Modi Took Complete

Control of Kashmir
Two Years Ago—and
Got Away With It
When India revoked the disputed valley’s autonomous status, it sparked fears of
diplomatic—even nuclear—war. It didn’t need to worry.

Two years after the Indian parliament revoked the autonomous status of Indian-administered
Kashmir, Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s government seems to have succeeded at bringing the
region under its direct authority. When India first made its move, it startled the world and led to
fears of a rise in violence in the valley and a potential open conflict with Pakistan, the nuclear-
armed state that claims sovereignty over Kashmir in its entirety. New Delhi also worried about
the diplomatic fallout with the West as Pakistan joined China in pressuring India through the
United Nations Security Council.

But there has neither been a war with Pakistan nor eruption of large-scale violence in the valley.
Even condemnation from the international community has been cautiously worded and limited.
As U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken visited India last week, Kashmir was not a major issue
even if spoken about behind closed doors. For the first time, in a long time there is peace on the
de facto border between India and Pakistan, cross-border infiltration has paused, and militancy
has dipped. According to the latest data from the Indian government, the number of terrorist
incidents in Jammu and Kashmir fell by 59 percent last year, compared to the year before, and
by 32 percent up to June this year compared to the same period last year.

Indian tourists, meanwhile, flocked to the lakes and breezy mountains as the country grappled
with one of the worst outbreaks of the coronavirus. They were blocked from traveling abroad
and spurred to look to Kashmir. While tourism witnessed intermittent spikes even before the
revocation of Kashmir’s special status, the crowds this year illustrated a return to a sort of
business—although not political—normalcy. It reflected growing faith among Indian tourists
that Kashmir was calm and they needn’t fear for their safety while vacationing.

The above successes have not been good news for average Kashmiris, who feel politically
disenfranchised and silenced into acquiescence. Most Kashmiris welcomed dividends of peace
but not being forced to capitulate to New Delhi’s wishes.

On Aug. 5, 2019, Modi’s Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) not only abrogated
Article 370, under which the local legislature could make its own laws except in finance, defense,
foreign affairs, and communications, but it also revoked Article 35A, which empowered the
legislative assembly to define permanent residents and offer them special privileges such as
exclusive land rights. Modi also split the three different divisions of the erstwhile state—Jammu,
Kashmir, and Ladakh—into two union territories. While a state has its own government and
powers to pass laws, union territories are much smaller administrative units ruled by an
appointee of the central government.

The changes were welcomed by Indians who saw Kashmir as an integral part of India and felt it
must be given equal, not special, treatment. The Kashmiris, however, saw it as a threat to change
the demographics of the valley from Muslim-majority to non-Kashmiri and non-Muslim. They
saw it as an infringement on their rights that granted them a degree of political autonomy
pending final resolution to the dispute over whether they remain with India, join Pakistan, or
stay independent of both.

The Indian government deployed a slew of suppressive measures to deter Kashmiris from
expressing their will publicly. It deployed masses of troops, intimidated tens of journalists, and
carried out large-scale arrests of Kashmiri politicians, secessionists, and anyone with enough
clout to mobilize popular discontent into a sustained agitation. While mainstream politicians
were subsequently released, thousands of Kashmiris are still believed to be languishing in
prisons inside Kashmir and across the country.

India has reportedly even refused to hand over bodies of dead militants, ostensibly to avoid the
spread of the coronavirus. But such funerals in the past have turned into major processions that
coalesced support for militancy and strengthened anti-India sentiment. To maintain calm in
Kashmir was the Indian government’s priority.

“Our biggest challenge was to make sure violence didn’t erupt in the valley. If there were
casualties we would have lost international support,” said a former Indian diplomat who
engaged with the United States directly to secure support for India’s point of view. “Thankfully
our containment efforts were successful.” India quietened the international community by
refusing to allow protests that could have turned violent and made it harder for India to retain
Western support. India also threw around its economic weight as a counterbalance to China,
dangled investment opportunities in front of some countries, and threatened withdrawal of
lucrative business contracts from the last two remonstrators, Turkey and Malaysia, which
openly criticized India on Kashmir. “In the end, the U.S.’s support was most necessary, and they
backed India because of larger geopolitical concerns re: China,” the former Indian diplomat
added.

