Journal of Environmental Psychology 91 (2023) 102148

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Journal of Environmental Psychology

journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/jep

A social-cognitive model of climate change behavioral adaption in Tonga:

Relationships among indigenous knowledge, social media use, norms,
values, and spiritual beliefs
David N. Sattler a, *, Uili Lousi b, Kim Dierckx c, Rachel Peyer-Nelson a, Siosaia Langitoto Helu d
a
Department of Psychology, Western Washington University, Bellingham, WA, 98225-9172, USA
b
OHAI Tonga, Nuku ‘Alofa, Tonga
c
Department of Developmental, Personality, and Social Psychology, Ghent University, Belgium
d
Atenisi Institute and Pacific Resilience Program Tonga, Nuku ’Alofa, Tonga

A R T I C L E I N F O A B S T R A C T

Handling Editor: W. Schultz This study develops a social-cognitive model of climate change behavioral intention in the Kingdom of Tonga in
the South Pacific. Tonga ranks as the third most vulnerable nation in the world to climate change. Warming
Keywords: ocean temperatures due to climate change are intensifying the destructive potential of cyclones, adversely
Climate change impacting marine ecosystems, and raising sea level which threatens low lying islands and coastal communities.
Indigenous knowledge
The model considers the relationships among indigenous knowledge, climate change knowledge, social media
Behavioral adaptation
use, social norms, values, and spiritual beliefs concerning protecting the environment with climate change
Norms
Values behavioral intention. The participants represent a community sample of 335 people (183 women, 152 men; age:
Social media M = 37, SD = 14) on the island of Tongatapu who completed surveys assessing the constructs. Structural
Tonga equation modeling shows four pathways to climate change behavioral intentions. In the first pathway, indige­
South Pacific nous environmental knowledge, social norms, values, and spiritual beliefs each were associated with climate
Climate change model change knowledge, and climate change knowledge was associated with climate change behavioral intentions.
The second, third, and fourth pathways show social media, values, and social norms were each directly asso­
ciated with behavioral change intentions. The findings support and extend a psychological model of climate
change behavioral adaptation. Implications of the findings are discussed.

1. Introduction
Climate change poses an existential threat to the Kingdom of Tonga
and other South Pacific Island nations. At the 2022 United Nations
Climate Change Conference, King Tupou IV of the Kingdom of Tonga
underscored the challenges, stating “My Kingdom is the third most
vulnerable country in the world to the adverse effects of climate change.
… Historically, the Tongan people have always shown resilience in the
face of such natural disasters. However, [with] the record rates of
increased coastal erosion, ocean acidification, and loss of coral reefs,
coupled with ever-present rising sea levels–three times higher than the
global average–our ability to respond to the increasing multiplicity of
disasters and increasing severity and intensity of extreme weather pat­
terns is now undermined” (United Nations, 2022).
The impact of climate change in Tonga and other Pacific Island na­
tions is unrelenting. Warming ocean temperatures are intensifying the
destructive potential of cyclones, including Cyclone Gita, the strongest
storm in recorded history to make landfall in Tonga, in February 2018
(Khonje, 2018; United Nations, 2019). Rising sea level and warming
temperatures are resulting in loss of habitable land, lower crop yields,
relocation, and altering of livelihoods (The Commonwealth, 2018;
World Bank Group, 2022). Rising sea level also puts coastal communities
at increased risk of tsunami threats. In January 2022, the eruption of the
Hunga Tonga-Hunga Ha’apai volcano generated a devastating tsunami,
with waves 15 m in height crashing on Tonga’s shores, which destroyed
houses and businesses and resulted in three fatalities (Kapoor & Dickie,
2022). Altered weather patterns associated with climate change have
created enduring drought conditions in Pacific Island nations, including

* Corresponding author. Department of Psychology, 434 Academic Instruction Center, Western Washington University, Bellingham, WA, 98225-9172, USA.
E-mail addresses: David.Sattler@wwu.edu (D.N. Sattler), uililousiart@yahoo.co.nz (U. Lousi), Kim.Dierckx@UGent.be (K. Dierckx), peyernr@wwu.edu (R. Peyer-
Nelson).

