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Child Care in Practice

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Attachment and Resilience:

Implications for Children in Care
Nicola Atwool
Published online: 29 Nov 2006.

To cite this article: Nicola Atwool (2006) Attachment and Resilience: Implications for Children in
Care, Child Care in Practice, 12:4, 315-330, DOI: 10.1080/13575270600863226

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 Child Care in Practice
Vol. 12, No. 4, October 2006, pp. 315
330

Attachment and Resilience:

Implications for Children in Care
Nicola Atwool
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Attachment theory and resilience theory have developed as two separate bodies of
knowledge with their own genealogy. In this paper it is argued that the concepts of
attachment and resilience should be regarded as complementary and that each is
strengthened by such an approach. The cultural implications are discussed with
particular reference to the indigenous population of Aotearoa New Zealand and a case
is made for the importance of attachment as a crucial factor in minimising risk and
maximising resiliency for children in need of care and protection.

Introduction
The consequences of adverse childhood experiences are well documented. In recent
years the focus has shifted to those factors that make a difference for children facing
adversity. The concept of resilience is now well established in the minds of those who
work with children. There is a danger, however, that we rely too heavily on the
evidence that children can achieve positive outcomes in the face of adversity without
fully understanding what enables these children to do so. This paper explores the
connections between resilience and attachment theory, arguing that the dynamics of
attachment provide a clearer explanation of resilience.
I begin with a brief outline of resilience theory before discussing aspects of
attachment theory relevant to resilience. The subsequent section explores the link
between resilience and attachment theory, and the paper concludes with a discussion
of the relevance of an integrated understanding of attachment and resilience to
children in need of care. Particular attention is paid to the link between culture,
attachment and resilience. The role of culture in shaping identity is discussed and
I demonstrate that culture can be a protective factor, or can lead to dislocation and a
negative self-concept. The example of Maori children in the Aotearoa New Zealand
care system is used to illustrate these arguments.

Nicola Atwool is a senior lecturer at the University of Otago. Correspondence to: Nicola Atwool, Community
and Family Studies/Children’s Issues Centre, University of Otago, Box 56, Dunedin, New Zealand. Tel: 64 03 479
9019; Fax: 64 03 479 7653; Email: nicola.atwool@stonebow.otago.ac.nz

ISSN 1357-5279 print/1476-489X online/06/040315-16 # 2006 The Child Care in Practice Group
DOI: 10.1080/13575270600863226
 316 N. Atwool

Resilience
Three broad factors have been associated with resilience: individual characteristics
(including temperament, competence, self-efficacy and self-esteem), family support
and a supportive person or agency outside the family (Brown & Rhodes, 1991;
Compas, 1987; Garmezy, 1994; Matson, 2001; Werner & Smith, 1982). More recently,
as a result of an international collaboration, Ungar (2003) has added culture as a
fourth factor.
It is very clear that resilience is not an isolated individual characteristic. Although
there has been a tendency to focus on individual psychological factors and social
resources as separate phenomena, research in this field points to a combination of
internal and external factors. Attention is now being focused on the interrelationship
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between these factors and the possibility that they combine to produce protective
effects (Gore & Eckenrode, 1994; Luthar, Cicchetti, & Becker, 2000). Attachment
theory has much to contribute to an understanding of the processes underpinning
resilience.

Attachment Theory
Attachment theory originated from John Bowlby’s seminal work in the 1940s and was
further developed by Mary Ainsworth. In recent years there has been a resurgence of
interest, and this paper focuses on those aspects most relevant to resilience.
Attachment research focuses on the relationship between the infant and the caregiver
rather than the individual characteristics of either party (Ainsworth & Bowlby, 1991)
and highlights the infant’s active participation in the process. The attachment figure
has a crucial role in managing anxiety during the infant’s period of complete
dependency. By developing ‘‘sensitive responsiveness’’, or the ability to tune into the
infant and respond appropriately, he/she helps the infant to form a secure
attachment. Once established, secure attachment provides the child with a base
from which to explore the world (Ainsworth, 1979).
From her study of mother
infant dyads, Ainsworth identified three patterns of
attachment: secure, ambivalent and avoidant. An additional category has since been
identified by Main, Kaplan, and Cassidy (1985), who use the term ‘‘disorganised/
disoriented’’ to describe children in ‘‘at-risk’’ samples who initially were categorised as
secure because their responses did not fit the other two categories. There appears to
be general agreement that this fourth category emerges in high-risk populations and
is most likely to occur in abusive situations.