India succeeded in discouraging the disaffected, scared, and leaderless Kashmiris from holding
mass protests, but in doing so it failed to live by its own democratic ideals. Kashmir’s
mainstream pro-India politicians have since met with Modi. But they have been weakened and
terrified to such an extent that they no longer expect a return of the region’s special status. They
have challenged the constitutionality of abrogating Article 370 and 35A in India’s highest court,
and yet few believe the verdict would be favorable. These political parties are so desperate that
they are struggling to get statehood for Jammu and Kashmir, with the same and not more
powers as granted to other Indian states or federal units.

“The government came down on us so hard that now we are pleading for statehood, neither
special status nor political resolution or referendum,” said one of the leading politicians who
was detained for seven months at Centaur Hotel in Srinagar—a luxury property turned into a
makeshift prison for Kashmir’s political elite. He did not want to reveal his name, fearing he
might be incarcerated again.

Modi’s Kashmir Policy and the

Critical Voices of India
https://www.hilal.gov.pk/eng-article/detail/NjU0NA==.html

An award-winning writer and one of the strongest voices on the issue of Indian Illegally Occupied Jammu
and Kashmir (IIOJK), Arundhati Roy once stated that, “Even if India increases its military footprint from
seven lac to 70 lac in [Indian Illegally Occupied] Kashmir, it wouldn’t be able to gain Kashmir.” In order to
gain Kashmir, what matters is winning their hearts and minds, not subjugating them through fear, denial
of their basic human rights and use of excessive violence. Ms. Roy also once stated, “Just a few months
of COVID-19 lockdown, without a military curfew or communications siege, has brought the world to its
knees and hundreds of millions to the limits of their endurance and sanity. Think of [Indian Illegally
Occupied] Kashmir under the densest military deployment in the world. On top of suffering Coronavirus
has laid on you, add a maze of barbed wire on your streets, soldiers breaking into your homes, beating
the men and abusing the women, destroying your food stocks, amplifying the cries of humans being
tortured on public address systems.” Unfortunately, Indian sociopolitical structure under Baharatiya
Janata Party (BJP) has no room left for sanity as “sanity” is synonymous to “treason.” As a result, Roy’s
humanist views and inconvenient truth has made her a permanent target of Hindutva radicals, threats by
government officials and attacks on her academic credibility.

The voices of discriminated, subjugated, and marginalized socio-religious communities, especially of

Indian Muslims and Kashmiris, are neither audible nor visible in the electoral autocracy, i.e., India.
Priyanka Gandhi, the leader of Indian National Congress, highlighted this trend in her statement. She
said, “There is nothing more political and anti-national than the shutting down of all democratic rights
that is taking place in [Indian Illegally Occupied] Kashmir. It is the duty of every one of us to raise our
voices against it; we will not stop doing so.” However, such views are not a part of the popular discourse
in India and the political space for Congress is shrinking with every passing day.

The alternate discourse lacks representation in Indian decision-making processes and is completely
absent from the popular discourse. Such mindset is a reflection of Indian strategic culture. Chanakya
Kautilya, the cornerstone of Indian strategic thought, never envisioned a society based on equality,
human rights, and inclusivism. Instead, he advocated majoritarianism with authoritarian principles. The
BJP regime, self-proclaimed defenders of Hindutva, created popular discourse in favor of a Hindu society,
based on the principles chalked out in Arthashastra and other Hindu scriptures. The internationally
acknowledged academician of Indian origin, Ashok Swain, discussed the policies of BJP regime and wrote
that, “Modi does not anymore pretend even as the leader of a secular country. He sees himself and
overtly acts like a king of a Hindu Kingdom.” In another article, he wrote, “For Modi’s politics, peace, and
stability in Kashmir do not bring benefits, violence and despair of Kashmiri Muslims do. That is the
reason Narendra Modi is celebrating first anniversary of his repeal of Article 370 at Ayodhya by formally
starting the construction of Ram temple, another key Hindutva project.” The scholars need to deliberate
on how subjugating Muslims has become a satisfaction for Hindu ego? Whether secularism is a product
of colonial knowledge or religious nationalism? If after practicing secularism for decades, India is
reverting to its Hindu roots, then where do “secularism” and “democracy” stand in the realm of “gospel
truth?”