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jenvp.2023.102148
Received 26 April 2023; Received in revised form 7 August 2023; Accepted 26 September 2023
Available online 29 September 2023
0272-4944/© 2023 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
D.N. Sattler et al.
Tuvalu and Kiribati, who, like Tonga, rely on rain for their only source of
potable water. Tonga, an archipelago in the South Pacific Ocean, has a
population of approximately 108,000 persons. Nearly three-quarters
live on the island of Tongatapu and about one-quarter live on 35 other
islands.
A review of the PsycINFO database shows only one study conducted
in Tonga examining any climate change issue, which was conducted by
the current authors, and a lacuna of studies examining indigenous
knowledge and climate change in any country. This study is among the
first to develop a social-cognitive model of climate change behavioral
adaptation in Tonga and the Pacific. The model considers how various
sources of information, norms, and values inform climate change
behavioral adaptation, including indigenous environmental knowledge,
social media information, social norms, biospheric and equality values,
and spiritual beliefs.
1.1. Indigenous environmental knowledge
Indigenous environmental knowledge involves an intricate under­
standing of land and environment that is acquired after generations of
people inhabit and adapt to an ecosystem and pass on the information
and lessons learned to subsequent generations (Robbins, 2018). An
enduring relationship with the environment across generations can
facilitate and maintain a sensitivity to and awareness of environmental
changes, including climatic changes, to which people can then adapt
gradually (Singh et al., 2022). Indigenous environmental knowledge
may help people assess potential underlying causes of climatic changes
(Stevenson, 1996). For instance, in the Northern Territories of Canada,
the Inuvialuit people observed and identified numerous unprecedented
changes to ice, such as the prevalence of multi-year ice, ice depth, ice
break-up, and freezing over. These changes impacted their livelihood,
including access to drinking water, animals, travel, and safety. Impor­
tantly, observing changing ice patterns contributed to knowledge and
understanding regarding the consequences of climate change for their
ecosystem and livelihoods (Berkes, 2012). In Tonga and other Pacific
Island nations, indigenous knowledge provides valuable information,
including recognizing the signs of an approaching cyclone and changes
that impact the coastal ecosystem, including fisheries, beaches, and reefs
(Spencer et al., 2020; United Nations, 2022).
Indigenous environmental knowledge may inform and guide evalu­
ative, restorative, and preventative efforts, and provide direction
regarding climate change behavioral adaptation. For example, indige­
nous ways of knowing helped people in the Sahel region of Africa adapt
to climate change (Nyong et al., 2007). Drought conditions, which are
characteristic of this region, are expected to increase in severity based on
climate change projections. Intricate knowledge of the land passed on
from generations of inhabitants has helped with adaption to drought, to
some degree, including modifying agricultural practices, encouraging
forest growth to store and sequester carbon, and reducing tilling of the
soil (Nyong et al., 2007). In the Pacific Island nation of Fiji, people on the
main island of Viti Levu observed their local fishery declining. Indige­
nous knowledge and observations were instrumental in generating vital
information about the impacts of overfishing and climate change on the
fishery, the biodiversity of the fishery prior to such adverse effects, and
assessments regarding long-term recovery (Thaman et al., 2014). The
present study examines the contribution of indigenous environmental
knowledge in Tonga and its relationship with climate change behavioral
adaption.
1.2. Social media
Social media is an electronic communication technology that has
been in wide use for approximately two decades. Social media provides
opportunities for people to access and share information about climate
change, learn about actions others are taking to mitigate climate change,
and share opinions, beliefs, and values.
2
Journal of Environmental Psychology 91 (2023) 102148
Social media may be an especially important tool for disseminating
climate change information in Tonga and other Pacific islands due to
their geographic location and distances between islands, which limit in-
person contact (Titifanue et al., 2017). For example, social media aided
the coordination of climate justice advocacy in Fiji, which has more than
100 inhabited islands, by facilitating recruitment of interested in­
dividuals (Titifanue et al., 2017). The grassroots climate change orga­
nization 350.org initiated the “Warrior Day of Action” social media
campaign to encourage Pacific Islanders to assert themselves as war­
riors, rather than victims, who are ready to take action to stop climate
change. In Tonga, social media was used to inform participants at the
Warrior Day of Action about opportunities to perform the Haka, a
ceremonial dance, to show their readiness to tackle climate change (350.
org, 2023; Titifanue et al., 2017). Social media is also facilitating citizen
journalism. Pacific Islanders have used the platform to report their own
personal experiences with climate change, wherein they may vividly
describe situations and offer a more holistic understanding regarding the
range of climate change impact (Sattler et al., 2020; Titifanue et al.,
2017). For example, a My Climate Change Story Master Class taught
youth in Pacific Island nations how to create videos that document
climate change in their communities and disseminate it on social media
(OHAI Tonga, 2023). In China, Han and Xu (2020) report that social
media use corresponded to an increase in pro-environmental behaviors,
an effect observed to a lesser degree with traditional forms of media.
Importantly, however, misinformation on social media can spread and
promote uncertainty. For example, in the case of social media blogs,
comments posted in response to the main post can influence whether
people accept or question the original post. Readers of social media
blogs that include comments that disagree with or reject the post (e.g.,
the human contribution to climate change) are less likely to agree with
the original post or to acknowledge human contributions to climate
change (Lewandowsky et al., 2019). These findings underscore the
power of social media in influencing climate change beliefs and attitudes
as well as social norms that may develop when multiple people express
their opinion.
1.3. Social norms and values
Social norms are expectations about behavior that are accepted by a
particular group or culture. Prescriptive norms entail how people ought
to behave, whereas descriptive norms describe how people are believed
to behave (Cialdini, 2003; Schultz, 2022). Prescriptive and descriptive
norms supporting climate change prevention have been found to predict
climate change risk perceptions, such that the more individuals believe
people in their communities should be and are engaging in preventative
behaviors, the greater climate change is treated as an important risk or
concern (Sattler et al., 2020, 2023; Schultz, 2022; van der Linden,
2015). Expanding on van der Linden’s (2015) climate change risk
perception model, Xie et al. (2019) found that descriptive norms predict
risk perception, whereas prescriptive norms may be stronger indicators
of willingness to engage in behavior adaptation to prevent climate
change.
Value orientations are culturally informed principles that guide
behavior by establishing priorities and goals (Steg, 2023). For van der
Linden (2017), biospheric values represent an awareness of and concern
for the natural environment, egoistic values involve seeking personal
gain, and socio-altruistic values entail concern and an awareness of
other people. Biospheric values have been associated with societal and
