48, 61, 64, 72, 78, 81,
157, 158, 183, 184, 186, 200, 89, 90, 113, 215, 216, 222, 228
220, 229, 231, 263 Mar Shimun, 9, 14, 95, 97, 105–108,
Kermanshah, 33, 111, 159, 182, 190, 112–121, 135, 149, 221, 248,
191, 193, 195, 197, 200, 201, 254, 260
211, 239–242 McDowell, Robert, 113
Khalu Qorban, 17, 174, 197, 198, Mehmed V, xi
201 Memduh Shevket, 238
282 INDEX
Miandoab, 47, 171, 193, 196, 198, 79, 81, 82, 84, 88–90, 92, 93,
199, 228 96–99, 105, 106, 123, 126, 127,
Mirza Kuchak Khan, 15, 16, 35, 144, 129, 132, 133, 148, 158, 220,
148, 150, 151, 174, 177, 197, 225, 253, 257, 259, 262–264
259 Ozdemir Bey, 224
Moghadam tribe, 204
Mohammad Agha Shakak, 65–67, 69,
73, 74 P
Mohammad Ali Shah, 6, 12, 13, 19, Pahlavi, Mohammad Reza shah, 211,
29, 30, 75, 78, 80, 92, 93, 141, 212
185, 191, 239, 253 Pahlavi, Reza Khan, 13, 18, 42, 237,
Mokhber al-Saltaneh Hedayat, 2, 16, 240
17, 69, 131, 145, 151–153, 157, Pahlavi, Reza Shah, 13, 18, 37, 252
161–164, 167, 172, 174, 176, Paris Peace Conference (1919–1920),
190, 192, 194, 203 132
Momtaz al-Dowleh, Mirza Ismail Pasha, Sherif, 132, 133
Khan, 184–187 Pessyan, Mohammad Taqi Khan, xvi,
Mosaddeq, Mohammad, 212 36
Moshir al-Dowleh, Mirza Hassan Petros, Agha, 121, 122, 146
Khan, 39, 145, 151 Philipov, Colonel, 138, 140, 141,
Mosul, 5, 18, 71, 91, 127, 150, 176, 144, 208
205, 224 Pizhdar Kurds, 227, 242, 243
Mozaffar al-Din Shah, 12, 26, 67, 71,
75, 184, 185, 238
Mudros, Armistice of, 34, 132 Q
Qaradagh, 136
Qarajadagh, 136, 152, 171, 196, 204
N Qara Papakhs, 7, 47, 51, 52, 147
Nasser al-Din Shah Qajar, 26, 42, 63, Qavam al-Saltaneh, Mirza Ahmad
88 Khan, 36, 171, 186, 223
Nehri, 64, 87, 88, 91, 225, 245 Qotur, 6, 13, 60, 61, 74, 76, 78, 79,
Nezam al-Saltaneh Māfi, 67 84, 85, 92, 93, 209, 216, 225,
Nicholas II, 91, 107, 109 226, 228, 230, 253
Nuri Beyk, 214
R
O Rasht, 30, 35, 38, 144
Omar Khan, 214, 232, 234–236, 244 Rawanduz, 89, 92, 148, 222, 224,
Oshnaviyeh, 18, 47, 61, 78, 161, 225, 231, 245–247
213, 215, 216, 222, 247, 248 Razmara, Hajj Ali, 211
Ottoman Empire, 3–6, 9, 11, 12, 15, Reza Khan Sardar Sepah, 40, 203
21, 22, 27, 31, 34, 46, 48, Russia, 4, 6, 11–14, 19, 21, 25–28,
52–54, 58–60, 64–66, 68, 75, 30, 31, 38, 51, 65, 67, 71, 75,
INDEX 283
80, 82–87, 89–91, 93, 95, 96, Sheikh Said, 231, 256
98, 99, 105–108, 113, 125, 126, Sheikh Ubeydullah of Nhri, 7, 65, 87
202, 253, 254, 257, 258, Sheybani, Habibollah, 183, 188, 189,
262–264 193, 202
Russian Bolshevik Revolution, xiii Simko, Ismail Agha, 27
Russo-Japanese War, 27, 70 Society for the Advancement of
Kurdistan, 132
Somai, 63, 64, 72, 74, 77–79, 86, 87,
S 92, 216, 233, 245, 253
Saint Petersburg Convention, 28, 29, South Persia Rifles (SPR), 34, 41,
125 177–179, 192
Salar al-Dowleh, Abolfath Mirza, 239 Soviet Union, 11, 36, 38, 41, 126,