Internal Working Models

Bowlby’s concept of inner working models explains the long-term impact of early
attachment experiences (Bowlby, 1969, 1973, 1980). These models are constructed
from the infant’s experience of interaction, and Sroufe (1988) argues that ‘‘Such
models concerning the availability of others and, in turn, the self as worthy or
 Child Care in Practice 317

unworthy of care, provide a basic context for subsequent transactions with the
environment, most particularly social relationships’’ (p. 18). Internal working models
form the basis for the organisation and understanding of affective experience
(Bretherton, 1985, 1990; Crittenden, 1990; Main et al., 1985), helping to make sense
of new experiences, and shaping subjective reality (Howe, 1995). In childhood it is
possible that internal working models can only be altered in response to changes in
direct experience. Following the onset of the capacity for formal operational thinking,
internal working models may be altered through the ability to think about and reflect
on thought processes. Although internal working models have a strong propensity for
stability, they are not templates.
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Attachment and Brain Development

More recently research has focused on the link between attachment and brain
development furthering understanding of the significance of attachment. During the
first three years of life, the brain develops rapidly, establishing neural pathways that
allow the more complex structures of the brain to come into being (Schore, 2001).
This brain development is sequential and use-dependent. Different areas of the
central nervous system are in the process of organisation at different times, and
disruptions of experience-dependent neurochemical signals during these periods may
lead to major abnormalities or deficits in neurodevelopment (Perry, 1997a, 1997b).
The role of the environment is crucial, and Perry and Pollard (1998) identify the
primary caregiver as the major provider of the environmental cues necessary to this
development.
Siegel (2001) argues that the key element in attaining complex brain development
‘‘is the combination of differentiation (component parts being distinct and well-
developed in their own uniqueness) with integration (clustering into a functional
whole)’’ (p. 85). He argues that human relationships involve these elements of
differentiation and integration, and by doing so nurture the development of these
complex states in the brain. Seigel (2001, pp. 85
86) maintains that ‘‘Within secure
attachments, such self-organisation may be seen as the gift that caregivers offer to
their children: to enable the self to achieve differentiation and integration in
acquiring flexible and adaptive means for self-regulation’’.
Schore (2001) emphasises the link between attachment and the development of
self-regulation. He maintains that exposure to the primary caregiver’s regulatory
capacities facilitates the infant’s adaptive ability. The brain is unable to develop
without the ability to approach, tolerate and incorporate new experiences. The
attachment behavioural system provides the framework within which the child can
explore and manage potentially stressful new experiences. Schore argues that when
severe difficulties arise in the attachment relationship, the brain becomes inefficient
in regulating affective states and coping with stress, and that this engenders
maladaptive infant health. Stress arises with asynchrony between caregiver and
infant and sustained stress compromises development.
 318 N. Atwool

Fonagy (2003) adds yet another dimension, arguing that attachment provides the
context for the infant to develop a sensitivity to self-states that facilitates the
development of the reflective function. This function is a vital component of effective
interpersonal communication. Fonagy argues that it is only by experiencing
the primary caregiver’s empathic expression of the infant’s inferred affective state
that he/she acquires an understanding of his/her internal state. In the first year the
infant only has a primary awareness of emotional states. Through the process of
psychobiological feedback, functional connections are established that allow the
infant to infer the emotional state of another and to link emotional states with
actions. At the final level of awareness, the individual is able to reflect on internal
states without the direct link to action. Fonagy maintains that this facilitates the
development of the Interpersonal Interpretive Mechanism essential to the ability to
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function in close interpersonal relationships. He argues that it is attachment’s role in

facilitating this development rather than attachment per se that is important.
A complex picture emerges of attachment relationships, providing the context for
the development of internal working models that are far more than cognitive maps.
They incorporate the capacity for self-regulation, the ability to identify and reflect on
internal states of self and others, mental representations of self and others, and
strategies for managing relationship experiences based on those mental representa-
tions. Depending on the attachment experience these individual capacities vary, and
the degree to which they are integrated within the individual also varies.