BJP regime always manifests Indian atrocities and occupation of IIOJK as a matter of pride for Indian
Hindus, as their success story and their revenge from the Muslims for the consumption of domestic
audience/vote bank. According to a census conducted by India in 2011, out of IIOJK’s total population of
12.5 million, Muslims comprise 68.31 percent and Hindus 28.43 percent. An overwhelming 96 percent of
those Muslims live in IIOJK.

In order to fan anti-Muslim hysteria/Islamophobia, to demonstrate the Hindu destructive powers and to
appease radical extremist Hindu vote bank, Modi’s Kashmir policy is a continuation of Indian strategic
culture. His policy is based on: 1) exclusivism; 2) authoritarian masculinity; 3) war hysteria; 4) use of
excessive violence; 5) political and electoral manipulation to undermine Kashmiri Muslims; 6)
constitutionalizing state-sponsored terrorism; 7) manifestation of ruthlessness; 8) divide and rule; 9)
information blackout; and 10) governing through fear. Mr. A. S. Dulat summarized Modi’s Kashmir policy
and clearly stated that Modi’s Kashmir policy has created a mess. Although his thoughts have no
audibility within the popular discourse, but he still tried to raise the alarm bells. Lieutenant General H. S.
Panag, former General Officer Commanding (GOC) Northern and Central Command of India,
substantiates the observations of Mr. Dulat and stated, “The situation in the Valley has since gone from
bad to worse. People in Kashmir feel that their culture and identity are now under threat. The hope of
the silent moderate majority for a political solution has given way to despondency and people are more
alienated than ever. They believe they have been ‘cornered’ and have no option left but to ‘resist.’ In
view of the massive deployment of the paramilitary forces, the resistance has manifested into ‘civil
disobedience’ and non-cooperation – against which the state is powerless.”

In a move to legitimize state terrorism, BJP regime unilaterally stripped IIOJK of its limited autonomy and
statehood on August 5, 2019, under the false pretext of resolving the longstanding armed conflict for
sustainable peace and development in IIOJK. However, even after three years, nothing sustainable has
been achieved, whether it is state government, peace, economic development, or stability. Modi’s
Kashmir policy has deepened the trauma of conflict and violence among the subjugated Kashmiris in
IIOJK. The economic losses they have faced after the revocation of Article 370 are unprecedented. The
core sectors of the economy of IIOJK have witnessed a steep decline. The unemployment rate in IIOJK is
25 percent, whereas in India, it is 7.6 percent. Only in the initial five months of Modi’s second regime,
the economy of Kashmir lost $5.32 billion and more than 100,000 Kashmiris lost their jobs in the sectors
of handicraft, tourism, and information technology. The cross-Line of Control (LOC) trade has almost
ceased to exist. Several Indian scholars tried to caution their government regarding the futility of Modi’s
Kashmir policy, but they remained unheard. Despite having no audibility, Justice Markandey Katju wrote,
“Kashmir Valley continues to be subjected to various restrictions and proper internet services are still
barred. Many political leaders are still under detention or house arrest. At the time of its scrapping, it
was affirmed that reading down of Article 370 would usher in development, but this has proved a forlorn
hope.” While echoing similar opinion, Farooq Abdullah, former Chief Minister of IIOJK expressed his
disappointment and termed the situation of IIOJK as “unfortunate,” as he opined, “Center said [Indian
Illegally Occupied] Jammu and Kashmir will progress once Article 370 is removed, militancy will
disappear. I would like to ask those people, has militancy disappeared? It has increased rather than
decreased. Any development? Zero development. Whatever we had, we have lost even that.”