personal climate change risk perception (Bouman et al., 2020; Marshall
et al., 2019; Sattler et al., 2021; Shi et al., 2016; van der Linden, 2017;
Xie et al., 2019). Altruistic values are associated with biospheric values
(Shi et al., 2016), whereas egoistic values, which focus on one’s own
outcomes, are associated with perception of personal risk due to climate
change (van der Linden, 2015).
D.N. Sattler et al.
1.4. Spirituality and religion
At the Interfaith Summit on Climate Change, approximately 150
leaders representing an array of faiths worldwide declared, “As repre­
sentatives from different faith and religious traditions, we stand together
to express deep concern for the consequences of climate change on the
earth and its people, all entrusted, as our faiths reveal, to our common
care. Climate change is indeed a threat to life, a precious gift we have
received and that we need to care for” (Interfaith Summit on Climate
Change, 2014). Religion is a primary source of values, and many re­
ligions underscore stewardship and an ethical responsibility to respect
the environment and the creation of Earth. Recent research shows that
religious participation and identification is associated with willingness
to support environmental protection efforts (Zemo & Nigus, 2020). Eom
et al. (2021) report that people whose religious views include stew­
ardship are more likely to support pro-environmental actions. Religion
can also help people cope with adversity brought on by climate change.
For example, Kiribati, a low-lying Pacific Island atoll, is predicted to be
uninhabitable by the end of the 21st century as sea level rise is projected
to inundate the island. Hermann (2020) reports that religious beliefs
among people in Kiribati foster feelings of hope and strengthen psy­
chological resilience in response to the climate change threat and as
adaption measures are considered.
1.5. Initial climate change behavioral adaptation model in Tonga and
current study
Our initial efforts to develop a model of climate change behavioral
adaptation in Tonga examined how resource loss and psychological
functioning (e.g., posttraumatic stress, coping, posttraumatic growth)
following exposure to Cyclone Gita were associated with climate change
behavioral intentions (Sattler et al., 2020). With a sample collected three
months post-event, the results showed two models for climate change
behavioral intentions. In one model, resource loss due to the cyclone was
associated with coping responses (e.g., problem-focused coping, social
support), which were then associated with climate change behavioral
intentions. In the second model, there were two pathways to climate
change behavioral intentions. In the first pathway, resource loss, com­
munity norms, and values were each associated with coping responses
(viz., problem-focused coping and social support), which were then
associated with climate change behavioral intentions. In the second
pathway, values were directly associated with behavioral intentions.
These models affirm the critical role of experience and psychological
reactions to a natural disaster whose destructive potential was magni­
fied by climate change.
The present study builds upon our initial efforts by extending the
scope of the second model. We were particularly interested in examining
social-cognitive elements that might be associated with behavioral in­
tentions, including various sources of knowledge and information about
climate change (e.g., indigenous knowledge, use of social media tech­
nology, and norms). An examination of these elements is essential to
understanding how both traditional and electronic sources of informa­
tion influence understanding of and behavioral responses to climate
change threats. Based on prior work, the research questions were: How
will indigenous knowledge, knowledge about climate change, social
media use, social norms, values, and spiritual beliefs concerning pro­
tecting the environment be associated with climate change behavioral
intentions? What theoretical model will best describe behavioral change
intentions in Tonga?”
2. Method
2.1. Participants
The participants were a community sample of 335 people in the
Kingdom of Tonga (183 women, 152 men; age: M = 37, SD = 14, range:
3
Journal of Environmental Psychology 91 (2023) 102148
18–88 years) living on the main island of Tongatapu. All participants
were Tongan. About one-third (33%) had less than a secondary school
education, more than one-third (39%) completed secondary school, and
more than one-quarter (28%) had some college or a college degree.
2.2. Assessment instruments
Participants completed the following instruments.
2.2.1. Indigenous environmental knowledge
Participants completed nine items written by the authors that
assessed indigenous environmental knowledge in Tonga. Example of
items include “Elders in my family or community have taught me about
changes in animal behavior that occur before a natural disaster like a
cyclone or a drought,” and “I believe traditional knowledge about the
environment helps me understand how climate change makes cyclones
stronger and more dangerous.” Participants used a 5-point scale (from 1
= not at all to 5 = very much) to indicate their answers. Higher scores
indicate greater indigenous environmental knowledge. Reliability was
excellent (α = 0.93).
2.2.2. Social norms concerning climate change
Participants completed seven items assessing social norms concern­
ing climate change action. Five items were developed by van der Linden
(2017). An example of an item is “People close to me are taking personal
action to address climate change.” Two items were adapted by the au­
thors. An example is “People whose opinion I value think that I should
personally act to reduce climate change.” Participants used a 5-point
scale (from 1 = not at all to 5 = very much) to indicate their answers.
Social norms supportive of climate change action are indicated by higher
scores. Reliability was excellent (α = 0.94).
2.2.3. Broad value orientations
Participants completed 12 items assessing biospheric, socio-
altruistic, and egoistic broad value orientations that were developed
by van der Linden (2017). Participants used a 6-point scale (1 = very
much opposed to 6 = very important) to indicate how well each item
matched their values. Examples of items include “Preventing pollution
and protecting natural resources” and “Unity with nature.” Higher
scores indicate higher values. An exploratory factor analysis revealed
the items loaded in two factors which had excellent reliability:
biospheric/socio-altruistic (α = .93), and egoistic/helping (α = .91).
2.2.4. Social media climate change knowledge and action
Participants completed seven items written by the authors that
assessed information gained on social media concerning climate change.
Examples include “I have learned about climate change on social media,
such as Facebook and Twitter,” and “Information I learned on social
media has helped me decide to do something to prevent climate change,
such as reducing my use of plastic products or energy use.” Participants
used a 5-point scale (from 1 = not at all to 5 = very much) to indicate
their answers. Reliability was excellent (α = 0.90).
2.2.5. Spiritual beliefs concerning protecting the environment
Participants completed five items written by the authors that
assessed spiritual beliefs concerning the environment. Examples include
“My spiritual and/or religious beliefs teach me to protect, preserve, and
respect the natural environment,” and “My spiritual and/or religious
beliefs help me have a relationship with the natural environment.”
Participants used a 5-point scale (from 1 = not at all to 5 = very much) to
indicate their answers. Reliability was very good (α = 0.86).
2.2.6. Knowledge about climate change
Participants completed 15 items assessing knowledge about the
causes and consequences of climate change that were developed by van
der Linden (2017). Examples of causes include “Burning coal, oil, and
D.N. Sattler et al. Journal of Environmental Psychology 91 (2023) 102148