Internal Working Models and Patterns of Attachment

Ainsworth’s original three categories of attachment and the later addition represent
internal working models. The secure pattern provides the context for optimal
development. The consistent sensitive responsiveness of the primary attachment
figure facilitates the development of an internal working model in which the self is
perceived as worthy, others are perceived to be reliable and available, and
the environment is experienced as challenging but manageable with support. The
attachment figure provides a stable base that facilitates the exploration of the
environment so crucial to early brain development. When faced with threat the infant
is able to respond with both affect and cognition in order to elicit a supportive and
timely response. Neural integration is promoted, allowing flexible and complex
networks to develop. The child achieves balance, and mastery is the primary strategy
when confronted with new situations. The secure child acquires an understanding of
the mind and the capacity to reflect on the internal state of self and others.
Adolescents with a history of secure attachment present as confident, out-going, and
able to access support when necessary (Allen & Land, 1999). Adults with a secure
internal working model have been characterised as secure and autonomous (Hesse,
1999).
The two insecure categories represent the infant’s capacity to adapt to a less than
optimal environment. Bowlby uses the concept of defensive exclusion to explain the
strategies adopted by the infant in these situations. Some information is suppressed
 Child Care in Practice 319

in order to achieve the goal of maintaining proximity with an attachment figure who
is not always available or is actively rejecting. The avoidant pattern develops in the
context of an unresponsive and rejecting relationship with the attachment figure.
The self is perceived as unworthy and others are seen to be unavailable and hurtful.
The environment is experienced as threatening due to the lack of consistent support
in stressful situations. The infant has to become self-reliant at a much earlier stage
and learns to shut down attachment behaviour in order to protect the self from
repeated experiences of rejection. Affective responses become deactivated and over-
regulated while cognitive strategies are amplified. Children in the avoidant category
continue to develop cognitively and may use play as a means of diverting attention.
The affective component, however, is not integrated and may be defensively
repressed. Consequently, the dominant approach is pragmatic problem-solving.
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Relationships are not regarded as important although there may be underlying anger
and resentment. Control is the dominant strategy. The reflective function is impaired
and the mental state of others is likely to be shunned.
Avoidant adolescents present as sullen and withdrawn with intermittent outbursts
of rage. Peer relationships tend to be superficial, and aggressive behaviour may be
triggered in close relationships because past experience has taught them that you
cannot trust others, especially those close to you (Allen & Land, 1999). Adults with
this pattern of attachment have been characterised as dismissive, placing little value
on relationships (Hesse, 1999).
The ambivalent/resistant pattern develops in response to inconsistent, unreliable
and, at times intrusive, responses from the attachment figure. There is uncertainty
about the worthiness of the self. Others are perceived to be unreliable, over-bearing
and insensitive, and the environment is experienced as unpredictable and chaotic.
Cognitive responses become deactivated because they are experienced as ineffective
due to the inconsistent response of the caregiver. Affective responses are amplified
and under-regulated in an attempt to maintain proximity with the attachment figure.
Exploration is inhibited, increasing the likelihood that cognitive aspects of brain
development may be impaired. Affective dominance means that self-regulation is not
achieved. Helplessness and resentment come to characterise children in this category.
Manipulation is the dominant strategy. There is likely to be a heightened focus on the
internal state of the self with impaired capacity to reflect on the internal state of the
other.
By adolescence those with a history of ambivalent/resistant attachment are likely to
be engaged in intense and explosive relationships with attachment figures. They may
desperately want relationships with peers and significant others but fear rejection and
may drive others away (Allen & Land, 1999). Adults with this pattern remain
preoccupied with relationships often enmeshed in on-going conflict (Hesse, 1999).
Children who develop atypical patterns have most often been exposed to neglect
and abuse. They face the daunting task of maintaining proximity to a parent who is
the source of threat. The avoidant and ambivalent/resistant strategies are adaptive to
the extent that they enable the child to maintain the proximity of the primary
caregiver, thereby accessing support in dealing with stressful situations. Although
 320 N. Atwool