The extrajudicial killings of innocent Kashmiris and out of proportion community punishments by Indian
occupying forces are a norm in IIOJK. According to estimations, since the abrogation of Article 370, at
least 197 security personnel, 675 suspected rebels (a claim of Indian occupying forces) and 131 civilians
have been killed in the wave of mainly state-sponsored violence that has engulfed the Kashmir Valley.
The police chief of IIOJK confirmed to Al Jazeera that only in 2022, Indian police and military has
committed extrajudicial killings of more than 100 suspected armed Kashmiris, mostly young men aged
between 18 and 26. Whereas, as per the claims of Indian officials, during 2022, only 16 people were
killed by freedom fighters. Not only this, but contrary to its claims regarding normalization of the
situation in IIOJK, Modi regime arrested hundreds of Kashmiri politicians, including former chief
ministers, human rights activists, lawyers and students.

A new domicile law was introduced that allowed outsiders to permanently settle in IIOJK, raising fears of
a demographic change and allegations of a “settler-colonial project” in the region. Mehbooba Mufti, the
former Chief Minister of IIOJK and an ally of BJP, while explaining how Modi’s Kashmir policy has affected
the conflict, highlighted that, “More and more young people are running away from homes and joining
militancy. It is due to the anger and the environment created by the BJP. They (youth) are being killed
within 2-3 days of joining the armed struggle, some had not even picked up a gun yet. Everywhere it is
the blood of Kashmiris that is being spilled.” After the house arrest of Mehbooba Mufti, her daughter,
Iltaja Mufti, said, “Suddenly, there is heightened security and surveillance in the Valley. Clearly this is
being done to ensure that anger and frustration felt by people here remain hidden.”

While the BJP regime was cheering for slashing Article 370 from the Indian constitution, the seasoned
Indian politician, Shivshankar Menon, former National Security Advisor and former Foreign Secretary
raised his voice to refute the false claims of Hindutva radicals, when he wrote that “The withdrawal of
special status of [Indian Illegally Occupied] Jammu and Kashmir under Article 370 of the Constitution had
led to India being isolated from the international community, even by its traditional allies. There has
been no meaningful international support, apart from a few committed members of the diaspora and a
ragtag bunch of Euro MPs from the extreme right. We seem to know that we are isolated.”

IIOJK is the least reported conflict of the world as BJP government has literally imposed virtual siege on
this conflict-ridden region. However, the international community needs to break the information
barriers and reach out to these children of a lesser god, the poor Kashmiris. Rana Ayyub, the award
winning courageous Indian Muslim journalist, aptly cautioned, “Do not compare this self-quarantine
(during COVID-19) with Kashmir. An entire population was locked down against its consent, thousands
detained, deprived of the basic humanity.” Another journalist and novelist, Mirza Waheed, highlighted
the plight of Kashmiris and wrote, “Mass arrests, Gestapo-style surveillance, torture, suppression of free
assembly, crushing of Kashmiri press, decimation of local economy, longest internet shutdown ever
imposed by a democracy, crippling of education system, incarceration of thousands of young people,
unprecedented criminalization of speech, and gagging of Kashmir’s civil society. It all serves to remove
Kashmiri agency.”

Modi’s India has no appetite to create space for critical thinking and alternate discourse. Indian
politicians, scholars, and professionals who dare to disagree with the popular narrative constructed by
BJP face the wrath of Hindu radicals, BJP supporters, and government machinery. Their careers come to
an end and their socio-political space is eliminated. Having an alternate critical thought is equivalent to
being a traitor as independent thinking has been considered a sin and convenient lies are preferred over
inconvenient truths.

Islamophobia has been used as a strategic weapon by the BJP regime to not only push Hindutva policies,
but to also delegitimize the Kashmiri freedom struggle by equating it with the false rhetoric of “Islamic
terrorism.” The criticism on Modi’s Kashmir policy could not get air time in Indian media due to strict
media control by the BJP regime. A great South Asian scholar, Mr. A. G. Noorani aptly pointed out that
“The measures unleashed by Modi’s BJP government on August 5 are designed to go beyond the wreck
of Kashmiri autonomy. They are aimed at destroying the territory itself. The legal mechanics, crippling as
they are, were imposed after the Valley was sanitized by army and paramilitary. Kashmir’s police were
disarmed. This itself is a tribute to the rebellious spirit of the people of Kashmir.”