gas for heat for electricity,” and “Driving a car.” Participants used a
4-point scale (major cause, minor cause, does not contribute, and do not
know) to indicate their answers. Examples of actions to reduce emissions
that contribute to climate change include “Switching from fossil fuels to
renewable energy, such as solar and wind,” and “Planting trees.” Par­
ticipants used a 4-point scale (reduce it a lot, reduce it a little, not going
to reduce, and do not know) to indicate their answers. Reliability was
very good (α = 0.84).
2.2.7. Behavioral intentions to prevent climate change
Participants completed 13 items that assessed the degree to which
participants would be agreeable to changing their behavior in order to
limit their contribution of carbon dioxide associated with climate
change or gaining additional information about behaviors that
contribute to climate change. These items reflect behavioral intentions
to engage in actions that can mitigate climate change. We adapted the
items from (Sattler et al., 2018b). Examples of items include “Plant trees
to help stop climate change,” and “Participate in a one day program to
clean up rubbish from the beach” (Note: Gases that contribute to climate
change are released from plastics when they are exposed to environ­
mental conditions, including in the marine ecosystem; Royer et al.,
2018). Participants used a 5-point scale (from 1 = not at all to 5 = very
much) to indicate their answers. Higher scores indicate greater will­
ingness to take action to prevent climate change. Reliability was excel­
lent (α = 0.92).
2.2.8. Demographics
Participants completed three demographic items (gender, age, and
education). They checked their choices or wrote in a number to indicate
their answers.
2.3. Procedure
The study was approved by the Human Subjects Research Committee
at Western Washington University and followed the American Psycho­
logical Association ethical guidelines. The project was conducted 1 ½
years after Cyclone Gita made landfall in Tonga. We recruited six college
students to serve as research assistants, and provided training in ques­
tionnaire administration and research ethics. The research team iden­
tified neighborhoods on the main island of Tongatapu that experienced
damage as a result of Cyclone Gita. We asked someone in every resi­
dence in these neighborhoods to complete the survey. Due to time
limitations, we were not able to return if no one was home. Almost all
individuals asked to participate did so; the response rate was 96%.
Participants completed the questionnaires in their homes. Participation
was voluntary and no inducements were offered. It took about 25 min to
complete the survey.
We followed a version of van de Vijver and Leung (1997) and van de
Vijver’s (2011) committee approach to translate the questionnaire into
Tongan. The fifth author translated the questionnaire and met with two
bilingual students to review the translation. Any issues were discussed,
and edits were made as needed. An additional group of three reviewed
the translation and provided feedback. In addition, participants reported
that the questionnaire was clear and that they understood the items. The
first author has successfully used the committee approach to translate
questionnaires into Tongan, Mongolian, Bahasa Indonesia, Tagalog,
Thai, and Spanish (Sattler et al., 2002, 2014, 2020, 2021) to examine
psychological functioning after natural disasters and climate change risk
perceptions.
3. Results
Table 1 displays the correlations between our study’s focal variables.
3.1. Covariates
To determine the explanatory variables to include in our main ana­
lyses, we assessed the relationships between the covariates and our
hypothesized mediators (knowledge about climate change causes and
knowledge about actions to reduce climate change, see below) and
outcome variable (i.e., behavioral change intentions). The results of
these analyses revealed that education level was positively related to
knowledge about actions to reduce climate change (r = .19, p < .001)
and behavioral change intentions (r = .13, p = .019). Furthermore,
knowledge about actions to reduce climate change differed significantly
between those who had experienced Cyclone Gita (M = 2.33, SD = 1.11)
and those who had not (M = 1.97, SD = 0.83; F(2,332) = 3.16, p = .044,
ŋ2 = 0.02). All other relations between the covariates and the target
variables were insignificant (all ps > .057). As such, we only retained
education level and prior experience with Cyclone Gita in our subse­
quent structural equation model analyses.
3.2. Structural equation model data plan and analyses
To investigate our main research questions, a structural equation
model (SEM) was fit using the Lavaan package (Rosseel, 2012) in R (R
core team, 2021). Following recommendations by Anderson and Gerb­
ing (1988), we implemented a two-step modeling approach. We first
fitted a measurement model relating all the observed variables (i.e., the
individual items) to the underlying latent constructs, allowing all these
factors to covary freely. Because of their substantial intercorrelation and
conceptual overlap (i.e., r = .76, p < .001), we forced the factor “values”