there is some disagreement about the extent to which the atypical patterns are
adaptive, there is agreement that some children do not develop consistent adaptive
strategies.
The primary caregivers of children in this category are described as frightening or
frightened (Main et al., 1985). In abusive situations, the self is perceived to be
unworthy and others are perceived as frightening and dangerous. When the primary
caregiver is frightened, the self is perceived to be unworthy and others are seen to be
helpless. In both situations the environment is experienced as dangerous and chaotic.
Hyper-arousal characterises these children, impairing cognitive development.
Affective responses are likely to dominate and there are deeply conflicting emotions.
The lack of consistent response and patterned experience significantly impacts on
development. The infant is fearful and reactive. Exploration is inhibited and children
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in this category may not develop a capacity for symbolic play. Some children in
this group may later develop compulsive compliance, compulsive caregiving or
controlling behaviour. Survival is the dominant strategy. Their capacity to reflect on
their own internal state is limited and they may lack the ability to identify
feeling states. They are hypervigilant of caregiver cues and the internal state of
others. Their reflective capacity is, however, significantly impaired by this lack of
balance.
Research indicates that significant problems in childhood and later life are most
frequently linked with this pattern. By adolescence, significantly increased rates of
psychopathology and violent crime have been found in longitudinal studies of
children classified as disorganised in infancy. (Allen, Hauser, & Bormen-Spurrell,
1996; Carlson, 1998; Lyons-Ruth, 1996; Rosenstein & Horowitz, 1996; van
Ijzendoorn, 1997). In adulthood this pattern has been described as unresolved/
disorganised (Hesse, 1999).
The implications for resilience are clear. A secure internal working model
encompasses all of the factors that contribute to resilience. The avoidant and
ambivalent patterns are adaptive and demonstrate a degree of resilience in less than
optimal circumstances, allowing children to manage relationships and emotions.
Those children with a disorganised attachment are the most vulnerable, lacking a
coherent strategy for managing relationships, feelings or experience.

Continuity of Attachment Patterns

There is evidence of both continuity and discontinuity in patterns of attachment over
time. Some have argued that the lack of continuity indicates that the relevance of
attachment to later development has been overstated (Lewis, Feiring, & Rosenthal,
2000). The small number of studies and differences in a number of variables,
including time over which stability has been assessed, sample size, socio-demographic
characteristics, age range and the degree to which environmental change was
measured, further complicates the picture. It is hardly surprising that the results are
not uniform. Of perhaps greater significance is the fact that, to a large extent, the
results confirm Bowlby’s emphasis on the all-important role of real world experiences
 Child Care in Practice 321

and his assertion that internal working models are open to change (Waters,
Hamilton, & Weinfield, 2000). Despite the different results there appears to be a
growing consensus that the relationship between early attachment experiences and
later development is complicated (Thompson, 1999). Internal working models are
constantly revised and updated in the light of new experiences. Although there is a
propensity for stability, research clearly demonstrates that significant change can
occur.
Because empirical research encourages in-depth study of specific variables at a
given point in time, it is predisposed to competing explanations for complicated
processes such as child development, the origins of behavioural difficulties and the
difference between resilient and vulnerable children. Although such an approach may
lead to the accumulation of knowledge about aspects of children’s lives, there is an
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increased danger that we will lose focus on the complex interplay of variables from
which children construct their lives. If we rescue attachment theory from the perils of
monotropism and monoculturalism, its focus on the significance of relationships
provides a conceptual framework that encourages an integrated approach to
understanding children’s behaviour and the dynamics of resilience.