The hatred-driven, majoritarian Kashmir policy of Modi regime led the pro-India politician from IIOJK,
Mr. Omar Abdullah, to say that “One year later, what has changed? Are people alienated, feeling any less
so? Is violence any less? Has investment suddenly started flowing in? Is corruption any less and is
governance any better? Has there been a reverse exodus of the Kashmiri Pandits?” Modi is not losing
Kashmir, but he has already lost it. This is the outcome of the strategic culture where politics of hatred
supersedes humanity and love for power undermines the power of love, where peace is synonymous to
weakness and balance of power is a symbol of incompetence.
Modi’s Kashmir Policy and the
Critical Voices of India
An award-winning writer and one of the strongest voices on the issue of Indian
Illegally Occupied Jammu and Kashmir (IIOJK), Arundhati Roy once stated that,
“Even if India increases its military footprint from seven lac to 70 lac in [Indian
Illegally Occupied] Kashmir, it wouldn’t be able to gain Kashmir.” In order to gain
Kashmir, what matters is winning their hearts and minds, not subjugating them
through fear, denial of their basic human rights and use of excessive violence.
Ms. Roy also once stated, “Just a few months of COVID-19 lockdown, without a
military curfew or communications siege, has brought the world to its knees and
hundreds of millions to the limits of their endurance and sanity. Think of [Indian
Illegally Occupied] Kashmir under the densest military deployment in the world.
On top of suffering Coronavirus has laid on you, add a maze of barbed wire on
your streets, soldiers breaking into your homes, beating the men and abusing the
women, destroying your food stocks, amplifying the cries of humans being
tortured on public address systems.” Unfortunately, Indian sociopolitical
structure under Baharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has no room left for sanity as
“sanity” is synonymous to “treason.” As a result, Roy’s humanist views and
inconvenient truth has made her a permanent target of Hindutva radicals, threats
by government officials and attacks on her academic credibility.
The voices of discriminated, subjugated, and marginalized socio-religious
communities, especially of Indian Muslims and Kashmiris, are neither audible nor
visible in the electoral autocracy, i.e., India. Priyanka Gandhi, the leader of Indian
National Congress, highlighted this trend in her statement. She said, “There is
nothing more political and anti-national than the shutting down of all democratic
rights that is taking place in [Indian Illegally Occupied] Kashmir. It is the duty of
every one of us to raise our voices against it; we will not stop doing so.” However,
such views are not a part of the popular discourse in India and the political
space for Congress is shrinking with every passing day.
The alternate discourse lacks representation in Indian decision-making
processes and is completely absent from the popular discourse. Such mindset is
a reflection of Indian strategic culture. Chanakya Kautilya, the cornerstone of
Indian strategic thought, never envisioned a society based on equality, human
rights, and inclusivism. Instead, he advocated majoritarianism with authoritarian
principles. The BJP regime, self-proclaimed defenders of Hindutva, created
popular discourse in favor of a Hindu society, based on the principles chalked out
in Arthashastra and other Hindu scriptures. The internationally acknowledged
academician of Indian origin, Ashok Swain, discussed the policies of BJP regime
and wrote that, “Modi does not anymore pretend even as the leader of a secular
country. He sees himself and overtly acts like a king of a Hindu Kingdom.” In
another article, he wrote, “For Modi’s politics, peace, and stability in Kashmir do
not bring benefits, violence and despair of Kashmiri Muslims do. That is the
reason Narendra Modi is celebrating first anniversary of his repeal of Article 370
at Ayodhya by formally starting the construction of Ram temple, another key
Hindutva project.” The scholars need to deliberate on how subjugating Muslims
has become a satisfaction for Hindu ego? Whether secularism is a product of
colonial knowledge or religious nationalism? If after practicing secularism for
decades, India is reverting to its Hindu roots, then where do “secularism” and
“democracy” stand in the realm of “gospel truth?”
BJP regime always manifests Indian atrocities and occupation of IIOJK as a
matter of pride for Indian Hindus, as their success story and their revenge from
the Muslims for the consumption of domestic audience/vote bank. According to a
census conducted by India in 2011, out of IIOJK’s total population of 12.5 million,
Muslims comprise 68.31 percent and Hindus 28.43 percent. An overwhelming 96