Table 1
Means, standard deviations, and correlations between study variables.
Variable M SD 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

1. Norms 3.28 1.07

2. Indigenous knowledge 3.21 1.90 .54***
[.46, .61]
3. Spiritual beliefs 3.55 1.15 .33*** .56***
[.23, .42] [.48, .63]
4. Social media 3.06 1.12 .44*** .42*** .26***
[.34, .52] [.33, .50] [.16, .36]
5. Biospheric values 4.93 1.33 .20*** .10 .17** .12*
[.09, .30] [-.01, .21] [.07, .27] [.02, .23]
6. Equality values 4.84 1.37 .24*** .18** .17** .14** .76***
[.14, .34] [.07, .28] [.07, .28] [.04, .25] [.71, .80]
7. Climate change causes 1.91 0.70 − .21*** − .10 .05 − .13* − .13* − .13*
[-.31, − .11] [-.21, .00] [-.06, .16] [-.24, − .03] [-.23, − .02] [-.24, − .03]
8. Climate change actions 2.00 0.87 − .27*** − .21*** .01 − .09 − .26*** − .29*** .37***
[-.37, − .17] [-.31, − .11] [-.10, .11] [-.19, .02] [-.36, − .16] [-.38, − .18] [.28, .46]
9. Climate change intentions 3.80 1.10 .53*** .39*** .19*** .45*** .32*** .27*** − .29*** − .34***
[.45, .61] [.30, .48] [.09, .30] [.36, .53] [.22, .41] [.17, .37] [-.38, − .18] [-.43, − .24]

Notes. N = 335. *p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .01. 95% confidence intervals in brackets.