The Connection between Attachment and Resilience

Rutter (1993, 1994) addresses the issue of underlying mechanisms pointing to the
importance of ‘‘secure and harmonious love relationships’’ and ‘‘success in
accomplishing tasks’’ as central to the establishment of a positive self-concept. He
considers this to be one of four important mechanisms. The other three are reduction
of risk impact, reduction of negative chain reactions, and an opening up of
opportunities. It is difficult to see how these processes can be mediated by anyone
other than parents or parent substitutes.
Matson and Coatsworth (1998) argue that ‘‘infant competence is embedded in the
caregiving system’’ (p.208) and identify attachment as one of the fundamental
developmental tasks of the early period. They identify self-regulation as the other
critical task in this period, and this is closely linked to the quality of the attachment
relationship. Wyman et al. (1999) support this view, identifying the two key
developmental tasks at this time as biological equilibrium and secure attachment,
arguing that both occur within the dyadic caregiver
child relationship.
During the school years, Matson and Coatsworth (1998) identify critical
developmental tasks as social competence with peers, socially appropriate conduct,
academic achievement, and involvement in activities and work. They conclude by
identifying three crucial protective factors: caring and effective parent
child
relationships, good cognitive development and self-regulation of attention, emotion
and behaviour. Security of attachment and internal working models influence all of
these aspects of development.
Arguably, quality of attachment is instrumental in the four central areas associated
with resilience, individual characteristics, supportive family, positive connections
with adults or agencies in the environment, and culture.
 322 N. Atwool

The individual characteristics are unlikely to develop in a child without a

relationship with at least one other adult in which they feel worthy and loveable. Easy
temperament has only been found to be a protective factor when support is also
present (Emery & Forehand, 1994). Competence and problem-solving abilities are
linked to self-esteem, and early learning at home lays the foundation for later
development. Research has demonstrated a link between secure attachment and
competence (Cohn, 1990; George & Solomon, 1989; Mata, Arend, & Sroufe, 1978).
Wyman et al. (1999) argue that child competencies should not simply be equated
with resilience. They maintain that competencies are features of behaviour or
function that a child draws upon to promote resilience, which they define as mastery
of key developmental tasks in adverse conditions. As already noted, the earliest of
these tasks are achieved within the dyadic relationship. Autonomy is another
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individual characteristic associated with resilience. Rutter (1993) distinguishes

between attachment and dependency, pointing out that secure attachment fosters
autonomy.
It could be argued that those researching behavioural genetics put forward the
strongest evidence in favour of individual characteristics determining developmental
outcomes. Fonagy (2003), reviewing the evidence in relation to developmental
psychopathology (which can be viewed as the opposite of resilience), argues that the
key is gene
environment interaction. He suggests that the reason it has proved so
difficult to establish firm connections between specific environmental impacts and
developmental outcomes is because environmental triggers are not objective events,
their impact is mediated through the subjective experience of the child. Fonagy
believes that attachment theory is helpful because it draws attention to the appraisal
mechanisms used to categorise and organise experience. He reformulates internal
working models as interpersonal interpretative mechanisms, which mediate the
impact of early experience, shaping the development of personality and competence.
Availability of family support is identified as the second important aspect of
resilience. Arguably, such support is unlikely to exist without some degree of
attachment. Wyman et al. (1999) found that variables reflecting competence and
quality of parenting were the most sensitive predictors of resilient status, and
conclude that:

The salience of emotionally responsive parenting attitudes in predicting children’s

competent development under adversity suggests that a responsive caregiver
attuned to the child’s needs helps the child to master early stage-salient
developmental tasks, and on that base to build more differentiated, complex
capacities needed to master significant environmental challenges. (p. 656)