percent of those Muslims live in IIOJK.
In order to fan anti-Muslim hysteria/Islamophobia, to demonstrate the Hindu
destructive powers and to appease radical extremist Hindu vote bank, Modi’s
Kashmir policy is a continuation of Indian strategic culture. His policy is based
on: 1) exclusivism; 2) authoritarian masculinity; 3) war hysteria; 4) use of
excessive violence; 5) political and electoral manipulation to undermine Kashmiri
Muslims; 6) constitutionalizing state-sponsored terrorism; 7) manifestation of
ruthlessness; 8) divide and rule; 9) information blackout; and 10) governing
through fear. Mr. A. S. Dulat summarized Modi’s Kashmir policy and clearly stated
that Modi’s Kashmir policy has created a mess. Although his thoughts have no
audibility within the popular discourse, but he still tried to raise the alarm bells.
Lieutenant General H. S. Panag, former General Officer Commanding (GOC)
Northern and Central Command of India, substantiates the observations of Mr.
Dulat and stated, “The situation in the Valley has since gone from bad to worse.
People in Kashmir feel that their culture and identity are now under threat. The
hope of the silent moderate majority for a political solution has given way to
despondency and people are more alienated than ever. They believe they have
been ‘cornered’ and have no option left but to ‘resist.’ In view of the massive
deployment of the paramilitary forces, the resistance has manifested into ‘civil
disobedience’ and non-cooperation – against which the state is powerless.”
In a move to legitimize state terrorism, BJP regime unilaterally stripped IIOJK of
its limited autonomy and statehood on August 5, 2019, under the false pretext of
resolving the longstanding armed conflict for sustainable peace and
development in IIOJK. However, even after three years, nothing sustainable has
been achieved, whether it is state government, peace, economic development, or
stability. Modi’s Kashmir policy has deepened the trauma of conflict and violence
among the subjugated Kashmiris in IIOJK. The economic losses they have faced
after the revocation of Article 370 are unprecedented. The core sectors of the
economy of IIOJK have witnessed a steep decline. The unemployment rate in
IIOJK is 25 percent, whereas in India, it is 7.6 percent. Only in the initial five
months of Modi’s second regime, the economy of Kashmir lost $5.32 billion and
more than 100,000 Kashmiris lost their jobs in the sectors of handicraft, tourism,
and information technology. The cross-Line of Control (LOC) trade has almost
ceased to exist. Several Indian scholars tried to caution their government
regarding the futility of Modi’s Kashmir policy, but they remained unheard.
Despite having no audibility, Justice Markandey Katju wrote, “Kashmir Valley
continues to be subjected to various restrictions and proper internet services
are still barred. Many political leaders are still under detention or house arrest.
At the time of its scrapping, it was affirmed that reading down of Article 370
would usher in development, but this has proved a forlorn hope.” While echoing
similar opinion, Farooq Abdullah, former Chief Minister of IIOJK expressed his
disappointment and termed the situation of IIOJK as “unfortunate,” as he opined,
“Center said [Indian Illegally Occupied] Jammu and Kashmir will progress once
Article 370 is removed, militancy will disappear. I would like to ask those people,
has militancy disappeared? It has increased rather than decreased. Any
development? Zero development. Whatever we had, we have lost even that.”
The extrajudicial killings of innocent Kashmiris and out of proportion community
punishments by Indian occupying forces are a norm in IIOJK. According to
estimations, since the abrogation of Article 370, at least 197 security personnel,
675 suspected rebels (a claim of Indian occupying forces) and 131 civilians have
been killed in the wave of mainly state-sponsored violence that has engulfed the
Kashmir Valley. The police chief of IIOJK confirmed to Al Jazeera that only in
2022, Indian police and military has committed extrajudicial killings of more than
100 suspected armed Kashmiris, mostly young men aged between 18 and 26.
Whereas, as per the claims of Indian officials, during 2022, only 16 people were
killed by freedom fighters. Not only this, but contrary to its claims regarding
normalization of the situation in IIOJK, Modi regime arrested hundreds of
Kashmiri politicians, including former chief ministers, human rights activists,
lawyers and students.
A new domicile law was introduced that allowed outsiders to permanently settle
in IIOJK, raising fears of a demographic change and allegations of a “settler-