4
D.N. Sattler et al.
emphasizing unity with nature and environmental concerns and values
emphasizing equality and social justice to load on a single, higher order
“values” factor. In a similar vein, we forced the factors knowledge about
climate change causes and knowledge about actions to reduce climate
change to load on a single, higher order “climate change knowledge”
factor. Results of this preliminary confirmatory factor analysis (CFA)
revealed suboptimal model fit (χ 2 (1510) = 3664, p < .001, χ 2/df = 2.42;
RMSEA = 0.07, 90% CI = [0.063, 0.068], SRMR = 0.07; CFI = 0.85, TLI
= 0.84). To improve our initial measurement model, we made two types
of modifications. Firstly, we examined modification indices and imple­
mented suggested changes when they were theoretically meaningful.
For example, we added an additional covariance between the items “I
know it is cyclone season by observing changes in animal behavior,
plant and crop yields, and the environment” and “I know when a cyclone
or extreme weather is coming by observing changes in animal behavior,
plant and crop yields, and the environment” (both loading on the
traditional environmental knowledge latent factor) because of their
content overlap. Secondly, we removed items which significantly dete­
riorated model fit when included. Applying this rule of thumb led to the
removal of one item (i.e., “I have searched for information about climate
change on social media to learn more about climate change (such as on
Facebook and Twitter)” loading on the social media latent factor). The
results of this second CFA indicated adequate fit for our revised mea­
surement model (χ 2 (1724) = 2957, p < .001, χ 2/df = 2.01; RMSEA =
0.05, 90% CI = [0.052, 0.058], SRMR = 0.06; CFI = 0.91, TLI = 0.90).
Then, in a second step, structural fit was assessed by adding the
regression paths encapsulated in our hypothesized model (see Fig. 1).
Specifically, we regressed the latent factors norms, indigenous envi­
ronmental knowledge, spiritual beliefs concerning protecting the envi­
ronment, social media, and values on the higher-order latent factor
climate change knowledge and the behavioral change intentions latent
variable. We also added a pathway from climate change knowledge to
behavioral change intentions. Furthermore, education level and prior
experience with Cyclone Gita were additionally included as control
variables and regressed on our hypothesized mediator and outcome. Our
final model showed acceptable fit (χ 2(1583) = 3123, p < .001, χ 2/df =
Fig. 1. Results of SEM analyses. χ 2 (1583) = 3123, p < .001, χ 2/df = 1.97;
RMSEA = 0.05, 90% CI = [0.051, 0.057], SRMR = 0.06; CFI = 0.90, TLI = 0.90.
Unstandardized beta coefficients (SEs between brackets, and 95% CIs between
parentheses) are reported. Only significant pathways are shown. Pathways in
blue are part of significant mediation chains. Traditional env. knowledge =
traditional environmental knowledge. Bio = values emphasizing unity with
nature and environmental concerns. Equality = values emphasizing equality
and social justice. Statistically controlled for education level and prior experi­
ence with Gita. *p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001. (For interpretation of the
references to color in this figure legend, the reader is referred to the Web
version of this article.)
5
Journal of Environmental Psychology 91 (2023) 102148
1.97; RMSEA = 0.05, 90% CI = [0.051, 0.057], SRMR = 0.06; CFI =
0.90, TLI = 0.90). An overview of this final model, together with all
significant direct pathways, is presented in Fig. 1.
As can be derived from Fig. 1, all our hypothesized explanatory
variables were significantly related to climate change knowledge (all bs
> 0.05, all ps < .015), with the exception of social media (b = − 0.01,
95% confidence interval [CI] = [− 0.045, 0.017], SE = 0.016, p = .380).
Furthermore, it was shown that all climate change predictors were
significantly associated with behavioral change intentions (all bs > 0.03,
all ps < .035), with the exception of indigenous environmental knowl­
edge and spiritual beliefs concerning protecting the environment (both
bs < 0.05, both ps > .594).
3.3. Indirect effects
Next, we assessed whether the observed direct effects on behavioral
change intentions were mediated by climate change knowledge. The
results of this analysis indeed revealed a significant indirect effect of
norms (b = 0.07, [0.001, 0.135], SE = 0.034, p = .048) and a significant
indirect effect of values (b = 0.07, [0.014, 0.134], SE = 0.030, p = .015).
Furthermore, although their direct effects did not reach significance, we
also observed a significant indirect effect of indigenous environmental
knowledge (b = 0.07, [0.002, 0.130], SE = 0.033, p = .044) and a sig­
nificant indirect effect of spiritual beliefs concerning protecting the
environment (b = − 0.08, [− 0.142, − 0.010], SE = 0.034, p = .024). The
latter findings thus additionally indicated that the effects of indigenous
environmental knowledge and spiritual beliefs concerning protecting
the environment were fully mediated by climate change knowledge.
4. Discussion
This project is among the first, if not the first, to develop a social-
cognitive model of climate change behavioral intentions in Tonga and
to consider the influences of indigenous environmental knowledge, so­
cial media information, local norms, and values. The findings show four
pathways to climate change behavioral intentions.
Pathway 1. Indigenous environmental knowledge, social norms, values,
and spiritual beliefs. Indigenous environmental knowledge, social norms,
biospheric and equality values, and spiritual beliefs each were associ­
ated with climate change knowledge, and climate change knowledge
was associated with climate change behavioral intentions. This pathway
extends Sattler et al.’s (2020) climate change behavioral adaptation
model and van der Linden’s (2017) climate change risk perception
model, and underscores the importance of indigenous knowledge for
climate change adaptation in Tonga. Value orientations are relatively
stable guiding principles that serve as a reliable proxy for cultural in­
fluences (van der Linden, 2015). These values are commonly shared
among members of a community, convey the reasons they are important
for the culture, and ways of upholding, adhering, and passing them to
others in society. In Tonga, as in other Pacific Island nations, funda­
mental values include strong and enduring community bonds, mutual
assistance and reciprocation, and individual and community resilience
when confronted with hardship (e.g., natural disasters; McMillen et al.,
2014; Pendry et al., 2022). These concepts are interwoven. Resilience,
for example, can involve careful consideration of preparation and
damage mitigation for adverse weather (e.g., during cyclone season),
embracing community members, and giving as well as receiving assis­
tance and support. Norms detail expectations for behaviors that are
learned through social exchanges, including behaviors people perform
(descriptive norm) and ought to perform (injunctive norm; Cialdini,
2003; Schultz, 2022). Norms and values in Tonga and other Pacific Is­
land nations, such as Fiji and Tuvalu, provide a strong foundation for
cognitions and actions that serve to promote an appreciation for sus­
tainability and awareness of environmental change (Bender, 2007). For
example, in Tonga, the norm of fetokoni’aki, which refers to coopera­
tion, sharing of resources, and helping one another, may be reinforced
D.N. Sattler et al.
with vā, which refers to close ties of kinship Tongans feel toward other