The important aspects of these relationships include more nurturant involvement,

greater discipline consistency, use of more authoritative discipline practices, and
more positive expectations of their children’s futures. Wyman et al. studied two
groups of children; one aged seven to nine years and the other 9
12 years. Tiet et al.
(1998) found that resilient children and young people (age range 9
17 years) lived in
higher functioning families and received more guidance and supervision by their
 Child Care in Practice 323

parents and other adults in the family. Matson and Coatsworth (1998) also note that
effective parents in extremely dangerous environments are likely to be stricter but
remain warm and caring. Given the adverse environments common to all of these
studies, the quality of the relationship would have to be strong and reciprocal in order
to prevail against peer and community influences. Secure attachment is associated
with higher levels of cooperation and is likely to be crucial in facilitating these
relationships.
External support is the third factor, and again this can be linked to attachment.
Tiet et al. (1998) found that additional adults in the family served as a resource only
when not cancelled out by the effects of lower socio-economic status, lower IQ, less
parental monitoring, lower educational aspirations, worse physical health, and not
living with two biological parents. This led them to conclude that ‘‘additional adults
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in the family probably complement the parents in providing emotional support,

guidance, informational resources, mentoring, or role-modelling to the youth’’ (Tiet
et al., 1998, p. 1198). Matson and Coatsworth (1998) note that when children do not
have strong parental guidance, competence is often linked to a surrogate caregiving
figure who serves a mentoring role. They argue that when there is no effective adult
connection the risk of maladaptation is high, and that ensuring that every child has
this fundamental protective system is a policy imperative.
The role of out-of-home relationships and activities has received less research
attention but it is likely that the child’s experience of attachment plays a role in this
area. Children who have experienced secure attachment are more likely to have
positive self-perceptions and other perceptions, both of which are vital in forming
relationships with adults and peers. It is likely that children with positive relation-
ships and expectations are at an advantage in accessing and maintaining relationships
outside the home.
The fourth factor, culture, is more complex. There has been considerable debate
about the applicability of attachment theory outside western culture. Cross-cultural
research highlights important reasons for individual differences and identifies
limitations to claims for universality (Grossman, Grossman, Spangler, Seuss, &
Unzer, 1985; Main, 1990; van IJzendoorn, 1990). In a review of cross-cultural studies,
van Ijzendoorn and Sagi (1999) remind us that Ainsworth’s work began in Uganda,
where she observed mothers and infants and began to develop her now famous
classification system. In this environment, despite the presence of multiple caregivers,
children developed secure attachment with their mothers. A review of more recent
non-western research in Africa, Botswana, China, Japan and Israel (13 studies in all)
explored the cross-cultural application of four key hypotheses of attachment
theory*the claim to universality, that the secure classification is normative, that
secure attachment is dependent on sensitivity and that secure attachment is linked to
child competence (van IJzendoorn & Sagi, 1999). Across these studies, there is strong
support for the universality of attachment theory and Ainsworth’s three patterns have
been found in all cultures so far studied. The secure attachment classification also
appears to be normative across all cultures. There is modest support for the
 324 N. Atwool