colonial project” in the region. Mehbooba Mufti, the former Chief Minister of
IIOJK and an ally of BJP, while explaining how Modi’s Kashmir policy has
affected the conflict, highlighted that, “More and more young people are running
away from homes and joining militancy. It is due to the anger and the
environment created by the BJP. They (youth) are being killed within 2-3 days of
joining the armed struggle, some had not even picked up a gun yet. Everywhere it
is the blood of Kashmiris that is being spilled.” After the house arrest of
Mehbooba Mufti, her daughter, Iltaja Mufti, said, “Suddenly, there is heightened
security and surveillance in the Valley. Clearly this is being done to ensure that
anger and frustration felt by people here remain hidden.”
While the BJP regime was cheering for slashing Article 370 from the Indian
constitution, the seasoned Indian politician, Shivshankar Menon, former National
Security Advisor and former Foreign Secretary raised his voice to refute the false
claims of Hindutva radicals, when he wrote that “The withdrawal of special
status of [Indian Illegally Occupied] Jammu and Kashmir under Article 370 of the
Constitution had led to India being isolated from the international community,
even by its traditional allies. There has been no meaningful international support,
apart from a few committed members of the diaspora and a ragtag bunch of Euro
MPs from the extreme right. We seem to know that we are isolated.”
IIOJK is the least reported conflict of the world as BJP government has literally
imposed virtual siege on this conflict-ridden region. After creating an information
vacuum, BJP bridges it with false information, baseless propaganda, and fake
stories to create the desired misperception about the conflict and their war
crimes. As a result, in the World Press Freedom Index 2022, India’s ranking
dropped to 150th from 142nd in 2021. However, the international community
needs to break the information barriers and reach out to these children of a
lesser god, the poor Kashmiris. Rana Ayyub, the award winning courageous
Indian Muslim journalist, aptly cautioned, “Do not compare this self-quarantine
(during COVID-19) with Kashmir. An entire population was locked down against
its consent, thousands detained, deprived of the basic humanity.” Another
journalist and novelist, Mirza Waheed, highlighted the plight of Kashmiris and
wrote, “Mass arrests, Gestapo-style surveillance, torture, suppression of free
assembly, crushing of Kashmiri press, decimation of local economy, longest
internet shutdown ever imposed by a democracy, crippling of education system,
incarceration of thousands of young people, unprecedented criminalization of
speech, and gagging of Kashmir’s civil society. It all serves to remove Kashmiri
agency.”
Modi’s India has no appetite to create space for critical thinking and alternate
discourse. Indian politicians, scholars, and professionals who dare to disagree
with the popular narrative constructed by BJP face the wrath of Hindu radicals,
BJP supporters, and government machinery. Their careers come to an end and
their socio-political space is eliminated. Having an alternate critical thought is
equivalent to being a traitor as independent thinking has been considered a sin
and convenient lies are preferred over inconvenient truths.
Islamophobia has been used as a strategic weapon by the BJP regime to not only
push Hindutva policies, but to also delegitimize the Kashmiri freedom struggle by
equating it with the false rhetoric of “Islamic terrorism.” The criticism on Modi’s
Kashmir policy could not get air time in Indian media due to strict media control
by the BJP regime. A great South Asian scholar, Mr. A. G. Noorani aptly pointed
out that “The measures unleashed by Modi’s BJP government on August 5 are
designed to go beyond the wreck of Kashmiri autonomy. They are aimed at
destroying the territory itself. The legal mechanics, crippling as they are, were
imposed after the Valley was sanitized by army and paramilitary. Kashmir’s
police were disarmed. This itself is a tribute to the rebellious spirit of the people
of Kashmir.”
The hatred-driven, majoritarian Kashmir policy of Modi regime led the pro-India
politician from IIOJK, Mr. Omar Abdullah, to say that “One year later, what has
changed? Are people alienated, feeling any less so? Is violence any less? Has
investment suddenly started flowing in? Is corruption any less and is governance
any better? Has there been a reverse exodus of the Kashmiri Pandits?” Modi is
not losing Kashmir, but he has already lost it. This is the outcome of the
strategic culture where politics of hatred supersedes humanity and love for
power undermines the power of love, where peace is synonymous to weakness
and balance of power is a symbol of incompetence.