members of their community (Bender, 2007; Nishitani, 2020). Thus, vā
and associated values and norms of sustainability and altruism are an
important illustration of how norms in Tonga function as sources of
information regarding pro-environmental behaviors. Research exam­
ining aspects of fetokoni’aki and vā in relation to biospheric and altru­
istic values and climate change risk perception and adaptation is
warranted.
The findings extend the lacuna of research examining indigenous
environmental knowledge and climate change. Indigenous environ­
mental knowledge is amassed through generations of experience and
observation and shared in everyday contexts, formal festivals, and
ceremonial settings (Galway et al., 2022; Mbah et al., 2021). The find­
ings support recent work indicating that indigenous knowledge can help
people recognize the impacts of climate change, identify and implement
adaptive and proactive behaviors and initiatives, and evaluate the effi­
cacy of intervention efforts (Galway et al., 2022; Mbah et al., 2021;
Thaman et al., 2014). For example, recent research shows that indige­
nous knowledge and reconnecting with the land and culture through
traditional teachings, ceremonies, and cultural gatherings, guided re­
sponses to climate change in the Fort Williams First Nation (Galway
et al., 2022). Future research examining aspects of indigenous envi­
ronmental knowledge, including how it is conveyed, maintained, and
may be transforming due to social media and other recent advances in
communication and knowledge, and its relationship to
pro-environmental behavioral intentions is warranted. Such research
might also consider cases in which environmental degradation or loss of
land becomes so severe that indigenous knowledge and information
from other sources (e.g., scienced-based work) cannot find a pathway
forward for adaptation. This may be the case, for example, in locations
where sea level rise is predicted to submerge areas of Tonga and entire
nations, such as Tuvalu (United Nations, 2023). Importantly, research
examining the mental health impact of this future threat, including
migration to another country and status as a climate refugee, is
warranted.
The finding that spiritual beliefs serve as a source of information
concerning climate change knowledge and is associated with behavioral
intentions supports and extends prior work. The findings support work
showing that religious and spiritual beliefs that emphasize environ­
mental stewardship may increase pro-environmental behaviors and
support for community and institutional pro-environmental initiatives
(Eom et al., 2021; Interfaith Summit on Climate Change, 2014; Wolf &
Moser, 2011). Religion and spirituality can provide a profound sense of
meaning regarding the importance of behaviors that help protect the
Earth (Fair, 2018). In Vanuatu, a small island developing state in the
Pacific with a population of approximately 320,000 (or three times the
population of Tonga), religion and science on climate change are seen as
complementary (Fair, 2018). Further, through religion and spiritual
beliefs, behaviors that harm the planet may be viewed as immoral, and
thus offer direction based on morality (Fair, 2018). Future research
might examine which aspects of spiritual beliefs foster climate change
action.
In summary, this pathway supports and extends research by showing
the contributions of diverse sources of climate change knowledge for the
formation of behavioral change intentions. Future research is needed to
examine in more detail how this pathway may vary in other locations
based on culture, traditional practices, geography, and other regional
variables. For example, Sattler et al. (2021) found that among nomadic
herders in remote areas of Mongolia, (a) both climate change knowledge
and values were associated with positive stress response subsequent to
degradation of pastures due to climate change, which was then associ­
ated with climate change risk perception and behavioral adaptation, and
(b) community norms were directly associated with behavioral adap­
tation. Geography plays a central role in vulnerability, access to re­
sources, and resilience to natural disasters and climate change. In
Mongolia, nomadic herders graze animals on pastures that have become
6
Journal of Environmental Psychology 91 (2023) 102148
less productive and have experienced extreme weather changes,
including winters so harsh that nearly 20% of all livestock in the country
were unable to survive (World Bank, 2012). People on islands
throughout Tonga have limited evacuation options when disaster
strikes, as demonstrated during the unprecedented underwater eruption
of the Hunga-Tonga-Hunga-Ha’apai volcano and subsequent tsunami
and extensive ashfall in January 2022. Storm surge, especially during a
king tide, can create significant threats and evacuation challenges, and
are predicted to be more severe as sea level rises due to climate change.
Future research could examine the influences of geography, population
size and distribution, and access to resources in the development and
transmission of indigenous knowledge and climate change behavioral
intentions.
Pathway 2. Social media and climate change behavioral intentions. So­
cial media was directly associated with climate change behavioral in­
tentions. This finding extends prior work showing a relationship
between social media use and climate change mitigation actions (Han &
Xu, 2020) to a small island developing state in the Pacific. The inter­
active nature of social media use may influence, to some degree, how
people assign meaning to social media content. Alsaad et al. (2023)
examined how people make sense of and bestow meaning to information
obtained via social media, given that social media provides opportu­
nities to interact with others locally, nationally, and internationally and
view support for statements and opinions (e.g., liking a comment or
post, sharing content). As such, social media provides a powerful
mechanism for people to derive meaning in ways that passive con­
sumption of media does not. Alsaad et al. (2023) suggest that social
media users ascribe meaning to their interaction with
pro-environmental social media content if they perceive they care about
the environment—individuals who believe they care about the envi­
ronment may be more likely to act in ways consistent with such
self-perceptions (Steg, 2023). In addition, interaction with
pro-environmental social media content may lead users to perceive
themselves as responsible, to some degree, for the state of the Earth
(Alsaad et al., 2023). In particular, individuals who feel a sense of per­
sonal responsibility after engaging with pro-environmental social media
content may consider their own contributions to climate change.
The Tonga Ministry of Meteorology, Energy, Information, Disaster
Management, Environment, Climate Change, and Communications and
the Tonga Department of Climate Change have increased outreach to the
local communities to raise awareness about climate change and its
connection with threats to the marine environment, sea level rise, and
the destructive potential of cyclones. Research examining the effects of
outreach efforts is warranted. Finally, social media may be particularly
beneficial for people in Tonga and other locations that are relatively
isolated geographically, as it allows for broad communication and even
social organization (Titifanue et al., 2017). Future research examining
best practices for social media use in the Pacific as well as how it can