sensitivity hypothesis. Not all of the studies looked at competence and there was
insufficient evidence to draw any firm conclusions.
Research by Harwood, Miller, and Irizarry (1995) illustrates the extent to which
patterns of attachment vary depending on cultural values. In a more recent study,
Carlson and Harwood (2003) challenge some of the cultural assumptions under-
pinning attachment theory; in particular, the notion of maternal sensitivity. They
suggest that behavioural preferences and the perception of threat may be culturally
constructed and that the role of culture is central to the caregiver’s mental
representation and interpretation of relationship experiences.
These arguments have particular relevance in the Aotearoa/New Zealand context
because, despite our small size (population four million), there is considerable
cultural diversity and colonisation has had an adverse impact on our indigenous
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Maori population. Prior to colonisation children were cared for in the context of
whanau, hapu and iwi. The care of children was shared within extended family
structures (Hiroa, 1970). Children were not considered the property of their parents
but belonged to the whanau, which was in turn an integral part of the tribal system
bound by reciprocal obligations. Rokx (1998) describes how children, through
whakapapa (genealogy) were regarded as the physical embodiment of tupuna
(ancestors), thus giving them a preferential position and ensuring their safety and
nurture within whanau and hapu structures. Within the traditional cultural system,
whakapapa provides the foundation for identity and self-esteem (Bradley, 1994;
Pitama, 1997).
There was provision within the traditional framework for children to be placed
outside their immediate biological family, and these children were referred to as
whangai. These were open arrangements for the purpose of strengthening kinship ties
and structures (Ministerial Advisory Committee, 1988). Pitama (1997) describes the
whangai system as having its own set rules and criteria, a central element of which
was that it occurred within the kinship group and that whakapapa connections were
maintained. Whangai status allowed children to maintain contact and connections
with the birth family and the whangai family. She indicates that abuse of a child was
one of the reasons that such a placement may be made but not the only reason.
Pitama (1997) stresses that to be whangai was something special and argues that it
was a powerful system aimed a protecting the child and hapu’s rights and privileges.
Bradley (1997) quotes Karetu (1990) ‘‘To be whangai is to be indulged! Who would
want to give up that treatment’’ (p. 38).
In the contemporary world these structures continue to be significant. Maori
children are not the exclusive possession of their parents; they belong to whanau
(extended family), hapu (subtribe) and iwi (tribe). Their identity is inextricably
linked to whakapapa (genealogy) and this in turn links them to specific places,
symbolised by mountains and rivers. Whether living in this locality or not, this is
their turangawaewae or primary place of belonging. For the indigenous Maori
population, whanaungatanga (family connection) may be a more appropriate
concept than attachment. This is not to say that they are one and the same.
Although both emphasise the importance of relationships, each embodies important
 Child Care in Practice 325

aspects of the cultural context in which they originated. Research demonstrates that
children are only able to experience attachment to wider social structures through
their primary attachments to the people most involved in their care. Culture is only
an asset when children are connected and grounded, particularly when the culture
they belong to is treated as ‘‘other’’ by the dominant culture (Walker, 1997).

Children in Out-of-home Care

Research on resilience clearly demonstrates that outcomes depend upon the
interaction of risk and protective factors, and that the higher the number of
cumulative risks the more likely adverse outcomes become. Children coming into
care have heightened vulnerability for two related reasons. First, their experiences
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prior to coming into care; and, second, the experience of separation from birth
family. Many children will experience more than one placement and there is evidence
that vulnerability increases exponentially with the number of placements. This
vulnerability is compounded for children from minority cultures if their placements
in care result in cultural dislocation.
There is a danger that social workers responsible for these children will rely on the
concept of resilience to reassure themselves of children’s ability to overcome
disadvantage without fully understanding what supports are needed in extreme
adversity. Attachment theory provides a framework for understanding the types of
support these children require.
If children are to overcome early trauma and disadvantage they require the
opportunity to rework the internal working models that have developed from these
experiences. Although therapy can assist, day-to-day experiences in the context of
home and school are likely to have much greater influence. It is not just a matter of
finding a satisfactory placement; attention needs to be focused on maximising
opportunities to enhance resilience through reworking internal working models.
Gilligan (1997) highlights the significance of a secure base as one of three building
blocks of resilience for children in care, and argues that this can be achieved through
networks of support. Schofield (2001) discusses the conceptual overlap between
attachment and resilience, providing compelling evidence of the importance of foster
parents as a buffer against the worst consequences of early damage in both short and
long term placements. This fits with Ungar’s (2001) argument that specific
behaviours associated with delinquency and disorder act as deviant pathways to
health for high-risk marginalised youth. He demonstrates that out-of-home
placement in foster and residential placements is not always a negative experience
and that for some young people it created discontinuities in old identity stories
allowing new ones to emerge. This is consistent with the idea of reworking internal
working models. All three point to the importance of resilience and the fostering of
this through supportive relationships rather than a single-minded focus on finding a
permanent placement.
Such a perspective has implications for those children and young people placed in
residential settings. There is potential for a residence to provide a secure base, but this
 326 N. Atwool

is not sufficient to achieve the goal of reworking internal working models.