Salmas, 6, 10, 11, 14, 15, 29, 46–49, 148–150, 171, 186, 194, 218,
51, 53, 58, 59, 61, 62, 67, 68, 226, 251
74–77, 80, 81, 99, 100, Sulaymaniyah, 18, 71, 158, 220, 222,
102–108, 111, 113, 115, 116, 223, 226, 227
119, 121, 122, 133–135, 137, Sykes-Picot Agreement, xiii
138, 140, 144–146, 154, 157, Syria, northern, 148
163, 170, 175, 183, 200, 207,
209, 210, 213, 216, 217,
226–228, 230, 233–236, 243, T
253, 254 Tabriz, 15–17, 27, 29, 30, 35, 49,
Sardasht, 51, 81, 147, 213, 227, 242, 65, 66, 68–70, 75, 80, 82, 97,
243 99–101, 103, 104, 110, 111,
Sattar Khan, 29 134–138, 140–144, 148,
Savojbolagh, 47, 50, 71, 82, 104, 151–154, 157–161, 163, 164,
151, 160, 162, 164–171, 174, 167, 171, 173, 174, 177, 180,
177, 192, 194, 198, 201, 206, 182–185, 187, 189, 190,
210, 213, 243 192–196, 198–200, 202–205,
Sayyid Abdulqadir of Nehri, 231 211, 218, 227–230, 233, 236,
Sayyid Taha II of Nehri, 5, 35 243, 244, 247, 253, 259
Sayyid Ziya al-Din Tabatabai, 40, 159 Tabur Aghasi, 214
Sèvres, Treaty of, 15, 127, 148 Taher Beyk, 214
Shahseven tribe, 36, 151, 154, 197, Tahir Pasha, 73, 74
217 Talat Pasha, xii
Shakak Kurds, 7, 29, 58, 59, 61, 63, Targavar, 47, 48, 58, 61, 72, 78, 89,
66, 87, 97, 111, 227 113, 214, 216, 222
Shakar Yazi, 163 Tasuj, 151, 161, 163, 175, 177, 183,
Sharafkhaneh, 17, 111, 138, 162, 206, 248
163, 172, 174, 183, 189, 190, Tazeh Shahr, 59
192, 193, 196, 204, 206, 210 Tehran, 3, 11, 12, 15–17, 23, 25, 26,
Sheikh Khazal, 182, 212 28, 30–32, 35, 36, 38–40, 43,
Sheikh Raghib, 224 46, 65, 67, 69, 78, 81, 83, 104,
284 INDEX
128–131, 135, 138, 139, 165, 169, 172, 173, 189, 193,
141–144, 148, 150–152, 154, 194, 198–201, 204, 206, 207,
157, 159, 160, 164, 170, 172, 210, 216, 248
174, 176, 177, 180–185, 187, Ushnu, 47, 161
188, 190–194, 196–199, 201,
204, 205, 210–212, 217, 218,
223, 229, 230, 232, 236, V
238–240, 242, 245–247, 249, Van, 7, 63, 64, 73, 74, 83, 86, 91,
256, 259, 260, 262 96, 102, 105, 106, 111, 112,
Tiflis, 14, 83, 84, 86, 90, 97, 107, 114, 123, 133, 146, 158, 204,
112, 114, 186, 254 228, 229, 253
Tobacco Régie, ix Vorontsov-Dashkov, 86, 98
Turkey, Republic of, 225 Vosuq al-Dowleh, Mirza Hassan khan,
37–39
U W
Urumiyeh, 11, 31–33, 46–51, 58, 59, Wilson, Woodrow, xiii
61, 62, 67, 72, 73, 77, 79, 80,
86, 89–91, 97, 99–101, 104,
106, 107, 111, 113–115, 117, Y
119–123, 133, 134, 137, 140, Yeprem Khan, 239
144, 146, 147, 154, 157, 159, Young Turks, 76, 77, 84, 108, 132,
164, 165, 169, 200, 205, 206, 149, 254
209–211, 213–216, 224,
226–230, 243, 254
Urumiyeh, Lake, 17, 31, 46, 48, 49, Z
52, 58, 59, 69, 70, 77, 99, 101, Zafar al-Dowleh, 151, 162–164, 247
102, 105, 111, 112, 129, 134, Zahedi, Fazlollah, 207, 212
137, 138, 151, 159, 162, 163, Zarza tribe, 215