complement traditional information sources and indigenous knowledge
is warranted.
Pathway 3. Values and climate change behavioral intentions. Values
were directly associated with climate change behavioral intentions. This
pathway supports and extends van der Linden’s (2015) model of climate
change risk perception, Sattler et al.’s (2020; 2021) model of climate
change behavioral adaptation, and prior research (Bouman et al., 2020;
Marshall et al., 2019; Steg, 2023; Xie et al., 2019). Previous research
show that biospheric and altruistic values appear to have the clearest
relationship to willingness to engage in climate change mitigation be­
haviors and pro-environmental behavior, as these values reflect care for
the environment that can motivate individuals to act accordingly
(Bouman et al., 2020; Marshall et al., 2019; Xie et al., 2019). These
values may have aspects in common with traditional Tongan values.
Fonua is a Tongan value that denotes a view that people, communities,
and nature should be in accord with one another (Pendry, 2022). This
value emphasizes cooperation and peace between people and nature,
and may serve as a source of motivation to behave in pro-environmental
D.N. Sattler et al.
ways (Pendry, 2022). Fetokoni’aki may also apply to this relationship,
such that hospitality of the environment should be met with acts of
environmental stewardship (Pendry, 2022). Other Tongan values such
as faka’apa’apa (respect) and ofa (selflessness and love), when applied to
a relationship to nature, may similarly encourage displays of generosity
and respect toward the environment (Pendry, 2022). Because such
values are deeply ingrained within Tongan communities, intervention
efforts may benefit from appealing to such values to promote
pro-environmental behavioral changes. Research examining the com­
monalities between traditional values in Tonga with biospheric and
altruistic values is warranted, as is additional research examining the
development, transformation, and transmission of values in Tonga.
Pathway 4. Social norms and climate change behavioral intentions. So­
cial norms had a direct path to behavioral change intentions. This
finding supports and extends prior research (Schultz, 2022; Xie et al.,
2019) and van der Linden (2015) and Sattler’s (2020; 2021) climate
change models. This finding speaks to the strong sense of community
and bonds to others that is common in Tonga, and to the internalization
of norms. Aspects of fetokoni’aki can also be considered normative, and
other norms prominent in Tonga, such as strong community bonds and
helping others, may motivate and sustain behaviors that tend to the
environment. Future research examining fetokoni’aki and other relevant
norms in Tonga, their relation to climate change, and how they might
evolve in response to climate change threats, is warranted.
Tonga endorsed the Paris Agreement to address climate change and
is active in regional and international efforts to reduce carbon emissions,
including participation in Pacific Island Forum activities and at the
United Nations. Notably, Tonga and other small island developing states
in the Pacific are among the most vulnerable to the effects of climate
change, yet they have the smallest carbon footprints across all countries.
Thus, reducing their own carbon footprint may have minimal impact on
the climate change threat; they alone cannot alleviate the disastrous
effects of climate change.
Given the association of social norms and values with behavioral
adaptation, examining various aspects and types of norms is warranted.
For example, how might campaigns emphasizing descriptive and
injunctive community norms increase their effectiveness? To increase
compliance with educational outreach campaigns, how might cam­
paigns effectively show that others are concerned and are taking action
to mitigate climate change? How might these campaigns include vivid
information appealing to emotions, which has been shown to increase
campaign effectiveness (Roeser, 2012; Sattler et al., 2014; Sattler et al.,
2018a). These questions are worthy of further empirical study.
There are a few limitations to the study. The findings may not
generalize to all persons in Tonga given the study is cross-sectional and
we were not able to employ a pure random sampling strategy. We do not
know whether social desirability may have influenced responses.
Whereas the social media measure in this study focused on accurate and
unbiased information, future research is needed to examine how the
spread of misinformation can influence climate change risk perceptions
and willingness to engage in climate change mitigation actions (Lew­
andowsky et al., 2019). Such efforts could compare and contrast expo­
sure to accurate information and misinformation on social media or
other sources, and assess the “net effect” of social media use on climate
change behavioral intentions. Future studies also could investigate
behavioral changes, in addition to intentions, following exposure to
social media information and other interventions that boost climate
change knowledge. Finally, participants lived on the main island of
Tongatapu, but additional work is needed to examine experiences and
perceptions for those living on the 35 other islands.
4.1. Conclusion
The Kingdom of Tonga in the South Pacific is ranked as the third
most vulnerable country in the world to the effects of climate change.
With a community sample of 335 people on the main island of
7
Journal of Environmental Psychology 91 (2023) 102148
Tongatapu, this study developed a social-cognitive model of climate
change behavioral intention. Structural equation modeling revealed
four pathways associated with climate change behavioral intentions.
The first path showed indigenous environmental knowledge, social
norms, biospheric and equality values, and spiritual beliefs were each
associated with climate change knowledge, and climate change knowl­
edge was associated with climate change behavioral intentions. The
second, third, and fourth pathways showed that social media, values,
and social norms were each directly and respectively associated with
behavioral change intentions. These pathways underscore the impor­
tance of diverse sources of knowledge, including community norms and
opportunities to share information in person or via social media. The
study documents the importance of indigenous knowledge, culture, and
norms for climate change mitigation and addressing the formidable
challenges climate change presents for people in the Kingdom of Tonga.
Funding
This project was supported by funding from the Office of Research
and Sponsored Programs at Western Washington University.
CRediT authorship contribution statement
David N. Sattler: Conceptualization, Methodology, Investigation,
Data curation, Writing – original draft, Writing – review & editing,
Funding acquisition. Uili Lousi: Methodology, Investigation. Kim
Dierckx: Writing – original draft, Writing – review & editing, Data
analysis. Rachel Peyer-Nelson: Writing – original draft, Writing – re­
view & editing. Siosaia Langitoto Helu: Methodology, Investigation.
Declaration of competing interest
The authors declare no competing interests.
Acknowledgments
We express our gratitude to the participants and communities on
Tongatapu in Tonga, and to Tefini Fakatulolo, Siosaia Muli, Tapou Latu
Tonga, Tupou Uluiki Mahe, Sione Polotini Finau, Setoleki Tomu Fili­
kitonga, Veisinia Helu, and Mehnaaz Sattler for their invaluable assis­
tance. In memoriam: Siosaia Langitoto Helu.
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