Opportunities to engage in relationships with significant adults must be available
and an understanding of the inter-relationship between attachment and resilience will
enhance the ability of staff in these environments to engage in meaningful ways with
children and young people. Progress made in residential environments can only be
maintained with careful attention to the transition back into community placements.
Ideally the adults who will be providing care when children and young people leave
will be involved during the time they are in residence. These adults also need to have
an understanding of the significance of relationships and the role attachment plays in
resilience.
Attachment theory has been closely linked to the notion of permanence and has
been used to justify cross-cultural placements in situations where kin have not been
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available or are not considered suitable. Historically, many Maori children coming
into care were placed with Pakeha families, resulting in the severance of cultural links
with devastating consequences (Bradley, 1997; Pitama, 1997). MacKay (1981)
conducted one of the first comprehensive pieces of research on children in care in
Aoptearoa/New Zealand. In his sample, 39% were European (80.9% of 0
14 year olds
in the population), 53.1% were Maori (12.3%), 3.7% were Pacific Island (2.4%) and
4.3% were ‘‘other’’ (3.4%). There is no mention of the ethnicity of foster parents but
it is likely that many of these children were placed with Pakeha families.
Attempts to address this situation have had limited success. In 1983 Maatua
Whangai was introduced. This was a joint initiative involving the Department of
Maori Affairs and the Department of Social Welfare. Staff were appointed in each
district to develop a close working relationship with Maori communities to achieve
optimum involvement of wider whanau, with families likely to become involved with
the Department (Manchester, 1985). The scheme was designed to provide early
intervention and was extended to include whanau involvement when children
required alternative placement. Despite this initiative Maori children continued to
enter the system, and a 1988 Ministerial Review Committee made the following
observation:

We do not think that cases involving Maori children ought to be determined solely
in accordance with Western priorities, or that those who do not have a Maori
experience or training, are adequate arbiters or advocates of the best interests of the
Maori child. We do not think the law should be weighted to denying the facility of
Maori communities to care for their own in the way they best know how.
(Ministerial Advisory Committee on a Maori Perspective for the Department of
Social Welfare 1988, p. 76)

The 1989 Children, Young Persons and their Families Act demonstrated a
willingness to address these concerns. This legislation stresses the importance of
family, specifying that preference is given to kin placements when children are not
able to live with birth families. Despite this the practice of placing some children
outside their culture continues. As of 31 May 2005, there were 4,855 children and
young people in care and protection placements and 153 in youth justice placements.
 Child Care in Practice 327

The most recent data on the ethnicity of children in care indicate that 45% are Maori
(Brown, 2000). Of these, 45% were in kin placements. In 2001, 24% of children under
the age of 18 identified as Maori (Ministry of Social Development, 2004). That
cultural dislocation continues to be imposed on already vulnerable children and
young people, undermining their identity in a nation where negative stereotypes of
Maori prevail, demonstrates our failure to grasp the link between culture and
resilience. It seems ironic, given the earlier quotation, that a fuller appreciation of
theories originating in the western context would have alerted policy-makers and
practitioners to the importance of maintaining cultural links.
Attachment theory adds weight to resilience theory by clearly outlining the
significance of relationships as the key to all aspects of resilience*culture,
community, relationships and individual. Integrating attachment theory and the
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concept of resilience clarifies the adaptive nature of behaviour and refines our
understanding of the types of relationship experiences necessary to promote positive
adaptation. It also allows us to identify children with disorganised attachment
patterns as the most vulnerable, and provides clear direction for intervention if they
are to avoid negative outcomes. This is not a return to the pessimistic thinking that
prevailed before we had an understanding of resilience; rather, it is a reframing of the
interaction between protective and risk factors that highlights internal working
models as the underlying mechanism mediating this relationship.

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